1. In the American religious landscape, Pentecostal-Charismatic religion is placed by the historian Martin Marty (1976) alongside mainline denominational Christianity, evangelical-fundamentalist Christianity, ethnic religions, new religions (including North American variants of Hinduism, Islam, and Buddhism), and civil religion (see Bellah 1970 on the latter). Pentecostalism originated in the United States at the turn of the twentieth century as a predominantly working-class, fundamentalist movement based on the immediate experience of divine power (Bloch-Hoell 1964; Hollenweger 1972) and in its several variants is considered to be the fastest-growing form of Christianity in the world (Marty 1976: 124). In the United States these variants are summarized by Vinson Synan (1975: 2-3): (1) the holiness-pentecostal movement that began with Charles Parham in Topeka (1901) and James Seymour in Los Angeles (1906), with the later split between the two leaders marking the division of an originally racially integrated movement into white and black segments; (2) the "Finished Work" Pentecostal movement that began with Charles Durham in Chicago (1910) and includes the Assemblies of God, the largest among Pentecostal denominations; (3) the "oneness" or unitarian Pentecostal movement that began in a schism from the Assemblies of God (1913-1916); (4) the Protestant neo-Pentecostal movement with one branch that began with Demos Shakarian's Full Gospel Business Men's Fellowship International in Los Angeles (1951) and developed into a nondenominational form of Pentecostalism and a second branch that began with the Episcopalian pastor Dennis Bennet in Van Nuys, California (1960), and established a trend of Charismatic movements within the major individual Protestant denominations, especially Episcopalian, Lutheran, and Presbyterian; (5) the Catholic Charismatic movement that began in Pittsburgh and South Bend (1967). From the Catholic side, one precursor to the Charismatic Renewal was the Cursillo movement ( New Catholic Encyclopedia 1967), and apologists attempt to ground its legitimacy in a variety of theological trends seen as culminating in the Second Vatican Council.

Major works on "classical" Pentecostal denominations have been produced by Bloch- Hoell (1964), Hollenweger (1972), Synan (1975), and Cox (1995). "Neo-Pentecostal" and ''Charismatic" movements and congregations have been treated by Gerlach and Hine (1970), Quebedoux (1976), McGuire (1982), Neitz (1987), and Warner (1988). In the 1980s a group of evangelicals and pentecostals identifying themselves as a "third wave'' in the "modern outpouring of the Spirit" emerged under the banner of "spiritual warfare" against demonic forces said to be on the rise in contemporary society (Cox 1995: 281-285). Characterizing the difference in ethos between classical and neo-Pentecostalism in terms of popular culture icons, the theologian Harvey Cox writes, "If Jimmy Swaggart is the Mick Jagger of Pentecostalism, the charismatic movement is its Guy Lombardo" (1995: 152). There is no doubt that some of the more forceful phenomena of Pentecostalism have been "domesticated" by Charismatics (Neitz 1987; Csordas 1994a; Cox 1995). For example, the experience of being overcome by divine power is called being "slain in the Spirit" by classical pentecostals and "resting in the Spirit" by Charismatics; and whereas the expulsion of evil spirits from an afflicted person is likely to be manifested by vomiting among classical pentecostals, it is just as likely to be manifested by a burp or a cough among Charismatics. By the same token, in keeping with Cox's mode of characterization, the third wave's musical totem would have to be Screamin' Jay Hawkins or perhaps the Rev. Billy C. Wirtz.

2. The split came about formally at the movement's 1977 national conference in Kansas City. Notably, this was the first national conference held on neutral ground, as all previous ones had taken place in South Bend under the sponsorship of the People of Praise covenant community.

3. These efforts were epitomized in a series of mass events called FIRE (Faith, Intercession, Repentance, Evangelization) rallies. At the same time the leadership of the parochial wing under the aegis of the National Service Committee established an office of Traveling Timothy, in which experienced Charismatics were sent to localities to aid and encourage prayer groups that were not interested in becoming covenant communities.

4. The move was designed in part to give added autonomy to the National Service Committee as a national body independent of the People of Praise community in South Bend, as well as distance from the split among covenant communities that occurred earlier in the 1980s and is described below.

5. While The Word of God was at first instrumental in the migration of the international office to Brussels under the auspices of their ally Cardinal Suenens, once in Rome that community's influence progressively declined, and it turned its attention to the international expansion of its own network of communities, the Sword of the Spirit. The International Communications Office (ICO) later became known as the International Catholic Charismatic Renewal Office (ICCRO), and in 1994 it was again rechristened International Catholic Charismatic Renewal Services (ICCRS).

6. Cardinal Suenens has published a series of influential manifestos known as "Malines Documents" on the movement's theology, pastoral issues, ecumenism, social activism, casting out of evil spirits, and the ritual technique of the body known as resting in the Spirit.

7. Indeed, although the movement is overtly apolitical in its public stance, it is not without political implications. In the United States, some movement leaders have belonged to the conservative Intercessors for America, a group dominated by Protestant evangelicals, the express purpose of which is to pray for the well-being of the nation. At least two Latin American movement leaders were formerly well-placed government officials in their respective countries, one an ambassador to Washington and the other a president of the Senate. In Nicaragua, a leader of the Managua branch of the Sword of the Spirit covenant community is a prominent anti-Sandinista. The attraction of such people in Latin America suggests that the Charismatic Renewal provides a new overtly apolitical arena for reformulating older ideas of Christian Democracy and Catholic Action and counteracting the influence of liberation theology. Thus Pentecostalism, usually described as a "third force" in Christianity after Catholicism and Protestantism, may appear in its Catholic form as a "third force" between political Left and Right, appealing to communitarian sentiments while advancing conservative values.

8. Regional diversity among Charismatics is likely to reflect that among Catholics at large. An interesting if impressionistic summary of regional variants of Catholicism is given in True (1977): eastern coastal Catholicism is strongly based in neighborhoods, with many children in parochial schools, is linked to the eastern intellectual establishment, and has a powerful hierarchy conservative with respect to the reforms of the Second Vatican Council; midwestern and West Coast Catholicism is characterized by provincialism, clericalism, and anti-intellectualism, with less powerful bishops than in the East, and with a history of initiatives in favor of liturgical reform, social action, ecumenical reform, and lay leadership. Southern Catholicism is a largely missionary church in which a person "chooses to be Catholic as an act of will," and which unlike the other two regions lacks a Catholic university system and has few religious periodicals; ethnic Catholicism based on nationality is relatively insular but is the source of movements such as the United Farmworkers' Union. My observations of diversity among Charismatics support this picture of regional variation, including the existence of a largely distinct Catholic Charismatic Renewal among Hispanics in the United States. In spite of diversity, the ritual language and practice of the movement are remarkably uniform in North America, largely due to circulation of vast amounts of written and audiotaped material and to frequent conferences and workshops of local, regional, and national scope.

9. Westley (1977) documents the social dynamics of a case in which a Catholic Charismatic prayer group's attempt to incorporate speaking in tongues into its ritual life was unsuccessful.

10. Community members regard this as reintroduction of the "double monastery" that existed in previous periods of Benedictine history, a structure whose recognition was formalized in 1985 with the reaffiliation of the community within the Benedictine order from the Swiss-American Federation to the Olivetan Congregation.

11. The emergence of this model in New England, under the leadership of priests and with an integration of Catholic liturgy into Charismatic ritual, conforms to the prominence of Catholics in the region's demographics and to the more traditional style of New England Catholicism.

12. Prophecy is one of the spiritual gifts by means of which the divinity is understood to directly address the faithful through the speech of humans (see chapters 6 and 7).

13. Most affiliated with one or the other network, though in the covenant community in Minneapolis divided loyalties led to a split. Part of the community went with the federation and part with the fellowship and as of the late 1980s maintained no ongoing interaction between them.

14. The remainder were in Canada, Costa Rica, Nicaragua, Mexico, Honduras, the Philippines, Lebanon, Hong Kong, South Africa, Northern Ireland, Ireland, Scotland, England, Belgium, France, Spain, Austria, and India. Twelve were full branches, and the rest were categorized as either affiliated or associated groups, the latter differentiated both by the degree to which a community has committed to the Sword of the Spirit covenant and by its potential for such commitment as seen by the Sword of the Spirit governing council and assembly, headed, respectively, by Ralph Martin and Steven Clark of The Word of God.

15. The six original communities of the fellowship subsequently went through a process of regional consolidation, with the merger of three midwestern members and two western members, the southeastern group remaining discrete.

16. The channeling of increasing energy by The Word of God into formation of the Sword of the Spirit as an international covenant community, as well as a degree of disappointment in the decline of communitarian development by the Charismatic Renewal at large, led to its withdrawal in the 1980s from active participation in Charismatic conferences sponsored by the National Service Committee (NSC), still based in South Bend. While the NSC instituted a new outreach to Charismatic prayer groups and communities in which Traveling Timothys visited localities, the Sword of the Spirit initiated its aforementioned outreach of large FIRE rallies (see note 3, above) to recruit and evangelize rank-and-file Charismatics to the communitarian vision derived from the 1975 Rome prophecies. The Sword of the Spirit also largely withdrew from activities of the International Catholic Charismatic Renewal Office, which it had founded a decade earlier. Covenant communities in general were not active in this body through the 1980s, and only in 1990 were representatives of the Fellowship of Communities and the International Brotherhood of Communities once again elected to its council at the encouragement of Bishop Paul Cordes of Rome's Pontifical Council for the Laity, acting in his new capacity as Episcopal adviser to the Catholic Charismatic Renewal.

17. The Alleluia community in Augusta, Georgia, also has such denominational fellowships, but as a member of the Catholic Fraternity its Catholic fellowship is under the sole authority of the local bishop, while The Word of God Fellowship also came under the translocal authority of the Sword of the Spirit community network.

18. A true comparison is quite impossible, as it would require access to the privileged communication between head and advisee, recording the strength and frequency of advice and guidance, the range of issues that are actually submitted to this relationship, and the frequency with which the words of the head are presented as advice or as divine guidance. Moreover, the advisee's subjective expectation of guidance would have to be taken into account, since if both parties share the same expectation, regardless of its comprehensiveness it is unlikely to be perceived as "heavy-handedness."

19. Nevertheless, a People of Praise coordinator acknowledged that "were a feminist to look at both of us they would say we were both inflexible." This acknowledgment may be somewhat more significant than it appears, for it implies a legitimacy for the feminist position that leaders of The Word of God would likely be reluctant to grant.

20. The difference between the groups is exemplified by the comment of a People of Praise coordinator on a talk given at a presplit meeting of leaders from both groups:

One of their [Word of God] guys was talking about the possibility of fathers helping mothers with changing diapers. With great disdain he virtually eliminated the possibility of any man with a decent degree of male hormones doing that sort of thing. For us that was a matter of charity as opposed to hormones—if the wife needs some help, you help her. . . . We would say that's more of the wife's and mother's responsibility than the father's. On the other hand, when charity demands, don't let your image of masculinity stand in the way.

21. A coordinator of the People of Praise summarizes the disagreement as follows:

With historical perspective you can see that there have been very bad times throughout for the Church but somehow God in his love proved superior to evil, and he pulls it out of the fire. We take that kind of perspective without minimizing sin and the evil that's around us; we might emphasize more God's redeeming work that is going on. . . . Kevin Ranaghan [Principal Branch Coordinator, People of Praise, South Bend] talked at a conference three or four years ago entitled "Renewing the Face of the Earth," painting a picture of different worldviews using the example of if the Titanic is sinking, you don't waste time rearranging deck chairs but get lifeboats and take emergency precautions to save lives. That was the example they [The Word of God] liked to use a lot in the old

days [before the split]. Depending on your reading of the signs of the times you see the Titanic sinking or not, and if it's sinking your agenda is different—we don't see it as sinking, and our agenda is different.

22. In part through this group, the Korean Protestant Charismatic evangelist Yonggi Cho has had a broad influence on Catholic Charismatics throughout the United States as well as Asia.

23. For a comparison of Cuban-American Catholic Charismatic and santeria healers, see Espin 1988.

24. The exact quote is as follows: "Toujours, l'experience religieuse charismatique vient refaire le moi, le reconstituter en profondeur" (1979:91).

25. Doutreloux and Degive (1978) offer a critical account of a prayer meeting and Charismatic language use in French-speaking Belgium, probably based on observation of a group affiliated with Cardinal Suenens and The Word of God community in the United States.

26. Lanternari (1994: 48-50) offers a comparison, albeit somewhat artificial, between a branch of the French Lion of Judah covenant community in Rome and a healing ministry led by one Brother Cosimo in the southern region of Calabria.

27. In an analogous vein, in the same year a Zairean priest named Abbé Pius Kasongo, who had also had a Charismatic healing ministry and led a prayer group since the early 1970s, was suspended by his bishop from his rights and duties as a priest. Kasongo, however, remained in Zaire, living at a Catholic parish and continuing his healing services (Fabian 1994: 273).