II Nobles and Hidalgos
1. See Ruth Pike, Aristocrats and Traders: Sevillian Society in the Sixteenth Century (Ithaca, N.Y., 1972), 22-24 for intermarriage between the nobility and merchant and converso families and the ennoblement of merchants. In her conclusion (p. 213) she writes: "The Sevillian nobility was never a closed homogeneous class. . . . By the middle of . . . [the sixteenth] century the majority of the Sevillian nobility consisted of recently ennobled families of mixed social and racial origins whose commercial orientation and activities reflected their mercantile background."
2. Juan Pérez de Tudela Bueso, ed., Documentos relativos a don Pedro de la Gasca y a Gonzalo Pizarro, 2 vols. (Madrid, 1964), 2: 315; Gonzalo Pizarro's statement was quoted by Pedro Hernández Paniagua de Loaysa in his relación (account) written to Gasca, August 1547.
3. For Dr. Lorenzo Galíndez de Carvajal (dates 1472-1532), see Ernest Schäfer, El consejo real y supremo de las Indias, 2 vols. (Seville, 1935 and 1947), 1: 27; and Helen Nader, The Mendoza Family in the Spanish Renaissance, 1350 to 1550 (New Brunswick, 1979), 129-130. For Diego de Vargas Carvajal, see Schäfer, El consejo de Indias, 2: 287-288; for his will, see Federico Acedo Trigo, "Linajes de Trujillo." (Ms. in AMT), Vargas, 48 a12-13 .
4. See J. G. Peristiany, ed., El concepto de honor en la sociedad mediterránea (Barcelona, 1968), especially the article by Julio Caro Baroja, "Honor y vergüenza. Examen histórico de varios conflictos," 77-126. The English edition is entitled Honour and Shame: The Values of Mediterranean Society (London, 1966).
5. See Nader, The Mendoza Family ; essentially the entire book deals with the impact of humanism and Renaissance ideas and styles on the Castilian nobility. Nader claims that the letrados were not humanists in their ideas and they were essentially "anti-Renaissance" (p. 133).
6. Miguel Muñoz de San Pedro traced the career of this Diego García de Paredes in his article "Aventuras y desventuras del tercer Diego García de Paredes," Revista de Estudios Extremeños 13 (1957): 5-93.
7. Archivo del Monasterio de Guadalupe (AMG) Fondo Barrantes, Ms. B/3. In 1590 Alvaro de Paredes wrote to his brother Licenciado Gutiérrez de Espadero that he had borrowed 1000 pesos from a friend leaving for Spain and said "me ofrecio el viaje a España, lo cual no acepté de vergüenza" (fol. 167).
8. See Muñoz de San Pedro, Crónicas trujillanas, Hinojosa, 122 for the reference to the Cid; see p. 177 for the description of how Hernando Alonso de Hinojosa avenged his cousin and many years later was himself killed in vengeance; see p. 157 for a description of Alonso García Calderón, an uncle of Andrés Calderón Puertocarrero, which included the following: "es muy varon y liberal, es amigo de su sangre, sin haber respecto al bando, lo cual hacen pocos en esta ciudad." The Hinojosa manuscript was written in 1548 by Diego de Hinojosa and amended and expanded by his nephew Alonso in 1563.
9. Gerbet, La noblesse, 105-127, 134-135 discusses the different types of nobles and hidalgos. See also Marie-Claude Gerbet and Janine Fayard, "Fermeture de la noblesse et pureté de sang dans les concejos de Castille au XVème siècle: à travers les procès d' hidalguía " in La ciudad hispánica, 1: 443-474 for access to noble status.
10. Diego de la Rocha's entail is in AHPC Pedro de Grajos 3923. For Juan de Chaves, see Muñoz de San Pedro, Crónicas trujillanas, 138. The wife of Luis de Chaves, el viejo, was doña María de Sotomayor, who was the sister of the first count of Belalcazar, don Alonso de Sotomayor; they were the illegitimate children of don Gutierre de Sotomayor, the famous master of Alcántara; see Muñoz de San Pedro, Crónicas trujillanas, 189. Some other cacereños involved with the duke of Béjar were Francisco de Villalobos, who in 1534 was trying to recover money owed to him for four years of service to the deceased duke; Francisco de Ribera, who sought compensation for services rendered and money lent to the same; and Comendador Hernando de Ovando (brother of Frey Nicolás de Ovando), who was trying to collect money owed to his dead son Gonzalo de Ulloa in the same year; see AHPC Hernando Conde 3712. In that year also Martín Alonso, nonnoble returnee to Trujillo from Cajamarca, purchased 100,000 maravedís of censos from the duke of Béjar. Diego Mejía de Grado, a vecino of Trujillo with the power of attorney ( poder ) of Señor don Francisco de Zúñiga Guzmán y Sotomayor, duke of Béjar, carried out the transaction with Juan Cortés, another returnee who had been at Cajamarca, acting in Martín Alonso's name; AMT García de Sanabria A-1-1. See Acedo, "Linajes," Mejía, 406, for the censo that don Diego Mejía de
Ovando sold on the "villa y dehesa" of Loriana to the wealthy returnee Senñor Juan Pizarro de Orellana, vecino of Trujillo.
11. Muñoz de San Pedro, Crónicas trujillanas, xxx (introduction), Hinojosa, 138.
12. A number of these suits involved people who had been in the Indies or had family members there; their newly acquired wealth might have been a factor in the decision to go to court. Luis García Polido (who had been in the Indies; see AHPC Diego Pacheco 4113) and the brothers of Dr. Francisco de Sande of Cáceres (see note 15 below) had suits in Granada, as did Diego de Carvajal, returnee from Peru to Trujillo who married a half-sister of Gonzalo and Juan Pizarro (see AMT García de Sanabria A-1-2; he initiated the suit with his brother Gonzalo de Carvajal) and Florencio Carrasco, vecino of Zorita and brother of Pedro Alonso Carrasco, long-time resident of Cuzco; see ARCG 303-290-10.
13. Caro Baroja, "Honor y vergüenza," 100 points out that, with the growing importance of "limpieza de sangre" (purity of blood) in the sixteenth century, it no longer was only the male lineage that counted but one's antecedents on both sides and through both maternal and paternal lines.
14. Acedo, "Linajes," Escobar, 380-386 quotes extensively from the testimony on the Escobars of Trujillo and Robledillo. Francisco de Escobar was listed as "soltero, mercader" when he went to Cartagena in 1574; see AGI Indif. General 2087.
15. ARCG, Hidalguía 301-181-153 and 301-55-21. Miguel Angel Orti Belmonte in his notes for Huberto Foglietta, Vida de don Alvaro de Sande (Madrid, 1962), 85 says that the Sandes of Cáceres descended from Alvaro de Sande, "señor de la casa del valle de Sande" in Galicia, who came to Cáceres in the fifteenth century with King Juan II.
16. Further evidence of the unimpressive status of the family in Cáceres was that in the 1570s, when she was a widow, Francisca Picón's closest associate and agent was Bachiller Antonio Picón, a man of modest status who probably was a relative. Other than the testimony in the pleito de hidalguía, there is no evidence of the family of Pedro de Sande having any dealings or connections with the "important" Sandes of the city. Francisca Picón made her will in 1580 and named as her children and heirs Dr. Francisco de Sande, don Juan de Sande, don Bernardino de Sande, capitán de Su Majestad, don Antonio de Sande, doña Juana de Sande, and doña Teresa de Sande. Another son, Hernando, who died in the late 1570s, never used the don. In 1578 Antonio de Sande witnessed a document for his mother in which he did not use don (this document and his mother's will are in AHPC Alonso Pacheco 4104). For more information on this family, see Altman, "Emigrants and Society," 182-185.
17. See the 1579 wills of Baltasar de Valverde and Bachiller Francisco Romero in AHPC Alonso Pacheco 4104.
18. See, for example, Caro Baroja, "Honor y vergüenza," 96-98, 100, 104-105.
19. AGI Contratación 5234B. Hernando de Encinas was a vecino of Trujillo.
20. In 1571 Cotrina's mother, Isabel González, was called the widow of "Juan Cotrina, sastre"; see AHPC Martín de Cabrera 3636. Cotrina's wife was "doña María"; see his mother's will of 1579 in AHPC Alonso Pacheco 4103.
21. AGS Exped. Hacienda 66.
22. AGS Exped. Hacienda 189-56. For the dispute over the offices of Zorita, see AMT García de Sanabria A-1-1. In their petition to the crown the hidalgos of Zorita estimated that the village had 230 vecinos "entre viudos y casados y que de ellos era mas de ochenta hijosdalgo." The 1561 padrón included widows also among the vecinos, so the discrepancy in the figures is not all that great.
23. For Zarza, see Vassberg, Land and Society, 108. In the small pueblo of Ruanes, all but one of fifty-two vecinos were hidalgos, but they were all labradores; see p. 139.
24. AGS Exped. Hacienda 189-56, 1561 padrón of Ibahernando.
25. See Naranjo Alonso, Trujillo, 2: 45-54 for the sale of villages in the sixteenth century. In 1627 don Juan de Chaves y Mendoza bought Herguijuela (p. 35), don Juan de Chaves Sotomayor bought Aldea del Pastor (later Santa Ana) and Ruanes (p. 49), and Hernando Pizarro's grandson don Juan Hernando Pizarro bought Zarza (pp. 32-33), later known as La Conquista. See also Clodoaldo Naranjo Alonso, Solar de conquistadores: Trujillo, sus hijos y monumentos, 3d. ed. (Madrid, 1983), 234-236.
26. AGS Exped. Hacienda 66.
27. Naranjo Alonso, Trujillo, 2: 29, 46-48.
28. ACC-HO leg. 5, pt. 2, no. 20.
29. See Carlos Callejo, Cáceres monumental (Madrid, 1973), 98, 106, 111, 126, as well as references throughout Tena Fernández, Trujillo histórico, to new constructions and renovations; see, for example pp. 347-348 for the house of Juan Pizarro de Orellana and pp. 362-363 for the Ayuntamiento. See also Carmelo Solís Rodríguez, "La plaza mayor de Trujillo," in Actas del VI Congreso de Estudios Extremeños, (Cáceres, 1981): 277-299, especially 282, 285. The article offers an excellent description of the growth of the city around the plaza from the time of the reconquest.
30. AMT Pedro de Carmona B-1-27.
31. Miguel Muñoz de San Pedro, "Las últimas disposiciones del último
Pizarro de la Conquista," Boletín de la Real Academia de Historia 126 (1950): 398. She also owned jewelry with pearls, rubies, and diamonds.
32. AMC Libros de Acuerdo 1570.
33. Miguel Angel Orti Belmonte, La vida en Cáceres en los siglos XIII y XVI al XVIII (Cáceres, 1949), 26, 28-30; Ida Altman, "Spanish Hidalgos and America: The Ovandos of Cáceres," The Americas 43, 3 (1987): 325. Gerbet, La noblesse, 301 estimates that the net worth of Diego de Ovando's father (of the same name) was about 5 million maravedís at his death in 1505.
34. See Orti Belmonte, La vida en Cáceres, 37-40 for examples of inventories of noble households, and 96-97 for country life. In addition to riding, women might also take part in vigorous outdoor activities and games; Miguel Muñoz de San Pedro, Diego García de Paredes. Hércules y Sansón de España (Madrid, 1946), 88-89 says that the famous hero's older half-sister, María Jiménez de Paredes, often initiated games of physical skill in which Diego García came to excell.
35. In June 1558 nobleman Diego de Vargas Carvajal "went with his criados as he normally does . . . to his house and lands at Balhondo. . . . He went dealing with and looking over his estates and from there went to the city of Cáceres," where he saw his daughter and her mother-in-law (who had recently lost her husband) "and he was there in that city . . . visiting some caballeros." This information was included in testimony in a suit brought by Pedro Calderón de Vargas against his cousin doña Beatriz de Vargas, wife of Diego de Vargas Carvajal, over the Vargas family entail that she inherited; see ARCG 508-1987-8.
36. AGI Contratación 5234A (testimony of 1591).
37. AMT Pedro de Carmona A-1-9; Acedo, "Linajes," Escobar, 379-380. Gómez Nuño de Escobar lived "temporadas en Trujillo y otras en Robledillo, donde hizo una casa muy buena."
38. AGI Justicia 1061, no. 2, ramo 2 and Justicia 1062 no. 1, ramo 2.
39. Vassberg, Land and Society, 28.
40. Vassberg, Land and Society, 23-24. Owners of private dehesas might make similar arrangements for rental as well.
41. I reached this conclusion after reading dozens of land transactions in the sixteenth-century notarial records of Cáceres; see Altman, "Emigrants, Returnees and Society," 29-30.
42. AHPC Diego Pacheco 4101. Juan Pizarro rented a dehesa for six years from Juan de Ovando Perero, a regidor, for 384,000 maravedís and another for 354,000 maravedís from Dr. Bernaldino de Saavedra, Martín de Paredes, and his brother Francisco de Paredes.
43. Muñoz de San Pedro, Crónicas trujillanas, Hinojosa, 19-21. Pascual Gil de Cervantes was an ancestor of Pedro Barrantes (through his
mother, Francisca de Cervantes), returnee from Peru and señor of La Cumbre (see p. 99). Diego de Hinojosa, the chronicler, was married to Pedro Barrantes's sister Ana Barrantes. Antonio C. Floriano, "Cáceres ante la historia: el problema medieval de la propiedad de la tierra," Revista de Estudios Extremeños 5 (1949): 11 says that anyone in Cáceres who wanted to sell a part of an estate ("heredad") had to offer it first to relatives or to those who would have inherited the property. A suit in Cáceres in the 1550s involved the purchase of four houses on Pintores street by the pharmacist Cristóbal García. García bought the houses from Señor Gonzalo de Saavedra, and Saavedra's cousin Hernando de Ovando said he should have had the right of purchase as a near relative of doña Leonor de Orellana; see AHPC Pedro de Grajos 3924. A settlement was made in 1556.
44. This example is, of course, further evidence of the practice of keeping properties within families. Gonzalo de Saavedra and his cousin Francisco de Ovando were descendants of Francisco de Ovando, el viejo, brother of Captain Diego de Ovando de Cáceres; see Altman, "Spanish Hidalgos," 335-336 and table following 344. Saavedra was the nephew of Dr. Bernaldino de Saavedra mentioned above, note 42.
45. See Gerbet, La noblesse, 94.
46. See Muñoz de San Pedro, "Ultimas disposiciones," 345 and Varón Gabai and Jacobs, "Peruvian Wealth," 768-782, 685-691.
47. Acedo, "Linajes," Hinojosa, 363-364.
48. The listing of properties appears in the suit brought against doña Beatriz de Vargas by her cousin Pedro Calderón de Vargas; see ARCG 508-1987-8.
49. AGI Justicia 1144, no. 3.
50. AGI Justicia 1176, no. 2, ramo 1. The suit hinged on the question of whether Martín de Chaves, who went to Peru in 1534, actually had been the owner of the dehesa at the time of his departure (it subsequently was sold by his heir, a first cousin). Chaves died in Peru owing Gonzalo Pizarro 500 pesos, which royal officials were trying to collect as part of the confiscation of Pizarro's property after his trial and execution.
51. Muñoz de San Pedro, Crónicas trujillanas, 135.
52. The transaction of 1547 came to a total of 607, 920 maravedís, see AHPC Pedro de Grajos 3923, and the transaction of 1552 came to 353,600 maravedís and 435,135 maravedís, see AHPC Diego Pacheco 4101, to be made good in Medina del Campo in July 1552 and 1553.
53. The yearlings were purchased from doña Teresa de Carvajal, and the same buyers purchased 496 sheep (187 shorn) from Alvaro de Ulloa, regidor of Cáceres; see AHPC Pedro de Grajos 3925.
54. AHPC Pedro de Grajos 3924. Wool was sold by weight and the
price determined according to quality, color, and whether the wool was washed or dirty.
55. AHPC Pedro González 3827. The carter, a vecino of Toro, received 46 reales (1564 maravedís) per cartload, or a total of 644 reales, half of which was paid in advance. He used oxen, not mules, to haul his carts.
56. AMC Libros de Acuerdo 1572.
57. The wool sold at 3125 maravedís per arroba and at the time of the 1588 inventory, some of it was already sold, for which Cristóbal de Ovando had received 9000 ducados. See ACC-HO, leg. 5, pt. 2, no. 20.
58. AMT Pedro de Carmona B-1-23. Don Diego de Vargas Carvajal was the son of Diego de Vargas Carvajal, whom he accompanied to Peru in 1560.
59. Klein, The Mesta, 332-333. Klein's is still the most comprehensive study both of the organization, privileges, and political power of the Mesta and of stockraising in the peninsula in general. Nevertheless the book is dated, and the subject demands thorough research and restudy. Vassberg, Land and Society, 81-82, for example, touches on aspects of the relations between the Mesta and local economy and society in Extremadura. His findings indicate clearly that the Mesta was not very powerful there in the sixteenth century and that Klein's study conveys only part of the picture.
60. See Vassberg, Land and Society, 82. In the 1560s Juan Pizarro twice sent representatives to appear before the council of the Mesta to protest the usurpation and illegal use of his pastures; AHPC Diego Pacheco 4102, 4113.
61. AMT García de Sanabria A-1-1.
62. For the use and regulation of the montes around Trujillo, see Vassberg, Land and Society, 36-37, 69, 73. For an excellent discussion of the rural economy of Trujillo, especially breeding pigs, see Vassberg, ''La coyuntura socioeconómica."
63. AMC Libros de Acuerdo 1553; LeFlem, "Cáceres, Plasencia y Trujillo," 266.
64. Vassberg, Land and Society, 186.
65. Muñoz de San Pedro, Crónicas trujillanas, Hinojosa, 138.
66. See AHPC Pedro de Grajos 3924 for Sancho de Figueroa's will of 1549 and for Juan de Carvajal Villalobos; see Pedro de Grajos 3923 for don Juan de Ulloa Carvajal.
67. This was especially true in the case of criados who accompanied employers to the New World; see chap. 5.
68. For Nuño de Ortega, see AGI Justicia 1176, no. 2, ramo 1; AGI
Indif. General 2090 for González; Muñoz de San Pedro, "Ultimas disposiciones," 406, 546 for Hernando Pizarro.
69. AGI Contratación 5227.
70. AHPC Pedro González 3828. Francisco de Ovando Paredes was the oldest son and heir to the entail of his father, Cosme de Ovando, who had inherited one of three entails established by his father, Francisco de Ovando, el rico; see Altman, "Spanish Hidalgos," 338-339. Since he had no legitimate heirs, at Francisco de Ovando Paredes's death the entail passed first to his brother Cosme de Ovando Paredes and then to Cristóbal de Ovando Paredes, both of whom spent long periods in Peru before returning to Cáceres in the 1580s.
71. For comparison, see Pike, Aristocrats and Traders , 170-192 for slaves in Seville; 183-185 deal with the training and employment of slaves there.
72. AHPC Pedro de Grajos 3923, Diego Pacheco 4100.
73. Hernando Corajo freed his elderly slave Isabel in his will of 1513 and provided her with eight fanegas of wheat and 1000 maravedís a year and a new set of clothing every two years; see ACC Asuntos de Trujillo leg. 3, no. 2. He also freed his cousin Sancho de Paredes.
74. The incident was described in testimony in a suit of 1549 brought against Juan Cortés. He was accused of having aided a man named Pablo Vicencio (also known as Francisco Pérez), who had come from Peru and in Spain escaped from a royal prison; see AGI Justicia 1176, no. 2, ramo 8. The incident between Cortés's criados and Herrera figured in the testimony because it was suspected that Herrera helped fabricate charges against Cortés.
75. Gerbet, La noblesse , 316.
76. AMT leg. 1-1-30, Actas de 1576-83. For the guards of the montes, see Vassberg, Land and Society , 70-71.
77. AMC Libros de Acuerdo 1570. The alcalde, Benito Rodríguez Sanabria, had come before the city council to ask for a loan of 200 reales so that the hermandad could go to the mountains to apprehend the servant and his fellow delinquents. The council reluctantly granted the loan, noting that they were under no obligation to give the hermandad money to pursue thieves.
78. Muñoz de San Pedro, Crónicas trujillanas , 79, 137.
79. See Caro Baroja, "Honor y vergüenza," 84-85 for discussion of the concepts of "valer mas" and collective honor; ''este honor colectivo se ajusta a un sistema de linajes patrilineales. . . . Las glorias de un individuo de linaje alcanzan a la totalidad de éste, las vergüenzas también. . . . Por eso cada linaje en conjunto pretende valer mas que otros" (p. 85).
80. Muñoz de San Pedro, Crónicas trujillanas , 135-136 (for Juan de Chaves), 157.
81. In his article on "Lope de Aguirre, 'traidor'" in El señor inquisidor y otras vidas por oficio , 2d ed. (Madrid, 1970) 65-122, Julio Caro Baroja relates the concept of "valer mas" to the conflicts and bandos of the late Middle Ages. He writes, "la consecuencia última de esta concepción bélica de la vida es el derecho del mas fuerte y la noción de una especie de dualismo, de división continua, entre dos contrarios en perpetua lucha" (p. 106). Julian Pitt-Rivers, in his chapter entitled "Honour and Social Status" in Peristiany, Honour and Shame , observes that "seen from the individual's point of view, to have recourse to justice is to abnegate one's claim to settle one's debts of honour for oneself'' (p. 30) and "the aristocracy claims the right to honour=precedence by the tradition which makes them the leaders of society. . . . The sacred quality of high status is demonstrated in freedom from the sanctions which apply to ordinary mortals" (p. 31). "Enemistad" did have a specific legal meaning in many parts of Spain in the Middle Ages. Heath Dillard. Daughters of the Reconquest: Women in Castilian Town Society, 1100-1300 (Cambridge, 1984), 31 writes that "at Sepúlveda . . . municipal law prescribed enemistad for serious crimes, meaning banishment under threat of legal execution by one's enemies."
82. AMT Pedro de Carmona A-1-9.
83. The protesting regidores were Bernaldino de Tapia, Alvaro de Hinojosa (brother-in-law of Gonzalo Pizarro), don Juan de Vargas Carvajal (son of Diego de Vargas Carvajal), Juan de Chaves (the chronicler), Martín de Chaves, and the returnees Pedro Barrantes, Alonso Ruiz, and Juan Pizarro de Orellana; see AMG leg. 134.
84. AMC Libros de Acuerdo 1571.
85. AMG leg. 134.
86. See Caro Baroja, "Lope de Aguirre," 96-97. He sees the "libertades de grupo" as "libertades de acción frente al poder" (p. 97).
87. AGI Justicia 1061, no. 2, ramo 2 (for quotation); Justicia 1062, no. 1, ramo 2; Justicia 1064, no. 3, ramo 1. The settlement appears in Acedo, "Linajes," Calderón, 333 a13 ; he gave his poder to Alonso de Loaysa, don Pedro Puertocarrero (his uncle), don Diego de Carvajal, and Fray Jerónimo de Loaysa (archbishop of Lima). Andrés Calderón was related to a number of prominent families (see table 3). His maternal grandfather was Juan de Hinojosa, an encomendero in New Spain (among Hinojosa's children with his wife doña Beatriz de Tapia was doña Juana de Hinojosa, Andrés Calderón's mother; see Muñoz de San Pedro, Crónicas trujillanas , 175). Despite these family connections and the fact that he was heir to his father, Gabriel Calderón, either his inheritance was small or he
squandered a great deal of it. There is no doubt that he went to Peru as a merchant. He was listed as a merchant in the asientos of 1562; see Catálogo , 4, no. 2281. In October 1561 he appeared as the witness in a power of attorney of a merchant of Trujillo, Juan González de Victoria, to his son Diego González in Peru; see AMT Francisco Enríquez A-1-5-1. Two other men from Trujillo went to Peru as merchants at the same time, Gonzalo de Carmona and Juan de Ribera.
88. See ARCG 3 a -599-3.
89. Caro Baroja, "Honor y vergüenza," 92-93, note 37 quotes Francisco Núñez de Velasco, Diálogos de contención entre la milicia y la ciencia (Valladolid, 1614), fol. 417 as follows: "En algunas ciudades destos reinos de España aun no acaba de extinguir el fuego destos negros bandos, especialmente en Trujillo, Cáceres y Plasencia, adonde no solamente la gente principal es banderiza, pero aun la comun y plebeya esta dividida entre Carvajales y Ovandos."
90. Tena Fernández, Trujillo histórico , 392.
91. Muñoz de San Pedro, "Aventuras y desventuras," 14. García Holguín was the husband of doña Mencía de Ulloa, the eldest daughter of the camarero Sancho de Paredes Golfín and his wife, doña Isabel Coello.
92. Pérez de Tudela, Documentos relativos a la Gasca , 1: 356.
93. In 1570, for example, there were forty-five students from the diocese of Coria and sixty-six from Plasencia enrolled in the faculty of canon law in Salamanca, compared to only three students from each diocese enrolled in Valladolid in the same year. In 1550 three students from Coria and thirteen from Plasencia were enrolled at Alcalá de Henares. See Richard L. Kagan, Students and Society in Early Modern Spain (Baltimore, 1974), 240, 242-243, tables III, IV, and V.
94. AHPC Pedro González 3829.
95. ACC-HO leg. 1, no. 10. Ovando's will is in ACC-HO leg. 1, no. 16.
96. J. M. Lodo de Mayoralgo, Viejos linajes de Cáceres (Cáceres, 1971), 680. Schäfer, El consejo de Indias , 1: 130; 2: 303-307. Noel Geoffrey Parker, Philip II (Boston, 1978), 113-122.
97. Cacereño Licenciado Alonso Martínez Espadero was oidor of the audiencia of Valladolid before becoming a member of the Council of the Indies in 1572, where he served until his death in 1589; see Schäfer, El consejo de Indias , 1: 355; AHPC Alonso Pacheco 4104. Many of his relative in Cáceres were also letrados; see discussion of emigrant Alvaro de Paredes in chap. 4.
98. For don Gaspar Cervantes de Gaete, see Tena Fernández, Trujillo histórico , 58-60; and Costancio Gutiérrez, Españoles en Trento (Valladolid, 1951), 523-527. He was made cardinal in 1570. Before his appointment as archbishop of Messina, in 1561 as inquisitor of Aragon Cervantes
de Gaete gave his power of attorney to his nephews in Trujillo, Alonso Pizarro de Torres, Hernando Cervantes, and Francisco de Gaete, in preparation for his departure from Spain; AMT Pedro de Carmona A-1-9.
99. Tena Fernández, Trujillo histórico , 137. He was the brother of Martín de Meneses, captain and encomendero in Peru who returned to Spain late in life and died before he could go back.
100. In the late fifteenth century don Bernardino de Carvajal, nephew of don Juan de Carvajal, cardinal of Sant Angelo, was cardinal of Santa Cruz in Rome and also served in a number of bishoprics. Diego García de Paredes ("el Sansón") called him his cousin and met him when he went to serve in Italy. Don Francisco de Carvajal, arcediano of Plasencia who died in 1556, was his nephew. Don Francisco's brother don Bernardino de Carvajal and his first cousin Sancho de Sande were tesoreros of Plasencia. For the Carvajals, see Acedo, "Linajes," Carvajal, 62-63, and Antonio Rubio Rojas, Las disposiciones de don Francisco de Carvajal, arcediano de Plasencia y Mecenas de Cáceres, su villa natal (Cáceres, 1975), 64, 76.
101. From bequests and provisions in wills it is clear that hidalgos who entered religious orders often continued to depend on stipends from their families, whereas a secular priest with a benefice could be self-supporting. In 1577 Pedro Rol de la Cerda agreed to give his brother Cosme de Ovando, member of the Order of San Juan de los Caballeros, 100,000 maravedís a year; see AHPC Diego Pacheco 4113. The returnee Cristóbal de Ovando Paredes willed 24 ducados a year to his brother Fray Juan de Ovando, a Franciscan in Salamanca, and the same to another brother, Fray Gómez de la Rocha; see ACC-HO leg. 1, no. 21. In 1574 don Rodrigo de Godoy, regidor of Cáceres, arranged to send 500 escudos (escudo = 400 maravedís) to his brother don Lorenzo de Godoy, "caballero de la orden de San Juan," who was in Palermo, via some Genoese merchants; see AHPC Pedro Gonzalez 3829. Don Lorenzo and Don Rodrigo were the sons of wealthy returnee Francisco de Godoy.
102. Muñoz de San Pedro, Crónicas trujillanas , Chaves, 191-192; AMT Actas 1558-1560.
103. AGI Lima 199.
104. The biography by Muñoz de San Pedro, Diego García de Paredes , provides considerable detail on the campaigns and events in which he took part. "'El Sansón Extremeño' (Diego García de Paredes)," Revista de Extremadura 10 (1908): 465-472 is a transcription of the memoria of his career that Diego García wrote for his son shortly before his death; Muñoz de San Pedro has concluded that the memoria is genuine. See also Miguel Muñoz de San Pedro and H. Nectario María, El gobernador y maestre de campo Diego García de Paredes, fundador de Trujillo de Venezuela (Madrid, 1957), 76, 125-127, 149, 277.
105. See Miguel Muñoz de San Pedro, "Don Alvaro de Sande. Cronista del desastre de los Gelves," Revista de Estudios Extremeños 10 (1954): 468-473 for details of his career and a transcription of the chronicle, and Orti Belmonte's notes to Foglietta, Vida de don Alvaro de Sande, especially 18-24, 88, 246. Orti Belmonte's edition of Foglietta's biography of Sande, which probably was commissioned by Sande's son don Rodrigo de Sande, contains an appendix of documents related to Sande's life and career--for example, his 1550 marriage to doña Ana de Guzmán, "dama de la reina de Bohemia," and the negotiations for his ransom. Maximilian's letter of 1562 to his brother, the "king of Bohemia,'' asking him to help Sande stated "yo tengo tanta obligación a su tio y sus parientes que han servido a mi padre" (p. 331).
106. See the testimony for don Juan de Sande's illegitimate son don Jerónimo de Sande in AGI Contratación 5234A and AHPC Pedro González 3827 for the loan of 200 ducados that don Juan de Sande took to go to Granada. The city council recorded his departure in December 1569; see AMC Libros de Acuerdo 1569. A brother of don Juan de Sande, don Alvaro de Sande, in 1558 was called captain--see AHPC Diego Pacheco 4101--and in 1563 coronel--see AHPC Pedro de Grajos 3925. He is said to have been in Gelves with his uncle and probably was the brother who died later in Italy. Another relative by marriage, Pedro Alvarez Holguín (brother of Pedro de Sande's wife, doña Aldonza de Torres) also fought at Gelves. He was thought to have been captured by the Turks but eventually was found in Sicily; see AHPC Pedro de Grajos 3926.
107. Don Juan de Sande was nominated as candidate for the captaincy of the 1580 levy of soldiers for the war in Portugal. Other nominees were Martín de Paredes, a "caballero principal" who had served in Italy and Spain, and another caballero named Diego García de Paredes, a widower, who had served in Italy. In the end don Juan Perero, whose military background was not detailed, led the troops; see AMC Libros de Acuerdo 1580.
108. AHPC Alonso Pacheco 4104.
109. ACC-HO leg. 1, no. 16 contains Dr. Nicolás de Ovando's will; he handled the negotiations at least in part in both cases. See AHPC 3926 for the efforts initiated by doña Aldonza de Torres, his sister (see above, note 106) to find Pedro Alvarez Holguín. Half the ransom money was lent by Francisco de Godoy (the returnee) and Comendador Aldana, both of whom were probably relatives.
110. AHPC Pedro de Grajos 3924.
111. See Acedo, "Linajes," Vargas, 48 a13 and ARCG 508-1987-8.
112. See Muñoz de San Pedro, "Ultimas disposiciones," 407; Acedo, "Linajes," Hinojosa, 366 a18 .
113. AMC Libros de Acuerdo 1571.
114. ACC-HO leg. 1, no. 16. In 1571 Hernando Calderón de Chaves donated to the city of Trujillo two pieces of land and 600 maravedís of censo perpetuo on some houses, saying that when he was a regidor over thirty-two years before "no podía dejar de alagarme en algunas cosas y en otras ser corto por ser como era mozo en el dicho tiempo." See AMT 1571: VI-9.
115. AMC Libros de Acuerdo 1571.