1. Hugo Grotius, Defensio fidei catholicae de satisfactione Christi adversus Faustum Socinum , in Opera omnia theologica in tres tomos divisa , 4 vols. (Amsterdam, 1679), 4:335-36. References to this work will hereafter appear in the text.

2. James G. Frazer, The New Golden Bough , ed. Theodor Gaster, abridged ed. (New York: Criterion, 1959), 534-41.

3. Jaroslav Pelikan, The Christian Tradition: A History of the Development of Doctrine , 5 vols., vol. 4, Reformation of Church and Dogma , 1300-1700 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press), 1984), 360.

4. Knight, Grotius , 270. Christian Gellinek notes that the work went through fifteen editions (four in Grotius's lifetime) and was translated into three languages ( Hugo Grotius , Twayne's World Authors Series [Boston: Twayne, 1983], 148).

5. Saint Anselm, Cur Deus Homo , in St. Anselm: Basic Writings , trans. S. N. Deane, 2d ed. (La Salle, Ill.: Open Court, 1962), 202.

6. Ibid., 280, 257.

7. Robert S. Franks, The Work of Christ: A Historical Study of Christian Doctrine (London: Thomas Nelson, n.d.), 371.

8. Myron Piper Gilmore, Argument from Roman Law in Political Thought, 1200-1600 , Harvard Historical Monographs 15 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1941), 49.

9. Grotius seems here to be using Bodin's analysis of imperium , which rests on the distinction between the actio legis possessed by ordinary magistrates, who are authorized only to carry out the sentence mandated by the law, and the merum imperium or "the power of life and death, when the law itself leaves no room for extenuation or grace," which is the highest mark of sovereignty. See Jean Bodin, Method for the Easy Comprehension of History , trans. Beatrice Reynolds (New York: Columbia University Press, 1945), 173-75; cf. Gilmore, Roman Law , 105.

10. Franks, The Work of Christ , 405.

11. Grotius apparently knew and admired this work, probably at second hand since he could not read English; see Gellinek, Grotius , 90.

12. Here payment ( solutio ) should, as Grotius makes clear, be understood to include both monetary payment and "paying the penalty"; that is, it can apply to either civil or criminal obligation.

13. Kelley, Foundations , 38-58, 67-68, 102-3; see also Julian H. Franklin, Jean Bodin and the Sixteenth-Century Revolution in the Methodology of Law and History (New York: Columbia University Press, 1963); George Huppert, The Idea of Perfect History: Historical Erudition and Historical Philosophy in Renaissance France (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1970). Kelley has more recently, however, begun to emphasize the lasting significance of Roman

law not only in jurisprudence but also in the development of social and political thought through and after the Renaissance; see especially his " Gaius Noster : Substructures of Western Social Thought," American Historical Review 84 (1979): 619-48.

14. Paul Koschaker, Europa und das römische Recht (Munich: Biederstein, 1947), 116, 119-20, 124; R. Stintzing, Geschichte der Deutschen Rechtswissenschaft , Geschichte der Wissenschaft in Deutschland 18 (Munich, 1880-1884), 121-22, 139.

15. Stintzing, Deutschen Rechtswissenschaft , 121, 391.

16. Ibid., 385-86; H. D. Hazeltine, "The Renaissance and the Laws of Europe," in Cambridge Legal Essays (Cambridge: W. Heffer, 1926), 152, 157.

17. Hazeltine, "The Renaissance," 148-49.

18. Josef Bohatec, Calvin und das Recht (1934; rpt. Darmstadt: Scientia Verlag Aalen, 1971), 119 (my translation).

19. Bohatec, Calvin , 117; Stintzing, Deutschen Rechtswissenschaft , 284-86.

20. James Q. Whitman, The Legacy of Roman Law in the German Romantic Era: Historical Vision and Legal Change (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1990), 4, 27.

21. Bohatec, Calvin , 27, 121; Alberico Gentili, De jure belli libri tres , trans. John Rolfe, intro. Coleman Phillipson, 2 vols., Classics of International Law (Oxford: Clarendon, 1933), 2:21a.

22. Kelley, Foundations , 204; Koschaker, Europa , 118, 249; cf. Donne, Biathanatos , ed. Ernest Sullivan (Newark: University of Delaware Press, 1984), 65-66: "that Law hath most force and valew, which is most general.... to my understanding, the Civill or Imperiall Law, having had once the largest extent, and being not abandon'd now, in the reason, and essence, and nature thereof, but only least the accepting of it should testify some dependency upon the Impire, we ow the first place in this Consideration to that Law."

23. However, he left Leiden (or rather was forced out) before Grotius arrived.

24. Quoted in Franklin, Bodin , 34.

25. Stintzing, Deutschen Rechtswissenschaft , 123, 377-79; A. P. Th. Eyssell, Doneau: Sa vie et ses ouvrages (1860; rpt. Geneva: Slatkine Reprints, 1970), 204, 209, 215.

26. Franklin, Bodin , 34-35.

27. Jonathan Culler, Framing the Sign: Criticism and Its Institutions , Oklahoma Project for Discourse and Theory 3 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1988), 15. On the theoretical uses of Roman law in the Renaissance, see Kelley, "Vera Philosophia: The Philosophical Significance of Renaissance Jurisprudence," Journal of the History of Philosophy 14 (1976): 267-79.

28. Gilmore, Roman Law , 70; Koschaker, Europa , 122; Quentin Skinner, The Foundations of Modern Political Thought , 2 vols. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1978), 2:263.

29. Koschaker, Europa , 249-52. This transposition is evident in Grotius's earliest contribution to international law, the Mare librum of 1609, which cites extensively from the Corpus juris as well as numerous medieval and Renaissance commentators, including Donellus, Papinian, Duaren, and Bartolus. Even though in Grotius's magisterial De jure belli ac pacis (1625) the hand of Roman law appears less visibly, much of what professes to be a strict deduction from natural law and the jus gentium is, on inspection, an elegant and erudite commentary on Roman municipal law, a debt that subsequent editors have betrayed by cramming Grotius's margins with Justinian (Knight, Grotius , 219).

30. Gentili, De jure belli 1.1.17.

31. Hugo Grotius, The Jurisprudence of Holland , trans. R. W. Lee (Oxford: Clarendon, 1936). 11.

32. Knight, Grotius , 195.

33. Its conception of the prince as legibus solutus often and explicitly supplied ideological legitimation for absolutism, but, as Skinner has shown, principles taken from Roman civil law could, when transferred to public law, underwrite resistence theory as well ( Foundations 2:124).

34. See J. G. A. Pocock, The Ancient Constitution and the Feudal Law: A Study of English Historical Thought in the Seventeenth Century , rev. ed. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), 23; Skinner, Foundations 2:263; Gilmore, Roman Law , 3-4, 70.

35. Gilmore, Roman Law , 95.

36. Kelley, Foundations , 138.

37. Grafton, Defenders of the Text , 23-46.

38. Harold J. Berman, Law and Revolution: The Formation of the Western Legal Tradition (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1983), 44, 151.

39. Franks, The Work of Christ , 77, 85, 135-36, 140, 221.

40. Funkenstein, Theology and the Scientific Imagination , 6.

41. Lancelot Andrewes, Sermons , ed. G. M. Story (Oxford: Clarendon, 1967), 159.

42. John Calvin, Commentary on a Harmony of the Evangelists, Matthew, Mark, and Luke , ed. William Pringle, 3 vols. (Edinburgh: Calvin Translation Society, 1846), 3:316-17; see likewise his explanation in The Adultero-German Interim (1547) that, following the Crucifixion, "the Father, softened by the odour of this most precious victim, laid aside his anger" (in Tracts and Treatises in Defense of the Reformed Faith , trans. Henry Beveridge, ed. Thomas Torrance, 3 vols. [Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 1958], 3:221).

43. John Calvin, Institutes of the Christian Religion , trans. Ford Lewis Battles, ed. John T. McNeill, 2 vols., Library of Christian Classics (London: SCM Press, 1960), 2.16.2.

44. To untangle the apparent contradiction between this claim and the examples given in the previous paragraph, one needs to distinguish martial law (which allowed substitution of physical penalties) from civil law (which did

not) and likewise to distinguish the early laws of pre-Christian Rome from those preserved in Justinian's redaction.

45. The Greeks apparently required even animal victims to signify consent before being sacrificed; see Marcel Detienne, "Culinary Practices and the Spirit of Sacrifice," in The Cuisine of Sacrifice among the Greeks , ed. Marcel Detienne and Jean-Pierre Vernant, trans. Paula Wissing (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1989), 9.

46. Cf. Grotius's De jure belli ac pacis libri tres , ed. and abridged trans. William Whewell, 3 vols. (Cambridge: At the University Press, 1853), 2.21.13: "'Neque virtutes, neque vitia parentum,' inquit Hieronymus, 'liberis imputantur.... Et huc illud vulgatum pertinet: 'noxa caput sequitur.' 'Sancimus,' aiunt Imperatores Christiani, 'ibi esse poenam, ubi et noxa est.' Diende: 'peccata igitur suos teneant auctores: nec ulterius progrediatur metus, quam reperiatur delictum.'"

47. Gentili, De jure belli 1.24; see also his De jure belli commentatio tertia (London, 1589), F(r).

48. Gentili, De jure belli 2.19.

49. Alberico Gentili, In titulos codicis si quis Imperatori maledixerit, ad legem Juliam majestatis disputationes decem , 2d ed. (Hanover, 1607), 181-82. See also Gesina H. J. van der Molen, Alberico Gentili and the Development Of International Law: His Life and Times , 2d ed. (Leiden: A. W. Sijthoff, 1968), 95-97.

50. Gentili, Si quis Imperatori , 186.

51. Bernice Hamilton, Political Thought in Sixteenth-Century Spain: A Study of the Political Ideas of Vitoria, De Soto, Suarez, and Molina (Oxford: Clarendon, 1963), 155-56; Domingo de Soto, De justitia et jure libri decem , 5 vols. (1556; rpt. Madrid: Instituto de Estudios Politicos, 1967-1968), 5.1.7; James Brown Scott, The Spanish Origin of International Law: Francisco de Vitoria and His Law of Nations (Oxford: Clarendon, 1934), appendix B, p. lxv; appendix F, p. cxxv. For Salamanca and sixteenth-century Spanish Thomism, see Anthony Pagden, The Fall of Natural Man: The American Indian and the Origins of Comparative Ethnology (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982), 60-61.

52. Gentili, De jure belli commentatio tertia , E3(v)-E4(v).

53. Grotius, De jure belli ac pacis 2.21.12.

54. Ibid. 2.21.14.1-3; cf. 2.21.8.3.

55. See, for example, the distinction in De jure belli ac pacis between the primitive law ( priscum jus ) of the Hebrews and Greeks, which permits putting a citizen to death without trial, and the lex evangelica (2.20.9-10).

56. Cf. ibid. 2.21.11.

55. See, for example, the distinction in De jure belli ac pacis between the primitive law ( priscum jus ) of the Hebrews and Greeks, which permits putting a citizen to death without trial, and the lex evangelica (2.20.9-10).

56. Cf. ibid. 2.21.11.

57. Thus, Grotius comments that only as God did Christ have the right to lay down his life (315).

58. Edmund Law, A Defence of Mr. Locke's Opinion Concerning Personal Identity (Cambridge, 1769), 10-11; quoted in R. C. Tennant, "The Anglican Response to Locke's Theory of Personal Identity," in Philosophy, Religion and Science in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries , ed. John W. Yolton (Rochester: University of Rochester Press, 1990), 190.

59. John Locke, An Essay Concerning Human Understanding , ed. Alexander C. Fraser, 2 vols. (New York: Dover, 1959), 2.27.7.

60. De Soto, De justitia 5.1.7. "Subject" ( suppositum ) here does not pick out the political relation of subjection but rather the ontological category of substance, i.e., that which underlies the accidental characteristics of appearance, occupation, class, age, etc. See Rodolphus Goclenius, Lexicon philosophicum quo tanquam clave philosophiae fores aperiuntur (Frankfurt, 1613; rpt. Hildesheim: Georg Olms, 1964), 1107.

61. Hamilton, Political Thought , 129; Pagden, The Fall of Natural Man , 90.

62. This right does presuppose self-ownership, a notion that considerably predates Locke; thus Marsilius of Padua (c. 1280-1343) comments in passing that the "term 'ownership' [ dominium ] is used to refer to the human will or freedom in itself.... Man alone among the animals is said to have ownership or control of his acts" ( The Defender of Peace , trans. Alan Gewirth, 2 vols. [New York: Columbia University Press, 1956], 2.13.16).

63. Richard Tuck, "The 'Modern' Theory of Natural Law," in The Languages of Political Theory in Early-Modern Europe , ed. Anthony Pagden (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), 105-19.

64. The King James Bible translates redemptionis pretium as "as a ransom."

65. It is instructive to contrast Grotius's analysis with Socinus's "modern" argument that the " dignitas " of Christ—the fact that he is the Son of God—is irrelevant to the efficacy or value of his death; for Socinus, bodies resemble cash—fungible units of identical value (330).

66. The intimate relation between slaughtering and sacrifice occurs also in the Hebrew, where zebah , the Old Testament word for "sacrifice," comes from the verb "to kill."

67. Walker, The Ancient Theology , 75. F. Saxl's "Pagan Sacrifice in the Italian Renaissance," Journal of the Warburg Insititute 2 (1939): 346-67, mentions several paintings of the Crucifixion where the background includes scenes of ritual sacrifice, but he locates only one late (1667) text where the Crucifixion is compared to pagan sacrifice, and even this text is, in fact, anti-Romanist propaganda: i.e., it claims that the Mass is a sacrifice in order to show that Roman Catholics are pagans. One occasionally does, however, find brief comparisons between gentile blood sacrifice and the Crucifixion; see, for example, Donne, Bianthanatos , 53, and Melanchthon's comment on Isaiah 53 (quoted in chapter 4 at note 16).

68. Sir John Suckling, An Account of Religion by Reason (1646), in The

Works of Sir John Suckling , ed. Thomas Clayton, 2 vols. (Oxford: Clarendon, 1971), 2:173; Hooker, Ecclesiastical Polity 5.78.3. See also the notes to Hebrews 13:14 in the Geneva and Bishops' Bibles.

69. Saxl, ''Pagan Sacrifice''; Margaret T. Hodgen, Early Anthropology in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press), 309.

70. Hodgen, Early Anthropology , 238, 302-3, 339; Bohatec, Calvin, 18; Pagden, The Fall of Natural Man , 174-75.

71. Cicero, Tusculan Disputations , trans. J. E. King, Loeb Classical Library (London: W. Heinemann, 1927), 1.13; Hooker, Laws 1.8.3.

72. Digest 1.1.9, in the Corpus juris civilis , ed. Paul Krueger and Theodor Mommsen, 3 vols. (Berlin: Weidmann, 1954).

73. For example, the jus naturale sometimes means instinctual behaviors common to men and animals (Ulpian); sometimes, as in Gaius, the dictates of natural reason; sometimes the laws of unfallen nature (as in the claim that natural law disallows slavery and private property), in which case the jus gentium is used to designate the fundamental laws of fallen existence, although elsewhere the distinction between the jus naturale and jus gentium does not distinguish pristine from fallen nature.

74. On natural law, see Charles S. Edwards, Hugo Grotius, the Miracle of Holland: A Study in Political and Legal Thought , intro. Richard A. Falk (Chicago: Nelson Hall, 1981), 27-113; Frederick Pollock, "The History of the Law of Nature: A Preliminary Study," Columbia Law Review 1 (1901): 11-32, and "The Sources of International Law," Columbia Law Review 2 (1902): 518-24.

75. The last two fields are interrelated, since in the hands of the Spanish theological jurists the study of international law, especially the jus belli , frequently centered on the legitimacy of the colonization of the Indies; see Pagden, The Fall of Natural Man , 107.

76. Bodin, Method , 8.

77. Hodgen, Early Anthropology , 277; Franklin, Bodin , 68-74.

78. Bodin, Method , 35.

79. Ibid., 298-99.

80. However, some Protestants—for example, Oldendorp and Selden—rejected the notion that natural laws, which are based on reason and divine authority, can be derived from the shared customs of fallen humanity; see Selden, De jure naturali , 73-98; Carl von Kallenborn, Die Vorlaufer des Hugo Grotius auf dem Gebiete des jus naturae et gentium (1848; rpt. Frankfurt: Antiquariat Sauer & Auvermann, 1965), 2.12-13.

81. Gentili, De jure belli 1.1. Cf. van der Molen, Gentili , 199-205.

82. Nevertheless, this empirically derived natural law has, as in Hooker, a transcendent ontological foundation, since the practices and beliefs common to

all cultures manifest the innate principles inscribed by God in the human heart ( De jure belli 1.1).

83. This is basically Grotius's position in The Jurisprudence of Holland , begun only two years after De satisfactione .

84. De Soto, De justitia 3.1.3. The work was first published in 1553/54; De Soto brought out a revised edition in 1556/57—the text cited here; there were twenty-seven further editions before 1600.

85. Hooker, Laws 1.7.4.

86. De Soto, De justitia 9.1.1. De Soto is echoing Aquinas's discussion in Summa Theologiae 2.2.85.

87. Pagden, The Fall of Natural Man , 122.

88. On the relation between the jus gentium, jus naturale , and Thomist discussions of Spanish colonial policy, see Pagden, The Fall of Natural Man , 62-65. See also his discussion of Las Casas, 119-45.

89. Manuel Gimenez Fernandez, "Fray Bartolome de Las Casas: A Biographical Sketch," in Bartolome de Las Casas in History: Toward an Understanding of the Man and His Work , ed. Juan Friede and Benjamin Keen (De Kalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 1971), 109; and, in the same volume, Angel Losada, "The Controversy Between Sepulveda and Las Casas in the junta of Valladolid, 279-308.

90. Bartolome de Las Casas, In Defense of the Indians , trans. Stafford Poole (De Kalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 1974), 228-29, 226, 234, 221.

91. Las Casas, Defense , 230, 222.

92. Cf. Donne, Biathanatos : "Immolation of Men was so ordinary that all-most every Nation, though not barbarous, had receiv'd it . The Druides of France made theyr Devinuations from Sacrifices of Men. And, in theyr warres, they presaged allso after the same fashion. And, for our tymes, it appears by the Spanish relations, That in onely Hespaniola they Sacrificed yearely 20000 children" (43).

93. Las Casas, Defense , 238.

94. Hamilton, Political Thought , 30, 128-29, 155-56.

95. Greenblatt, Marvelous Possessions , 131-32.

96. Cf. Michel Foucault, The Order of Things: An Archaeology of the Human Sciences (New York: Random House, 1970), 54.

97. John Bossy, Christianity in the West: 1400-1700 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1985), 169.

98. See Pagden, The Fall of Natural Man , 78-79; Michel de Montaigne, The Complete Essays of Montaigne , trans. Donald Frame (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1958), 2.12, pp. 432-33.

99. The English edition of 1974 seems to have been the first published version; a facsimile edition of the Latin manuscript, the Argumentum apologiae adversus Genesium Sepulvedam , ed. Angel Losada, came out the next year in

Madrid. Las Casas's Apologetica historia , which also treats Amerindian sacrifices, likewise remained in manuscript until this century.

100. Las Casas does, at one point, suggest that the sacrifice of Isaac may have been the origin of all human sacrifice, for when other nations heard that the "all-powerful God of the Jews" had commanded Abraham to offer his son, they concluded such gifts would be acceptable to God ( Defense , 239-41).

101. Compare Grotius's conclusion "verus tamen Sacerdos fuit & vera victima.... non figurate dictam, sed maxime veram, quippe cum sacerdotium ipsius Levitico sacerdotio, quod verum fuit sacerdotium, opponantur, ut ejusdem generis species perfectior, alteri speciei minus perfectae" (338) with Calvin: "The sacrificial victims which were offered under the law to atone for sins ... were so called, not because they were capable of recovering God's favor or wiping out iniquity but because they prefigured a true sacrifice such as was finally accomplished in reality by Christ alone" ( Institutes 4.18.13).

102. Thus, the more theologically conservative late seventeenth-century exegete Abraham Calov complained (in Ludwig Diestel's words) that Grotius "citire uberreich Klassiker, als ob Heidenthum und Gottesoffenbarung dasselbe seien" ( Geschichte , 404).

103. The Socinian implications of Grotius's posthumous Pauline commentaries were the subject of a pamphlet debate between Henry Hammond and the rigidly orthodox Calvinist John Owen; see Hammond's A second defense of the learned Hugo Grotius (London, 1655), to which Owen responded with A review of the Annotations of Hugo Grotius, in reference unto the doctrine of the deity and satisfaction of Christ (Oxford, 1656), which in turn occasioned Hammond's A continuation of the defense of Hugo Grotius in an answer to the review of his Annotations (London, 1657).

104. Hodgen, Early Anthropology , 349; Allen, Noah , 117-19; Grafton, Scaliger 1: 176.

105. "Necessarium ergo fuit sacrificium institui, quod religio Christiana quotidie Deo suo offerret.... Alioqui ut dicebamus, inferior obscuriorque hac parte esset lex nostra, non modo quam vetus, verum & quam lex naturae" ( De justitia 9.2.1). There is a remarkable passage in the Discorsi sopra Deche di Tito Livio where Machiavelli laments the passing of blood sacrifice: "When I meditated on the reason why people were more in love with freedom in those ancient times than they are now, I saw it was because they have grown weaker now than formerly, which is a result of the difference in education, this again being based on the difference of their religion from ours.... This may be seen from ... the magnificence of their sacrifices as compared with ours. There is more delicacy than splendor in our display, and no ferocious or jubilant action whatsoever. There was no lack of display then, nor lack of magnificence in their ceremonies, but added to it was the action of the sacrifice full of blood and ferocity, where a multitude of animals were slaughtered; which sight, being so terrible, made man behave likewise" (2.2; quoted in Saxl, ''Pagan Sacrifice,"

367). See also Greenblatt, Marvelous Possessions , 47-48. A similar flickering modernist nostalgia for the unembarrassed and unambiguous blood rituals of pre-Christian religion can be glimpsed in Grotius; the perception of the distance between modern and archaic cultures engendered ambivalent emotions from very early on.

106. Quoted in Las Casas, Defense , 223, from Lactantius's Divinarum institutionum , 1.21, and Problemata , 465.

107. Stephen D. Benin, "Sacrifice as Education in Augustine and Chrysostom," Church History 52 (1983): 10, 16; Frances M. Young, The Use of Sacrificial Ideas in Greek Christian Writers from the New Testament to John Chrysostom , Patristic Monograph Series 5 (Cambridge, Mass.: Philadelphia Patristic Foundation, 1979), 87. Funkenstein offers the fascinating suggestion that this patristic/medieval explanation of Israelite sacrifice led, during the Renaissance, to a "search for correspondences and concordances of legal, religious, and political institutions that express the qualitas temporum " and hence that sixteenth-century legal historicism may itself have been inspired by the traditional Christian explanation of sacrifice ( Theology and the Scientific Imagination , 241).

108. Greenblatt, Marvelous Possessions , 134, 136.

109. Ibid., 138; for the crucial, although concealed, presence of the Christian understanding of the Atonement in anthropological theory up through the twentieth century, see Detienne, "Culinary Practices," 13-20.

110. Foucault, The Order of Things , 32.

111. "O Nimium facilis ...," in De Dichtwerken van Hugo Grotius , ed. B. L. Meulenbroek (Assen: Van Gorcum, 1977), 1:2a: 2, p. 129, ll. 75-82; the translation is from Gellenik, Grotius , 32.

112. Simon Schama, The Embarrassment of Riches: An Interpretation of Dutch Culture in the Golden Age (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988), 29-33. Schama also records the interesting fact that "in Leiden, bread and herrings—the food that had been distributed immediately after the siege was lifted—was symbolically shared around the citizenry every October third, in a kind of historical eucharist" (93), replacing the rejected supper of van der Werff's body and blood.