IV— Continuity and Controversy: Schallmayer's Defense of Eugenics
1. Some of the professional journals include Zeitschrift für Sozialpolitik und Verwaltung, Deutsche Literaturzeitung, Naturwissenschaftliche Wochenschrift, Zeitschrift für Philosophie und philosophische Kritik, Archiv für die gesamte Psychologie, Münchener medizinische Wochenschrift, Archiv für Rassen- und Gesellschafts-Biologie, Hygienische Rundschau, Zeitschrift für Sexualwissenschaft, Jahrbücher für Nationalökonomie , and the Politsch-anthropologische Revue . The Frankfurter Zeitung and Der Tag are the two newspapers containing reviews of the first edition of Vererbung und Auslese ; the former was a highbrow paper, the latter was a social democratic publication. The arch-conservative journal referred to is the Preussische Jahrbücher ; the socialist organs are Die neue Zeit and Sozialistische Monatshefte .
2. The term "social anthropology" as used in this chapter is radically different from its contemporary meaning. Today the term is used to denote the sub-discipline of anthropology which "aims at understanding and explaining the diversity of human behavior by a comparative continue
study of social relationships and processes over as wide a range of societies as possible." Raymond Firth, "Social Anthropology," International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences (New York: Macmillan Co. and the Free Press, 1968), 1-2:320-324.
3. One of the first scholars to call attention to these two parallel developments was Hans-Günter Zmarzlik in his article "Der Sozialdarwinismus in Deutschland als geschichtliches Problem," 253.
4. There is a large secondary literature dealing with Gobineau and his intellectual influence. Some of the more recent works include: George L. Mosse, Towards the Final Solution , esp. chap. 4; Michael D. Biddiss, Father of Racist Theory: The Social and Political Thought of Count Gobineau (London and New York: Weybright and Talley, 1970); Leon Poliakov, The Aryan Myth ; Patrik von zur Mühlen, Rassenideologien ; E. J. Young, Gobineau und der Rassismus: Eine Kritik der anthropologischen Geschichtstheorie (Meisenheim am Glan: Anton Hain, 1968); J. R. Baker, Race (London: Oxford University Press, 1974).
5. Baker, Race , 35.
6. The use of the term Aryan as synonymous with "white race" is of course totally incorrect. The word Aryan first appears in the early nineteenth century when German philologists sought to lay bare the origins of race by pointing to the common origin of Western languages. The common proto-language was alleged to be Sanskrit, and was said to have been transported from Asia to Europe by the so-called Aryan people. The Aryans were believed to have either originated in or moved into India where they conquered non-Indo-European inhabitants in the area. From here they supposedly migrated to Europe. For a detailed discussion of the tortured history of the term see Mosse, Toward the Final Solution , chap. 3.
7. Ibid., 52-54.
8. Ibid., 53.
6. The use of the term Aryan as synonymous with "white race" is of course totally incorrect. The word Aryan first appears in the early nineteenth century when German philologists sought to lay bare the origins of race by pointing to the common origin of Western languages. The common proto-language was alleged to be Sanskrit, and was said to have been transported from Asia to Europe by the so-called Aryan people. The Aryans were believed to have either originated in or moved into India where they conquered non-Indo-European inhabitants in the area. From here they supposedly migrated to Europe. For a detailed discussion of the tortured history of the term see Mosse, Toward the Final Solution , chap. 3.
7. Ibid., 52-54.
8. Ibid., 53.
6. The use of the term Aryan as synonymous with "white race" is of course totally incorrect. The word Aryan first appears in the early nineteenth century when German philologists sought to lay bare the origins of race by pointing to the common origin of Western languages. The common proto-language was alleged to be Sanskrit, and was said to have been transported from Asia to Europe by the so-called Aryan people. The Aryans were believed to have either originated in or moved into India where they conquered non-Indo-European inhabitants in the area. From here they supposedly migrated to Europe. For a detailed discussion of the tortured history of the term see Mosse, Toward the Final Solution , chap. 3.
7. Ibid., 52-54.
8. Ibid., 53.
9. Gobineau used the term "degenerate" in the following manner: "I think that the word 'degenerate' applied to a people should and does signify that this people has no longer the intrinsic value that it formerly possessed, that it no longer has in its veins the same blood, the worth of which has been gradually modified by successive mixtures; or to put it in other words, that with the same name it has not retained the same race as its founder." Quoted in Baker, Race , 36.
10. Mühlen, Rassenideologien , 67.
11. Mosse, Toward the Final Solution , 56.
12. Mühlen, Rassenideologien , 116. In France, the term "anthropological sociology" was used to describe the combination of Gobineau's ra- soft
cism, social Darwinism, and anthropometry. In many ways this term gives a more accurate description of the aims and assumptions of this new discipline than does "social anthropology." In general, it was assumed that there were racial (hence anthropological) differences among various social classes, with the higher social classes exhibiting a higher percentage of Germanic or Nordic stock.
13. For a brief summary of the life and ideas of Lapouge see Eduard Seidler and Günter Nagel, "Georges Vacher de Lapouge (1854-1936) und der Sozialdarwinismus in Frankreich," in Biologismus im 19. Jahrhundert , 94-107. See also Clark, Social Darwinism in France , 143-154.
14. Poliakov, The Aryan Myth , 270.
15. The terms dolichocephalic (long-headed) and brachycephalic (round-headed) were part of the language of anthropometry (the study of human body measurements) popularized by the École d'Anthropologie. Owing to the belief that the shape of the head was an important criterion of race, in 1840 a process for measuring and differentiating skulls was developed known as the cephalic index. The cephalic index was derived by multiplying the width of the skull by 100 and dividing by the length of the skull. A lower number was characteristic of long-headed dolichocephalic peoples; a higher number indicated an individual was round-headed or brachycephalic. See John Haller, Outcasts From Evolution: Scientific Attitudes of Racial Inferiority 1859-1900 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1971), esp. chap. 1. In an earlier work, Les Sélections sociales (1896), Lapouge called attention to the degeneration of the Aryan race and proposed measures to counteract it.
16. Mühlen, Rassenideologien , 90-91; Seidler and Nagel, "de Lapouge," 94-107; Mosse, Toward the Final Solution , 58-62. Lapouge's views are best expressed in his two most important works, L'Aryen, son rôle social (1899) and Race et milieu social (1909). Lapouge sometimes used the word Aryan as synonymous with "white race," but seems more frequently to have employed it as equivalent to the so-called Germanic or Nordic race.
17. Otto Ammon's views on the subject can be found in all his works, but are most clearly stated in Die Gesellschaftsordnung und ihre natürlichen Grundlagen. Entwurf einer Sozial-Anthropologie (Jena: Gustav Fischer Verlag, 1895), 50-52.
18. Otto Ammon, Die natürliche Auslese beim Menschen (Jena: Gustav Fischer Verlag, 1893), 185. Ammon is quoting Lapouge in support of his own position.
19. Ibid., 72.
20. Ibid., 186. break
18. Otto Ammon, Die natürliche Auslese beim Menschen (Jena: Gustav Fischer Verlag, 1893), 185. Ammon is quoting Lapouge in support of his own position.
19. Ibid., 72.
20. Ibid., 186. break
18. Otto Ammon, Die natürliche Auslese beim Menschen (Jena: Gustav Fischer Verlag, 1893), 185. Ammon is quoting Lapouge in support of his own position.
19. Ibid., 72.
20. Ibid., 186. break
21. For a brief background on the intellectual career of Ludwig Woltmann, see Mosse, The Crisis of German Ideology (New York: Grosset and Dunlap, 1964), 99-103.
22. For a discussion of Woltmann's attempt to synthesize socialist, Darwinian, and neo-Kantian thought see Hans-Josef Steinberg, Sozialismus und deutsche Sozialdemokratie , 54-55.
23. Mosse, The Crisis of German Ideology , 100.
24. Ibid., 100-103.
23. Mosse, The Crisis of German Ideology , 100.
24. Ibid., 100-103.
25. Many of Woltmann's articles appear under pseudonyms; one can only surmise that he hoped thereby to foster the impression that the journal had more regular contributors that it actually enjoyed.
26. Ziegler, "Einleitung zu dem Sammelwerke Natur und Staat ," 5.
27. Ibid.
26. Ziegler, "Einleitung zu dem Sammelwerke Natur und Staat ," 5.
27. Ibid.
28. For the most part this campaign against Schallmayer and the judges was waged by Woltmann and his colleagues in the Politisch-anthropologische Revue . Only Ammon published articles critical of the contest in other journals.
29. Wilhelm Schallmayer, Beiträge zu einer Nationalbiologie (Jena: Hermann Costenoble, 1905), 205.
30. Ludwig Woltmann, Politische Anthropologie (Leipzig and Eisenach: Eugen, 1903), 1.
31. Ludwig Woltmann, "Nachschrift zu Lapouges Kritik des Jeneser Preisausschreibens," Politisch-anthropologische Revue 3 (1904-05): 310.
32. E. Heuppe, Rev. of Vererbung und Auslese by W. Schallmayer, Zeitschrift für Sozialwissenschaft (1905): 131. Other articles by social anthropologists attacking Schallmayer and the judges include Georges Vacher de Lapouge, "Kritik des Jenenser Preissausschreibens," Politisch-anthropologische Revue 3 (1904-05): 297-304; Ludwig Kuhlenbeck, "Kritik der Jenenser Preisschriften," Politisch-anthropologische Revue 3 (1904-05): 427-436; Otto Ammon, "Anthropologische Rundschau. Nachwort zum Jenaer sozialanthropologischen Wettbewerb," Deutsche Welt (1904): 138-141.
33. Schallmayer, Beiträge , 228.
34. Gasman, Scientific Origins of National Socialism , 39-40.
35. Schallmayer, Beiträge , 203.
36. Ibid., 225.
35. Schallmayer, Beiträge , 203.
36. Ibid., 225.
37. Schallmayer, Vererbung und Auslese , 1st ed., 79.
38. Wilhelm Schallmayer, "Gobineaus Rassenwerk und die moderne Gobineauschule," Zeitschrift für Sozialwissenschaft 9 (1910): 569-570.
39. Schallmayer, Vererbung und Auslese , 2d. ed., 284.
40. Schallmayer, "Gobineaus Rassenwerk," 566. break
41. Ibid., 563-564.
42. Ibid., 564.
43. Ibid., 560-561.
40. Schallmayer, "Gobineaus Rassenwerk," 566. break
41. Ibid., 563-564.
42. Ibid., 564.
43. Ibid., 560-561.
40. Schallmayer, "Gobineaus Rassenwerk," 566. break
41. Ibid., 563-564.
42. Ibid., 564.
43. Ibid., 560-561.
40. Schallmayer, "Gobineaus Rassenwerk," 566. break
41. Ibid., 563-564.
42. Ibid., 564.
43. Ibid., 560-561.
44. Wilhelm Schallmayer, "Die soziologische Bedeutung des Nachwuchses der Begabteren und die psychische Vererbung," ARGB 2 (1905): 61-63.
45. Schallmayer, Vererbung und Auslese , 2d. ed., 38.
46. Schallmayer, "Die soziologische Bedeutung," 63.
47. Schallmayer, "Gobineaus Rassenwerk," 562-563.
48. Schallmayer, Vererbung und Auslese , 2d ed., 374.
49. Ibid., 375.
50. Ibid.
48. Schallmayer, Vererbung und Auslese , 2d ed., 374.
49. Ibid., 375.
50. Ibid.
48. Schallmayer, Vererbung und Auslese , 2d ed., 374.
49. Ibid., 375.
50. Ibid.
51. Schallmayer, "Rassedienst," 435-436.
52. Ibid., 434.
51. Schallmayer, "Rassedienst," 435-436.
52. Ibid., 434.
53. Schallmayer, Vererbung und Auslese , 2d. ed., 378.
54. Ibid., 376-377.
55. Ibid., 383-384.
56. Ibid., 284.
53. Schallmayer, Vererbung und Auslese , 2d. ed., 378.
54. Ibid., 376-377.
55. Ibid., 383-384.
56. Ibid., 284.
53. Schallmayer, Vererbung und Auslese , 2d. ed., 378.
54. Ibid., 376-377.
55. Ibid., 383-384.
56. Ibid., 284.
53. Schallmayer, Vererbung und Auslese , 2d. ed., 378.
54. Ibid., 376-377.
55. Ibid., 383-384.
56. Ibid., 284.
57. Schallmayer, "Rassedienst," 436.
58. Schallmayer, Verebung und Auslese , 2d. ed., 352.
59. Schallmayer's relationship to the Aryan-minded eugenicists will be treated in the Epilogue.
60. My statement that Schallmayer was nonracist holds only for his views regarding the Aryan themes of the Gobineau school. To be sure, Schallmayer did hold racist views with respect to blacks, and to a much lesser degree, Asians—a subject treated in the next chapter. It should be pointed out, however, that even with respect to the latter two groups, his racism was quite moderate compared to most of his contemporaries, especially his fellow eugenicists.
61. By bourgeois social scientists I mean academic social theorists such as Max Weber, Ferdinand Tönnies, and Werner Sombart who, while influenced by Marxism, ultimately rejected the basic tenets of Marx's thought.
62. For a biographical sketch of Ploetz's life see Doeleke, Alfred Ploetz , 3-29.
63. The full bibliographical entries are as follows: Alfred Ploetz, "Trostworte an einen naturwissenschaftlichen Hamlet," ARGB 29 (1935): 88-89 (reprinted from the New Yorker Volkszeitung , Nov. 6, 1892); Ploetz, "Rassentüchtigkeit und Sozialismus," Neue Deutsche Rundschau 5 (1894): 989-997; Ploetz, "Sozialpolitik und Rassenhygiene in ihrem prinzipiellen Verhältnis," Archiv für soziale Gesetzgebung und Statistik 17 continue
(1902): 393-420; Ploetz, Tüchtigkeit unsrer Rasse .
64. Ploetz, "Rassentüchtigkeit," 989-997.
65. Graham, "Science and Values," 1137.
66. Translation of the quotation taken from Graham, "Science and Values," 1137.
67. Ibid.
66. Translation of the quotation taken from Graham, "Science and Values," 1137.
67. Ibid.
68. Ploetz, "Sozialpolitik und Rassenhygiene," 393-420.
69. Verhandlungen des Ersten Deutschen Soziologentages (Tübingen: J. C. B. Mohr, 1911), 111-165.
70. Ibid., 122.
71. Ibid., 147. This participant, Heinz Potthoff, was a Reichtag deputy. He published a more detailed account of his position in "Schutz der Schwachen," ARGB 8 (1911): 86-91.
69. Verhandlungen des Ersten Deutschen Soziologentages (Tübingen: J. C. B. Mohr, 1911), 111-165.
70. Ibid., 122.
71. Ibid., 147. This participant, Heinz Potthoff, was a Reichtag deputy. He published a more detailed account of his position in "Schutz der Schwachen," ARGB 8 (1911): 86-91.
69. Verhandlungen des Ersten Deutschen Soziologentages (Tübingen: J. C. B. Mohr, 1911), 111-165.
70. Ibid., 122.
71. Ibid., 147. This participant, Heinz Potthoff, was a Reichtag deputy. He published a more detailed account of his position in "Schutz der Schwachen," ARGB 8 (1911): 86-91.
72. Werner Sombart, "Ideale der Sozialpolitik," Archiv für soziale Gesetzgebung und Statistik 10 (1897): 1-48.
73. Ibid., 24-25.
74. Ibid., 8.
75. Ibid., 26-27.
72. Werner Sombart, "Ideale der Sozialpolitik," Archiv für soziale Gesetzgebung und Statistik 10 (1897): 1-48.
73. Ibid., 24-25.
74. Ibid., 8.
75. Ibid., 26-27.
72. Werner Sombart, "Ideale der Sozialpolitik," Archiv für soziale Gesetzgebung und Statistik 10 (1897): 1-48.
73. Ibid., 24-25.
74. Ibid., 8.
75. Ibid., 26-27.
72. Werner Sombart, "Ideale der Sozialpolitik," Archiv für soziale Gesetzgebung und Statistik 10 (1897): 1-48.
73. Ibid., 24-25.
74. Ibid., 8.
75. Ibid., 26-27.
76. Verhandlungen , 153.
77. Ibid., 153-154.
78. Ibid., 156-157. I have used the translation from W. G. Runciman, ed., Weber: Selections in Translation , trans. Eric Matthews (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1978), 389-390.
76. Verhandlungen , 153.
77. Ibid., 153-154.
78. Ibid., 156-157. I have used the translation from W. G. Runciman, ed., Weber: Selections in Translation , trans. Eric Matthews (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1978), 389-390.
76. Verhandlungen , 153.
77. Ibid., 153-154.
78. Ibid., 156-157. I have used the translation from W. G. Runciman, ed., Weber: Selections in Translation , trans. Eric Matthews (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1978), 389-390.
79. Verhandlungen , 156-157.
80. Schallmayer, Beiträge , 154-156.
81. A. Vierkandt, "Ein Einbruch der Naturwissenschaften in die Geisteswissenschaften?" Zeitschrift für philosophische Kritik 127 (1906): 170.
82. Ibid., 170-171.
81. A. Vierkandt, "Ein Einbruch der Naturwissenschaften in die Geisteswissenschaften?" Zeitschrift für philosophische Kritik 127 (1906): 170.
82. Ibid., 170-171.
83. A. Vierkandt, "Verebung und Auslese im Lebenslauf der Völker," Archiv für die gesamte Psychologie 7 (1906): 184.
84. Ferdinand Tönnies, "Zur naturwissenschaftlichen Gesellschaftslehre," Schmollers Jahrbuch für Gesetzgebung und Verwaltung , 29 (1905): 27-43.
85. Ibid., 44.
84. Ferdinand Tönnies, "Zur naturwissenschaftlichen Gesellschaftslehre," Schmollers Jahrbuch für Gesetzgebung und Verwaltung , 29 (1905): 27-43.
85. Ibid., 44.
86. Schallmayer, Beiträge , 209-210.
87. Tönnies wrote an article discussing Galton's views entitled "Eugenik," Schmollers Jahrbuch für Gesetzgebung und Verwaltung 29 (1903): 273-290.
88. Tönnies, "Zur naturwissenschaftlichen Gesellschaftslehre," 49-50. break
89. Ibid., 53-55.
90. Ibid., 55-56.
88. Tönnies, "Zur naturwissenschaftlichen Gesellschaftslehre," 49-50. break
89. Ibid., 53-55.
90. Ibid., 55-56.
88. Tönnies, "Zur naturwissenschaftlichen Gesellschaftslehre," 49-50. break
89. Ibid., 53-55.
90. Ibid., 55-56.
91. Ferdinand Tönnies, "Zur naturwissenschaftlichen Gesellschaftslehre. Eine Replik," Schmollers Jahrbuch für Gestezgebung und Verwaltung 33 (1907): 94.
92. Ibid.
93. Ibid., 69.
91. Ferdinand Tönnies, "Zur naturwissenschaftlichen Gesellschaftslehre. Eine Replik," Schmollers Jahrbuch für Gestezgebung und Verwaltung 33 (1907): 94.
92. Ibid.
93. Ibid., 69.
91. Ferdinand Tönnies, "Zur naturwissenschaftlichen Gesellschaftslehre. Eine Replik," Schmollers Jahrbuch für Gestezgebung und Verwaltung 33 (1907): 94.
92. Ibid.
93. Ibid., 69.
94. Schallmayer, "Einführung in die Rassehygiene," 434.
95. Schallmayer, Beiträge , 8.
96. Ibid., 17-18.
97. Ibid., 20-21.
95. Schallmayer, Beiträge , 8.
96. Ibid., 17-18.
97. Ibid., 20-21.
95. Schallmayer, Beiträge , 8.
96. Ibid., 17-18.
97. Ibid., 20-21.
98. Schallmayer, "Soziologische Bedeutung," 38-39.
99. Ibid., 37.
100. Ibid., 40-41.
101. Ibid., 40. Although Sombart claimed that cultural progress was his final goal, hidden behind his rhetoric was the practical aim of preserving the state though economic and social reform. This was the ultimate aim of all the academic social scientists.
98. Schallmayer, "Soziologische Bedeutung," 38-39.
99. Ibid., 37.
100. Ibid., 40-41.
101. Ibid., 40. Although Sombart claimed that cultural progress was his final goal, hidden behind his rhetoric was the practical aim of preserving the state though economic and social reform. This was the ultimate aim of all the academic social scientists.
98. Schallmayer, "Soziologische Bedeutung," 38-39.
99. Ibid., 37.
100. Ibid., 40-41.
101. Ibid., 40. Although Sombart claimed that cultural progress was his final goal, hidden behind his rhetoric was the practical aim of preserving the state though economic and social reform. This was the ultimate aim of all the academic social scientists.
98. Schallmayer, "Soziologische Bedeutung," 38-39.
99. Ibid., 37.
100. Ibid., 40-41.
101. Ibid., 40. Although Sombart claimed that cultural progress was his final goal, hidden behind his rhetoric was the practical aim of preserving the state though economic and social reform. This was the ultimate aim of all the academic social scientists.
102. Schallmayer, Beiträge . 32. The biological basis of such asocial activities was, of course, stressed in all his works.
103. John B. Haycraft, Darwinism and Race Progress (London: Swan Sonnenschein and Co., 1895). Haycraft is best remembered for his outrageous claim that tuberculosis is a "friend of the race."
104. The contrast between the two traditions was recognized by at least one early twentieth-century hygienist, Dr. W. Oettinger. The introductory remarks of his article "Selektion und Hygiene," Deutsche Vierteljahrschrift für öffentliche Gesundheitspflege (1912): 608-626, stimulated my own thought on the subject.
105. German public hygiene, which during most of the nineteenth century had been strictly an empirical and practical branch of medicine lacking its own department in the university, had by 1900 profited from the important discoveries of Robert Koch, Paul Erlich, and others. A more scientific approach to hygiene may be said to have begun when the traditions of Max von Pettenkofer and Robert Koch were combined in the first Prussian chair of hygiene in Göttingen headed by Karl Flügge. For an early twentieth-century appraisal of the development of German hygiene from 1884 to 1909 see Adolf Gottstein, "Die Entwicklung der Hygiene im letzten Vierteljahrhundert," Zeitschrift für Sozialwissenschaft 12 (1909): 65-82.
106. For a discussion of the social and political role of hygiene and medicine see chap. 1. break
107. Only after the germ theory of disease was firmly established could the link between epidemics and poverty be demonstrated. Gottstein, "Die Entwicklung der Hygiene," 74.
108. See for example Walter Kruse, "Physische Degeneration und Wehrfähigkeit bei europäischen Völkern," Zentralblatt für allgemeine Gesundheitspflege 17 (1898): 457-473.
109. Heinrich Herkner, "Die Entartungsfrage in England," Schmollers Jahrbuch für Gesetzgebung und Verwaltung 31 (1907): 378.
110. My reason for suggesting a link between the publication of Schallmayer's work and the appearance of the three articles on degeneration is that the hygienists all published their articles in 1903, the year Vererbung und Auslese was made available to the public.
111. The articles under discussion are Walter Kruse, "Entartung," Zeitschrift für Sozialwissenschaft (1903): 359-376 and 411-434; Friedrich Prinzing, "Die angebliche Wirkung hoher Kindersterblichkeit im Sinne Darwinischer Auslese," Zentralblatt für allgemeine Gesundheitspflege (1903): 111-129; Max von Gruber, "Führt die Hygiene zur Entartung der Rasse?" Münchener medizinische Wochenschrift 50 (1903): 1713-1718 and 1781-1785.
112. Kruse, "Entartung," 372-374; Prinzing, "Die angebliche Wirkung," 119-121; Gruber, "Führt die Hygiene," 1782.
113. Prinzing, "Die angebliche Wirkung," 111-119, 121-126.
114. Gruber, "Führt die Hygiene," 1715.
115. Kruse, "Entartung," 372.
116. Ibid., 371.
115. Kruse, "Entartung," 372.
116. Ibid., 371.
117. Gruber, "Führt die Hygiene," 1782-1783.
118. Ibid., 1785.
119. Ibid.
117. Gruber, "Führt die Hygiene," 1782-1783.
118. Ibid., 1785.
119. Ibid.
117. Gruber, "Führt die Hygiene," 1782-1783.
118. Ibid., 1785.
119. Ibid.
120. Wilhelm Schallmayer, "Wirkungen gebesserter Lebenshaltung und Erfolge der Hygiene als vermeintliche Beweismittel gegen Selektionstheorie und Entartungsfrage," ARGB 1 (1904): 54.
121. Ibid., 77.
120. Wilhelm Schallmayer, "Wirkungen gebesserter Lebenshaltung und Erfolge der Hygiene als vermeintliche Beweismittel gegen Selektionstheorie und Entartungsfrage," ARGB 1 (1904): 54.
121. Ibid., 77.
122. Wilhelm Schallmayer, "Was ist von unserem sozialen Versicherungswesen für die Erbqualitäten der Bevölkerung zu erwarten?" Archiv für sozialen Hygiene und Demographie 3 (1909): 61.
123. Wilhelm Schallmayer, "Über das Verhältnis der Individual- und Sozialhygiene zu den Zielen der generativen Hygiene," Zeitschrift für soziale Medizin (1906): 337.
124. Schallmayer, "Was ist von unserem sozialen Versicherungswesen," 54.
125. Wihelm Schallmayer, "Kultur und Entartung," Monatschrift für soziale Medizin und Hygiene 1 (1906): 482. break
126. Schallmayer singled out the eminent social hygienist Alfred Grotjahn as one who neglected this important distinction. Grotjahn tended to use the term degeneration to describe both negative changes in the germ plasma as well as unfavorable acquired conditions, which Schallmayer thought was misleading. Wilhelm Schallmayer, "Sozialhygiene und Eugenik," Zeitschrift für Sozialwissenschaft (1914): 397.
127. Schallmayer, "Kultur und Entartung," 483-484.
128. Schallmayer, "Wirkungen gebesserter Lebenshaltung," 76.
129. Schallmayer, "Einführung in die Rassehygiene," 525. Grotjahn was a very active member of the Berlin chapter of the German Society for Race Hygiene. For a brief discussion of his role as physician, social hygienist, and eugenicist see Weindling, "Soziale Hygiene: Eugenik und medizinische Praxis," 6-20.
130. Ibid., 455; Schallmayer, "Sozialhygiene und Eugenik," 330-332.
129. Schallmayer, "Einführung in die Rassehygiene," 525. Grotjahn was a very active member of the Berlin chapter of the German Society for Race Hygiene. For a brief discussion of his role as physician, social hygienist, and eugenicist see Weindling, "Soziale Hygiene: Eugenik und medizinische Praxis," 6-20.
130. Ibid., 455; Schallmayer, "Sozialhygiene und Eugenik," 330-332.
131. Schallmayer, "Sozialhygiene und Eugenik," 330-332.
132. Schallmayer, "Einführung in die Rassehygiene," 455.
133. Schallmayer, "Sozialhygiene und Eugenik," 331.
134. Schallmayer, "Rassedienst," 439-443.
135. Ibid., 443.
134. Schallmayer, "Rassedienst," 439-443.
135. Ibid., 443.
136. Schallmayer, "Sozialhygiene und Eugenik," 331.
137. Ibid., 331-332.
136. Schallmayer, "Sozialhygiene und Eugenik," 331.
137. Ibid., 331-332.
138. Klaus-Dieter Thomann, "Die Zusammenarbeit der Sozialhygieniker Alfred Grotjahn und Alfons Fischer," Medizinhistorisches Journal 14 (1979), 252.
139. Otto Peltzer, "Das Verhältnis der Sozialpolitik zur Rassenhygiene: Eine kritische Studie über die Auswirkung biologischer Erkenntnisse auf die Lösungsversuche sozialer Probleme," (Diss., Munich, 1925/26), 39-40.
140. For Schallmayer's discussion of biological policy see Beiträge , 63-150.
141. The diagram is a slightly modified version of Schallmayer's own. See Schallmayer, "Einführung in die Rassehygiene," 455.