1. On the condition of the French nobility at the beginning of the thirteenth century, see Georges Duby, "Situation de la noblesse de France au début du XIIIe siècle," in Hommes et structures du moyen âge (Paris,1973)

pp. 343-352; and the English translation, ''The Transformation of the Aristocracy: France at the Beginning of the Thirteenth Century," in The Chivalrous Society , trans. Cynthia Poston (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1977), pp. 178-185. Also useful for the social and political history of the period is the collection of articles based on a colloquium organized on the occasion of the eight hundredth anniversary of Philip Augustus's accession to the throne, La France de Philippe Auguste: le temps des mutations , ed. R.-H. Bautier (Paris, 1982).

2. Malcolm Parkes, "The Literacy of the Laity," in The Medieval World , ed. David Daiches and Anthony Thorlby (Literature and Western Civilization) (London, 1973), p. 555. See also my "Forging the Past: The Language of Historical Truth in the Middle Ages," History Teacher 17 (1984): 267-288.

3. This version has been edited by Ian Short, The Anglo-Norman Pseudo-Turpin Chronicle of William of Briane , Anglo-Norman Text Society, 25 (Oxford, 1973). See also his "A Note on the Pseudo-Turpin Translations of Nicolas of Senlis and William of Briane," Zeitschrift für romanische Philologie 86 (1970): 525-532. Short believes that Briane translated directly from a Latin source; André de Mandach, however, disagrees in "Réponse à M. Ian Short," Zeitschrift für romanische Philologie 86 (1970): 533-537.

4. Theodor Auracher published an edition of Nicolas's text based on the Paris MSS. in Die sogenannte Poitevinische Übersetzung des Pseudo-Turpin (Halle, 1877).

5. Ian Short found a reference to a Johannes, chaplain to Renaud of Boulogne, in the Rotuli litterarum clausarum , ed. Thomas Duffus Hardy (London, 1833), p. 153, for the year 1213; see Short, Anglo-Norman Pseudo-Turpin Chronicle , p. 7; and Ronald N. Walpole, The Old French Johannes Translation of the Pseudo-Turpin Chronicle: A Critical Edition (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1976), 1:95.

6. An edition of Michel of Harnes's copy was edited by A. Demarquette in Précis historique sur la maison de Harnes de 963 à 1230 suivi d'une version romane attribué à Michel de Harnes de la Chronique de Faux Turpin (Douai, 1856).

7. B.N. fr. 2168, fol. 156v. This copy is written in Picard, doubtless William of Cayeux's own dialect (Cayeux is near Abbeville in Ponthieu). See Ronald N. Walpole, "Charlemagne's Journey to the East: The French Translation of the Legend by Pierre de Beauvais," University of California Publications in Semitic Philology 11 (1951): 440-443.

8. This version is characteristically represented by B.N. fr. 1850, first published by Frederick Wulff, La chronique dite Turpin (Lund, 1881); it was subsequently renamed "Turpin I" by Walpole, who has provided a critical edition based on all the extant manuscripts, together with a summary of the various recensions, in Le Turpin franais dit le Turpin I (Tor-

onto, 1985). Additional versions of the Pseudo-Turpin in vernacular dialects were produced later in the thirteenth century. See chapter 2.

9. On the Anonymous of Béthune and the two histories he composed for Robert of Béthune, see below.

10. Ronald N. Walpole, ed., An Anonymous Old French Translation of the Pseudo-Turpin Chronicle: A Critical Edition of the Text Contained in Bibliothèque Nationale MSS fr. 2137 and 17203 and Incorporated by Philippe Mouskés in His Chronique Rimée , Medieval Academy of America, 89 (Cambridge, Mass., 1979).

11. This text remains unedited. The base manuscript of the first recension is B.N. fr. 20125. The Histoire ancienne was among the most popular medieval historical works and is preserved in some fifty-nine manuscripts, forty-seven of which belong to the first recension. On the manuscript tradition, see Brian Woledge, Bibliographie des romans et nouvelles en prose franaise antérieur à 1500: supplément 1954-1973 , Publications Romanes et Françaises, 130 (Geneva, 1975). Although unpublished, the Histoire ancienne has been the object of considerable study, beginning with Paul Meyer, "Les premieres compilations françaises d'histoire ancienne," Romania 14 (1885): 1-81. Especially useful are the studies by Guy Raynaud de Lage, "L' 'Histoire ancienne jusquà César' et les 'Faits des Romains,' " Le moyen âge , 4th ser., 4 (1949): 5-16; idem, "Les romans antiques dans 'L'histoire ancienne jusqu'à César,' '' Le moyen âge , 4th ser., 12 (1957): 267-309; idem, "Les romans antiques et la representation de l'antiquité," in Les premiers romans français , Publications Romanes et Françaises, 138 (Geneva, 1976), pp. 127-159; idem, "L'histoire ancienne," in Dictionnaire des lettres françaises , vol. 1: Le moyen âge (Paris, 1964), pp. 377-378. A detailed study of the Macedonian section and its sources is provided by D.J.A. Ross, "The History of Macedon in the 'Histoire ancienne jusqu'à César': Sources and Compositional Method," Classica et mediaevalia 24 (1963): 181-231. Meyer sought to identify the clerical author of the Histoire ancienne with Wauchier de Denain (see his "Wauchier de Denain," Romania 32 [1903]: 583-586), in which opinion he was joined by Ferdinand Lot ("Compte-rendu de J. Frappier: Etude sur la 'Mort le Roi Artu,' "Romania 64 [1938]: 111-122), but the reasoning behind this attribution remains unconvincing to most students of the text.

12. E Settegast, ed., Li hystore de Julius César: eine altfranzösische Erzählung in Prosa von Jehan de Tuim (Halle, 1881). For an interesting discussion of Jean de Thuin, see J. Frappier, "La peinture de la vie et des héros antiques dans la littérature franaise du XIIe et du XIIIe siècle," in Histoire, mythes et symboles: études de littérature française , Publications Romanes et Françaises, 137 (Geneva, 1976), pp. 21-54.

13. L.-E Flutre and K. Sneyders de Vogel, eds., Li fet des Romains: compilé ensemble de Saluste et de Suetoine et de Lucan , 2 vols. (Paris, 1937-1938). On the manuscript and textual tradition, see L.-F. Flutre, Les

manuscrits des Faits des Romains (Paris, 1932); and idem, Li Faits des Ro-mains dans les littératures franaise et italienne du XIIIe au XIVe siècle (Paris, 1933). The dating of the work to 1211-1214 is discussed by K. Sneyders de Vogel, "La date de la composition des Faits des Romains," Neophilologus 17 (1932): 213-214, 271. Among the many studies of this history the most comprehensive is that of Jeanette M. A. Beer, A Medieval Caesar , Etudes de Philologie et d'Histoire, 30 (Geneva, 1976). See also Mireille Schmidt-Chazan, "Les traductions de la 'Guerre des Gaules' et le sentiment national au moyen âge," Annales de Bretagne et des pays de l'ouest 87 (1980): 387-407; and Paul Meyer, "Les premieres compilations d'histoire ancienne," 1-32. On the public for ancient history and on the later use of the Faits des Romains , see Jacques Monfrin, ''Les traducteurs et leur public en France au moyen âge," in L'humanisme médiéval dans les littératures romanes du XIIe au XIVe siècle , ed. A. Fourrier (Paris, 1964), pp. 247-262; Bernard Guenée, "La culture historique des nobles: le succès des Faits des Romains (XIIIe-XVe siècles)," in La noblesse au moyen âge , ed. Philippe Contamine (Paris, 1976), pp. 261-288; and Robert Bossuat, "Traductions françaises des Commentaires de César à la fin du XVe siàcle," Bibliothàque d'humanisme et Renaissance 3 (1943): 253-411.

14. The first mention of the Chantilly manuscript appeared in a review article by Ronald N. Walpole, "La traduction du Pseudo-Turpin du Manuscrit Vatican Regina 624: à propos d'un livre récent," Romania 99 (1978): 484-514. While engaged in a search for manuscripts of the vernacular Turpin , Professor Walpole noticed that the version of Turpin contained in Chantilly MS. 869, closely resembled one published in 1976 by Claude Buridant ( La traduction du Pseudo-Turpin du Manuscrit Vatican Regina 624 , Publications Romanes et Franaises, 142 [Geneva, 1976]) from a thirteenth-century manuscript preserved at the Vatican. He suggested that perhaps the Chantilly exemplar was a second copy of the text as a whole, although his own observations were confined to the section on Pseudo-Turpin , a new edition of which he later published as Turpin I . The existence of the Vatican manuscript was first noted by Elie Berger in 1879 ("Notice sur divers manuscrits de la Bibliothèque Vaticane," Bibliothèque des Ecoles Françaises d'Athènes et de Rome 6 [1879]: 10), but it was not until Pierre Botineau undertook a complete study of it that its importance as one of the earliest histories of France in Old French was appreciated; see his "L'histoire de France en français de Charlemagne à Philippe-Auguste: la compilation du MS. 624 du fonds de la reine à la Bibliothèque Vaticane," Romania 90 (1969): 79-99. Unfortunately, both Buridant and Botineau were unaware of the existence of the second and more complete version of the text at Chantilly. Walpole's suggestion that MS. 869 might be a second copy of the chronicle is confirmed by an examination of the work as a whole. For a full description of both manuscripts, see Ronald N.

Walpole, "Prolégomènes à une édition du Turpin franais dit le Turpin I," Revue d'histoire des textes 10 (1980): 199-230; 11 (1981): 325-370.

15. The only complete manuscript version of the Chronique des rois de France is B.N. nouv. acq. fr. 6295. On the Anonymous of Béthune, see Léopold Delisle, "Notice sur la chronique d'un anonyme de Béthune du temps de Philippe-Auguste," Notices et extraits des manuscrits 34, pt. 1 (1891): 365-380; Paul Meyer, "Notice sur le MS. II.6.24 de la Bibliothèque de Cambridge," Notices et extraits des manuscrits 32, pt. 2 (1888): 37-81; Charles Petit-Dutaillis, Etude sur la vie et le règne de Louis VIII (1894; reprint Paris, 1964), p. xx; idem, "Une nouvelle chronique du règne de Philippe-Auguste, l'Anonyme de Béthune," Revue historique 50 (1892): 63-71; Ronald N. Walpole, "L'Anonyme de Béthune," in Dictionnaire des lettres franaises , vol. 1: Le moyen âge (Paris, 1964), pp. 130-131; as well as his extremely thorough and useful discussion of the place of Turpin in the manuscript tradition of the Anonymous's work in ''Philip Mouskés and the Pseudo-Turpin Chronicle." The final, contemporary section of the Anonymous's Chronique is published by Léopold Delisle, ed., Chronique des rois de France de l'Anonyme de Béthune, Recueil des historiens des Gaules et de la France 24:750-775.

16. Anonymous of Béthune, Histoire des ducs de Normandie et des rois d'Angleterre , ed. Francisque Michel (Société de l'Histoire de France) (Paris, 1840).

17. Charles Petit-Dutaillis, "Fragment de l'histoire de Philippe-Auguste, roy de France: chronique en franais des années 1214-1216," Bibliothèque de l'Ecole des Chartes 87 (1926): 98-141; and Léopold Delisle, "Chronique française des rois de France par un anonyme de Bé-thune (Fragment de l'histoire de Philippe-Auguste)," Histoire littéraire de France 32 (1898): 219-234.

18. Les Grandes chroniques de France , ed. J. Viard, 10 vols. (Société de l'Histoire de France) (Paris, 1920-1953). On the Grandes chroniques , see Gabrielle M. Spiegel, The Chronicle Tradition of Saint-Denis: A Survey , Medieval Classics: Texts and Studies, 10 (Brookline, Mass., 1978), pp. 72-88.

19. Henry's return of Louis's horse and accoutrements is reported by Ordericus Vitalis, Ecclesiastical History , ed. and trans. Majorie Chibnall (Oxford, 1978), 6:240. Suger, who covers this event in his Vita Ludovici Grossi , ed. and trans. Henri Waquet (Les Classiques de l'Histoire de France au Moyen Age) (Paris, 1964), p. 198, acknowledges Louis's defeat but omits the humiliating details.

20. See John W. Baldwin, The Government of Philip Augustus: Foundations of French Royal Power in the Middle Ages (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1986), pp. 8-9.

21. Thus the famous story, reported by Suger ( Vita Ludovici Grossi , p. 38), of Philip I who, when finally taking the castle of Montlhéry under his

protection, warned his son Louis VI to keep it always in his possession, since the troubles it had fomented had made it impossible for the king to travel between Paris and Orléans without attack.

22. Baldwin, Government of Philip Augustus , p. 13.

23. ". . . Quanto melius pretiique majoris oppidum illud existeret, tanto carius idem, cure ad manus meas devolveretur, haberem" (Gerald of Wales, Liber de principis instructione , ed. George E Warner, in Rerum Britannicarum medii aevi scriptores [Rolls Series], 21 ⁸ , distinctio 3, chap. 25, p. 289). See also R.-H. Bautier, "Philippe Auguste: la personnalité du roi," in La France de Philippe Auguste , p. 35.

24. ". . . De quo rex Ludovicus, antequam natus esset, talem in somnis vidit visionem; videbatur ei quod Philippus filius suus tenebat calicem aureum in manu sua, plenum humano sanguine, de quo propinabat omnibus principibus suis, et omnes in eo bibebant" (Rigord, Gesta Philippi Augusti , in Oeuvres de Rigord et de Guillaume le Breton , ed. Henri-Franois Delaborde, vol. 1 [Société~ de l'Histoire de France] [Paris, 1882], p. 8).

25. Cf. the judgment of R.-H. Bautier: "Jamais à aucune époque de l'histoire de France, sinon au temps de Louis XI, la duplicité royale et l'absence totale de scrupules n'auront été poussées aussi loin" ("Philippe Auguste," p. 45).

26. Gastinel's comments come in the midst of a portrait of Philip Augustus that he presents at the close of his account of the king's reign; Chronicon Sancti Martini Turonensis , ed. M. Brial, in Recueil des historiens des Gaules et de la France 18:304. Cf. R.-H. Bautier," Philippe Auguste," p. 35.

27. Chronicon Turonensis , p. 304.

28. Chronique des rois de France , p. 764.

29. See Eric Bournazel, Le gouvernement capétien au XIIe siècle, 1108-1180: structures sociales et mutations institutionnelles (Paris, 1975), chaps. 3 and 4.

30. Ibid., pp. 151ff. Cf. Baldwin, Government of Philip Augustus , p. 124.

29. See Eric Bournazel, Le gouvernement capétien au XIIe siècle, 1108-1180: structures sociales et mutations institutionnelles (Paris, 1975), chaps. 3 and 4.

30. Ibid., pp. 151ff. Cf. Baldwin, Government of Philip Augustus , p. 124.

31. Baldwin, Government of Philip Augustus , p. 260.

32. "Car ices troys en qui il croyoit moult il souloit prandre son conseil et descouvrir son cueur de ce qu'il vouloit faire" (Chantilly MS. 869, fol. 378v). "Ceulx qui tousiours est [sic] avec le roy en guerres, en batailles, et en ostelz et en palais, et ne souloit guieres aler nulle part sans eulx. Car ceulx pour voir souloient estre et aler avec lui plus continuellement que nul autre et lui aidoient et de conseil et de chevalerie et de quant que chacun d'eulx povoit" (ibid., fol. 385r).

33. Baldwin, Government of Philip Augustus , pp. 262-263.

34. E. Bournazel and J.-P Poly, "Couronne et mouvance: institutions et representations mentales," in La France de Philippe Auguste , p. 225.

35. Cited in Baldwin, Government of Philip Augustus , p. 261.

36. The first writer to articulate this principle was Suger, who, in the De Rebus in Administratione sua Gestis , claimed that King Philip I of France would have done homage to the Abbey of Saint-Denis for the lands of the Vexin, which he held in fief from the abbot si non rex esset (if he were not king); in Oeuvres completes de Suger , ed. A. Lecoy de la Marche (Paris, 1867), p. 162. For an explanation of Suger's reasoning, see Gabrielle M. Spiegel, "History as Enlightenment: Suger and the Mos Anagogicus, " in Abbot Suger and Saint-Denis: A Symposium , ed. Paula L. Gerson (New York, 1986), pp. 17-27. For the development of the idea of royal suzerainty between the time of Suger and that of Philip Augustus, see Jean-Franois Lemarignier, La France médiévale: institutions et sociétés (Paris, 1970), pp. 256ff.

37. Scripta de Feodis ad Regem Spectantibus et de Militibus ad Exercitum Vocandis , ed. L. Delisle, N. de Wailly, and Jourdain, in Recueil des historiens des Gaules et de la France 23:605-723. Cf. Gérard Sivéry, "La description du royaume de France par les conseillers de Philippe-Auguste et par leurs successeurs," Le moyen âge , 4th ser., 39 (1984): 81.

38. Charles Petit-Dutaillis, Le déshéritement de lean Sans Terre et le meurtre d'Arthut de Bretagne: étude critique sur la formation et la fortune d'une légende (Paris, 1925).

39. Philippe Contamine, "L'armée de Philippe Auguste," in La France de Philippe Auguste , p. 586-587.

40. See Georges Duby, Le dimanche de Bouvines (Paris, 1973), p. 104.

41. Georges Duby, "Les transformations sociales dans le milieu aristocratique," in La France de Philippe Auguste , p. 712.

42. Thus the famous complaint by Suger that, whereas William Rufus was rich and prodigal, a "wonderful paymaster of soldiers and expert in hiring them" ( mirabilisque militum mercator et solidatur ), the young Louis VI was forced to rely on sheer prowess and personal energy in cornbatting his wealthy rival; see Suger, Vita Ludovici Grossi , p. 8.

43. Baldwin, Government of Philip Augustus , p. 168.

44. Contamine, "Armée de Philippe Auguste," p. 584.

45. Guillaume le Breton, Philippide , in Oeuvres de Rigord et de Guillaume le Breton , vol. 2, chant. XI, v. 85, p. 321. Cf. Contamine, "Armée de Philippe Auguste," p. 585.

46. For a general discussion of this topic, see Gérard Sivéry, L'économie du royaume de France au siécle de Saint Louis (vets 1180—vets 1315) (Lille, 1984); and Robert Fossier, La terre et les hommes en Picardie jusqu'à la fin du XIIIe siècle , 2 vols. (Louvain, 1968).

47. Sivéry, Economie du royaume , chap. 3: "L'économie rurale et les prix," passim.

48. Ibid., p. 109.

49. Ibid., p. 20.

47. Sivéry, Economie du royaume , chap. 3: "L'économie rurale et les prix," passim.

48. Ibid., p. 109.

49. Ibid., p. 20.

47. Sivéry, Economie du royaume , chap. 3: "L'économie rurale et les prix," passim.

48. Ibid., p. 109.

49. Ibid., p. 20.

50. Fossier, Terre et hommes , pp. 607-608.

51. Ibid., pp. 609-610.

50. Fossier, Terre et hommes , pp. 607-608.

51. Ibid., pp. 609-610.

52. Duby, "Transformation of the Aristocracy," p. 184.

53. Fossier, Terre et hommes , p. 610.

54. See Sivéry, Economie du royaume , p. 128.

55. Fossier, Terre et hommes , p. 620.

56. Duby, "Transformation of the Aristocracy," p. 183.

57. Sivéry, Economie du royaume , p. 265.

58. Ibid., pp. 55, 266.

59. Ibid., p. 59.

60. Ibid., p. 25.

61. Ibid., p. -266.

62. Ibid., p. 301.

63. Ibid., pp. 52-53.

64. Ibid., p. 299.

65. Ibid., pp. 96-97.

57. Sivéry, Economie du royaume , p. 265.

58. Ibid., pp. 55, 266.

59. Ibid., p. 59.

60. Ibid., p. 25.

61. Ibid., p. -266.

62. Ibid., p. 301.

63. Ibid., pp. 52-53.

64. Ibid., p. 299.

65. Ibid., pp. 96-97.

57. Sivéry, Economie du royaume , p. 265.

58. Ibid., pp. 55, 266.

59. Ibid., p. 59.

60. Ibid., p. 25.

61. Ibid., p. -266.

62. Ibid., p. 301.

63. Ibid., pp. 52-53.

64. Ibid., p. 299.

65. Ibid., pp. 96-97.

57. Sivéry, Economie du royaume , p. 265.

58. Ibid., pp. 55, 266.

59. Ibid., p. 59.

60. Ibid., p. 25.

61. Ibid., p. -266.

62. Ibid., p. 301.

63. Ibid., pp. 52-53.

64. Ibid., p. 299.

65. Ibid., pp. 96-97.

57. Sivéry, Economie du royaume , p. 265.

58. Ibid., pp. 55, 266.

59. Ibid., p. 59.

60. Ibid., p. 25.

61. Ibid., p. -266.

62. Ibid., p. 301.

63. Ibid., pp. 52-53.

64. Ibid., p. 299.

65. Ibid., pp. 96-97.

57. Sivéry, Economie du royaume , p. 265.

58. Ibid., pp. 55, 266.

59. Ibid., p. 59.

60. Ibid., p. 25.

61. Ibid., p. -266.

62. Ibid., p. 301.

63. Ibid., pp. 52-53.

64. Ibid., p. 299.

65. Ibid., pp. 96-97.

57. Sivéry, Economie du royaume , p. 265.

58. Ibid., pp. 55, 266.

59. Ibid., p. 59.

60. Ibid., p. 25.

61. Ibid., p. -266.

62. Ibid., p. 301.

63. Ibid., pp. 52-53.

64. Ibid., p. 299.

65. Ibid., pp. 96-97.

57. Sivéry, Economie du royaume , p. 265.

58. Ibid., pp. 55, 266.

59. Ibid., p. 59.

60. Ibid., p. 25.

61. Ibid., p. -266.

62. Ibid., p. 301.

63. Ibid., pp. 52-53.

64. Ibid., p. 299.

65. Ibid., pp. 96-97.

57. Sivéry, Economie du royaume , p. 265.

58. Ibid., pp. 55, 266.

59. Ibid., p. 59.

60. Ibid., p. 25.

61. Ibid., p. -266.

62. Ibid., p. 301.

63. Ibid., pp. 52-53.

64. Ibid., p. 299.

65. Ibid., pp. 96-97.

66. Fossier places particular emphasis on the rise in salaries, which he believes so added to the expenses of rural cultivation that, more than anything else, it compromised a seigneurial lord's efforts to reestablish the equilibrium of his enterprise on the basis of a continuation of ancient domainal practices; see Terre et hommes , p. 607.

67. Sivéry, Economie du royaume , p. 132.

68. Ibid., p. 129; Fossier, Terre et hommes , p. 580.

67. Sivéry, Economie du royaume , p. 132.

68. Ibid., p. 129; Fossier, Terre et hommes , p. 580.

69. Attempts to compensate for falling returns from perpetual cens by the commutation of corvées or a rise in the rate of cens in cases where a change of tenants permitted reevaluation brought Flemish lords only meager cash supplements. Greater gains could be made from terrages , rents taken in kind instead of specie, since their ultimate value reflected market fluctuations; but terrages operated principally on newly cleared land rather than the old seigneurial estates. The most successful response to the progressive decline in the value of the cens and related seigneurial revenues was to introduce the new system of short-term leases, or fermages , which allowed proprietors to revalue rents every three, six, nine, twelve, or eighteen years (see Sivéry, Economie du royaume , p. 21). But here again, it was generally churches or parvenus, newly installed on landed estates, who benefited from this development, not the nobility, whose seigneuries were structured in accordance with traditional patterns and whose exactions were limited by custom.

70. H. E. Warlop, The Flemish Nobility Before 1300 , 4 vols. (Kortrijk, 1975-1976), 1:281.

71. P. Feuchère, "La noblesse du nord de la France," Annales: écono-mies, sociétés, civilisations 6 (1951): 312n.3.

72. August Potthast, Regesta Pontificum Romanorum , vol. 1 (Graz, 1957), no. 8160, p. 703.

73. Ibid., no. 8716, p. 748. The pope, acting on behalf of the house of Béthune, instructed the appropriate ecclesiastical dignitaries to take action against the usurers to compel them to return that which they held unlawfully and, if necessary, to threaten them with the full weight of the penalties imposed for usury by the Lateran council. Ibid., no. 8819, p. 757.

72. August Potthast, Regesta Pontificum Romanorum , vol. 1 (Graz, 1957), no. 8160, p. 703.

73. Ibid., no. 8716, p. 748. The pope, acting on behalf of the house of Béthune, instructed the appropriate ecclesiastical dignitaries to take action against the usurers to compel them to return that which they held unlawfully and, if necessary, to threaten them with the full weight of the penalties imposed for usury by the Lateran council. Ibid., no. 8819, p. 757.

74. Warlop, Flemish Nobility 1:282.

75. Ibid.

76. Ibid.

77. Ibid., 2:529n.308.

78. Ibid., 1:292.

74. Warlop, Flemish Nobility 1:282.

75. Ibid.

76. Ibid.

77. Ibid., 2:529n.308.

78. Ibid., 1:292.

74. Warlop, Flemish Nobility 1:282.

75. Ibid.

76. Ibid.

77. Ibid., 2:529n.308.

78. Ibid., 1:292.

74. Warlop, Flemish Nobility 1:282.

75. Ibid.

76. Ibid.

77. Ibid., 2:529n.308.

78. Ibid., 1:292.

74. Warlop, Flemish Nobility 1:282.

75. Ibid.

76. Ibid.

77. Ibid., 2:529n.308.

78. Ibid., 1:292.

79. Henri Pirenne, Histoire de Belgique , vol. 1 (Brussels, 1921), p. 144.

80. Chrétien de Troyes, Le roman de Percevat (ou le conte du Graal) , ed. William Roach (Geneva, 1956), p. 1 (prologue, lines 11-15). On patronage at the court of Flanders under Philippe of Alsace generally, see Mary D. Stanger, "Literary Patronage at the Medieval Court of Flanders," French Studies 11 (1957): 214-229.

81. Genealogiae Comitum Flandriae continuatio Claromariscensis Flandriae generosa , ed. L. C. Bethmann, in Monumenta Germaniae historica, Scriptores 9:327 [hereafter cited as Flandria generosa ]. Like Pirenne, the author of the Flandria generosa considered the rule of Philippe of Alsace one of the most important in medieval Flemish history; this chronicler eulogized the count after his death as "nobilissimus omniurn qui fuerant ante ipsum in Flandria, divitiis et honoribus affluens, prudentia et potentia magnus, fervens in iustitia, fortis et probus ad arma, unique Machabeorum non inmerito comparandus" (p. 329).

82. Léon Louis Borrelli de Serres, La réunion des provinces septentrionales à la couronne par Philippe-Auguste Amiénois, Artois, Vermandois, Valois (Paris, 1899), pp. ix-xii.

83. Elizabeth of Vermandois's infidelity is reported in the Vita et gestis Henrici II et Ricardi, Angliae Regum of the so-called "Benedict" of Peter-borough (ed. T. Hearne, in Recueil des historiens des Gaules et de la France 13:163) and in Ralph of Diceto's Ymagines Historiarum (in Recueil des historiens des Gaules et de la France 13:198). Since the lovers were discovered the same year that Elizabeth made her grant to Count Philippe, Borrelli de Serres surmises that it was the price the count extracted for her transgression; see Réunion , p. xxvi, n. 2.

84. Louis's was clearly an act of confirmation, despite the tendency of some historians, following Guillaume le Breton, to treat the cession of Vermandois, Amiénois, and Valois as a direct grant from the king, as Borrelli de Serres makes abundantly clear ( Réunion , p. xxvi, n. 3).

85. Flandria generosa , p. 327.

86. Baldwin, Government of Philip Augustus , p. 6.

87. Cited in Pirenne, Histoire de Belgique , p. 145.

88. Borrelli de Serres, Réunion , p. xxiii.

89. In the Anonymous of Chantilly/Vatican's Chronique des rois de France , Philip Augustus is reported as proclaiming to Philippe of Alsace: "Ce que mon pere vous octroya à Rains h avoir et tenir par aucun temps ne vous puet pas garantir si brief temps que l'avez tenue. Et de ce que vous vantez que je l'ay confermé, je dy au contraire que nulle vigueur n'a d'estre tenue possession nulle qui est donnée d'enfant qui est en tutelle" (Chantilly MS. 869, fol. 334v). Cf. Guillaume le Breton, who in the Philippide (chant. II, lines 21-30, p. 41) pretended that Philippe of Alsace had no right to Elizabeth's lands:

Nullo jure, nisi quod rex ad tempus habenda

Hec eadem senior dederat Ludovicus eidem,

Et puer acta patris rex confirmaverat illi

De facili. Quid enim non impetrasset ab illo,

Cujus erat tutor, didascalus atque patrinus?

Rex super hoc semel ac iterum convenit eundem

Ut sibi restituat ea que spectare sciuntur

Ad fiscum proprie, nec regni jura minoret

Que debent magis augeri de jure per illum

Qui datus est doctor illi, custosque fidelis.

The claim that Vermandois et al. belonged to the royal domain is, of course, false, as is the notion that Philip Augustus was incompetent by reason of youth to issue legal enactments, also reported by Rigord ( Gesta Philippi Augusti , p. 41).

90. Rigord, Gesta Philippi Augusti , p. 40. Cf. Borrelli de Serres, Réunion , p. xxxii.

91. Rigord claims that the report concerning the harvest of Boves was told to him by canons of Amiens ( canonici Ambianenses ); see Gesta Philippi Augusti , p. 44.

92. Alexander Cartellieri, Philipp II. August, König yon Frankreich , vol. 1: 1165-1189 (Leipzig, 1899), pp. 126-129.

93. Philippe assigned Matilda the towns of Aire and Saint-Omer. See Thérèse de Hemptinne, "Aspects des relations de Philippe Auguste avec la Flandre au temps de Philippe d'Alsace," in La France de Philippe Auguste , p. 259n.23.

94. Baldwin, Government of Philip Augustus , p. 18.

95. This is surmised by Hemptinne, "Aspects des relations de Philippe Auguste avec la Flandre," p. 259.

96. Baldwin, Government of Philip Augustus , p. 18.

97. Borrelli de Serres, Réunion , pp. xxxviii—lx.

98. Baldwin, Government of Philip Augustus , p. 26.

99. Borrelli de Serres, Réunion , p. xl.

100. Philip's actions at this time indicate that such plans were afoot. As soon as Philippe of Alsace was safely buried, the king announced that he would leave the Holy Land and return to France at the earliest possible

moment. Meanwhile, he wrote to the nobles and bourgeois of Péronne (and probably Saint-Quentin as well) to secure their oaths of fidelity in light of the count of Flanders's death and his own hereditary claim (Borelli de Serres, Réunion , p. lx.) He also instructed his mother, as regent, and his uncle, the archbishop of Reims, to occupy Artois in the name of his son, Prince Louis. And, in what is perhaps the most surprising move, best known to us from the account of Gislebert of Mons, chancellor to Baldwin V of Hainaut, Philip Augustus sent envoys to Paris with orders to invade Flanders. Gislebert, who heard the news of Philip's planned attack in Italy while traveling to Rome to enter into negotiations concerning a disputed election to the bishopric of Liège, quickly dispatched a messenger to Mons, who made such good speed that he overtook the royal envoys sent by Philip, affording Baldwin advance notice of the invasion. Gislebert reports that when his party had arrived at the town of Borgo-San-Donino: "rumores de morte comitis Flandrensis certos habuerunt. Dominus etenim rex Francorum a transmarinis partibus pro tota terra comitis Flandrie occupanda milites quosdam in detrimentum comitis Hanoniensis mittebat, scilicet Petrum de Maisnil et Robertum de Waurin, Hellini senescalci fratrem, et quosdam alios, quorum quidam in Ytalia mortui sunt; sed Petrus et Robertus in Franciam et Flandriam pervenerunt. Gislebertus autem clericus rumores illos comiti Hanoniensi domino suo per festinum cur-sorem significavit, ita quod comes Hanoniensis rumores illos octo diebus citius prescivit, quam Franci vel Flandrenses homines prescirent; quod quidem ei profuit. Comes enim sibi providit; ita quantotius rumores ad Francos et ad Flandrenses pervenerunt, ipse terram Flandrensem iure hereditario uxorem suam Margharetam comitissam contingentem occupavit" (in Chronicon Hanoniense , ed. Wilhelm Arndt, Monumenta Germaniae historica, Scriptores 11:574). On these events see also Pirenne, Histoire de Belgique , p. 147.

101. Baldwin, Government of Philip Augustus , p. 81.

102. See ibid., pp. 99-100, for the revenues from Vermandois et al.; pp. 247-248 for those of Normandy.

101. Baldwin, Government of Philip Augustus , p. 81.

102. See ibid., pp. 99-100, for the revenues from Vermandois et al.; pp. 247-248 for those of Normandy.

103. Borrelli de Serres, Réunion , p. xlvi.

104. Henri Malo, Un grand feudataire: Renaud de Dammartin et la coalition de Bouvines (Paris, 1898), p. 52.

105. Baldwin, Government of Philip Augustus , p. 91.

106. Ibid.

105. Baldwin, Government of Philip Augustus , p. 91.

106. Ibid.

107. Rigord's account of this breach emphasizes the disloyalty of Philip Augustus's vassals, especially Renaud, whom Philip had graciously confirmed in his possession of Boulogne, despite his forcible marriage to the heiress Ida; see Gesta Philippi Augusti , pp. 137-138.

108. Chronique des rois de France , p. 759.

109. Malo, Grand feudataire , p. 57.

110. Bautier, "Philippe Auguste," p. 39.

111. "... Dusque à Hesdin por aler destruire la terre del conte de Boloigne et la terre [dell conte de Saint Pol" ( Chronique des rois de France , p. 759).

112. Malo, Grand feudataire , p. 58.

113. Cartellieri, Philipp II. August 1:192.

114. Malo, Grand feudataire , pp. 61-62.

115. Forma Pacis facte apud Goleton inter Philippum regem Francorum et Joannem Angliae regem , ed. M. Brial, in Recueil des historiens des Gaules et de la France 17:53.

116. Baldwin, Government of Philip Augustus , p. 96.

117. Malo, Grand feudataire , p. 69.

118. Warlop, Flemish Nobility 1:264.

119. Gaston G. Dept, "Les influences anglaises et franaises dans le comté de Flandre au début du XIIIème siècle/' in Université de Gand, recueil de travaux publiés par la faculté de philosophie et lettres , 59 (Gand/ Ghent, 1928), p. 33.

120. Ibid., pp. 74-75.

119. Gaston G. Dept, "Les influences anglaises et franaises dans le comté de Flandre au début du XIIIème siècle/' in Université de Gand, recueil de travaux publiés par la faculté de philosophie et lettres , 59 (Gand/ Ghent, 1928), p. 33.

120. Ibid., pp. 74-75.

121. Roger of Wendover, Flores historiarum , ed. E Liebermann and R. Pauli, in Monumenta Germaniae historica, Scriptores 28:45.

122. Baldwin, Government of Philip Augustus , p. 276.

123. Ibid., p. 203.

122. Baldwin, Government of Philip Augustus , p. 276.

123. Ibid., p. 203.

124. In the opinion of Cartellieri; see Philipp II. August , vol. 4: 1199 - 1223 (Leipzig, 1922), p. 309.

125. T. Leuridan, Les chàtellains de Lille (Lille, 1873), p. 124.

126. Malo, Grand feudataire , p. 145; Baldwin, Government of Philip Augustus , p. 208. In return for his adherence to the English cause, John lavished territories upon the count of Boulogne, granting him the manors of Dunham, Kirketon, and Bampton in the county of Essex; Kirketon and Ridal in Lincolnshire; Norton and Ixning in Suffolk; and Wrestlingworth in Bedfordshire, with their rights and dependencies (see Rotuli litterarum clausarum , p. 116). In addition, for the other fiefs that Renaud claimed in England and Normandy, John promised him an annual rent of one thousand pounds for three years (Malo, Grand feudataire , p. 146).

127. Dept, "Influences anglaises et franaises," pp. 110-111.

128. Baldwin, Government of Philip Augustus , p. 275.

129. "Philippus ... quod nos dilecto et fideli hostro Michaeli de Harn ... damus sexaginta libras et decem solidos parisiensium, percipiendos annuatim in festo sancti Remigii in guionagio Perone, tenendos tam ab ipso quam heredibus ejus de uxore sua desponsata, de nobis et heredibus nostris, in feodo et hominagio" (J. Monicat and J. Boussard, eds., Recueil des acres de Philippe-Auguste , vol. 3 [Paris, 1966], no. 1245, p. 368). Michel of Harnes was, in fact, one of the mainstays of the French party, together with Jean de Nesles and Siger de Gand. But even Siger de Gand

attempted at this time to cross over to the English party, although he withdrew his efforts soon afterward. Both he and Jean de Nesles, castellan of Bruges, were chased from their lands in August 1213, and with their departure the French party in Flanders momentarily collapsed. See Dept, "Influences anglaises et franaises," p. 119.

130. Baldwin, Government of Philip Augustus , p. 209.

131. Ibid., p. 211.

130. Baldwin, Government of Philip Augustus , p. 209.

131. Ibid., p. 211.

132. See the letter close to Robert of Béthune in Rotuli litterarum clausarum , p. 133.

133. Baldwin, Government of Philip Augustus , p. 210.

134. Pirenne, Histoire de Belgique , p. 152.

135. The counts of Boulogne and Flanders, for example, ravaged the lands of Guines, settling old scores under the pretext that the count of Guines was allied with the French king; see Baldwin, Government of Philip Augustus , p. 213.

136. Warlop, Flemish Nobility 1:265.

137. Malo, Grand feudataire , p. 211.

138. Dept, "Influences anglaises et franaises," p. 141.

139. Pirenne, Histoire de Belgique , p. 154.

140. Baldwin, Government of Philip Augustus , p. 268.

141. Pirenne, Histoire de Belgique , p. 154.

142. See William C. Jordan, Louis IX and the Challenge of the Crusade (Princeton, 1979), chap. 3.

143. Gérard Sivéry, "L'enquête de 1247 et les dommages de guerre en Tournaisis, en Flandre gallicante et en Artois," Revue du nord 59 (1977): 10.

144. Ibid., p. 8.

145. Ibid., p. 9.

146. Ibid., p. 12.

147. Ibid.

148. Ibid., p. 16.

149. Ibid., p. 17.

150. Ibid., p. 11.

151. Ibid., p. 14.

152. Ibid., p. 12.

143. Gérard Sivéry, "L'enquête de 1247 et les dommages de guerre en Tournaisis, en Flandre gallicante et en Artois," Revue du nord 59 (1977): 10.

144. Ibid., p. 8.

145. Ibid., p. 9.

146. Ibid., p. 12.

147. Ibid.

148. Ibid., p. 16.

149. Ibid., p. 17.

150. Ibid., p. 11.

151. Ibid., p. 14.

152. Ibid., p. 12.

143. Gérard Sivéry, "L'enquête de 1247 et les dommages de guerre en Tournaisis, en Flandre gallicante et en Artois," Revue du nord 59 (1977): 10.

144. Ibid., p. 8.

145. Ibid., p. 9.

146. Ibid., p. 12.

147. Ibid.

148. Ibid., p. 16.

149. Ibid., p. 17.

150. Ibid., p. 11.

151. Ibid., p. 14.

152. Ibid., p. 12.

143. Gérard Sivéry, "L'enquête de 1247 et les dommages de guerre en Tournaisis, en Flandre gallicante et en Artois," Revue du nord 59 (1977): 10.

144. Ibid., p. 8.

145. Ibid., p. 9.

146. Ibid., p. 12.

147. Ibid.

148. Ibid., p. 16.

149. Ibid., p. 17.

150. Ibid., p. 11.

151. Ibid., p. 14.

152. Ibid., p. 12.

143. Gérard Sivéry, "L'enquête de 1247 et les dommages de guerre en Tournaisis, en Flandre gallicante et en Artois," Revue du nord 59 (1977): 10.

144. Ibid., p. 8.

145. Ibid., p. 9.

146. Ibid., p. 12.

147. Ibid.

148. Ibid., p. 16.

149. Ibid., p. 17.

150. Ibid., p. 11.

151. Ibid., p. 14.

152. Ibid., p. 12.

143. Gérard Sivéry, "L'enquête de 1247 et les dommages de guerre en Tournaisis, en Flandre gallicante et en Artois," Revue du nord 59 (1977): 10.

144. Ibid., p. 8.

145. Ibid., p. 9.

146. Ibid., p. 12.

147. Ibid.

148. Ibid., p. 16.

149. Ibid., p. 17.

150. Ibid., p. 11.

151. Ibid., p. 14.

152. Ibid., p. 12.

143. Gérard Sivéry, "L'enquête de 1247 et les dommages de guerre en Tournaisis, en Flandre gallicante et en Artois," Revue du nord 59 (1977): 10.

144. Ibid., p. 8.

145. Ibid., p. 9.

146. Ibid., p. 12.

147. Ibid.

148. Ibid., p. 16.

149. Ibid., p. 17.

150. Ibid., p. 11.

151. Ibid., p. 14.

152. Ibid., p. 12.

143. Gérard Sivéry, "L'enquête de 1247 et les dommages de guerre en Tournaisis, en Flandre gallicante et en Artois," Revue du nord 59 (1977): 10.

144. Ibid., p. 8.

145. Ibid., p. 9.

146. Ibid., p. 12.

147. Ibid.

148. Ibid., p. 16.

149. Ibid., p. 17.

150. Ibid., p. 11.

151. Ibid., p. 14.

152. Ibid., p. 12.

143. Gérard Sivéry, "L'enquête de 1247 et les dommages de guerre en Tournaisis, en Flandre gallicante et en Artois," Revue du nord 59 (1977): 10.

144. Ibid., p. 8.

145. Ibid., p. 9.

146. Ibid., p. 12.

147. Ibid.

148. Ibid., p. 16.

149. Ibid., p. 17.

150. Ibid., p. 11.

151. Ibid., p. 14.

152. Ibid., p. 12.

143. Gérard Sivéry, "L'enquête de 1247 et les dommages de guerre en Tournaisis, en Flandre gallicante et en Artois," Revue du nord 59 (1977): 10.

144. Ibid., p. 8.

145. Ibid., p. 9.

146. Ibid., p. 12.

147. Ibid.

148. Ibid., p. 16.

149. Ibid., p. 17.

150. Ibid., p. 11.

151. Ibid., p. 14.

152. Ibid., p. 12.

153. Dept, "Influences anglaises et franéaises," p. 150.

154. Ibid., p. 151.

153. Dept, "Influences anglaises et franéaises," p. 150.

154. Ibid., p. 151.

155. " . . . Optamus rogantes quatenus, pro loco et tempore, nobis in auxilio et consilio velitis assistere contra ipsum, qui parati sumus manum auxiliarem vobis pro viribus extendere" (Thomas Rymer, ed., Foedera , vol. 1 [London, 1727], p. 277).

156. Dept, "Influences anglaises et franaises," p. 149.

157. Ibid., p. 154.

156. Dept, "Influences anglaises et franaises," p. 149.

157. Ibid., p. 154.