Introduction: John's World
1. See, for example, Brock, "Introduction to Syriac Studies," esp. 11-13; Murray, Symbols of Church and Kingdom, 4; and Segal, Edessa, 16. See n. 3 below.
2. On Syriac's independent usage in the late Roman Empire, cf. Jones, Later Roman Empire 2:865, 924, 968-69, 991, 994, 996. Herein, "Syriac" refers to a Syriac-speaking group or context only. "Syrian" refers to culture in the region of the Syrian Orient (languages spoken there varied: Syriac, Greek, Aramaic).
3. Wright, Short History of Syriac Literature ; Duval, Littérature syriaque; Baumstark, Geschichte der syrischen Literatur .
4. Macuch, Geschichte .
5. So Duval Littérature syriaque , 7-15. Edessa's claim to primacy in this respect is based on the legendary correspondence between its king Abgar the Black and Jesus, during his ministry. The legend is most fully recorded in the fifth-century Doctrine of Addai , ed. and trans. G. Phillips; it first became famous when the correspondence was translated into Greek by Eusebius of Caesarea, HE 1.13. See esp. Segal, Edessa , 62-81.
6. See, for example, Cameron and Cameron, "Christianity and Tradition"; Cameron, "Corippus' Poem"; Cochrane, Christianity and Classical Culture; M. L. W. Laistner, Christianity and Pagan Culture in the Later Roman Empire (Ithaca, 1951); Momigliano, Conflict Between Paganism and Christianity; and idem, "Popular Religious Beliefs.''
7. Drijvers, Cults and Beliefs at Edessa ; Segal, Edessa , 1-61.
8. Drijvers, "Facts and Problems"; Segal, Edessa , 30-61, esp. 30-31. The Odes of Solomon, Acts of Judas Thomas , and Didascalia Apostolorum are examples of texts from the Syrian Orient circulating in both Syriac and Greek. On the Odes of
Solomon , see subsequent discussion. See also A. F. J. Klijn, The Acts of Thomas , Supplements to NT 5 (Leiden, 1962); R. H. Connolly, The Didascalia Apostolorum (Oxford, 1929); A. Vööbus, The Didascalia Apostolorum in Syriac , CSCO 401/175, 402/176, 407/179, 408/180 (Louvain, 1979).
9. Drijvers, Bardaisan of Edessa ; idem; Cults and Beliefs at Edessa ; idem, "Facts and Problems"; Griffith, "Ephraem". Ephrem's comment on "the poison of the wisdom of the Greeks" is from the Hymns on Faith, 2.24.
10. On the Christianization of the Syrian Orient, see esp. Segal, Edessa; Murray, Symbols of Church and Kingdom , 4-24; and Drijvers, Cults and Beliefs at Edessa , 175-96, esp. 194-96. On the early resistance to Hellenic influence, see Brock, "Greek Words in the Syriac Gospels"; and idem, "From Antagonism to Assimilation." Both Segal and Murray provide ample testimony to the creativity and autonomous inspiration of early Syriac literature.
11. For the impact of Eastern and Western influences on the Syrian Orient, see esp. Segal, Edessa; Murray, Symbols of Church and Kingdom; Drijvers, Cults and Beliefs at Edessa ; Vööbus, History of Asceticism; and Peeters, Orient et Byzance .
12. Peeters, Orient et Byzance ; MacMullen, "Provincial Languages." Cf. Ebied, "Syriac Influence".
13. Vööbus, History of the School of Nisibis ; Segal, Edessa , 87, 93, 95, 108, 116, 150-51, 166, 185.
14. Brock, "From Antagonism to Assimilation"; idem, "Aspects of Translation"; and idem, "Some Aspects of Greek Words."
15. Brock, "Aspects of Translation"; idem, "Greek into Syriac"; idem, "Towards a History"; P. Peeters, "Traductions et traducteurs dans l'hagiographie orientale à l'époque byzantine," Anal. Boll. 40 (1922): 241-98 (= Orient et Byzance , 165-218).
16. Murray, Symbols of Church and Kingdom ; idem, "Theory of Symbolism"; Brock, Luminous Eye ; Ephrem, Harp of the Spirit ; Brock, "Syriac and Greek Hymnography."
17. Brock, "Greek into Syriac." For the place of Syrian prayer tradition in the larger context of Christian mysticism, see, above all, Syriac Fathers on Prayer , trans. S. P. Brock; Brock, "Prayer of the Heart"; and Widengren, "Researches in Syrian Mysticism." Ephrem Syrus, John the Solitary, and Isaac of Nineveh are prominent examples of Syriac writers still read today by various Orthodox and Roman Catholic monastic communities. See the excellent and sensitive discussion and translations by the Holy Transfiguration Monastery [D. Miller] in Isaac the Syrian, Ascetical Homilies .
18. The entire topic is well handled in Peeters, Orient et Byzance . Specific instances are treated in commentaries by Amiaud in Vita Alexii, Légende syriaque , Burkitt in Euphemia and the Goth , and in Vita Pelagiae , Pélagie la pénitente , ed. P. Petitmengin.
19. An example, in the case of Pelagia, is the transvestite saint motif. See Delehaye, Legends of the Saints , 150-55; Delcourt, Hermaphrodite , 84-102; and Patlagean, "Histoire de la femme déguisée."
20. For the disputes leading up to, and then resulting from, the Council of Chalcedon in 451, see, for example, Grillmeier and Bacht, Konzil von Chalkedon ; and Sellers, Council of Chalcedon . On the popular involvement, see Gregory, Vox Populi ; and Frend, ''Popular Religion." These issues are further explored in subsequent discussion here.
21. Brock, "Aspects of Translation"; idem, "Some Aspects of Greek Words."
22. Syriac Fathers on Prayer ; cf. Brock, "Christology of the Church."
23. See Lebon, Monophysisme Sévèrien ; idem, "Christologie du monophysisme syrien"; and Chesnut, Three Monophysite Christologies . Although Severus probably knew Syriac, he wrote only in Greek. However, his writings survive almost solely in translation, the bulk being in Syriac. The Syriac translations of his works were undertaken in the sixth and seventh centuries, with major revisions in the eighth. See Graffin, "Jacques d'Edesse réviseur"; and Severus of Antioch, Sixth Book of Select Letters , ed. and trans. E. W. Brooks.
24. In fact, Syriac provided the bridge between Greek and Arabic culture during the Middle Ages: it was through Syriac that Greek learning (notably the work of Aristotle) was translated into Arabic. See Brock, "Aspects of Translation"; idem, "Greek into Syriac"; and Ebied, "Syriac Influence."
25. Bundy, "Criteria for Being in communione ."
26. Vööbus, History of Asceticism 1:86-97.
27. Ibid., 89-96 and passim. See now the insightful discussion in Brown, Body and Society , 83-102; and Bundy, "Marcion and the Marcionites." The possible exceptions are Bardaisan and the group known as the Quqites; Drijvers, Bardaisan of Edessa ; idem, Cults and Beliefs at Edessa .
26. Vööbus, History of Asceticism 1:86-97.
27. Ibid., 89-96 and passim. See now the insightful discussion in Brown, Body and Society , 83-102; and Bundy, "Marcion and the Marcionites." The possible exceptions are Bardaisan and the group known as the Quqites; Drijvers, Bardaisan of Edessa ; idem, Cults and Beliefs at Edessa .
28. Murray, Symbols of Church and Kingdom, 4-24; Segal, Edessa , 67-69.
29. Brock, "Early Syrian Asceticism"; and Murray, Symbols of Church and Kingdom ,both explore this aspect of Syrian spirituality in literature. Such an understanding of theological symbolism can be seen, for example, in the poetry of Ephrem Syrus. See, above all, Brock, Luminous Eye; idem, "Poet as Theologian"; and Murray, "Theory of Symbolism." Beggiani, Early Syriac Theology , considers Syrian spirituality and its symbolism through a variety of themes.
30. Cf. Brock, "Early Syrian Asceticism"; Vööbus, History of Asceticism 1: 39-45; Brown, Body and Society , 83-102.
31. Murray, Symbols of Church and Kingdom ,131-42; see, for example, Odes of Solomon 38.9-12 and 42.8-9. On the Odes of Solomon , see n. 46 below.
32. Esp. Matt. 22:1-14 and 25:1-13. Cf. Brock, "Early Syrian Asceticism," 5-6; idem, Holy Spirit , 51-52. For an especially sensitive reading of the meaning of this image for the Syrian Orient, see Brown, Body and Society, 83-102, 323-38.
33. Vööbus, Celibacy ; idem, History of Asceticism 1:90-96; Murray, "Exhortation to Candidates."
34. Vööbus, History of Asceticism 1: 68-83.
35. Ibid., 103-106; Brock, "Early Syrian Asceticism," 6; Murray, Symbols of Church and Kingdom , 12-17.
34. Vööbus, History of Asceticism 1: 68-83.
35. Ibid., 103-106; Brock, "Early Syrian Asceticism," 6; Murray, Symbols of Church and Kingdom , 12-17.
36. Gribomont, "Monachisme au sein de l'église"; Nedungatt, "Covenanters," 191-215, 419-44; Vööbus, History of Asceticism 1:97-103, 184-208; idem,
"Institution of the Benai Qeiama ." Primary texts on the bnay and bnath qyama are as follows: Aphrahat, Demonstrationes 6, ed. and trans. D. I. Parisot; and the canons in Syriac and Arabic Documents , ed. and trans. A. Vööbus, esp. 34-50, 122, 125-26.
37. Murray, Symbols of Church and Kingdom , 239-76; Brock, Holy Spirit , 49-52.
38. For example, Vööbus, History of Asceticism 1:90.
39. For example, 1 Cor. 15:45-49.
40. Brock, "Early Syrian Asceticism"; cf. Vööbus, History of Asceticism 1: 152-53.
41. Vööbus, History of Asceticism 1:69; Bundy, "Criteria for Being in communione ."
42. Murray, Symbols of Church and Kingdom , 12-16; Vööbus, History of Asceticism 1; Guillaumont, "Monachisme et éthique judéo-chrétienne"; Judge, "Earliest Use of Monachos"; Kretschmar, ''Beitrag zur Frage"; Beck, "Beitrag zur Terminologie."
43. Nowhere is this clearer than in Vööbus, History of Asceticism .
44. See esp. Vööbus, History of Asceticism 1. For the various religious models, see Brown, Body and Society, esp. 83-102, 323-38; Jonas, Gnostic Religion ; Hoffmann, Marcion ; Fiey, "Marcionites"; Bundy, "Marcion and the Marcionites"; Gribomont, "Monachisme au sein de l'église"; Widengren, Mani and Manichaeism ; idem, Mesopotamian Elements in Manichaeism ; and Bauer, Orthodoxy and Heresy .
45. On the autonomous origins of Syrian asceticism, see Vööbus, History of Asceticism ; Gribomont, "Monachisme an sein de l'église"; and Jargy, "Origines du monachisme." The Syrians themselves lost sight of the origins of their asceticism under the impact of Egypt's fame and eventually claimed that the ascetic roots in Syria and Mesopotamia stemmed from disciples of Pachomius. See Brock, "Early Syrian Asceticism"; and Fiey, "Aonès, Awun, et Awgin." A clear example of the loss can be seen in Thomas of Marga, Historia monastica , in Book of Governors , ed. and trans. E. A. Wallis Budge.
46. Odes of Solomon , ed. and trans. J. H. Charlesworth, 2nd ed. (Missoula, 1977; Chico, 1982).
47. On the original language of the Odes , see the judicious comments by Murray, "Characteristics of the Earliest Syriac Christianity," 5. For a first-century dating see Charlesworth, "Odes of Solomon"; and Charlesworth and Culpepper, "Odes of Solomon and Gospel of John." The second-century position is bolstered by McNeil, "Odes of Solomon and Scriptures." Drijvers has been forcefully arguing for the third century, see his East of Antioch , chapters 6-10. The debates over the Odes have been fought long and hard, and the literature is extensive. See now the detailed annotated bibliography in Lattke, Oden Salomos , vol. 3.
48. Celibacy is assumed throughout, as, for example, in Odes 23 and 33. Betrothal to Christ is its explicit meaning, as, for example, in Ode 42. In Ode 38, false doctrine is described as the "Bridegroom who corrupts," with false bridal feast and celebration.
49. For example, Ode 6.1-2.
50. Ode 40.2-4.
51. For example, Ode 21.6-9. Cf. Aune, Cultic Setting , esp. 12-16, 166-94.
52. Ode 35.7; 37.1-4; 42.1-2.
53. B. McNeil, " Odes of Solomon and Suffering of Christ."
54. See "Martyr at the Sasanid Court," ed. and trans. S. P. Brock; Fiey, Jalons pour une histoire , 85-99.
55. BHO , 363-68; BHG, 731-40. I follow the texts in Euphemia and the Goth , ed. and trans. F. C. Burkitt. On the texts and their historicity, see idem, Euphemia and the Goth , 5-44; and Segal, Edessa , 83-86.
56. For the texts of the Doctrina Addai , see n. 5 above. On the historicity, see Segal, Edessa, 76-81; and Drijvers, "Facts and Problems."
57. Sharbil and Babai, BHO , 1049-51; Barsamya, BHO, 150-51. The texts are edited by P. Bedjan in AMS 1.95-130. On the later dating of these texts and their possible composition in Greek, see Segal, Edessa, 82-83, and commentary by Burkitt, in Euphemia and the Goth, 5-28.
58. Bundy, "Criteria for Being in communione ."
59. Cf. Segal, Edessa , 82-86; and commentary by Burkitt in Euphemia and the Goth , 5-44.
60. Barnes, "Constantine and the Christians"; Brock, "Christians in the Sasanian Empire."
61. Vita Antonii , sec. 46-47. See the discussion in S. A. Harvey, "The Edessan Martyrs and Ascetic Tradition," Symposium Syriacum 1988 (Forthcoming).
62. See n. 55 above. The Martyrdom of Shmona and Guria is in Euphemia and the Goth , ed. and trans. F. C. Burkitt, 90-110.
63. Ibid., 8.
64. Ibid., 14.
65. Ibid., 49.
66. Ibid., 37-38, 47.
62. See n. 55 above. The Martyrdom of Shmona and Guria is in Euphemia and the Goth , ed. and trans. F. C. Burkitt, 90-110.
63. Ibid., 8.
64. Ibid., 14.
65. Ibid., 49.
66. Ibid., 37-38, 47.
62. See n. 55 above. The Martyrdom of Shmona and Guria is in Euphemia and the Goth , ed. and trans. F. C. Burkitt, 90-110.
63. Ibid., 8.
64. Ibid., 14.
65. Ibid., 49.
66. Ibid., 37-38, 47.
62. See n. 55 above. The Martyrdom of Shmona and Guria is in Euphemia and the Goth , ed. and trans. F. C. Burkitt, 90-110.
63. Ibid., 8.
64. Ibid., 14.
65. Ibid., 49.
66. Ibid., 37-38, 47.
62. See n. 55 above. The Martyrdom of Shmona and Guria is in Euphemia and the Goth , ed. and trans. F. C. Burkitt, 90-110.
63. Ibid., 8.
64. Ibid., 14.
65. Ibid., 49.
66. Ibid., 37-38, 47.
67. Eusebius, Martyrs of Palestine 4, 5, 6, 10, 11, 13; HE 8.9.
68. For example, The Martyrs of Lyons , in The Acts of the Christian Martyrs , ed. H. Musurillo (Oxford, 1979), 62-85; The Martyrdom of Perpetua and Felicitas, Acts of Christian Martyrs , 106-31; Eusebius, Martyrs of Palestine 9.
69. The Martyrdom of Habib , in Euphemia and the Goth , ed. and trans. F. C. Burkitt, 112-28; and also in Ancient Syriac Documents, ed. and trans. W. Cureton, (trans.) 72-85.
70. Ibid., 30.
69. The Martyrdom of Habib , in Euphemia and the Goth , ed. and trans. F. C. Burkitt, 112-28; and also in Ancient Syriac Documents, ed. and trans. W. Cureton, (trans.) 72-85.
70. Ibid., 30.
71. Eusebius, Martyrs of Palestine ; idem, HE 8; Vita Antonii.
72. Martyrdom of Habib , in Euphemia and the Goth , 30.
73. Cf. Jacob of Sarug, Homily on Habib the Martyr , in Ancient Syriac Documents , ed. and trans. W. Cureton, 86-96.
74. Acts of Sharbil , in Ancient Syriac Documents , ed. and trans. W. Cureton, 41-62. On the date and languages, see n. 57 above.
75. Especially Aphrahat, Demonstration 1, "On Faith", and Demonstration
6, "On the Bnay Qyama," in Aphrahat, Demonstrationes , ed. and trans. D. I. Parisot, cols. 5-46, 239-312; and "Aphrahat the Persian Sage," trans. J. G. Gwynn, 345-52, 362-75. See also Neusner, Aphrahat and Judaism .
76. Aphrahat, Demonstration 18, "On Virginity," in Aphrahat, Demonstrationes, ed. and trans. D. I. Parisot, cols. 817-44; also Neusner, Aphrahat and Judaism, 76-83.
77. Aphrahat, Demonstration 6, "On the Bnay Qyama," and Demonstration 7, "On Penitence," in Aphrahat, Demonstrationes , ed. and trans. D. I. Parisot, cols. 5-46, 239-312, 313-60.
78. Ibid., Demonstration 6; Murray, "Exhortation to Candidates"; Black, "Tradition of Hasidaean-Essene"; Aune, Cultic Setting .
77. Aphrahat, Demonstration 6, "On the Bnay Qyama," and Demonstration 7, "On Penitence," in Aphrahat, Demonstrationes , ed. and trans. D. I. Parisot, cols. 5-46, 239-312, 313-60.
78. Ibid., Demonstration 6; Murray, "Exhortation to Candidates"; Black, "Tradition of Hasidaean-Essene"; Aune, Cultic Setting .
79. Ephrem, Hymnen de fide , 14.5, ed. and trans. E. Beck, in CSCO 154/73, 62.
80. Ephrem, Carmina Nisibena , 50.7, ed. and trans. E. Beck, in CSCO 240/ 102, 69.
81. Ibid., 69.3-5, 14; here trans. S. P. Brock in Ephrem, Harp of the Spirit , 77-79.
80. Ephrem, Carmina Nisibena , 50.7, ed. and trans. E. Beck, in CSCO 240/ 102, 69.
81. Ibid., 69.3-5, 14; here trans. S. P. Brock in Ephrem, Harp of the Spirit , 77-79.
82. Ephrem, Carmina Nisibena , 50.3; here trans. S. P. Brock, Harp of the Spirit , 56.
83. These texts are discussed in Vööbus, History of Asceticism 1: 152-54, and he attributes both to Ephrem. But the doubts on Ephrem's authorship are well stated in Gribomont, "Monachisme au sein de l'église." However, Theodoret of Cyrrhus, Historia religiosa 1-6, indicates that such ascetic practice was pursued in the Syrian Orient during Ephrem's lifetime.
84. Ephrem, "Ephrem's Letter to Publius," ed. and trans. S. P. Brock, 286.
85. See esp. Brown, Body and Society , 323-38; and Guillaumont, Aux origines du monachisme chrétien, 215-39. An example of Ephrem's view on the unity of body and soul can be seen in his Verse Homily I, in Syrers sermones 1, ed. and trans. E. Beck, esp. 11.260-79. In this passage, Ephrem describes the way in which the body reveals the soul's condition. A similar passage occurs in the Vita Antonii , sec. 67. But in the passage on Antony, the saint has achieved this state of harmony between body and soul through the discipline of his ascetic practice, by which he has "subjugated" his body to his soul's desire (sec. 14). For Ephrem, the one reveals the other because they are ultimately inseparable.
86. Theodoret, Historia religiosa 1-2, is our primary source, along with the hymns of Ephrem: on Jacob in the Carmina Nisibena , 13-14; and the cycle on Julian Saba, of disputed authorship but certainly from the same period, (Ephrem Syrus?), Hymnen auf Abraham Kidunaya und Julianos Saba, ed. and trans. E. Beck. The poems on Abraham Qidunaya are another important witness to earliest Syrian asceticism. See further Vööbus, History of Asceticism 1:141-46, and 2:42-51. On Julian, see also Palladius, Historia Lausiaca 42; and Sozomen, HE 3.14.
87. Theodoret, Historia religiosa 1.
88. Ibid., 2.
89. Ibid., 2.18.
90. Ibid., 1.11, 2.6.
87. Theodoret, Historia religiosa 1.
88. Ibid., 2.
89. Ibid., 2.18.
90. Ibid., 1.11, 2.6.
87. Theodoret, Historia religiosa 1.
88. Ibid., 2.
89. Ibid., 2.18.
90. Ibid., 1.11, 2.6.
87. Theodoret, Historia religiosa 1.
88. Ibid., 2.
89. Ibid., 2.18.
90. Ibid., 1.11, 2.6.
91. Palladius, Historia Lausiaca 40. In the Carmina Nisibena 56.10, Ephrem calls himself ' allana, a word that can refer to a variety of pastoral positions; this is our only reference to an actual title for Ephrem's position. See the excellent discussion of Ephrem's career in Griffith, "Ephraem."
92. See Brown, "Saint as Exemplar"; and for how this was made possible, idem, Body and Society .
93. Brown, "Rise and Function." The economic monopoly that Syrian monasteries exerted over villages continued under the Arabs; the case of Simeon of the Olives (d. 734) and the Tur Abdin dramatically illustrates the issue. See "Fenqitho of the Monastery," ed. and trans. S. P. Brock, 174-79.
94. For example, Brown, "Rise and Function"; idem, "Saint as Exemplar"; idem, "Dark Age Crisis"; Frend, "Monks and the Survival"; Frazee, ''Late Roman and Byzantine Legislation.''
95. Vita Antonii, sec. 69-70. Cf. Chitty, Desert a City; Brown, Body and Society, 213-40.
96. Guillaumont, "Conception de désert" (= Aux origines du monachisme chrétien, 67-88).
97. On Basil's monastic aspirations, see Basil, Lettres 2, 223, and 142-44 Gregory of Nazianzus, Lettres 6; Oration 43.63; Sozomen, HE 6.34. For the intrigues involving Gregory of Nazianzus, see Basil, Lettres 14, and Gregory of Nazianzus, Lettres 2, 40, 46, 48-50, 59.
98. For example, Socrates, HE 7.7 13-15.
99. Theodoret, Historia religiosa . Cf. Jargy, "Premiers instituts monastiques"; Hendriks, "Vie quotidienne." See chapter 3 for specific discussion of how this precarious position affected Mesopotamia.
100. Simeon Stylites the Elder: BHG, 1678-88; BHO, 1121-26. The major documents on Simeon were collected and discussed in Leben des heiligen Symeon Stylites, ed. H. Leitzmann; see The Lives of Simeon Stylites, trans. R. Doran. On Simeon, see Drijvers, "Spätantike Parallelen"; and Harvey, "Sense of a Stylite."
101. On the physical details of stylitism, see Saints stylites, ed. and trans. H. Delehaye, and Vööbus, History of Asceticism 2:208-23.
102. Theodoret, Historia religiosa 26. Relevant to the discussion here are the treatments in Canivet, Monachisme syrien ; and Peeters, "Un saint hellénisé, par annexion: Syméon Stylite," in Orient et Byzance , 93-136.
103. Theodoret, Historia religiosa 26.12.
104. Ibid.
105. Ibid., 26.2, 7,12. See the discussions in A.-J. Festugière, Antioche paienne et chrétienne. Libanius, Chrysostome, et les moines de Syrie (Paris, 1959), 354-57; and Canivet, Monachisme syrien, 76-77.
103. Theodoret, Historia religiosa 26.12.
104. Ibid.
105. Ibid., 26.2, 7,12. See the discussions in A.-J. Festugière, Antioche paienne et chrétienne. Libanius, Chrysostome, et les moines de Syrie (Paris, 1959), 354-57; and Canivet, Monachisme syrien, 76-77.
103. Theodoret, Historia religiosa 26.12.
104. Ibid.
105. Ibid., 26.2, 7,12. See the discussions in A.-J. Festugière, Antioche paienne et chrétienne. Libanius, Chrysostome, et les moines de Syrie (Paris, 1959), 354-57; and Canivet, Monachisme syrien, 76-77.
106. The Syriac vita survives in two recessions. The earlier (A), Vat. Syr. 117, was copied in A.D. 473: Acta sanctorum martyrum orientalium, ed. and trans. J. S. Assemani; there is an English translation in Doran (see n. 100 above). The later (B), Brit. Mus. Add. 14484, dates to early in the sixth century: Vita Simeonis
Stylitae, in Acta Martyrum et Sanctorum, ed. P. Bedjan (hereafter AMS ); there is a German translation by H. Hilgenfeld in Das Leben des heiligen Symeon Stylites, ed. H. Lietzmann, 80-192; and an English one by F. Lent, "The Life of St. Simeon Stylites.
107. AMS 4.620, 519.
108. Ibid., 612.
109. For example, ibid., 571-72, 574.
110. Ibid., 572, 623.
107. AMS 4.620, 519.
108. Ibid., 612.
109. For example, ibid., 571-72, 574.
110. Ibid., 572, 623.
107. AMS 4.620, 519.
108. Ibid., 612.
109. For example, ibid., 571-72, 574.
110. Ibid., 572, 623.
107. AMS 4.620, 519.
108. Ibid., 612.
109. For example, ibid., 571-72, 574.
110. Ibid., 572, 623.
111. Harvey, "Sense of a Stylite."
112. The Greek vita by Antonius has been edited by H. Lietzmann, Leben des heiligen Symeon Stylites, 19-78; there is a French translation of the primary Greek text by A.-J. Festugière, Antioche paienne et chrétienne, 493-506, and (for sec. 28-33) 373-75.
113. As opposed to Nöldeke and others, for example, "Yet it must always be remembered that in all Christendom, Egypt apart, it will be difficult to find such an insane and soul-destroying asceticism as was practised by the purely Semitic Syrians from about the fourth to the seventh centuries" (Nöldeke, Sketches from Eastern History , 10).
114. Tchalenko, Villages antiques , 1:227-76; Peña, Castellana, and Fernandez, Stylites syriens; Nasrallah, "Survie de Saint Siméon"; Vikan, "Art, Medicine and Magic."
115. Saints Stylites , ed. and trans. H. Delehaye; Delehaye, "Femmes stylites"; Peña, Castellana, and Fernandez, Stylites syriens .
116. Alexius the Man of God, BHO, 36-44. The primary Syriac text is in Légende syriaque, ed. A. Amiaud. See also Drijvers, "Legende des heiligen Alexius."
117. Vita Alexii, Légende syriaque , ed. A. Amiaud, 10 (trans. 6).
118. Ibid., 12 (trans. 8).
117. Vita Alexii, Légende syriaque , ed. A. Amiaud, 10 (trans. 6).
118. Ibid., 12 (trans. 8).
119. On Rabbula, see Blum, Rabbula von Edessa . There is an important Syriac vita in AMS 4:396-450.
120. The story of the Man of God was translated into most Christian languages of the Middle Ages; see the discussion in Vita Alexii, ed. A. Amiaud. Eventually the saint acquired a name, Alexius, and all of the standard traits missing in the fifth century vita (miracles, teachings, a body venerated at public feast days, a tomb transformed into an opulent shrine, and the adoration of both the pope and the emperors). An example of this later version can be found in C. J. Odenkirchen, The Life of St. Alexius in the Old French Version of the Hildesheim Manuscript (Brookline, 1978).
121. So, too, in the case of Daniel the Stylite and Simeon Stylites the Younger. See also the excellent discussion in Theodoret of Cyrrhus, History, trans. R. M. Price, ix-xxxvii.
122. Theodoret, Historia religiosa 26.23.
123. Vööbus, History of Asceticism 2:181-82; Syriac and Arabic Documents, ed. and trans. A. Vööbus, 24-33, and compare passim.
124. Vööbus, History of Asceticism 2:275.
125. On this point only I disagree with Drijvers, "Legende des heiligen Alexius."
126. The Syriac-speaking church in Persia followed a different course. See Labourt, Christianisme dans l'empire perse ; Fiey, Jalons pour une histoire ; and Brock, "Christology of the Church."
127. See Grillmeier and Bacht, Konzil von Chalkedon ; Sellers, Council of Chalcedon ; Young, From Nicaea to Chalcedon, chapter 5; and Grillmeier, Christ in Christian Tradition .
128. See Frend, Rise of Christianity, 770-73; and Sellers, Council of Chalcedon . It is certainly Leo's Tome that receives the most scathing opprobrium in Syriac sources. Cf. Mouterde, "Concile de Chalcédoine." Cf. Lebon, Monophysisme Sévèrien, esp. 1-82.
129. For the background of the problem of religious language, see Young, "God of the Greeks."
130. See Wigram, Separation of the Monophysites ; and Frend, Rise of the Monophysite Movement .
131. Sellers, Two Ancient Christologies ; idem, Council of Chalcedon ; Grillmeier, Christ in Christian Tradition ; Young, "Reconsideration of Alexandrian Christology"; idem, "Christological Ideas"; idem, From Nicaea to Chalcedon, chapter 5. Cf. Brock, ''Orthodox-Oriental Orthodox Conversations."
132. Nonetheless, the profundity of shared understanding holds true to this day, although its affirmation has been disallowed by schism. See, for example, Fouyas, Theologikai kai Istorikai Meletai 1, esp. 140-217; Every, "Monophysite Question"; Murray, "What does a Catholic Hope." Cf. Lebon, Monophysisme Sévèrien, with Meyendorff, Byzantine Theology .
133. On the development of Monophysite theology, see Lebon, Monophysisme Sévèrien ; idem, "Christologie du monophysisme syrien"; R. Chesnut, Three Monophysite Christologies ; and Darling, "Patriarchate of Severus." For the development of Chalcedonian theology, see esp. Moeller, "Chalcédonisme et le néochalcédonisme"; Meyendorff, Christ in Eastern Christian Thought ; and P. T. R. Gray, Defense of Chalcedon .
134. Gray, Defense of Chalcedon, 48-73, 154-64; Frend, Rise of Christianity, 828-68.
135. See Charanis, Church and State ; and, in general, Frend, Rise of the Monophysite Movement, and Wigram, Separation of the Monophysites .
136. Evagrius, HE 3.44; pseudo-Dionysius, Incerti auctoris chronicon, 6-7 (John of Ephesus); John of Nikiu, Chronicle 9.9.
137. For example, John of Nikiu, Chronicle 90.20-26. See below, chapter 3.
138. Vasiliev, Justin the First, is essential for this whole period, as is Patlagean, Pauvreté économique . On Justinian's reign in general see, for example, Bury, History of the Later Roman Empire 2; Browning, Justinian and Theodora ; and Stein, Histoire du bas-empire 2.
139. See esp. Honigmann, Évêques et évêchés monophysites ; also Frend, Rise of
the Monophysite Movement ; and Wigram, Separation of the Monophysites . The tumultuous atmosphere is well caught in John of Nikius account of the Constantinopolitan riots, Chronicle 89.39-68; but the background is equally volatile. For example, Evagrius, HE 3.30-44; "Chronique melkite," ed. and trans. A. de Halleux, chaps. 13-14; and Michael the Syrian, Chronique 9.8-10. Severus of Antioch, Sixth Book of Select Letters, vividly portrays the sense of uncertainty and danger felt even at Severus' level of leadership. See also Darling, "Patriarchate of Severus."
140. Vasiliev, Justin the First, 4, 224, 363. Egypt's resources were well worth keeping within imperial reach. See Johnson and West, Byzantine Egypt, for the wealth of the church esp. 66-72, 252-54; and Wipszycka, Ressources et activités économiques .
141. Hardy, Christian Egypt; Jews and Christians in Egypt, ed. and trans. H. I. Bell; Frend, "Popular Religion"; Gregory, Vox Populi, esp. 129-61, 163-201.
142. For example, Severus of Antioch, Sixth Book of Select Letters, 1.49-50, 53, 5.11, 5.15.
143. Vita Severi (Zachariah Rhetor), ed. and trans. M.-A. Kugener; Vita Severi (John of Beith-Aphthonia), ed. and trans. M.-A. Kugener; Severus of Antioch, Sixth Book of Select Letters 1.49-50. Cf. Hardy, Christian Egypt, 111-32.
144. Severus of Antioch, Sixth Book of Select Letters 5.11. That Egypt lived up to this guiding role is clear from John of Ephesus' HE ; see Fragmenta, ed. E. W. Brooks, 3.7-8. Cf. Hardy, Christian Egypt, 120-43.
145. The consequences of the Plague have until recently rarely been acknowledged. We have three contemporary sources of information: Procopius, Wars 2.22-23; Evagrius, HE 4.29; and John of Ephesus, HE, in pseudo-Dionysius, Incerti auctoris chronicon, 79-89, 94-110, 112, 119. See chapter 3 below for discussion of these and recent scholarship.
146. Chapter 3 attempts to make clear the actual conditions of the eastern provinces at this time. The material discussed there complements, at least to some extent, the vicious denunciation of Justinian's treatment of the eastern provinces that Procopius gives in the Anecdota . Browning, Justinian and Theodora, 60-61, discusses examples of Justinian's occasional imperial munificence, especially in cases of disaster. Cf. Vasiliev, Justin the First, 344-88.
147. See esp. Vasiliev, Justin the First ; and Patlagean, Pauvreté économique, 74-112.
148. Justinian and his contemporary historians are discussed in chapter 4. See esp. Cameron, Procopius and the Sixth Century .