1. Jerry Falwell, Listen, America! (New York: Bantam, 1981), pp. 6, 60, 101.

2. J. Craig Jenkins, "Resource Mobilization Theory and the Study of Social Movements," Annual Review of Sociology 9 (1983): 527-553.

3. Ladd and Hadley, Transformations of the American Party System , pp. xx, xxi.

4. See, for example, Louis Harris, The Anguish of Change (New York: Norton, 1973); Inglehart, Silent Revolution ; Everett Carll Ladd, Jr. "The New Lines Are Drawn: Class and Ideology in America," Public Opinion 1 (July 1978): 48-53, and 1 (September 1978): 4-20; Ladd and Hadley, Transformation of the American Party System ; K. Phillips, Mediacracy ; and Scammon and Wattenberg, Real Majority .

5. Harris, Anguish of Change , p. 52.

6. Jane J. Mansbridge, Why We Lost the ERA (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1986), pp. 98-117; Kathleen Gerson, Hard Choices: How Women Decide about Work, Career, and Motherhood (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1985), pp. 186-190; idem, "Emerging Social Divisions among Women: Implications for Welfare State Policies," Politics and Society 15 (1986-1987): 213-221; Rosalind Pollack Petchesky, "The Antiabortion Movement and the Rise of the New Right," in Abortion and Women's Choice: The State, Sexuality, and Reproductive Freedom (Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1984), pp. 241-285; Zillah R. Eisenstein, "Antifeminism in the Politics and Presidential Election of 1981," in Feminism and Sexual Equality: Crisis in Liberal America (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1984), pp. 19-39; Kristin Luker, Abortion and the Politics of Motherhood (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1984).

7. For a detailed discussion of these points, see Jerome L. Himmelstein, "The Social Basis of Antifeminism: Religious Networks and Culture," Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 25 (1986): 1-15; Jerome L. Himmelstein and James A. McRae, Jr., "Social Issues and Socioeconomic Status," Public Opinion Quarterly 52 (1988): 492-512; Steven Brint, "'New Class' and Cumulative Trend Explanations of Liberal Political Attitudes of Professionals," American Journal of Sociology 90 (1984): 30-71; and idem, "The Political Attitudes of Professionals," Annual Review of Sociology 11 (1985): 389-414.

8. Donald Granberg, "The Abortion Activists," Family Planning Perspectives 13 (1981): 157-163; Donald Granberg and Donald Denney,"The Coathanger and the Rose," Society 19 (1982): 39-51; Luker, Abortion and the Politics of Motherhood , pp. 196-197. break

9. For a review of the literature on the determinants of beliefs on abortion and the ERA and for a more detailed discussion and documentation of the argument presented here, see Himmelstein, "Social Basis of Antifeminism." As Klatch points out in Women of the New Right , none of the factors discussed here distinguishes feminists from laissez-faire conservatives, both of whom tend to be secular and professional. She does not explain, however, what leads to the different political outcomes.

10. For a detailed account of the changing religious landscape, see Wade Clark Roof and William McKinney, American Mainline Religion: Its Changing Shape and Future (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1987). The picture they paint belies the notion that secularization, at least in the form of a decline in personal religious belief and participation, is an inevitable part of modern industrial societies. Their conclusions simply confirm, however, that the United States is a striking exception to an otherwise valid rule. Aside from the United States, the level of economic development in a given society is inversely related to the percentage of its members declaring that their religious beliefs are important. The percentage of Americans declaring strong religious beliefs, however, is much greater than for other advanced industrial societies. Moreover, American church attendance has not declined markedly over the last half century. See Burnham, "The 1980 Earthquake"; and Michael Hout and Andrew M. Greeley, "Church Attendance in the United States," American Sociological Review 52 (1987): 325-345. Roof and McKinney's image of religious polarization also cuts the other way, however: if secularization is an inadequate notion, so is the idea of a major religious revival in America. The 1970s and early 1980s witnessed no surge in church attendance or in the importance given religion. Despite the rapid growth of conservative churches, their reach into the secular world was limited: their growing membership came primarily from more effective retention of old members and high birth rates. New members were overwhelmingly reaffiliates and the relatives and friends of old members. See John M. Benson, "The Polls: A Rebirth of Religion?" Public Opinion Quarterly 45 (1981): 576-585; Reginald W. Bibby, "Circulation of the Saints Revisited: A Longitudinal Look at Conservative Church Growth," Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 22 (1983): 253-262; and Public Opinion , September-October 1988, pp. 24-25.

11. "The 70's; Decade of Second Thoughts," Public Opinion 2 (January 1980): 19-42; Carol Mueller, "In Search of a Constituency for the 'New Religious Right,'" Public Opinion Quarterly 47 (1983): 213-229; Warren E. Miller and J. Merrill Shanks, "Policy Directions and Presi- soft

dential Leadership: Alternative Interpretations of the 1980 Presidential Election," British Journal of Political Science 12 (1982): 299-356; Baron Report , March 1, 1982. Pamela Johnston Conover and Virginia Gray, Feminism and the New Right (New York: Praeger, 1983), present a more mixed picture of the changing importance of issues like ERA and abortion than does Mueller. They agree that there was no heightened polarization on these issues in the 1970s, but they argue that position on abortion and ERA had a growing association with ideological label and party. The poll referred to in the Baron Report was a 1982 Harris Poll.

12. Michael J. Malbin, "The Conventions, Platforms, and Issue Activists," in The American Elections of 1980 , ed. Austin Ranney (Washington, D.C.: American Enterprise Institute, 1981), pp. 99-141; Albert R. Hunt, "The Campaign and the Issues," in American Elections of 1980 , ed. Ranney, pp. 142-176; Adam Clymer, "Displeasure with Carter Turned Many to Reagan," New York Times , November 9, 1980, p. 18. For a more detailed analysis of the 1980 elections, see Jerome L. Himmelstein and James A. McRae, Jr., "Social Conservatism, New Republicans, and the 1980 Elections," Public Opinion Quarterly 48 (1984): 592-605. Even in the South, with its disproportionately high percentage of churchgoers and fundamentalists, the social issues have had uneven political impact. Hastings J. Wyman, Jr., "Yes, But Then Again, No: Social Issues and Southern Politics," Election Politics 4 (Summer 1987): 15-18.

13. Himmelstein, "Social Basis of Antifeminism." Similar results are found among pro-life and pro-choice activists. See Granberg, "Abortion Activists"; and Granberg and Denney, "Coathanger and Rose."

14. Carol Mueller and Thomas Dimieri, "The Structure of Belief Systems among Contending ERA Activists," Social Forces 60 (1982): 657-675; Donald Mathews and Jane DeHart Mathews, "The Threat of Equality: The Equal Rights Amendment and the Myth of Female Solidarity," unpublished manuscript. Luker, Abortion and the Politics of Motherhood , found similar differences in worldview among abortion activists. Gerson, Hard Choices , pp. 186-190, also found such differences between women who chose motherhood and women who chose careers. For other accounts of the worldview of antifeminists, see Dworkin, Right-Wing Women ; Deirdre English, "The War against Choice: Inside the Anti-Abortion Movement," Mother Jones 6 (1981): 16-32; Susan Harding, "Family Reform Movements: Recent Feminism and Its Opposition," Feminist Studies 7 (1981): 57-75; and Klatch, Women of the New Right , pp. 119-147. break

15. Theodore S. Arrington and Patricia A. Kyle, "Equal Rights Amendment Activists in North Carolina," Signs 3 (1978); 666-680; Iva E. Deutchman and Sandra Prince-Embury, "Political Ideology of Pro-and Anti-ERA Women," Women and Politics 2 (1982): 39-55; Mueller and Dimieri, "Structure of Belief Systems"; David Brady and Kent L. Tedin, "Ladies in Pink: Religion and Political Ideology in the Anti-ERA Movement," Social Science Quarterly 56 (1976): 564-575; Luker, Abortion and the Politics of Motherhood , pp. 138-139; Faye Ginsburg, Contested Lives: The Abortion Debate in an American Community (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1988).

16. James L. Guth, "Political Converts: Partisan Realignment among Southern Baptist Ministers," Election Politics 3 (Winter 1985-1986): 2-6.

17. James L. Guth and John C. Green, "Politics in a New Key: Religiosity and Activism Among Political Contributors," paper presented at the meetings of the Society for the Scientific Study of Religion, Knoxville, Tenn., November 4-6, 1983; idem, "Party, PAC, and Denomination: Religiosity among Political Contributors," paper presented at the meetings of the American Political Science Association, Chicago, September 1-4, 1983; idem, "Faith and Politics: Religion and Ideology among Political Contributors," American Politics Quarterly 14 (1986): 186-200; idem, "The Christian Right in the Republican Party: The Case of Pat Robertson's Supporters," Journal of Politics 50 (1988): 150-165; idem, "God and the GOP: Varieties of Religiosity among Political Contributors," paper presented at the meetings of the American Political Science Association, Chicago, September 3-6, 1987.

18. "Roundtable's President Ed McAteer Is Music Man of Religious Right," Conservative Digest , January 1981, pp. 2-7; D'Souza, Falwell ; Fitzgerald, "A Disciplined, Charging Army"; Arthur H. Miller and Martin P. Wattenberg, "Politics from the Pulpit: Religiosity and the 1980 Elections," Public Opinion Quarterly 48 (1984): 301-317; Stuart Rothenberg and Frank Newport, The Evangelical Voter: Religion and Politics in America (Washington, D.C.: Free Congress Research and Education Foundation, 1984).

19. George M. Marsden, Fundamentalism and American Culture: The Shaping of Twentieth-Century Evangelicalism, 1870-1925 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1980), p. 3; "America's Evangelicals: Genesis or Evolution?," Public Opinion , April-May 1981, pp. 22-27; James Davison Hunter, American Evangelicalism: Conservative Religion and the Quandary of Modernity (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1983), pp. 49-60. For perceptive discussion of the analytic problems in defining evangelical , see Corwin Smidt, "Evangelicals in continue

Presidential Elections: A Look at the 1980s," Election Politics 5 (Spring 1988): 2-11; idem, "Evangelicals and the 1984 Election: Continuity or Change?" American Politics Quarterly 15 (1987): 419-444; Corwin Smidt and Lyman Kellstedt, "Evangelicalism and Survey Research: Interpretive Problems and Substantive Findings," in The Bible, Politics, and Democracy , ed. Richard J. Neuhaus (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 1987). Charismatics, who emphasize the spiritual experience of the indwelling of the Holy Spirit, overlap partly with evangelicals. See Smidt, "'Praise the Lord' Politics: A Comparative Analysis of the Social Characteristics and Political Views of American Evangelical and Charismatic Christians," Sociological Analysis , forth-coming.

20. "America's Evangelicals"; Hunter, American Evangelicalism , pp. 49-60; Lyman A. Kellstedt, "Evangelicals and Political Realignment," paper presented at the conference, "Evangelical Political Involvement in the 1980s," Calvin College, Grand Rapids, Mich., October 17-18, 1986; Miller and Wattenberg, "Politics from the Pulpit."

21. Hunter, American Evangelicalism , pp. 7-8; George Marsden, "The Evangelical Denomination," in Piety and Politics: Evangelicals and Fundamentalists Confront the World , ed. Richard John Neuhaus and Michael Cromartie (Washington, D.C.: Ethics and Public Policy Center, 1987), pp. 55-68; A. James Reichley, "The Evangelical and Fundamentalist Revolt," in Piety and Politics , ed. Neuhaus and Cromartie, pp. 69-95.

22. John H. Simpson, "Moral Issues and Status Politics," in The New Christian Right: Mobilization and Legitimation , ed. Robert Liebman and Robert Wuthnow (New York: Aldine, 1983), pp. 188-207; J. Milton Yinger and Stephan J. Cutler, "The Moral Majority Viewed Sociologically," in New Christian Politics , ed. David G. Bromley and Anson Shupe (Macon, Ga.: Mercer University Press, 1984), pp. 69-90; Gary D. Gaddy, "Some Potential Causes and Consequences of the Use of Religious Broadcasts," in New Christian Politics , ed. Bromley and Shupe, pp. 117-128; James L. Guth, "Sex and the Single Issue Activist: Female Campaign Contributors in the 1982 Elections," paper presented at the meetings of Southern Political Science Association, Savannah, Ga., November 1-3, 1984; David Knoke, "Stratification and the Dimensions of American Political Orientations," American Journal of Political Science 23 (1979): 772-791; Himmelstein, "The Social Basis of Antifeminism"; Jeffrey K. Hadden and Charles E. Swann, Prime Time Preachers: The Rising Power of Televangelism (Reading, Mass.: Addison-Wesley, 1981). There has been considerable discussion over whether socioeconomic or cultural characteristics are most telling in continue

shaping social conservatism. See, for example, Charles L. Harper and Kevin Leicht, "Explaining the New Religious Right: Status Politics and Beyond," in New Christian Politics , ed. Bromley and Shupe, pp. 101-110; and Michael Wood and Michael Hughes, "The Moral Basis of Moral Reform: Status Discontent vs. Culture and Socialization as Explanations of Anti-Pornography Social Movement Adherence," American Sociological Review 49 (1984): 86-99.

23. William G. McLoughlin, Revivals, Awakenings, and Reform: An Essay on Religion and Social Change in America, 1607-1977 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1978); Ann Douglas, The Feminization of American Culture (New York: Knopf, 1977); A. James Reichley, Religion in American Public Life (Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution, 1985).

24. Marsden, Fundamentalism and American Culture , p. 11.

25. Reichley, Religion in American Public Life .

26. The discussion of the transformation of evangelicalism in the following paragraphs draws on Marsden, Fundamentalism and American Culture ; Hunter, American Evangelicalism ; James A. Speer, "The New Christian Right and Its Parent Company: A Study in Political Contrasts," in New Christian Politics , ed. Bromley and Shupe, pp. 19-40; Gary Clabaugh, Thunder on the Right: The Protestant Fundamentalists (Chicago: Nelson-Hall, 1974).

27. The account of fundamentalism and evangelicalism since the 1920s draws on Jorstad, Politics of Doomsday ; Leo P. Ribuffo, The Old Christian Right (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1983); Hunter, American Evangelicalism ; Clabaugh, Thunder on the Right ; and Speer, "New Christian Right."

28. Reichley, Religion in American Public Life ; James L. Guth, "The New Christian Right," in New Christian Right , ed. Liebman and Wuthnow, pp. 31-45.

29. Carol Flake, Redemptorama: Culture, Politics, and the New Evangelicalism (New York: Penguin Books, 1984), p. 52, citing William Martin, Texas Monthly , September 1979.

30. "Northside Baptist Church and Dr. W. Jack Hudson Celebrating 30 Years of Service to the Carolinas," Charlotte Observer , September 6, 1984, special advertising supplement.

31. Hadden and Swann, Prime Time Preachers .

32. "Power, Glory, and Politics: Right-Wing Preachers Dominate the Dial," Time , February 17, 1986, pp. 62-69; Gaddy, "Causes and Consequences"; Razelle Frankl, Televangelism: The Marketing of Popular Religion (Carbondale, Ill.: Southern Illinois University Press, 1987); Jeffrey K. Hadden, "Religious Broadcasting and the Mobilization of continue

the New Christian Right," Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 26 (1987): 1-24.

33. Robert C. Liebman, "Mobilizing the Moral Majority," in New Christian Right , ed. Liebman and Wuthnow, pp. 50-74; Guth, "New Christian Right."

34. Although evangelicals tended to vote Republican in presidential elections, survey data suggest that until the early 1980s their party loyalties were Democratic. Albert J. Menendez, Religion at the Polls (Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1977); Kellstedt, "Evangelicals and Political Realignment."

35. Robert Wuthnow, "The Political Rebirth of American Evangelicals," in New Christian Right , ed. Liebman and Wuthnow, pp. 168-187; James L. Guth, "The Politics of Preachers: Southern Baptist Ministers and Christian Right Activism," in New Christian Politics , ed. Bromley and Shupe, pp. 235-250.

36. Speer, "New Christian Right."

37. D'Souza, Falwell , pp. 80-81.

38. D'Souza, Falwell ; Fitzgerald, "A Disciplined, Charging Army."

39. The discussion in this and the following two paragraphs draws especially on Guth, "New Christian Right"; and Liebman, "Mobilizing the Moral Majority."

40. "A Tide of Born-Again Politics," Newsweek , September 15, 1980, pp. 28-36.

41. Anson Shupe and William A. Stacey, "Public and Clergy Sentiments toward the Moral Majority: Evidence from the Dallas-Fort Worth Metroplex," in New Christian Politics , ed. Bromley and Shupe, pp. 91-100. See also Anson Shupe and William A. Stacey, Born-Again Politics and the Moral Majority: What Social Surveys Really Show (New York: Edwin Mellen Press, 1982); and Hadden and Swann, Prime Time Preachers .

42. "A Tide of Born-Again Politics"; "America's Evangelicals"; Frank M. Newport and V. Lance Tarrance, Jr., "Evangelicals, Fundamentalists, and Political Issues in the 1984 Elections," Election Politics 1 (Winter 1983-1984): 2-6; Rothenberg and Newport, Evangelical Voter ; D'Souza, Falwell , pp. 172-173; Reichley, "Evangelical and Fundamentalist Revolt." When evangelical or fundamentalist is defined more stringently, differences on social issues are more marked. A 1981 Roper Poll done for the National Broadcasting Company found that the 5 percent of respondents who scored "very high" on a fundamentalism scale opposed the ERA 60-28 percent (compared to 71-20 percent support among the quarter of respondents who scored continue

zero on the scale). Sixty-one percent of the fundamentalist group supported a law against all abortions in comparison to 9 percent of those who scored zero. National Broadcasting Company, "Sex, Profanity, and Violence: An Opinion Survey about Seventeen Television Programs," June 30, 1981.

43. James L. Guth, "Southern Baptist Clergy: Vanguard of the New Right," in New Christian Right , ed. Liebman and Wuthnow, pp. 118-132.

44. Thomas E. Mann and Norman J. Ornstein, "The Republican Surge in Congress," in American Elections of 1980 , ed. Ranney, pp. 263-302; Stephen Johnson and Joseph B. Tamney, "The Christian Right and the 1980 Presidential Election," Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 21 (1982): 123-131; Robert Zwier, "The New Christian Right and the 1980 Election," in New Christian Politics , ed. Bromley and Shupe, pp. 173-194; Richard V. Pierard and James L. Wright, "No Hoosier Hospitality for Humanism: The Moral Majority in Indiana," in New Christian Politics , ed. Bromley and Shupe, pp. 195-212; Seymour Martin Lipset and Earl Raab, "The Elections and the Evangelicals," Commentary 71 (March 1981): 25-31; Himmelstein and McRae, "Social Conservatism"; Seymour Martin Lipset, "The Revolt against Modernity," in Mobilization, Center-Periphery Structures, and Nation-Building , ed. Per Torsvik (Bergen: Universitetsforlaget, 1981); Smidt, "Evangelicals in Presidential Elections"; Miller and Wattenberg, "Politics from the Pulpit." My own analysis of 1980 National Election Study data suggests that neither religiosity nor born-again experience had much influence on whether or not Carter voters in 1976 defected to Reagan in 1980. Among 1976 Carter voters 61.9 percent of those claiming a born-again experience voted for Carter in 1980 and 21.6 percent went over to Reagan; among those not claiming a born-again experience the comparable figures were 61.1 percent and 24.1 percent. Of those 1976 Carter voters who said religion gave them a great deal of guidance, 65.7 percent voted for Carter in 1980 and 22.9 percent voted for Reagan. Among those who said religion was not important to them only 42.7 percent voted for Carter again, with 22.7 percent voting for Reagan and 16.4 percent for independent John Anderson.

45. The Elections of 1984 , ed. Michael Nelson (Washington, D.C.: Congressional Quarterly, 1985), p. 290; Chubb and Peterson, New Direction in American Politics , p. 46; New York Times , November 6, 1986, p. A29; Smidt, "Evangelicals in Presidential Elections"; Kellstedt, "Evangelicals and Political Realignment." The political shift among continue

evangelicals as a religious group ought not to be confounded with that within the South as a region, though evangelicals represent a disproportionate percentage of the electorate in the South. If anything, the shift is more marked among evangelicals outside the South. The biggest shift to Reagan in 1984 came among nonsouthern evangelicals; moreover, turnout among this group rose in 1984 whereas it fell among southern evangelicals. By 1986 evangelicals may have been drifting back to the Democratic party in terms of party identification; but they were still more likely than nonevangelicals to support Republican presidential candidates, a difference that stayed significant even when region and party identification were controlled. Again, see Smidt, "Evangelicals in Presidential Elections."

46. "Power, Glory, and Politics"; Freedom Writer , October 1986; Washington Times , November 14, 1986, p. 2A.

47. John Herbers, "Reagan Beginning to Get Top Billing in Christian Bookstores for Policies," New York Times , September 28, 1984, p. A23.

48. Charlotte Observer , June 13, 1984, p. 1E; Raleigh News and Observer , June 17, 1984, p. 25A; New York Times , June 15, 1986, section 4, p. 6; Boston Globe , June 15, 1986, p. 11; Guth, "Political Converts."

49. Liebman, "Mobilizing of the Moral Majority," p. 57. See also Charles Tilly, From Mobilization to Revolution ; and John D. McCarthy and Mayer N. Zald, "Resource Mobilization and Social Movements: A Partial Theory," American Journal of Sociology 82 (1977): 1212-1239.

50. Wuthnow, "Political Rebirth of American Evangelicals."

51. Liebman, "Mobilizing of the Moral Majority"; idem, "The Making of the New Christian Right," in New Christian Right , ed. Liebman and Wuthnow, pp. 227-238.

52. Corwin Smidt, "Partisanship of American Evangelicals: Changing Patterns over the Past Decade," paper presented at the meetings of the Society for the Scientific Study of Religion, Washington, D.C., November 14-16, 1986; New York Times , March 10, 1988, p. A26. Among religious contributors to conservative political action committees in the early 1980s, strong support for the Moral Majority was limited to a few fundamentalist groups. See James L. Guth and John C. Green, "The Moralizing Minority: Christian Right Support Among Political Contributors," Social Science Quarterly 68 (1987): 598-610.

53. Mansbridge, Why We Lost the ERA , pp. 74-77. See Ginsburg, Contested Lives , for a somewhat similar shift in antiabortion ranks in North Dakota.

54. Smidt, "Partisanship of American Evangelicals." break