1. Examples of a wide range of North Indian systems are presented in Karve (1968), Berreman (1963), Dumont (1962), Vatuk (1969), and Fruzzetti and Östör (1976).

2. As Gérard Toffin (1975 a ) has remarked, almost all of the terms used to designate Newar kin categories are of North Indian origin, and have cognates in Nepali and/or in other North Indian Sanskritic languages. A few terms (he is following Benedict [1941] here) seem to be of Tibeto-Burman origin, and some others having no obvious connection with either Tibeto-Burman or North Indian vocabulary may be taken to be of local origin. Benedict lists as terms of Tibeto-Burman origin: ma for Mother, ba for Father, ni for Father's Sister, ta for Older Sister, and a somewhat dubious term, ca , for Son. Assuming this list to be exhaustive, Toffin is left with some residual terms, paju, kae , and chui , among others, which he takes to be of local origin. Toffin observes that the terms of non-North Indian origin are found only among the Newar terms for consanguineal kin.

3. We follow here the presentation of kinship categories used for other North Indian systems by Vatuk (1969) and Fruzzetti and Östör (1976).

4. The following conventional abbreviations will be used here: F, father; M, mother; B, brother; Z, sister; S, son; D, daugther; H, husband; W, wife; y, younger; and e, elder. Thus, FeBW stands for "Father's elder Brother's Wife.

5. Newar usage permits the distinction of focal kin from extended kin in ambiguous contexts by terms such as "true brother", etc. in distinction to a " phuki brother," or a " tha:thiti brother," etc.

6. We follow here the convention of using capitalized English kinship terms as approximate glosses for the Newari terms whose extent and boundaries usually differ from those English terms.

7. The term bajya is used in some other Newari dialects and in Nepali.

8. In some North Indian systems FF and MF have different terms of reference; in others they have, as in Newari, the same term of reference.

9. Tapa : (or Tapa : in some Newari dialects) means "distant."

10. For some speakers aya: aja is not used, and members of this generation are included with group 1d. Nepali (1965, 263) cites an "archaic term" for aya: aja , " iya aja ." The source he gives, Wright ([1877] 1972), seems misattributed.

11. The term bajye (cognate with the Nepali term bajei ) is used in some Newari dialects.

12. Referents MM and FM have separate terms in some other North Indian systems.

13. Mother's Husband other than Abwa , ego's presumptive biological father, is referred to and addressed as bwaju. Ju is an honorific particle.

14. Terms deriving from ta- , large, and ci- and ca -, small, are generally used in Newar kinship terminology to designate older and younger. The terms have many variants. Father's elder Brother may, for example, be referred to as tharhibwa, tarhiba, taribwa, dhwabwa (from another root), etc. In some forms the particle mha , or "person," can be incorporated into the term, giving tarhimhaabwa , tarhikamhaabwa , etc.

15. In Bhaktapur the wide extension of these terms to a large class of male kin of the generation senior to ego does not include Father's Sister's Husband, jica paju (see item 4, below, this list), who is classified as -bwa in some other Newar communities. In contrast to most other North Indian systems, but like Nepali, Mother's Sister's Husband is included under this term and thus classified as a -bwa . This is reflected in further Newari extensions, MZHBW, for example, being classified with Father's Sister ( nini ) rather than with Mother's Sister as it is in some other North Indian systems such as Bengali.

16. The elder/younger differentiation of those male kin of the first ascending generation related through Father is based on their relative ages in relation to Father's age, those related through Mother are designated as ''elder" or "younger" in relation to Mother's age.

17. Father and his siblings may be referred to as ranked in an absolute (rather than relative) order using Nepali ordinals, such as jethabwa , "the eldest Father in my Father's household" or mahilabwa , the "next eldest." A similar ranking can be used for ego and his or her same-sex siblings, for ego's Mother and her Sisters, ego's Mother's Brothers, etc.

18. This term is a compound of jica , "bridegroom," implying men married to the out-marrying women of the phuki , and paju , whose genealogical referent is Mother's Brother. In some Newari dialects FZH is called bwa (Toffin 1975 a ). In some North Indian systems FZH is a masculine form of the term for FZ, and is thus not amalgamated terminologically to either FB or MB.

19. Mama is a homophone of the unrelated North Indian and Nepali term for Mother's Brother.

20. These terms are preceded by terms for older or younger: tarima(n), tarhikhamha, cicarbi-ama(n) , etc. The qualification is based on whether the Father's Brother to whom alter is married is older or younger than Father.

21. As Toffin (1975 a ) has remarked, in contrast to other North Indian kinship systems the term maleju is not simply a feminine form of the term for Mother's Brother but an Independent term.

22. In some North Indian kinship systems one of the extensions of this term, MZHZ, is said to be grouped, as it is by Newars, with Father's Sister (e.g., in Uttar Pradesh [Vatuk 1969]). In other North Indian kinship systems it is said to be grouped with Mother's Sister (e.g., in Bengal [Fruzzetti and Östör 1976]).

23. This term is a compound of jica , "bridegroom," a man married to the out-marrying women of the phuki , and daju , a term for older Brother used also in Nepali

24. This term is a compound of jica and bhaju , a term of respect, usually used for an older or higher-status male. In some other Newari dialects jica bhaju is jilaja(n) .

25. Tata is used in some other Newari dialects and by some of the Chathariya in Bhaktapur.

26. From Tata , "Elder Sister," plus -ju , an honorific suffix.

27. People who are junior to ego are often referred to or addressed by their given names without any qualifying kin term. People senior to ego are sometimes referred to or addressed by their given names plus their kin term (e.g., Kamela ta:ju ) when it is necessary to differentiate them from other kin in the same category.

28. Variants include bhaumaca, bhaumasta , and bhamaca . The latter term is usually used to refer to or address a new wife in the household.

29. This term is a compound of kae , Son, plus the diminutive particle -ca .

30. The use of the terms kaeca, mhyaeca^{[ *]} , and bhe(n)ca involve significant differences from other North Indian systems, including Nepali. See Bhe(n)ca (item 18, below).

31. This term is a compound of mhyae plus the diminutive particle -ca .

32. The term bhi(n)ca is used in some other Newar dialects.

33. Bhe(n)ca is the reciprocal term and relation to paju and nini . The discriminations made by the terms kaeca , mhyaca , and bhe(n)ca among children of ego's cross-sex and same-sex siblings is not made m most of the other North Indian systems in the sources we have listed. The other systems make a distinction between Brother's Children and Sister's Children which is independent of the sex of ego. Thus in Bihari (Karve 1968) for either a male or female speaker a Brother's Son is Bhatija , a Brother's Daughter is Bhatiji , a Sister's Son is Bhanja , and a Sister's Daughter is Bhanji While the Newar terms emphasize the cross-sex relationship, the North Indian terms emphasize patrilineal versus nonpatrilineal (feminal) links. In both systems, however, the nonemphasized aspect is made clear through knowledge of the sex of the speaker.

34. In some other Newari dialects this is Bha:ta . Occasionally in farming and lower thar s mija(n) , "man," is used for Husband rather than bha:ta .

36. This must be differentiated from the term for Husband, bha:ta .

37. There are some minor alterations in a few kinship terms when combined with sasa or bhata . Thus HeB, who is ara for Husband, becomes dara bhata . Wife's elder Brother, who is referred to as ara by the Wife, is sasa daju . Certain secondary forms of kinship terms are sometimes conventionally used as primary forms for some of the affinal terms.

38. Toffin (1975 a ) discusses this compound term, jica paju , at some length. It "opens a breech in the North Indian or Nepalese system in which a person cannot be at the same time a consanguineal and affinal relation; [the term] reflects a rule of marriage with a double cross-cousin" (ibid., 144). Note that the Pahari system of Sikanda also uses a single term, mama , (elsewhere restricted to Mother's Brother) for both Mother's Brother and Father's Sister's Husband (Berreman 1968, 413).