1. A foremost example of this kind of analysis is Fredric Jameson's much-discussed article "Postmodernism, or the Cultural Logic of Late Capitalism," New Left Review 146 (July-Aug. 1987): 53-92.

2. It must be noted that private investment chiefly moves toward the financial, insurance, business, research, and professional services, which, like communication and transportation, are increasingly important for the production, circulation, and distribution of goods in the "postindustrial" phase.

3. The situation of American cities is closer to one long known in the Third World: Economic capitals become more dependent on world trends, while regional centers increasingly depend on decision-making nuclei seated elsewhere. I draw extensively in this chapter from several works: Scott Lash and John Urry, The End of Organized Capitalism (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1987); Robert B. Cohen, "The New International Division of Labor: Multinational Corporations and Urban Hierarchy," in Michael Dear and Allen Scott, eds., Urbanization and Urban Planning in Capitalist Society (New York: Methuen, 1981); John R. Logan and Harvey L. Molotch, Urban Fortunes: The Political Economy of Place (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987); and John H. Mollenkopf, The Contested City (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1983).

4. See Magali Sarfatti Larson et al., "The Professional Supply of Design," in Judith R. Blau, Mark E. La Gory, and John S. Pipkin, eds., Professionals and Urban Form (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1983).

5. Francis T. Ventre, "Myth and Paradox in the Building Enterprise," in Paul L. Knox, ed., The Design Professions and the Built Environment (New York: Nichols, 1988), 165. Robert Gutman reports that managers, especially "for buildings in which professionals and other upper-white collar personnel are employed," often solicit the views of staff and workers about their space needs and preferences. "One of the reasons . . . is the belief that designs that are more responsive to worker needs will improve productivity and morale" ( Architectural Practice: A Critical View [New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 1988], 89).

6. I borrow the term symbolic analysts from Robert Reich, who points out that most of the jobs of the most successful fifth of the labor force "consist of analyzing or manipulating symbols--words, numbers or visual images." Of course, Reich's thesis is that most of the new elite either refuses to live in cities or "lives, shops and works in areas of cities that, if not beautiful, are at least esthetically tolerable and reasonably safe" ("Secession of the Successful," New York Times Magazine , Jan. 20, 1991, 42, 44).

7. Philip Siller, interview with the author.

8. For a pioneering approach to the issue of savings and investments, see Fred Block, "Bad Data Drive out Good: The Decline of Personal Savings Reexamined," Journal of Post-Keynesian Economics 13 (1990): 3-19.

9. Manuel Castells, The City and the Grassroots: A Cross-Cultural Theory of Urban Social Movements (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1983), 302. break

10. Fred Block, Postindustrial Possibilities (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990), 19.

11. Carolyn Teich Adams, The Politics of Capital Investment: The Case of Philadelphia (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1988), 24. For the distinction between economic and social overhead capital, see pp. 6-7. Mollenkopf, The Contested City , and Logan and Molotch, Urban Fortunes , represent the "progrowth" coalition approach. Paul Peterson, City Limits (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1981), is one of the best-known examples of "economic structuralism." Adams's lucid study of Philadelphia's investment politics supports the last view better than the first. But she also discovers that a strong redistributive tendency toward poorer neighborhoods was sustained through the 1970s, even as the city's total budget for capital outlays shrank.

12. Logan and Molotch, Urban Fortunes , 57. Morton White and Lucia White discuss the American distrust of cities in The Intellectual versus the City (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1962). On Progressivism and the preaching of an antiurban ideal to the urban working class, see in particular Gwendolyn Wright, Moralism and the Model Home (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1980); Roy Lubove, The Progressives and the Slums (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1962); and, in general, Paul Boyer, Urban Masses and Moral Order in America, 1820-1920 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1978).

13. Adams, Politics of Capital Investment , 33ff.

14. John Mollenkopf reports that "in 1919, some 5,838 central offices controlled . . . 7.8% of all plants and one-third of all industrial employment. By 1929, roughly the same number of central offices accounted for 12% of the plants and 48% of employment. . . . By 1974, the five hundred biggest corporate offices controlled 71% of all manufacturing assets and 76% of the employment." Today, "two-thirds of the Fortune 500 . . . headquarters are located in the twenty-five largest metropolitan areas. New York City still contains one out of every seven headquarters, three times more than Chicago, the next largest corporate center" ( Contested City , 30-31).

15. The reasons for the early decentralization of economic activity in the American metropolis were both technological and social. On the one hand, American industry was far more capital intensive than its European counterparts in the interwar period. Requiring increasing acreage for each employee, modern industries found plentiful cheap land outside the metropolitan areas. On the other hand, since the depression of 1893, labor unrest and militant strikes had moved from smaller towns and outlying areas into the larger cities. There, the numbers and poverty of the immigrant masses nourished in the native middle classes a feeling of besiegement and fear of class warfare. See David M. Gordon, "Capitalist Development and the History of American Cities," in William K. Tabb and Larry Sawers, eds., Marxism and the Metropolis (New York: Oxford University Press, 1978), and "Class Struggle and the Stages of American Urban Development," in D. Perry and A. Watkins, eds., The Rise of Sunbelt Cities (Beverly Hills, Calif.: Sage, 1977). The classic work on early suburbanization is Sam Bass Warner, Streetcar Suburbs (Cambridge, Mass.: M.I.T. Press, 1973).

16. Mollenkopf, Contested City , 108. I follow his analysis closely in this section. On suburbanization before World War II, see Lash and Urry, End of Organized Capitalism , 116, and Table 4.5. Most industrial plants put up by the federal gov- soft

ernment in the war years (about twice the volume of what private industry built) were in the suburbs, and they were turned over to the private sector at the war's end. See Patrick J. Ashton, "The Political Economy of Suburban Development," in Tabb and Sawers, Marxism and the Metropolis , and Mollenkopf, Contested City , 98-109.

17. The most important programs for the cities were the Public Works Administration and the Work Progress Administration, the Housing Authority of the PWA, and the Federal Housing Authority, which, unlike other legislation, was directly designed by deadly foes of public and subsidized housing (representatives of the building industry and of the powerful National Association of Real Estate Boards). See Mollenkopf, Contested City , 54ff.

18. Mollenkopf, Contested City , 71.

19. Leonardo Benevolo, History of Modern Architecture , vol. 2, The Modern Movement (Cambridge, Mass.: M.I.T. Press, 1971), 651.

20. Richard Pommer, "The Architecture of Urban Housing in the U.S. in the Early 1930s," Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 37 (1978): 235. Pommer analyzes extensively the projects open to modern influences, some of which were included by Henry Russell Hitchcock and Philip Johnson in the 1932 International Style exhibition. Architectural research groups interested in housing--Buckminster Fuller's group and the Housing Study Guild organized by Lewis Mumford and Henry Wright in New York, the Architectural Research Group organized by Louis Kahn among unemployed architects in Philadelphia--influenced some of the practitioners, among whom were several Europeans (Oskar Stonorov and Alfred Kastner in Philadelphia, William Lescaze in Philadelphia and New York, and Alfred Frey and Albert Mayer in New York). Henry Wright, Clarence Stein, and their associates (like Frederick Ackerman, who became the director of New York City's Housing Authority) had a ubiquitous influence. Pommer believes that Henry Wright was the only one in his generation (he died in 1936) who understood European housing; his efforts to amalgamate it with American design led to his break with Clarence Stein.

21. With her classic book, Modern Housing (Boston: Houghton-Mifflin, 1934)--written after her trip to Europe with Mumford in the late 1920s--Catherine Bauer had become an expert in both European and American subsidized and low-cost housing. Lewis Mumford, of course, was widely known both as an independent scholar and as an advocate for affordable and humane housing and democratic urban planning.

22. Vincent Scully comments on the work of Henry Wright and Clarence Stein: "Working in a tradition as much Jeffersonian as picturesque . . . these two most dedicated of American housing experts and planners of the 1920s and 1930s had obviously come to loathe the density of the city and to hate its streets: they clearly used their radial roads to separate the buildings on both sides, not to connect them, as the city street had done, with a common, multiple-use public space." Their urban housing groups also showed "great suburban, perhaps even village charm" ( American Architecture and Urbanism , rev. ed. [New York: Henry Holt and Co., 1988], 163-64).

23. See Robert Stern, "International Style: The Crimson Connection," Progressive Architecture , Feb. 1982. As a young architecture professor, Holmes Perkins continue

helped Walter Gropius weather his first semester at Harvard. Later, as dean, he transformed the University of Pennsylvania's School of Architecture from a stubborn Beaux-Arts stronghold into a premiere modernist school (interview with the author, 1981).

24. Yet the United States in the 1930s counted with some remarkable architectural achievements in the modern style. Among many other notable buildings, the pioneering work of Frank Lloyd Wright's first Chicago phase had influenced European architects since the beginning of the century. In the 1920s, Rudolph Schindler and Richard Neutra brought modernism of European stamp to the original architecture of the West Coast. In the 1930s, Frank Lloyd Wright added two masterpieces to his opus: the extraordinary buildings for the Johnson Wax Company in Racine, Wisconsin, and the "Falling Water" house at Bear Run, Pennsylvania. In the large cities, says Vincent Scully, "the last of the old" skyscrapers and "the first of the new" appeared: Most notable among the "old" was the Beaux-Arts plan of the Rockefeller Center, built from 1931 to 1939, and the McGraw Hill building by Raymond Hood of 1931. The "new" was the Philadelphia Saving Fund Society building of 1932, designed by George Howe, a Beaux-Arts architect who had chosen modernism and would become dean at Yale, and his Swiss partner William Lescaze. See Scully, American Architecture, 151-54ff. The modern style was established enough in 1932 for an important businessman like James Willcox, chairman of PSFS, to be persuaded by Howe and Lescaze's logic, if not quite by the aesthetics of the building. See Robert Stern, "International Style: Immediate Effects," Progressive Architecture, Feb. 1982, and George Howe: Toward a Modern American Architecture (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1975).

25. The proceedings of the Connecticut General Life Insurance Conference of 1957 on the problems of cities were published by Wilfred Owen under the title Cities in the Motor Age (New York: Viking, 1959). See the classic work by Edgar M. Hoover and Raymond Vernon, Anatomy of a Metropolis (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1959), and Raymond Vernon, The Myth and Reality of Our Urban Problems (Cambridge, Mass.: M.I.T.-Harvard Joint Center for Urban Studies, 1962).

26. See Barry Checkoway, "Large Builders, Federal Housing, Postwar Suburbanization," in Rachel Bratt, Chester Hartman, and Ann Meyerson, eds., Critical Perspectives on Housing (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1986), in particular 120-23. I have relied for this section on Critical Perspectives; on Gwendolyn Wright, Building the Dream (Cambridge, Mass.: M.I.T. Press, 1983); on Bernard J.J. Frieden and Lynne B. Sagalyn, Downtown, Inc.: How America Rebuilds Cities (Cambridge, Mass.: M.I.T. Press, 1990); and on Martin Mayer, The Builders: Houses, Peoples, Neighborhoods, Governments, Money (New York: Norton, 1978). Federally insured mortgages, repaid over twenty-five years at low interest rates, required only a 10 percent down payment, while veteran mortgages required none and could be repaid over thirty years at 4 percent interest (Frieden and Sagalyn, Downtown, 11ff.). Mayer illustrates this with the example of a vet who bought a Levittown house for $8,000 in 1949 and was still paying $38 a month for it in 1977; next door, a Vietnam vet who had just bought the same type of house for $40,000 with a 9 percent thirty-year VA mortgage would have been paying $321 a month ( Builders, 14). break

27. Ashton, "The Political Economy of Suburban Development," 74.

28. The architect-planner Andrés Duany predicted in a 1990 interview on National Public Radio that the more modest suburbs will become "the new slums." On the types of suburbs and the inequality among them, see Logan and Molotch, Urban Fortunes, 187-99, and 193-95 on the racial segregation of the suburbs. See also Wright, Building the Dream, 248-49, for the endorsement of residential racism by the Federal Housing Authority.

29. Checkoway, "Large Builders," 122-23, and Michael Stone, "Housing and the Dynamics of U.S. Capitalism," in Bratt, Hartman, and Meyerson, Critical Perspectives, 51. See also Wright, Building the Dream, 242ff.

30. See Benevolo, History of Modern Architecture, 2:663ff.

31. The FHA, for one, did not consider that too-modern designs were a sound investment, and it turned down Frank Lloyd Wright's moderate-cost prefabricated "Usonian" houses. From 1941 on, Walter Gropius returned with Konrad Wachsmann to his early interest in prefabrication, in the hope of bringing some sort of order to the suburbs through standardization of parts and inventive planning, but it was never applied (Benevolo, History of Modern Architecture, 2:661-62). In the private sector, some builders commissioned prototype designs from architects, notably Joseph Eichler in California. "A typical contract with a builder gave the architect a retainer fee of $1,000 and $100 for each house that was built from his plans. The architectural journals endorsed these collaborations, proudly declaring that the influence of professional architects would be the salvation of mass building" (Wright, Building the Dream, 248-53). The influential designs for upscale private houses that became associated with "the California life-style" have practically all been suburban: So were, for example, Neutra's 1920s houses as well as his later work; most of Frank Lloyd Wright's houses--not only the "Usonian" prototypes but his luxurious homes on the West Coast and elsewhere; the Bay Region homes by William Wurster and Joseph Esherick before and after the war; Walter Gropius's and Marcel Breuer's houses in New England after 1938; and the "Case Study Houses" commissioned by the magazine Arts and Architecture between 1945 and 1966 in southern California (from architects Charles Eames, Craig Ellwood, Quincy Jones, Pierre Koenig, Richard Neutra, Raphael Soriano, and Eero Saarinen, among others). See Elizabeth A. T. Smith, ed., Blueprints for Modern Living: History and Legacy of the Case Study Houses (Cambridge, Mass.: M.I.T. Press, 1990).

32. Mayer, Builders, 32-33.

33. Ashton, "The Political Economy of Suburban Development," 72ff. During the 1960s, central cities lost, on the whole, 9 percent of their white population, while the black population grew by about 40 percent. "By 1980, 55 percent of blacks versus 24 percent of whites lived in central cities, and almost one-third of the entire central city population was black or Hispanic. During a period (1969-76) in which government-defined poverty dropped for the United States, it increased 6 percent in central cities and 16 percent in those larger than one million" (Susan Fainstein and Norman Fainstein, "Economic Change, National Policy, and the System of Cities," in Susan S. Fainstein et al., Restructuring the City [New York: Longman, 1983], 4).

34. At the end of the 1970s, industrial employment in the larger cities was down to 25 percent (compared to 75 percent in 1930), while the proportion of suburban continue

commuters to center city started to dwindle. See Lash and Urry, End of Organized Capitalism, 116-18.

35. Housing Advisory Committee, quoted in Mollenkopf, Contested City, 115. Of the committee's twenty-three members, "ten were bankers and lenders, seven were in real estate, architecture and building supply." A lawyer, a conservative economist, two officials of building trade unions, a Republican Housing Authority director from Cleveland, and the chairman--the new appointee to the head of the Home and Housing Financing Authority--completed the list. The new coalitions are described in Contested City, 77, 118-19ff., and in Frieden and Sagalyn, Downtown, 17-19.

36. Frieden and Sagalyn, Downtown, 16, 19.

37. Frieden and Sagalyn, Downtown, 44.

38. Scully, American Architecture, 167-69.

39. These apt words are William H. Jordy's. See his American Buildings and Their Architects, vol. 4, The Impact of European Modernism in the Mid-Twentieth Century (Garden City, N.Y.: Anchor/Doubleday, 1976). For Vincent Scully, Mies taught architects what was lost in the essentially graphic architecture of Gropius and Breuer: how to build "properly firm, permanent urban structures once again." Large bureaucratic firms (in particular the multicity firm of Skidmore Owings and Merrill) attained real excellence in following Mies's models closely. See Scully, American Architecture, 184ff.

40. Jordy, American Buildings, 4:249-51.

41. The literature on this brutal destruction of human lives is large. Jane Jacobs's The Death and Life of Great American Cities (New York, Random House, 1961) is perhaps the classic critique of urban renewal. A sensitive ethnographic account is Herbert Gans, The Urban Villagers (New York: Free Press, 1962). Robert Caro, The Power Broker: Robert Moses and the Fall of New York (New York: Knopf, 1974), offers a complete analysis of the renovation of New York and a powerful portrait of the man who became the emblem of cities killed by highways. Frieden and Sagalyn, Downtown, Chap. 2, provide a summary and an extensive bibliography. They report that 63 percent of all the families displaced from 1949 through 1963 whose race was reported were nonwhite (p. 28). By 1978, the residents of public housing were over 60 percent nonwhite, against 26 percent in 1944 and 39 percent in 1951. See Rachel G. Bratt, "Public Housing: The Controversy and Contribution," in Bratt, Hartman, and Meyerson, Critical Perspectives, 339. The production of public housing peaked in 1971, with 91,000 units. The private sector had become involved from 1959 on, in direct competition with public housing. The "turnkey" form of subsidized housing--important for architects--was introduced in 1965 (a developer's team competes to enter into a contract with a local housing authority, to which the developer then sells the finished project at a stipulated price; Bratt, "Public Housing," 341-42).

42. See Mollenkopf, Contested City, Chaps. 2 and 3. On the relation between urban renewal and ghetto revolts, see Roger Friedland, Power and Crisis in the City (London: Macmillan and Co., 1982).

43. Frieden and Sagalyn, Downtown, 266.

44. This was the conclusion drawn from survey data on the preferences of suburban and urban residents. See William Michelson, "Most People Don't Want What Architects Want" Trans-action 5, no. 8 (July-Aug. 1968): 37-43. break

45. For a thorough comparison of Northeast and Southwest cities, see Mollenkopf, Contested City, Chap. 6.

46. Mollenkopf, Contested City, 131, and Bratt, "Public Housing," 341. The percentage of architect-designed housing is reputedly negligible (there are no precise figures; estimates vary from 5 to 20 percent), but it is presumably stable, and it constitutes a very large part of what smaller firms design. The fluctuations of the construction industry and of real estate investment affect architectural practice in complex ways: For many architects, the loss of commissions for the commercial and institutional facilities required by large-scale new housing developments (the only kind that has an effect on statistics) has much graver consequences than the decline of housing starts in itself. Smaller firms, on the other hand, may benefit if strong demand, coupled with increases in the price of new housing, results in more rehabilitation and renovation of older structures. See Larson et al., "The Professional Supply of Design." However, in a recession, all investments decline; the fall in housing starts is just a sensitive indicator of the economic cycle because of the direct and symbiotic association of real estate with capital markets. For the period before the deregulation of the savings and loans, see Mayer, Builders, 353-415.

47. Mollenkopf reports that if the CDBG allocation formula "had not been amended in 1977 . . . New England would have lost 37% of its funds while the West South Central region would have increased 203%. The share of funds going to large central cities would have dropped from 71.8% of HUD grants to 42.2%. . . . Between 1971 and 1974, for example, grants to Dallas increased tenfold, Houston fourfold, Phoenix fourfold and Birmingham fivefold, while most northeastern cities made little gains" ( Contested City, 134-35).

48. Michael Pagano and Richard Moore, Cities and Fiscal Choices (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1985), quoted in Adams, Politics of Capital Investment, 140.

49. Richard Child Hill, "Crisis in the Motor City: The Politics of Economic Development in Detroit," in Fainstein et al., Restructuring the City, 105.

50. In Philadelphia, for instance, city-wide projects not located downtown (such as a stadium, two airports, the gas works, an ill-planned convention center, the now defunct municipal hospital, and, in particular, federally mandated improvements to the city's waste-water treatment plants) increased at the expense of neighborhood capital investments far more than did downtown projects from the mid-1960s to the 1980s (Adams, Politics of Capital Investment, 129-34).

51. For a detailed description of how low-income housing was pushed out of Battery Park City, see Rosalyn Deutsche, "Uneven Development: Public Art in New York City," in Diane Ghirardo, ed., Out of Site: A Social Criticism of Architecture (Seattle: Bay Press, 1991).

52. These techniques included "revenue bonds, tax-increment bonds, hotel or other special use taxes, loans from city agencies, and cash advances from developers" (Frieden and Sagalyn, Downtown, 156). About tax-increment financing, the one technique invented to finance private developments, see pp. 97-99, and about its dangers, pp. 248-252.

53. Frieden and Sagalyn, Downtown, 314-15 (emphasis added).

54. From 1972 to 1982, architectural receipts for "public and institutional facilities" decreased 10 percentage points (from 36 to 26.6 percent of total receipts, continue

with the entire decline concentrated in the last five years); the receipts for "single-family dwellings" remained about the same (4.2 and 4.7 percent), while "multifamily dwellings" declined from 13.4 to 9.2 percent. During this time, "commercial buildings" receipts went from 30.9 to 32.9 percent in 1977, to 44.5 percent in 1982 (see Gutman, Architectural Practice, Table 4, 119).

55. Deutsche, "Uneven Development," 165.

56. David Harvey, The Condition of Postmodernity (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1989), 91.

57. The innovative reuse of old industrial buildings for specialty shopping malls had started in the 1960s in San Francisco with Wurster, Bernardi, and Emmons's redesign of an old chocolate factory into the enormously successful Ghirardelli Square, followed by Joseph Esherick and Associates' remodeling of The Cannery. Small local entrepreneurs, not professional retail developers like Rouse, financed these smaller projects (see Frieden and Sagalyn, Downtown, 74-75; on James Rouse, see 204-5). On Portman and the hotel boom, which, from 1960 to 1982, gave more than 7,000 rooms each to New York, Chicago, Washington, D.C., New Orleans, and Atlanta and over 3,000 to Boston, Philadelphia, San Francisco, Seattle, St. Louis, and seven more cities, see pp. 267-68.

58. Jameson, "Postmodernism, or the Cultural Logic of Late Capitalism," 65-66.

59. Former Mayor Ed Koch is notorious, among other things, for urging "the public" not to give in to panhandlers and for his running battle against homeless loiterers who compromise the image of "ascendant New York." Deutsche analyzes at length his answer to a question at the 1988 convention of the American Institute of Architects about the landmark Grand Central Terminal: "These homeless people . . . they're sitting on the floor, occasionally defecating, urinating, talking to themselves--many, not all, but many--occasionally panhandling. We thought it would be reasonable for the authorities to say 'You can't stay here unless you're here for transportation.' Reasonable, rational people would come to that conclusion, right? Not the Court of Appeals" (quoted in Deutsche, "Uneven Development," 159ff).

60. Frieden and Sagalyn, Downtown, 265-66.

61. See Anthony Downs, The Revolution in Real Estate Finance (Washington, D.C.: The Brookings Institution, 1985), and Ann Meyerson, "Deregulation and the Restructuring of the Housing Finance System," in Bratt, Hartman, and Meyerson, Critical Perspectives .

62. An instructive contrast occurs in an interview Peter Eisenman conducted with Gerald Hines, a developer known for his patronage of elite architects (especially Philip Johnson). Eisenman mentions Berlin, where developers apparently cannot "afford to build office buildings" because the subsidies go to housing. Hines answers: "There are no problems in creating tax incentives; it is a simple matter of legislative lobbying. . . . At present there is a big incentive in building depreciation; you can depreciate any new building in fifteen years. . . . It will bring a lot of speculators into the building industry, which will lead to deterioration in the quality of our building stock" ("Interview: Gerald Hines and Peter Eisenman," Skyline, Oct. 1982, 21).

63. Downs, Revolution, 108.

64. Quoted by Joseph Giovannini, "The Grand Reach of Corporate Architecture," New York Times, Jan. 20, 1985, sec. 3, 28. break

65. "Interview: Gerald Hines and Peter Eisenman," 18.

66. Hines' Pennzoil building rented at $3-4 more than the going rate in 1982 and at $2 more in the depressed Houston market of 1985. His Republic Bank (a Dutch-gabled neo-Gothic design by Johnson Burgee) also enjoyed a $1-2 premium per square foot; moreover, it was 90 percent rented (Giovannini "Grand Reach," 28).

67. Scully, American Architecture, 290 (emphasis added).

68. First-time home buyers suffered; yet they do tend to have higher than average incomes--their median income was 47 percent higher in 1977 and 52 percent higher in 1979 than that of all households, and 152 percent higher in 1979 than the median income of all renters.

69. The percentage shares of cash family incomes that went to each fifth of families with children was as follows in some crucial years (percentages are rounded off to nearest decimal):

From 1978 to 1986, the percentages of households in various income categories varied as follows: below poverty line ($11,000): from 14.2 to 15.1 percent; from $11,000 to 18,900: 14.2 to 18.5 percent; from $18,900 to $46,800 (high budget): 52.3 to 44.3 percent; above $46,800: 19.3 to 22.1 percent. The shrinking of the middle class is visible in these figures. In 1983, the sharpest divergences of median income between metropolitan areas over one million and their suburbs were in the Northeast ($11,900), followed by the South ($9,800), the Midwest ($9,600), and finally by the West ($5,100). At a rate almost half the above, the Northeast and Midwest also led in the differences between smaller cities and their suburbs (adapted from Stephen J. Rose, The American Profile Poster [New York: Pantheon, 1986], 11, Table 5; 8, Table 4; and 26, Table 25).

70. See Neil Smith, "Gentrification, the Frontier, and the Restructuring of Urban Space," in Neil Smith and Peter Williams, eds., Gentrification of the City (Boston: Allen and Unwin, 1986).

71. I follow here the most recent analysis by Erik O. Wright and Bill Martin, "The Transformation of the American Class Structure, 1960-1980," American Journal of Sociology 93 (1987): 1-29, in which the authors revise an earlier study by Wright and Joachim Singelmann. While the category of "experts" replaces the earlier denomination of "semi-autonomous employees," the definitions remain essentially the same. "Petty bourgeois" and "small employers" (which do not concern us here) are either self-employed or own a substantial part of their businesses. "Managers" are employees who make "policy decisions about the operation of the organization in which they work," while supervisors" have no decision-making power but supervise other workers. "Experts" are employees in professional, technical, and managerial occupations who cannot be classified in any of the other categories, while "workers" are a residual category with lower skills than experts and probably no credentials ("Transformation," 9). break

72. Wright and Martin, "Transformation," 16, Table 3, 13, and 19.

73. Frieden and Sagalyn, Downtown, 202-3. See also Louise B. Russell, The Baby Boom Generation and the Economy (Washington, D.C.: The Brookings Institution, 1982).

74. See Gutman, Architectural Practice, 9ff. In the 1960 census, 30,531 persons reported their occupation as architects (an increase of 20.4 percent relative to 1950); 53,670 in 1970 (an increase of 75.8 percent); and 107,693--a 100.7 percent increase--in 1980. Compared to the architects' rate of growth (75.8 in 1960-70 and 252.7 percent in 1960-80), engineers of all categories increased, respectively, by 41.2 and 60.8 percent; civil engineers by 10.8 and 29.1 percent; accountants and auditors by 43.7 and 104.3 percent; lawyers and judges by 25.3 and 142.7 percent; and physicians by 21 and 86.1 percent (Roger Montgomery, "The Rapid Recent Expansion of American Architecture Employment," University of California, Berkeley, Architecture Employment Project Working Paper no. 85-1, June 1985, Tables 1 and 2). I had observed the same exceptional rate of growth in the 1960s, but the recession of the 1970s had led me to expect a decline in the next decade, which simply did not take place (see Larson et al., "The Professional Supply of Design," 252-53).

75. Robert Beauregard, Gentrification, Strategic Initiatives, and the Left (Philadelphia: Analysis and Policy Press, n.d.), 5. I have borrowed from his analysis of gentrifiers, pp. 3-5. See also Neil Smith, "Of Yuppies and Housing: Gentrification, Social Restructuring, and the Urban Dream," Environment and Planning D 5, no. 2 (June 1987): 151-72. Peter Marcuse has estimated that from 1970 to 1980 gentrification by homeowners helped to displace between 10,000 and 40,000 households in New York City, adding them to the 30,000 to 60,000 displaced by developers and government action ("Abandonment, Gentrification, and Displacement: The Linkages in New York City," in Smith and Williams, Gentrification of the City ).

76. For architects' residence in cities, see Larson et al., "The Professional Supply of Design," and Progressive Architecture, June 1990, 63-64. Fifty-six percent of the readers who responded to the magazine's poll on architects' life-styles preferred to live in cities: 30 percent specified in the "city itself," 19 percent in the suburbs. For young designers' practices, see Alex Cohen, "The Road to Independence," Progressive Architecture, July 1990, 100-101. Judith Blau's evidence is in Architects and Firms (Cambridge, Mass.: M.I.T. Press, 1987), 120ff.

77. Harvey, Condition of Postmodernity, 98.

78. Michael Jager, "Class Definitions and the Aesthetics of Gentrification: Victoriana in Melbourne," in Smith and Williams, Gentrification of the City .

79. Sharon Zukin, Loft Living: Culture and Capital in Urban Change (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1989).

80. The Canadian private corporation Olympia and York developed the two central office towers, designed by architect Cesar Pelli, while the total plan for Battery Park City was the work of the firm of Alexander Cooper and Stanton Eckstutt (both of whom had been leaders of Mayor John Lindsay's Urban Design Group). See Deutsche, "Uneven Development," 197-98, and note 50, above.

81. See Diana Crane, The Transformation of the Avant-Garde (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987), 6 and 2-9, and Zukin, Loft Living, 96-110.

82. On community art centers, see Crane, Transformation, 9. One hundred three community art centers had been established by the WPA in the 1930s; inter- soft

estingly, this was the first time that artists were recognized as bona fide members of the labor force during the depression (Zukin, Loft Living, 82-83; see also 98-99). On the careers of the average recipient of a Master of Fine Arts degree, see Donald Eckardt, "The Politics of the Avant-Garde: A Sociological Analysis of a Generation of Artists" (Ph.D. diss., Temple University, 1991).

83. Susan Sontag, "One Culture and the New Sensibility," in Against Interpretation and Other Essays (New York: Dell, 1966), 299, 302-4.

84. Zukin, Loft Living, 199.

85. See Marcuse, "Abandonment, Gentrification, and Displacement." See also Kim Hopper and Jill Hamberg, "The Making of America's Homeless: From Skid Row to the New Poor, 1945-1984," in Bratt, Hartman, and Meyerson, Critical Perspectives .

86. See Fred Block's admirable effort to outline the potential of the new phase in Postindustrial Possibilities .

87. Lionel Trilling, "The Fate of Pleasure: Wordsworth to Dostoevsky," Partisan Review 30 (1963): 178.