1. See Maruyama, "Kindai Nihon ni okeru shisoshiteki hoho * no keisei," in Seiji shiso * ni okeru Seiyo * to Nihon: Nanbara Shigeru sensei koki kinen , ed. Fukuda Kan'ichi (Tokyo: Tokyo Daigaku Shuppankai, 1961), 2:265-90.

2. Makoto Itoh, Value and Crisis: Essays on Marxian Economics in Japan (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1980), 13.

3. See Ishida Takeshi, Meiji seiji shisoshi kenkyu * (Tokyo: Miraisha, 1966), pt. 1; Joseph Pittau, Political Thought in Early Meiji Japan, 1868-1889 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1967; Fujita Shozo * , Tennosei * kokka no shihai genri , 2d ed. (Tokyo: Miraisha, 1979), discusses the contradiction that surfaced between family and individual, and between family and family-state, under conditions of depression and total war. In this sense, his work is a discussion of the process of "deracination" in Japan.

4. Pittau, Political Thought , 11-17.

5. See the relevant entries in Morohashi Tetsuji, Dai kanwa jiten (Tokyo: Taishukan Shoten * , 1955-60), 2: 1108-27.

6. See B. Schwartz, In Search of Wealth and Power: Yen Fu and the West (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1964), 69-73; Hao Chang, Liang Ch'i-ch'ao and Intellectual Transition in China, 1890-1907 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1971).

7. On this point, see the new and important work by Carol Gluck, Japan's Modern Myths: Ideology in the Late Meiji Period (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1985). As will become clear, my own view of the ideological situation of imperial Japan differs somewhat from Gluck's.

8. See Fukuzawa's editorials in Jiji shinpo * , esp. "Jiji taisei ron" (1882), "Hanbatsu kajin seifu ron" (1881), "Kokkai no zento" (1890), "Teishitsu ron" (1882), all in Fukuzawa Yukichi senshu * (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1981), vol. 6; Meiroku Zasshi: Journal of the Japanese Enlightenment , trans. D. Braisted (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1976), intro., xi-xiv.

9. On the Tokugawa origins of the "new political space" see, inter alia, H. D. Harootunian, Toward Restoration: The Growth of Political Consciousness in Tokugawa Japan (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1970); Matsumoto Sannosuke, "The Idea of Heaven: A Tokugawa Foundation for Natural Rights Theory," in Japanese Political Thought in the Tokugawa Period , ed. Tetsuo Najita and Irwin Scheiner (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1978), 181-99, esp. 189-91; and the locus classicus in Maruyama Masao, Studies in the Intellectual History of Tokugawa Japan (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1979).

10. See I. Scheiner, Christian Converts and Social Protest in Meiji Japan continue

(Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1970), 194-208, for an incisive contrast of Fukuzawa's and the various Christian perspectives.

11. See Irokawa Daikichi, Shinpen Meiji seishinshi (Tokyo: Chuo Koronsha * , 1976), 218-44; Kano Masanao, "The Changing Concept of Modernization: From a Historian's Viewpoint," Japan Quarterly 32, no. 1 (January-March 1976): 28-35.

12. See Byron Marshall, Capitalism and Nationalism in Prewar Japan (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1967); M. Y. Yoshino, Japan's Managerial System: Tradition and Innovation (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1968), 19-28.

13. On Meiji and Taisho * socialism, see Matsuzawa Hiroaki, Nihon shakaishugi no shiso * (Tokyo: Chikuma Shobo * , 1976), pt. 1, passim; I. Scheiner, "Meiji Socialists: The Moral Minority" and "Taisho and Showa * Marxism," forthcoming in the Cambridge History of Japan .

14. Max Weber's observation is germane here: "In addition to the direct and material interests . . . there are the indirectly material as well as ideological interests of strata that are in various ways privileged within a polity and, indeed, privileged by its very existence. They comprise especially all those who think of themselves as being the specific 'partners' of a specific 'culture' diffused among the members of the polity. Under the influence of these circles, the naked prestige of 'power' is unavoidably transformed into other special forms of prestige and especially into the idea of 'nation'" ( Economy and Society [Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1978], 2:922).

15. Fukuzawa, "Teishitsu ron."

16. Kano Masanao, Taisho * demokurashii no teiryu * (Tokyo: NHK, 1978).

17. Oka Yoshitake, Konoe Fumimaro: A Political Biography (Tokyo: Tokyo University Press, 1983), 107-15.

18. Pittau, Political Thought , 159-201.

19. See Gustav Ranis, "The Community Centered Entrepreneur in Japanese Development," Explorations in Entrepreneurial History 8, no. 2 (December 1955), cited in Marshall, Capitalism and Nationalism in Japan , 117.

20. Maruyama, "Kindai Nihon no chishikijin," in id., Koei * no ichi kara (Tokyo: Miraisha, 1982), 124.

21. Ibid., 98.

22. Ibid., 101, where Aizan is also quoted.

20. Maruyama, "Kindai Nihon no chishikijin," in id., Koei * no ichi kara (Tokyo: Miraisha, 1982), 124.

21. Ibid., 98.

22. Ibid., 101, where Aizan is also quoted.

20. Maruyama, "Kindai Nihon no chishikijin," in id., Koei * no ichi kara (Tokyo: Miraisha, 1982), 124.

21. Ibid., 98.

22. Ibid., 101, where Aizan is also quoted.

23. See Earl Kinmonth, The Self-Made Man in Meiji Japanese Thought (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1981), for a stimulating but unsuccessful attempt to reduce the psychic strains of the success ethic to frustrated self-interest. The idea of the "rewards of insideness" (in this case deference from outsiders) is drawn in part from Thomas Huber's suggestive discussion of the ethos of the lower samurai "service intelligentsia," which he identifies as the revolutionary class in the destruction of the Tokugawa system. See Huber, The Revolutionary Origins of Modern Japan (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1981).

24. I wish to thank Takashi Fujitani (University of California, Santa Cruz) and Nimura Kazuo (Hosei * University) for these references.

25. Maruyama, "Chishikijin," 88-92. break

26. Ralf Dahrendorf, Society and Democracy in Germany (New York: Norton, 1979), 267.

27. Maruyama, "Meiji kokka no shiso * " (1946), in id., Senchu * to sengo no aida (Tokyo: Misuzu Shobo * , 1976), 215, 239.

28. See Kobayashi Hajime, "Nihon riberarizumu no dento * to marukusushugi," Shakaigaku hyoron * 23, no. 4 (April 1973): 2-27. Kobayashi sees the "modernists" as combining "Meiji consciousness" ( = nationalism) with "Showa * method" ( = social science), and stresses their interwar roots in the thinking, for example, of Hasegawa Nyozekan and Maruyama Kanji.

29. See Arakawa Ikuo, "1930-nendai to chishikijin no mondai: Chishiki kanryo * ruikei ni tsuite," Shiso * , no. 624 (June 1976): 2-14, esp. 9-13; also see Chalmers Johnson, MITI and the Japanese Miracle (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1982), 3-197 passim. It is interesting to note Yoshino Shinji's comment: "It would not be wrong to call [industrial rationalization] an intellectual movement" (quoted in Arakawa, 12).

30. See C. Wright Mills, "The Cultural Apparatus," in id., Power, Politics and People (New York: Oxford University Press, 1963), 405-7.

31. Ralf Dahrendorf, "Representative Activities," in id., Life Chances (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1979), 141-63, esp. 150, 153, 159-63.

32. For an example, see Nanbara Shigeru, Kokka to shukyo * (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1942), 27.

33. Tsuji Kiyoaki, Nihon kanryo * no kenkyu * (Tokyo: Tokyo Daigaku Shuppankai, 1974), esp. "Nihon fuashizumu ni okeru tochi * no kozo * ," 206-41.

34. See T. Najita, Hara Kei in the Politics of Compromise (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1967).

35. See the special issue of Chuo koron * , "Tenraku jiyushugi * no kento * " (May 1935), and the discussion in Ishida Takeshi, "Waga kuni ni okeru jiyushugi * no issokumen," in id., Nihon kindai shisoshi * ni okeru ho * to seiji (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1976), 221-61.

36. Oka Yoshitake, Konoe Fumimaro , 111.

37. See Ishida Takeshi, Nihon no shakai kagaku (Tokyo: Tokyo Daigaku Shuppankai, 1984), esp. 125-60.

38. Forster is quoted in Thomas Merton, Conjectures of a Guilty Bystander (New York: Image, 1968), 162; for accusations of hubris (directed at liberals in the Law and Economics Faculties at Todai * by one of their own colleagues) see Hon'iden Yoshio, "Daigaku no kakushin," Nihon hyoron * 13, no. 5 (April 1938).

39. James Crowley, "Intellectuals as Visionaries of the New Asian Order," in Dilemmas of Growth in Prewar Japan , ed. J. Morley (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1971), 319-73; Miles Fletcher, The Search for a New Order: Intellectuals and Fascism in Prewar Japan (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1982); Sakai Saburo * , Showa Kenkyukai * : Aruchishikijin shudan * no kiseki (Tokyo: TBS Britannica, 1979); Muroga Sadanobu, Showa Juku * (Tokyo: Nihon Keizai Shinbunsha, 1978); ItoTakashi * , Showa * junendaishi * dansho * (Tokyo: Tokyo * Daigaku Shuppankai, 1981).

40. Fletcher, Search , 5.

41. Royama Masamichi * , "Kokumin kyodotai * no keisei," Kaizo * 21, no. 5 (May 1939), 15; also discussed in Ishida, Nihonkindai shisoshi * , 229-30. break

42. This discussion draws on Fletcher, Search , 121-33, esp. 127-33.

43. Miki's clearest statement of this thesis appears in his Shin Nihon no shiso * genri (1939), reprinted in Miki Kiyoshi zenshu * (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1967), 17:507-88. See also John H. Boyle, China and Japan at War: The Politics of Collaboration (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1972), 141.

44. Royama * , "Kokumin kyodotai * no keisei," 24, quoting from Rudolf Brinkmann, Wirtschaftspolitik als nationalsozialistischen Kraftquell (1939). Brinkmann's ideas are discussed more fully in Franz Neumann, Behemoth (1944) (New York: Harper & Row, 1966), 269.

45. On Kanai, see K. Pyle, "The Advantages of Followership: German Economics and Japanese Bureaucrats, 1890-1925," Journal of Japanese Studies 1, no. 1 (Autumn 1974).

46. On the "invention" of the imperial political tradition and cult, see Takashi Fujitani, "Japan's Modern National Ceremonies: A Historical Ethnography, 1868-1912," Ph.D. diss., University of California, Berkeley, 1986; Gluck, Japan's Modern Myths , esp. chap. 4; Robert Smith, Japanese Society (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 9-36.

47. Tanabe Hajime, "Shakai sonzai no ronri" and "Kokka sonzai no ronri," Tetsugaku kenkyu * 20, no. 1, and 24, no. 11. On Tanabe's Zangedo * , see the new translation and introduction by Takeuchi Yoshinori, Philosophy as Metanoetics (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1986), with the foreword by James Heisig.

48. H. Laski, "The Apotheosis of the State," New Republic , 22 July 1916, quoted in Holmes-Laski Letters (New York: Atheneum, 1963), 1:8.

49. See, for example, R. Paxton, Vichy France: Old Guard and New Order (New York: Norton, 1975), for the Vichy regime's efforts to train a new elite in the early days of the National Revolution; efforts frustrated, of course, by the fragmentation of the elite that accompanied the German occupation of the entire country after the Allied landing in Italy. See also J. Hellman, Emmanuel Mounier and the New Catholic Left, 1930-1950 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1980), for the philosopher Jacques Maritain's warnings to Mounier to steer clear of too close an association with Vichy. Mounier worked briefly for Vichy at its elite training academy at Uriage.

50. On worker sabotage, see Sumiya Mikio, "Les Ouvriers japonais pendant la deuxième guerre mondiale," Revue d'histoire de la deuxième guerre mondiale , no. 89 (January 1973), and A. Gordon, The Evolution of Labor Relations in Japan: Heavy Industry, 1853-1955 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1985), 318-20.

51. The career of the legal scholar and jurist Tanaka Kotaro * (1892-1974) makes for a fascinating illustration. It intersects with Nanbara's at a number of crucial points (see chap. 2 below). A convert, first to Uchimura Kanzo's * nonchurch Christianity, and thence to Catholicism, Tanaka was also deeply anticommunist and fearful of anarchism. His valorization of order must be accounted extreme. Nevertheless, he did not retreat into owlish solitude, but conducted polemics with Marxists such as Tosaka Jun, traveled widely abroad, and used his political acumen to protect the procedural autonomy of Todai against Ministry of Education attack. He was in this sense far more worldly than Nanbara. continue

See Tanaka's essays in Kyoyo * to bunka no kiso (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1937), for a representative statement of his ideas; for a study of Tanaka's intellectual formation, by a scholar who has followed the same path to Catholicism, see Hanzawa Takamaro, "Shiso * keiseiki no Tanaka Kotaro * —chijo * ni okeru kami no kuni no tankyu * ," in Nihon ni okeru sei'o seiji shiso * , ed. Nihon Seiji Gakkai ( Nenpo * seijigaku , 1975), 208-41. Tanaka's activities during the war included lecturing at the Naval College, and authoring articles in support of the shisosen * from a very conservative Catholic, and anticommunist point of view. See for example his "Present-Day Mission of Catholics in Greater East Asia," in Catholicism in Nippon (Tokyo: Mainichi Shinbunsha, 1944), 40-48, where Tanaka argues for the congruence of Catholic teaching with that of the family-oriented, organicist ideologies of China and Japan, as against Anglo-American individualism and communist collectivism. At the same time, Tanaka's belief in natural law was, he knew, anathema to the right. He complained of being unable to publish his studies of "Chinese natural law" for fear of attack. (Comments of Heinrich Dumoulin, S.J., interview, Tokyo, 19 May 1984.) And, as related below (see chap. 2) Tanaka felt it prudent in mid 1945 to involve himself in Nanbara Shigeru's efforts to bring the war to as quick an end as possible through a campaign of lobbying "senior statesmen" ( jushin * ) who seemed sympathetic. The point is this: Where do we place Tanaka? Public man as opportunist? Astute reader of the signs of the times? Player of the double game in service of order? He was all of these.

52. Yoshimitsu made this remark to Heinrich Dumoulin, S.J., who worked with Yoshimitsu at Sophia University, Tokyo. They were intimate friends for a decade before Yoshimitsu's death from tuberculosis in October 1945. Dumoulin interview, 9 May 1984.

53. Quoted in Maruyama, Thought and Behaviour , 309.

54. Dunn, Western Political Theory , 55:

Nationalism is the starkest political shame of the twentieth century, the deepest, most intractable and yet most unanticipated blot on the political history of the world since the year 1900. But it is also the very tissue of modern political sentiment, the most widespread, the most unthinking and the most immediate political disposition of all at least among the literate populations of the modern world. The degree to which its prevalence is still felt as a scandal is itself a mark of the sharpness of the check which it has administered to Europe's admiring Enlightenment vision of the Cunning of Reason. In nationalism at last, or so it at present seems, the Cunning of Reason has more than met its match.