1. Djamila Amrane, Les Femmes algériennes dans la guerre (Paris, 1991), 45.

2. Marnia Lazreg, The Eloquence of Silence: Algerian Women in Question (New York, 1994), 99. Lazreg argues that the family served as a buffer against colonialism for women because it was central to their lives. I stretched the concept to the spatial realm.

3. Pierre Bourdieu, The Algerians, tr. Alan Ross (Boston, 1962), 157. Cultural resistance to colonialism is an important theme that has recently enjoyed scholarly attention. For example, Djilali Sari argues that the reappropriation and reaffirmation of Algerian cultural patrimony (as resistance to colonialism) began in the later part of the nineteenth century amid the "ruin and the rabble of the vestiges of the medinas" in literature, music, and visual arts. See Djilali Sari, "Role des médinas algériennes dans la dynamisation culturelle et identitaire," paper presented at the American Institute for Maghribi Studies Annual Conference, ''The Living Medina: The Walled Arab City in Literature, Architecture, History," Tangier, 29 May-3 June 1996. In her masterful study, Julia Clancy-Smith analyzed religious resistance to colonialism; see Julia Clancy-Smith, Rebel and Saint: Muslim Notables, Popular Protest, and Colonial Encounters (Berkeley, 1994).

4. "Rapport du chef du Génie sur la place d'Alger, 1831," SHAT, Génie. Alger. Art. 8, section 1, carton 1, quoted in Aleth Picard, "Architecture et urbanisme en Algérie: d'une rive à l'autre (1830-1962)," Revue du monde musulman et de la Méditerranée 73/74 (1996): 122.

5. The term ethnography as I use it adheres to James Clifford's definition, which distinguishes it from ethnology, social anthropology, and cultural anthropology. Ethnography is "a more general cultural predisposition that cuts through modern anthropology and that this science shares with twentieth-century art and writing. The ethnographic label suggests a characteristic attitude of participant observation among the artifacts of defamiliarized cultural reality." James Clifford, The Predicament of Culture (Cambridge, Mass., 1988), 121.

6. Philippe Lucas and Jean-Claude Vatin, L'Algérie des anthropologues (Paris, 1975), 26-27. From the 1880s on, racial differences between Berbers and Arabs were emphasized to serve a divide-and-conquer strategy. See Fanny Colonna and Claude Haim Brahimi, "Du Bon usage de la science coloniale," in le Mal de voir (Paris, 1976), 231-234.

7. As Colonna and Brahimi point out, Masqueray himself did not argue that the racial characteristics of Berbers allowed them to be assimilated more easily than the Arabs, but simply maintained that they were assimilables . See Colonna and Brahimi, Le Mal de voir, 238.

8. Bourdieu, The Algerians, 4, 59-65.

9. Lucas and Vatin, L'Algérie des anthropologues, 31.

10. Augustin Bernard, Enquête sur l'habitation rurale des indigènes de l'Algérie (Algiers, 1921), 123-124; Augustin Berque, "L'Habitation de l'indigène algérien," Revue africaine 78 (1936): 47-50.

11. Bernard, Enquête sur l'habitation rurale, 117-121.

12. Clifford, Predicament of Culture, 61, 122.

13. William Marçais, preface to Amélie-Marie Goichon, La Vie féminine au Mzab (Paris, 1927), vii-viii. Between these lines, it is possible to read an implicit agenda to delimit the boundaries of women's participation in the profession to the domestic sphere.

14. These books also strive, in varying degrees, to influence the colonial policies regarding Algerian women, family, and society. They thus present themselves as agents of the French order and civilization even when they dissent from colonial policies. Auclert's main areas of inquiry--marriage, polygamy, divorce, and prostitution--were studied by Goichon and Gaudry, too. If Auclert did not have the academic background to investigate the material culture and daily life patterns of Algerian women with a rigorous ethnographic methodology, she knew where to look. For example, her sporadic references to physical settings and to residential forms ("where life flowed inside the courtyards and in houses without windows") reemerged in Goichon's and Gaudry's work as areas that deserved to be explored with scientific scrutiny in order to shed light on daily life and social relationships. See Hubertine Auclert, Les Femmes arabes en Algérie (Paris, 1900), 4, 24.

15. Goichon, La Vie féminine au Mzab, 1. Seeing Algerian women as "guardians of tradition" is an enduring theme in ethnographic discourse. Three decades after Goichon, Bourdieu repeated a similar observation: "[Kabylian] women play an essential role in ensuring the permanence of tradition." See Bourdieu, The Algerians , 95.

16. Goichon, La Vie féminine au Mzab , 41, 24-25, 100-104. Goichon refers the readers to M. Mercier's Civilisation urbaine , a "technical study," for further information on houses of Mzab.

17. The educational role of photographic documentation in ethnography reached a threshold in Paris between 1937 and 1950, under the curatorship of Thérèse Rivière, herself a prominent ethnographer and photographer. Among the various exhibitions organized during Rivière's tenure, the 1943 display on Aurès occupies a special place. The 123 photographs Rivière selected among the 6,000 she had taken in 1935-36 were in the spirit of the ethnographic photography of Goichon and Gaudry. Rivière did not treat photography as subsidiary to text, however, but gave it a primary narrative function. For example, she recorded the work process by a chronological series of images that focused on detail. With the majority of her subjects as women at work, she expanded on Goichon's and Gaudry's work. As pointed out by David Prochaska, the women in Rivière's photographs were never depicted as sex objects; they therefore offered a corrective to the other colonial photographic genre, the commercial postcard. See David Prochaska, "L'Algérie imaginaire," Ghardiva (winter 1989-90): 33-35. A selection of Thérèse Rivière's photographs has been published by Fanny Colonna, who also wrote an introduction to the collection. See Fanny Colonna, Aurès/Algérie 1935-36. Photographies de Thérèse Rivière (Algiers, 1987).

18. Mathéa Gaudry, La Femme chaouia de l'Aurès (Paris, 1928), 280-286.

19. Ibid., 17-32, 25-26, 31, 287.

20. Thérèse Rivière, "L'Habitation chez les Ouled Abderrahman Chaouia de l'Aurès," Africa 11, no. 3 (1938): 294-304.

21. Laure Bosquet-Lefevre, La Femme Kabyle (Paris, 1939), 30, 182-183.

22. Germaine Laoust-Chantreaux, Kabylie, côté femmes. La Vie féminine à Aït Hichem, 1937-1939 (Aix-en-Provence, 1990), 30-44. Note that the study was not published at the time it was written.

23. Montaland, "L'urbanisme en Algérie," 51-52.

24. For example, Gaudry's book enjoyed immense success at the time. See Denise Brahimi, Femmes arabes et soeurs musulmanes (Paris, 1984), 168.

25. "L'Habitat musulman," Informations algériennes 19 (February 1942): 71.

26. René Lespès, "Projet d'enquête sur l'habitat des indigènes musulmans dans les centres urbains d'Algérie," Revue africaine 76, nos. 362-363 (1935): 433-434; idem, "Les Villes," 4.

27. L'Architecture d'aujourd'hui 3 (1936): 26; H. Marchand, La Musulmane algérienne (Paris, 1960), 47-50.

28. For the architectural representation of Islam in the world's fairs, see Zeynep çelik, Displaying the Orient: Architecture of Islam at Nineteenth-Century World's Fairs (Berkeley, 1992).

29. Berque, "L'Habitation de l'indigène algérien," 63, 87, 94. For a discussion of these projects, see Chapter 5.

30. Augustin Berque, L'Algérie, terre d'art et d'histoire (Algiers, 1937), 323-327. To adapt the indigenous house to European needs and habits, Berque proposed certain alterations that would enable the architects to design "dream villas" in Algeria.

31. Le Corbusier, La Ville radieuse , 230, 233; idem, "Le Folklore est l'expression fleurie des traditions," 31.

32. Ibid., 230.

33. Jean de Maisonseul, "Pour une architecture et un urbanisme Nord-Africains," Revue d'Alger 8 (1945): 353-358.

34. Ibid., 353-354.

35. Ibid., 355-356.

36. Ibid., 356-357.

37. Ibid., 357.

38. J. Scelles-Millie, "L'urbanisme en Algérie," Entr' Aide française 9 (November 1946): 7.

39. See Linda Nochlin, "The Imaginary Orient," Art in America 71, no. 5 (May 1983): 120-129, 186-191. For comprehensive surveys of Orientalist painters, see Linda Thornton, Women as Portrayed in Orientalist Painting (Paris, 1985) and idem, The Orientalists, Painter-Travellers 1828-1908 (Paris, 1983).

40. See Malek Alloula, The Colonial Harem , tr. Myrna Godzich and Wlad Godzich (Minneapolis, 1986).

41. Abdelghani Megherbi, Les Algériens au miroir du cinéma colonial (Algiers, 1982), 192.

42. R. P. Letellier (des Pères Blancs), La Famille indigène devant les problèmes sociaux modernes (Algiers, n.d.), 5-6.

43. Congrès Internationaux d'Architecture Moderne (CIAM) 9, Aix-en-Provence, Groupe CIAM Alger, "Bidonville Mahieddine," 1953, ELC.

44. Alleg et al., La Guerre d'Algérie , vol. 1, 144.

45. Descloitres, Réverdy, and Descloitres, L'Algérie des bidonvilles , 84-85. Berque indeed mentioned the bidonvilles in his article "L'Habitation de l'indigène algérien." A report from 1949 qualifies the bidonvilles as "ancient, sometimes fifty years old." See Jean-Claude Isnard, Les Problèmes du logement dans l'agglomération algéroise (Ecole Financière Nationale d'Administration, Section Economique et Financière, December 1949), mim. report, AOM.

46. Descloitres, Réverdy, and Descloitres, L'Algérie des bidonvilles , 91-103; Bourdieu, The Algerians , 64.

47. Descloitres, Réverdy, and Descloitres, L'Algérie des bidonvilles , 78-79, 27, 30-31.

48. Ibid., 35; Bourdieu, The Algerians , 64-65; Isnard, Les Problèmes du logement , 6; Alleg et al., La Guerre d'Algérie , vol. 1, 146. Unemployment figures were alarming. According to Bourdieu, in 1954, 30 percent of adult urban males were unemployed or worked only part-time; Alleg argues that about one out of every two (male) Algerians had neither a profession nor regular work.

49. Descloitres, Réverdy, and Descloitres, L'Algérie des bidonvilles , 56-59, 67-71; "Les Bidonvilles: Genèse et résorption. L'Experience du Clos-Salembier," Alger revue (spring 1961): 26.

50. Descloitres, Réverdy, and Descloitres, L'Algérie des bidonvilles , 13-18, 70-71. Although the poor conditions of squatter settlements in Algiers had alarmed the city officials quite early, no action was taken to improve them. For example, the municipality declared the settlements of el-Kattar and Mahieddine unsanitary in 1941, and decided to demolish the shacks and build rehousing projects for the residents. No part of the program was executed, but in 1943, the municipality built fountains, latrines, a main sewage line, and a main street in these settlements. See Isnard, Les Problèmes du logement , 7, 16.

51. Jean de Maisonseul, "Djenan el-Hasan," in Roland Simounet. Pour une invention de l'espace (Paris, 1986), 17. For Simounet's work in Algiers, see Chapter 5.

52. CIAM 9, Aix-en-Provence, Groupe CIAM Alger, "Bidonville Mahieddine," FLC.

53. Ibid. The largest CIAM congress to date, the Ninth Congress (1953) focused on a charter of habitation that aimed to bring a radical critique to the functionalist mechanism of the Athens Charter by emphasizing the notion of "man" and relations between "men." Under the leadership of architects such as Alison and Peter Smithson and Aldo Van Eyck, discussions shifted to ''patterns of inhabitation." Simounet thus found a sympathetic environment for his study of the merits of squatter housing.

54. "Pour un habitat humaine," L'Architecture d'aujourd'hui 60 (1955): 4.

55. See, for example, Descloitres, Réverdy, and Descloitres, L'Algérie des bidonvilles , 12.

56. Furthermore, villagers seeking refuge in the bidonvilles from the bombarded countryside enabled the older squatter settlers to acquire a comprehensive vision of the war. For example, in the summer of 1956, refugees from the burned and bombarded villages of Mitija (at the foot of the Atlas mountains) and Kabylia flocked to the Mahieddine settlement, the most extensive bidonville of Algiers. Their stories mixed with those of the urban resistance, complementing each other and unifying the struggle. See Alleg et al., La Guerre d'Algérie , vol. 1, 168-169.

57. Ibid., 144. The daily papers of Algiers frequently reported demolition and rehousing operations carried out by the army. For example, L'Echo d'Alger reported on 3 September 1957 that the 248 shacks in the bidonville known as Descuns in Maison-Carrée were bulldozed by army forces and the families were scattered into four areas. According to the same newspaper of 25 November 1957, similar operations had marked the end of another squatter settlement, the Glacière in Hussein-Dey. On 18 December 1959, L'Echo d'Alger printed a photograph showing the demolition of 225 squatter houses whose residents were relocated.