1. François-René de Chateaubriand, Mémoires d'outre-tombe [1849-50], ed. Maurice Levaillant and Georges Moulinier, Paris, 1951, 2:394-95.

2. This fatal article of the 1814 charter was inspired by Napoleon's authoritarian Constitution of Year VIII (art. 44). See Jacques Godechot, ed., Les Constitutions de la France depuis 1789, Paris, 1979, pp. 214, 245.

3. François Guizot, Mémoires pour servir à l'histoire de mon temps [1858-68], ed. Michel Richard, Paris, 1971, p. 241.

4. Guizot, Mémoires, p. 241.

5. The phrase is that of the Count Marthe-Camille Bachasson de Montalivet, a member of Louis-Philippe's cabinet who cited this emphasis on the law as the distinguishing mark of Périer's politics. See Cte. de Montalivet: Fragments et souvenirs, ed. Georges Picot, vol. 1, Paris, 1899, p. 382.

6. Périet went on to distinguish the July Revolution in Paris—justified by its defense of the law—from the anarchic uprising in Lyon: "Il faut enseigner aux hommes . . . que le fusil des trois journées de Paris était consacré par la loi qu'il vengeait, et que celui des deux jours de Lyon est flétri par la révolte contre les lois qu'il a violées! (Mouvement trèsprononcé d'adhésion dans l'immense majorité de l'assemblée.) . . . Ces avertissemens, ces

leçons ont été malheureusement écrits sur les murs de Lyon, en caractères de sang; mais ce sang même n'aura pas été perdu pour la liberté, si tout le monde comprend la leçon qu'il a tracée! (Sensation prolongée)" ( Communication faite au nom du gouvernement à la Chambre des députés, sur les troubles de Lyon, par M. le président du Conseil, ministre de l'intérieur, Paris, December 1831, pp. 10-11).

7. See Michael Marrinan, Painting Politics for Louis-Philippe, New Haven, Conn., 1988, p. 65. Similarly, in Abel de Pujol's Charter of 1830 (1838-40), a grisaille ceiling painting in the Palais-Bourbon's Salle des Distributions (adjacent to the Salle Louis-Philippe), a group of legislators swears allegiance to Mosaic tablets inscribed "Charter of 1830."

8. For the Palais-Bourbon, see Jules de Joly, Plans, coupes, élévations et détails de la restauration de la Chambre des députés, Paris, 1840; Violaine Lanselle, "Le Palais-Bourbon et l'hôtel de Lassay," extract from Monuments historiques, no. 144, [1985]; Jules Rais, "Le Palais Bourbon et la Chambre des députés," Revue universelle, October 15, 1902, pp. 501-20; and G. Demoget, "Notice sur le Palais-Bourbon," Société d'iconographie parisienne, n.s., 1929, pp. 25-44.

9. The statues, commissioned in 1833, represent Jean-Sylvain Bailly, first president of the National Assembly, and Mirabeau (both works are by Jean-Louis-Nicolas Jaley); General Maximilien-Sébastien Foy, an outspoken member of the liberal opposition under the Restoration (by Louis Desprez); and Casimir Périer (by Francisque-Joseph Duret). The statue of Louis-Phillipe, 1833-38 (by Georges Jacquot), was removed after the revolution of 1848 and later replaced by the colossal bronze relief sculpture by Jules Dalou, Estates-General, Session of June 23, 1789 ( Mirabeau Responding to Dreux-Brézé ), 1883. The room is now designated the Salle Casimit-Périer.

10. Commissioned August 31, 1833, with payment completed November 31, 1834. Archives Nationales F ²¹ 488. The most informative study of the artist remains Michèle Beaulieu, "Un sculpteur français d'origine italienne: Henri de Triqueti (1804-1874)," in A travers l'art italien du XV ^e au XX ^e siècle, ed. H. Bédarida, Publications de la Société d'Etudes italiennes, no. 2, Paris, 1949, pp. 203-22. See also Stanislas Lami, Dictionnaire des sculpteurs de l'école française au dix-neuvième siècle, vol. 4, Paris, 1921, pp. 318-24; and the catalogue entry by Judith Applegate in Peter Fusco and H. W. Janson, eds., The Romantics to Rodin, Los Angeles County Museum of Art, 1980, pp. 359-60.

11. See Jean-Etienne-Marie Portalis, Discours, rapports et travaux inédits sur le Code civil, ed. Vicomte Frédéric Portalis, Paris, 1844, pp. 21-22, 33.

12. Triqueti's work for the Salle Louis-Philippe is thematically similar to Jean-Baptiste Roman's large relief sculpture in the adjacent assembly hall, The Charter: Protector of the Arts, Sciences, Agriculture, and Commerce (1830-33).

13. Alphonse de Lamartine, Oeuvres poétiques, ed. Marius-François Guyard, Paris, 1963, pp. 743-48.

14. See Henri Guillemin, "Le Jocelyn de Lamartine," Ph.D. diss., University of Paris, 1935, pp. 558-59.

15. For Lamartine's parliamentary career, see William Fortescue, Alphonse de Lamartine, London, 1983.

16. Lamartine associated agriculture with social order. Thus in a parliamentary address of March 13, 1834, he blamed social disorder on industrialization, claiming that France had been protected against such strife when it was strictly agricultural ( Discours prononcé par M. de Lamartine . . . sur les associations, Paris, 1834, p. 18).

17. Alphonse de Lamartine, address of May 13, 1834, in La France parlementaire (1834-1851), vol. 1, Paris, 1864, pp. 80, 83. For the cult of property in legal thought under the July Monarchy, see Donald R. Kelley, Historians and the Law in Postrevolutionary France, Princeton, N.J., 1984, pp. 133-35.

18. See Lee Johnson, The Paintings of Eugène Delacroix, vol. 5, Oxford, 1989, pp. 3-31.

19. From the artist's description of the Salon du Roi paintings published in J.-J. Guiffrey, "Le Salon du Roi," L'Art, XIII, 1878, pp. 257-68.

20. Following the collapse of the July Monarchy, the moderate republican Francis Wey bitterly noted that "under Louis-Philippe, all justice emanated from the king. . .. How slow is the progress of societies! It was necessary to wait until 1848 to efface the last vestiges of the feudal regime" ( Manuel des droits et des devoirs; Dictionnaire àemocratique, Paris, 1848, s.v. "Justice"). For Wey's politics see T. J. Clark, Image of the People: Gustave Courbet and the 1848 Revolution, Princeton, N.J., 1982, p. 53.

21. Louis de Ronchaud, "Etudes sur l'art: La Peinture monumentale en France," La Revue inàépendante, 2à ser., XII, November 10, 1847, pp. 44-45.

22. Gustave Planche, "Eugène Delacroix: Le Salon du Roi" (1837) in Portraits d'artistes, Paris, 1853, 2:30.

23. Henri [Heinrich] Heine, De la France, Paris, 1833, p. 121.

24. Planche, "Eugène Delacroix," pp. 30-31.

25. This source is mentioned in Robert Neubinger Beetem, "Delacroix's Mural Paintings, 1833-1847," Ph.D. diss., University of California, Berkeley, 1964, p. 25; and in Sara Lichtenstein, Delacroix and Raphael, New York, 1979, p. 174.

26. A suggestive detail in the painting of Justice, set into the ceiling above the throne niche, is a scroll to the right of the figure that suggests blocky pseudo-Hebrew characters.

27. The bronze doors, 10.38 meters high (including lintel), were commissioned February 24, 1834. For a description, see Inventaire général des richesses d'art de la France, Paris, Monuments religieux, Paris, 1876, 1:212-14. The work is discussed in the exhibition catalogue La Sculpture française au XIX ^e siècle, ed. Anne Pingeot et al., Paris, Galeries nationales du Grand Palais, 1986, pp. 202-4; and in H. W. Janson, Nineteenth-Century Sculpture, New York, 1985, pp. 121-24.

28. See Jean-Marie Darnis, Les Monuments expiatoires du supplice de Louis XVI et de Marie-Antoinette sous l'Empire et la Restauration, 1812-1830, Paris, 1981, pp. 65-76.

29. See Marrinan, Painting Politics for Louis-Philippe, parts III and IV.

30. For Cortot's expiatory monument to Louis XVI, destroyed at the foundry during the July Revolution, see Darnis, Les Monuments expiatoires, pp. 115-19, 155-65.

31. For Ziégler's painting, see Michael Paul Driskel, "Eclecticism and Ideology in the July Monarchy: Jules-Claude Ziegler's Vision of Christianity at the Madeleine," Arts Magazine, May 1982, pp. 119-29.

32. According to Adolphe Granier de Cassagnac, Histoire de l'église de la Madeleine, Paris, 1838, p. 38, Triqueti was responsible for the subject. Administration of the Madeleine passed to the city of Paris in 1842; documentary material on the bronze doors may have been lost when the Hôtel de Ville was burned during the Commune.

33. In the Salon of 1836 Triqueti exhibited the model for a vase decorated with a series of biblical mothers (no. 1989). Thiers had the work cast for his large art collection. See Baron August-Théodore de Girardot, Catalogue de l'oeuvre du baron Henri de Triqueti, Orleans, 1874, p. 16; and Lami, Dictionnaire . . . dix-neuvième siècle, 4:320. For Thiers's enthusiasm for the Old Testament, see Adolphe Thiers, Salon de mil huit cent vingt-deux, Paris, 1822, p. 73.

34. Charles-François Lhomond, Histoire abrégée de la religion avant la venue de Jésus-Christ [c. 1791], Angers, 1818, p. 134.

35. See A.-Z., "Revue de la semaine . . . la porte de la Madeleine . . . ," L'Artiste, 2d series, I, 1839, p. 387. Christ Pardoning the Magdalen at the Last Judgment, by Philippe-Joseph-Henri Lemaire (1830-34), is in the pediment of the church, high above Triqueti's doors.

36. The other panels feature God Admires Creation (commandment to honor the Sabbath); Cham Cursed by Noah (commandment to honor parents); The Banishment of Cain (the crime of murder); Acham Condemned by Joshua (Joshua 7; the crime of theft); Daniel, Susanna, and the Elders (the crime of false witness); and Abimelech and Sara (Genesis 20; the crime of coveting a neighbor's wife).

37. See Michael Paul Driskel, "Singing 'The Marseillaise' in 1840: The Case of Charlet's Censored Prints," Art Bulletin, LXIX, December 1987, pp. 604-25.

38. Duke Victor de Broglie, quoted in Paul Thureau-Dangin, Histoire de la Monarchie de Juillet, Paris, 1888, 2:320-21.

39. The iconographic significance of this urban scheme is pointed out in Donald David Schneider, The Works and Doctrine of Jacques Ignace Hittorff, 1792-1867: Structural Innovation and Formal Expression in French Architecture, 1810-1867, New York, 1977. On the relationship between this urban scheme and the hieroglyphic inscriptions on the obelisk, see Todd Porterfield, "Art in the Service of French Imperialism in the Near East, 1798-1848," Ph.D. diss., Boston University, 1990, pp. 209-10.

40. H.-D. Lacordaire, Sainte Marie-Madeleine, Paris, 1860, p. 223, quoted in Paul Léon, "L'Eglise de la Madeleine (1764-1842)," Revue des deux mondes, June 1, 1954, p. 424.

41. The identification of the Madeleine doors with the regime was bolstered by the statues by Charles-François Leboeuf (called Nanteuil) of the king's patron saints, Saint Louis and Saint Philippe, in niches flanking the entrance to the church.

42. The commentary published with the cartoon gives the comparison of the greedy regime to the biblical Hebrews an anti-Semitic twist. "Ce sont les poches et les tirelires de juifs qui, comme ceux du désert, n'ont pas soif d'eau claire" (pp. 1837-38).

43. For Traviès's caricature, see the exhibition catalogue by Gerd Unverfehrt, Klaus Lankheit, and Jurgen Döring, La Caricature: Bildsatire in Frankreich 1830-1835 aus der Sammlung von Kritter, Münster, Westfälisches Landesmuseum für Kunst und Kulturgeschichte, 1980, no. 88.

44. The profile in the print reverses that on the coin. See Jean Mazard, Histoire monétaire et numismatique contemporaine, 1790 -1963, Paris, 1965, cat. no. 962, 1:247.

45. Jeanne L. Wasserman, in the exhibition catalogue Daumier Sculpture: A Critical and Comparative Study, Cambridge, Mass., Fogg Art Museum, Harvard University, 1969, p. 125, associates the name Père-Scie with Persil's jagged profile and with the sound of the guillotine. The word scie is also slang for a tiresome person or thing.

46. La Politique de Lamartine, ed. Louis de Ronchaud, Paris, 1878, 1:77.

47. Edme Miel, "Salon de 1834," Le Constitutionnel, April 14, 1834. For Préault and his bibliography, see David Mower, "Antoine Augustin Préault (1809-1879)," Art Bulletin, LXIII, June 1981, pp. 288-307; and the catalogue entries by Charles W. Millard in Fusco and Janson, The Romantics to Rodin, pp. 323-25. Millard is the author of the manuscript "The Life and Work of Auguste Préault." For Tuerie see also the exhibition catalogue La Sculpture française, no. 191; and Alison Elizabeth West, "From Pajou to Préault: The Development of Neoclassicism and the Sublime in French Sculpture, 1760-1830,'' Ph.D. diss., Institute of Fine Arts, New York University, 1985, pp. 515-18.

48. See Théophile Silvestre, Histoire des artistes vivants, français et étrangers, Paris, 1856, p. 294.

49. Salon of 1834, Explication des ouvrages, Paris, 1834, no. 2124.

50. Hugh Honour, Romanticism, New York, 1979, pp. 143, 388.

51. Mower, "Antoine Augustin Préault," p. 293. Similarly, Nancy Davenport ("Sources for Préault's Tuerie, fragment episodique d'un grand bas-relief," Source: Notes in the History of Art, XI, fall 1991, pp. 22-30) unconvincingly identifies the figures in Tuerie with specific characters from three plays. Caravaggio's Kiss of Judas (c. 1600-1601, Museum of Eastern and Western Art, Odessa), identified in the same article as a source for Tuerie, has some resemblance to the sculpture; but that resemblance is hardly strong enough to justify Davenport's claim that the Caravaggio supersedes all previously suggested visual sources. The Triqueti Law reliefs in the Salle Louis-Philippe that I compare to Tuerie ( Art Bulletin, LXX, September 1988, pp. 486-501) are erroneously referred to by Davenport (p. 28) as Triqueti's Ten Commandments reliefs on the Madeleine doors.

52. De Caso's example, Childebert assistant à des jeux (Salon of 1833; Musée d'Amiens) by Théophile Caudron, does not appear to have been a source for any particular figural or compositional elements of Tuerie, but it is remarkable in anticipating the frenetic violence and aggressively projecting relief of Préault's sculpture. See Jacques De Caso, David d'Angers, Paris, 1988, pp. 98-99.

53. See Le Salon de 1834, Paris, 1834, p. 164.

54. See Ernest Chesneau, "Auguste Préault," L'Art, XVII, 1879, pp. 6-8; and Jean Gigoux, Causeries sur les artistes de mon temps, Paris, 1885, pp. 172-75.

55. Quoted in Silvestre, Histoire des artistes vivants, p. 286.

56. Albert Boime, in Hollow Icons: The Politics of Sculpture in Nineteenth-Century France, Kent, Ohio, 1987, compares Tuerie to Daumier's famous lithograph Rue Transnonain, April 15, 1834, rightly associating Tuerie with "the prevailing climate of tension and potential violence" of 1834. Boime's characterization of Tuerie as "a topical political statement akin to Daumier's Rue Transnonain" (pp. 48-50), however, oversimplifies the richly problematic relationship between Préault's sculpture and its political context.

57. See Jean Lucas-Dubreton, La grande peur de 1832 (le choléra et l'émeute), Paris, 1932.

58. Silvestre, Histoire des artistes vivants, p. 282.

59. Although Préault benefited from state patronage during his career, this support did not begin until the latter half of the July Monarchy. See the record of Préault's Salon refusals in Mower, p. 307. For Triqueti's position, see Beaulieu, "Un Sculpteur français," pp. 208-9. During the Second Republic Triqueti appealed to the prefect of the Seine for an official commission for a marble Crucifixion group for the church of Sainte-Clotilde, recalling that "like every good citizen" he had served in the National Guard during the June Days insurrection of 1848 and had been wounded in the defense of order: "Forcé comme tous les bons citoyens de sortir en juin 1848 de ma paisible et laborieuse vie d'artiste, j'avais été atteint de plusieurs balles à l'attaque des premieères barricades et ... j'étais resté une année entière malade et éloigné de mes travaux sans que j'ai cherché à être indeminisé en aucune manière de mes pertes et de mes souffrances'' (Archives de la Seine D4, AZ, 309; letter of March 9, 1851).

60. A reproduction by Nanteuil of Préault's Parias, rejected by the Salon jury of 1834, was published in L'Artiste, 1st series, VII, 1834, with the inscription "Célestin Nanteuil à son ami Préault 1834." For a reproduction of the print, see Mower, "Antoine Augustin Préault," p. 291 fig. 3. The previous year Nanteuil's illustration of a scene from Borel's "Dina, la belle juive," one of the stories in Champavert, contes immoraux, was reproduced in L'Artiste, 1st series, V, 1833. For Borel, see Paul Bénichou, Le Sacre de l'écrivain, 1750-1830, 2d ed., Paris, 1985, pp. 435-39; Mario Praz, The Romantic Agony, trans. Angus Davidson, 2d ed., Oxford, 1970, pp. 13-36; and Enid Starkie, Petrus Borel the Lycanthrope: His Life and Times, Norfolk, Conn., 1954.

61. Théophile Gautier, Histoire du romantisme [1874], Paris, 1927, p. 97.

62. This outburst is attributed to Préault in Luc Benoist, La Sculpture romantique, Paris, [1928], p. 62. The remark is given to Prince Ernest de Saxe-Cobourg in Adèle Hugo, Victor Hugo raconté par un témoin de sa vie, Paris, 1867, 2:283. The varying attribution of the remark as well as the probability that it was a "common enough slogan" is discussed in Malcolm Easton, Artists and Writers in Paris: The Bohemian Idea, 1803-1867, London, 1964, p. 61 n. 9. Easton associates Préault's hostility to middle-class taste with Borel's

hatred of middle-class morals and manners: "It is only a short step from Préault's 'Guillotine the baldpates!' ... to Borel's 'In Paris there's a den of robbers and a den of murderers: the first is the Stock Exchange and the second the Law Courts.'" Borel is quoted from Champavert, contes immoraux, in Oeuvres complètes de Pétrus Borel "le lycanthrope," ed. Aristide Marie, Paris, 1922, 3:35.

63. Pétrus Borel, "Des artistes penseurs et des artistes creux," L'Artiste, 1st series, V, 1833, p. 258. For Préault's Two Poor Women and Beggary, see Salon of 1833, Explication des ouvrages, Paris, 1833, nos. 2646, 2647. Borel ("Des artistes penseurs," p. 259) referred to Beggary ( La Mendicité ) as La Misère.

64. "Loi! vertu! honneur! vous êtes satisfaits; tenez, reprenez vôtre proie!... Monde barbare, tu l'as voulu, tiens, regarde, c'est ton oeuvre, à toi. Es-tu content de ta victime? [...] Bâtard! c'est bien effronté à vous, d'avoir voulu naître sans autorisation royale, sans bans! Eh! la loi? eh! l'honneur? [...] Loi barbare! préjugé féroce! honneur infâme! hommes! société! tenez! tenez votre proie!... Je vous la rends!!!..." (Borel, Champavert, pp. 382-83; suspension points in original). Denunciation of society and its laws in such exclamatory outbursts was popularized by Alexandre Dumas's melodramatic play Antony, which premiered in 1831. For the "Antonisme" vogue, see Louis Maigron, Le Romantisme et les moeurs: Essai d'étude historique et sociale d'après des documents inédits, Paris, 1910, pp. 356-89.

65. "Qu'ils viennent donc les imposteurs, que je les étrangle! les fourbes qui chantent l'amour, qui le guirlandent et le mirlitonnent, qui le font un enfant joufflu, joufflu de jouissances, qu'ils viennent donc, les imposteurs, que je les étrangle! Chanter l'amour!... pour moi, l'amour, c'est de la haine, des gémissemens, des cris, de la honte, du deuil, du fer, des larmes, du sang, des cadavres, des ossemens, des remords, je n'en ai pas connu d'autre!... Allons, roses pastoureaux, chantez donc l'amour, dérision! mascarade amère!" (Borel, Champavert, pp. 357-58; suspension points and emphasis in original).

66. G. L. [Gabriel Laviron], review of Champavert, contes immoraux, by Pétrus Borel, L'Artiste, 1st series, V, 1833, p. 67. Laviron, a socialist, participated in the storming of the Constitutional Assembly on May 15, 1848, by a pro-Polish leftist mob and died in the service of Garibaldi in 1849. See Benoist, La Sculpture romantique, p. 33; and René Jasinski, Les Années romantiques de Th. Gautier, Paris, 1929, p. 131. Beaulieu's contrasting of Triqueti, who, he said, perfectly represented bourgeois society, with Laviron, who was an enemy of that society, underscores Laviron's affinity with Préault and Borel ("Un Sculpteur francais," p. 205).

67. "It is certain that after July [1830] the young Romantics were attracted to republican and revolutionary ideology. What is dubious is that a common and coherent impulse tying poetry and art to revolution existed in the midst of the petit cénacle [Borel's circle]" (Paul Bénichou, "Jeune-France et Bousingots," Revue d'histoire littéraire de la France, LXXI, May-June 1971, p. 455).

68. Philibert Audebrand, "Scènes de la vie d'artiste, Auguste Préault," L'Art, XXXI, 1882, pp. 261-62.