1. Gabelmann 1986, 285. To him this would also have in the Augustan period putative connotations of divinization and/or excessive glorification.

2. See p. 239 n. 100 below

3. I.e., magnified stone images of curule chairs, with the front bar carved in relief. Felletti Maj 1977, 214-15, figs. 84-85, three relief-carved bisellia (there are others differently decorated) from tombs on the major roads (Via Appia near Rome (fig. 23b); Via Cassia, Aquatraversa; Via Claudia, Pracerano). On the main panel on the seat front the deceased, with three lictors on each side, receives a togate petitioner who comes right up to him, once even bending the knee (Via Cassia) (fig. 23c). Cf. the Via Casilina limestone sella (fig. 23d) (Rome, MN 124483), where the enlarged magistrate stands at center, next to his giant chair: Kais. Aug. 1988, 436-37, pat. 234, discussed as cat. 6, pl. 28 by Schäfer in an essay expanded in his 1989 book; and see also Schäfer, cat. 7, pl. 27 (Aquino, Cathedral) (fig. 23e); cat. 8, pl. 30 (Rome, MN) (fig. 23c); cat. 11, pl. 31 (Rome, Pal. Colonna) (fig. 23a); cat. 12, pl. 29 (Manziana, Coll. Tittoni).

4. The Augustan Palazzo Colonna example (fig. 23a) is striking, as it incorporates the spatial devices used for the group around Augustus on the Ara Pacis for the depiction of the magistrate and his entourage; ill. now also in Carinci 1990, 258-60, cat. 39; DAI negs. 82.2375, 82.834-36.

5. Eichler and Kris 1927, 50, pl. 7.5; Laubscher 1974, 250; Zanker 1988, 102, fig. 81; bibl.: Kais. Aug. 1988, 466-67, cat. 246 (C. Maderna-Lauter). Contrast the purely allegorical BMFA cameo from Hadrumetum: divinely nude, Octavian/Neptune drives a sea quadriga as Antony/S. Pompeius founders in the waves. See Laubscher 1974, 248-50, fig. 9; Meyer 1983, 98; Zanker 1988, s.v. fig. 82; Kais. Aug. 1988, 467, cat. 247.

6. On these Spanish issues see Kleiner 1989, 244-45; ill.: Fuchs 1969, pl. 8.99-98; Sutherland 1987, 28, no. 11b; BMCRE I.75, nos. 432-36.

7. Smith (1988a, 33) remarks a similar absence of the seated type from Hellenistic royal portraits. No one at all has dealt with seated cuirassed statues! Besides the colossal Constantine from the Basilica of Maxentius, now on the Capitol, I know only the statue restored with an Augustus head, Villa Albani inv. 87; Vermeule 1980b, ill. on p. 73, cat. 108; Stemmer 1978, 572. Coins, however, indicate that there may have been more.

8. Niemeyer 1968, 59ff.; cf. Zanker 1988, 314, figs. 249-50.

9. This hypothesis is based on two things. First, in Republican ceremonial the consul rose after other magistrates, all of whom approached him standing, and it was a special privilege (voted, for example, to Caesar) to be allowed to remain seated in the presence of all other magistrates. Second, there is the anecdote that Caesar provoked outrage in 45 B.C. when he received while seated a delegation of senators bringing him honors, even though he enjoyed this privilege officially; Dio 44.8.1-4; App. BCiv. 2.107; Livy Per. 116; Suet. Iul. 78.1; Nic. Dam. frag. 130.78-79; Plut. Caes. 60. The anecdote may only echo contemporary slander, but those who first spread it must have thought they could damage Caesar by making an issue out of the event. Consider here Roman fixation on the chair of office itself, displayed in precious metals as an honor or carved in stone (enlarged and decorated) as a grave monument.

10. Fittschen 1977, 71 n. 7; echoed by Schäfer 1989, 139; Schäfer notes Macrinus' group (135) and the Andematunum inscription (139; see also below); Goette (1988a, 457) looks at funerary seated magistrates with senatorial/patrician calcei . Niemeyer (1968, 43) merely says that aside from two fragmentary Late Antique porphyry examples, only coins and reliefs (Arch of Constantine, Anaglypha Traiani) document such statues and that they can have attributes (the scepter) not seen in standing figures. Lahusen (1983, 43) gives one paragraph, adding the Gallic testamentary inscription and the Lucus Feroniae inscriptions and citing the Vita Macrini (50 n. 37). Pekáry (1985, 37, 148) omits the seated togate type.

11. Hammond (1953, 158-76) investigated coin portrayals of seated emperors, including goddesses as portraits of empresses, to derive lost statues. He adduces actual statues and reliefs, all of the seminude Jupiter type (173f.); otherwise he cites only (162-63) the Puteoli bases/Forum Julium monument of Tiberius (see p. 41).

12. Fittschen 1977, 69-72, n. 7, cat. 7, pls. 25-26; Heintze in Helbig ⁴ II, cat. 1255; cat. 1370 in Helbig is an early Augustan example of the philosopher statue types copied by Romans. Cf Cic. Fin. 1.39: "statua est in Ceramico Chrysippi sedentis porrecta manu." Compare the togatus on a klismos on a Flavian grave altar (Vat. Gall. d. Maschere); Boschung 1987a, fig./cat. 970. The importance of shoes to distinguish Romans in Greek guise from Greeks: Coarelli 1981, 240-43; cf. Goette 1988a, 452. Romans in Greek dress: Zanker 1988, 30, 346 (sources), figs. 23-24.

13. "Poseidippos": Zanker 1988, 30, 346, fig. 23; Heintze in Helbig ⁴ I, cat. 129, with cat. 130. Pentelic marble, from the Viminal within an ancient round structure. See Hafner 1967, 105-11 (bibl., 105; specifics of reworking, 105-6, 110), pl. 32.1-2. Hafner identifies the recut figures as Plautus and Terence. However, neither would ever be shown in senatorial calcei with a knight's or senator's seal ring; and why not show Plautus in the old-fashioned mode without tunic, to save carving it in? Scholars keep suggesting famous duos, literary or political (e.g., Marius and Sulla). This is unnecessary. Some Roman noble bought them in Greece or took them (probably from a much larger series) and brought them home to install in his gardens, carved to resemble himself and/or his ancestors, or perhaps himself and a friend: compare the transfer, alteration, and mass copies of Lysippos' Granikos group by the Metelli, Scipiones, Licinii, etc., to which Roman portrait heads and footwear were added (p. 276 n. 15). The point will have been, as in comparable grave statues, to proclaim himself a homo Musarum . To my mind this is confirmed by his playfully leaving intact the inscription "Poseidippos," which he could easily have had removed.

14. Richardson 1988, 185-86.

15. Goette 1988a, 457, with bibl.

16. Mus. Arch. (no inv.); .87 X .68 X .69 m; top of chair and draped lap. Local limestone, once painted; Scrinari 1972, fig./cat. 88 (ca. 100-50 B.C.).

17. Schäfer 1989, cat. 43, pl. 60.2, fragments of the base.

18. Frova 1956, 36-37, pl. 13.3. Este, MN. Local stone.

19. Frova 1956, 38f, pl. 14; Goette 1988a, 457. Local stone (breccia di Carrara). Milan, priv. coll.

20. Cf. Louvre MA 1267 ( ex Coll. Campana), found on the Aventine, now falsely restored with a head of Caligula. Kersauson 1986, cat. 83.

21. A superb figure on the Villa Massimo grounds; Schäfer 1989, 149f., pls. 16-17; Fittschen 1977, 71 n. 7. The elaborate chair of office alludes to provincial command (Victory caryatid legs; seat carved with kneeling barbarians); Schäfer takes the toga as the governor's uniform appropriate specifically to a senatorial province. Head and arms missing; left arm was bent at side, right arm up. Both this and the Palazzo Falconieri figure are in Luna marble.

22. Palazzo Falconieri; wears patrician calcei . Schäfer 1989, 168, 171, pls. 19-20; drapery dated Antonine by Goette.

23. Chieti, Mus. Naz.; Bianchi Bandinelli 1970, 60, 401, figs. 62-63; Goette 1988a, 457, fig. 39; Schäfer 1989, 398-99, cat. C 53, pls. 106, 122. Compare the portrait of Vestorius Priscus as magistrate on a tribunal elevated above a crowd (a composition similar to the Concordia panel of the Manlius altar), painted on one side of his tomb, A.D. 75/76; Schäfer 1989, 389, cat. C 14, pl. 15.3 (modern drawing). (For the table setting painted inside, see p. 303, n. 23.)

24. Daut 1975, 38; Lahusen 1982, 102; Schäfer 1989, 139 n. 63. Compare the triumphal arch at Saintes (to Tiberius, Germanicus, Drusus II) decreed in the testament of the noble Gaul C. Julius Rufus, priest of Rome and Augustus.

25. One recognizes the force of this instruction when one notes that most Gallic funerary sculpture is of local stone, as are most of the seated statues from northern Italy named above.

26. Espérandieu 1911, 326, no. 3361 ("femme assise"!); headless, .65 m in height. Paris, Mus. Ste Germaine.

27. Trimalchio wants himself shown as a kind of super- eques: "me in tribunali sedentem praetextatum cum annulis aureis quinque et nummos in publico de sacculo effundentem." This resembles the Chieti relief; it is an interesting precursor to the pompous largitio self-portraits on ivory diptychs of fourth-century Roman consuls. Such monuments show influence from lost images of emperors presiding at state occasions and distributing largesse to the plebs Romana .

28. For example, only an arm holding a globe of the seated statue of Augustus in a shrine at the Pompeii macellum was found; Kockel 1986, 456, n. 75; we cannot know if it was togate or half-naked (Jupiter type).

29. The inscription specifies medium and placement for four other types: triumfalis (bronze, in the Forum Augustum and in the Templum Divi Augusti), consularis (marble, in the Templum Divi Julii, on the Palatine, before the Curia), auguralis (marble, at the Regia), equestres (marble, by Rostra). Ehrenberg and Jones 1976, no. 367; Lahusen 1983, 43, 50; Eck 1972, 463. Eck (473) sees in the residens a praetor urbanus, thus the earliest evidence of city prefects' right to the curule chair. The location, near a site of Senate meetings, may mark a precise locus of this magistrate's audiences. The bisellia panels too (p. 228 n. 3; fig. 23) are held to depict a praetor and his six lictors.

30. Macrinus writes the Senate to ask them to confirm his decree of statues in Rome for Caracalla and Septimius Severus. The sorts of statues are equestres (equestrian), pedestres habitu militari (standing cuirass statues), triumphales (standing cuirass statues with a triumphal crown and tituli ), and, as if the type were as recognizable as the first three, statuas sedentes civili habitu (seated togate statues). To be erected in Rome and credited to a senatus consultum, they are emblems of Macrinus' legitimate succession to the Severans.

31. Bianchi Bandinelli 1970, fig. 200; Kähler 1964, pl. I. 1-2; Torelli 1982, 98, parallel location to that of the (fragmentary) figure of a goddess on the old rostra depicted in the tax-burning panel of the Anaglypha Traiani (fig. 38).

32. Delbrück 1932, 96f., pls. 40-41 (Alexandria) = Niemeyer 1968, 43, 89, cat. 28, and 98f., fig. 36 (Istanbul).

33. Composite figure with exposed flesh in (lost) marble, 2.45 m in height, excavated in 1951. See Holum and Hohlfelder 1988, 125-26, color figs. 82 (statue) and 136 (setting, with pendant); earlier see M. Avi-Yonah, "The Caesarea Porphyry Statue," Israel Exploration Journal 20 (1970): 203-8. Reused in the sixth to seventh century A.D. with a seated emperor in marble (Jupiter type) to frame the entrance at one end of a formal esplanade to some public building. This display is strikingly similar to the iconic structure (fig. 36) of the Arch of Constantine panel. The columnar entrance the figures framed must have led to an official hall for the local head of government; he would have appeared in state in the entrance at ceremonies, framed by these earlier emperors, who must have been rescued when Christians at some point tidied away the Hadrianeum shrine.

34. Kähler (1964, 17) describes the archeological evidence, remains of basis foundations at the corners of the Rostra. To him these indicate that the statues did not face a spectator before the Rostra but rather were turned toward the center of the platform; still, the Anaglypha Traiani Rostra statue (fig. 38) faces "front" also. Kähler notes that the commissions if contemporary would be appropriate for Septimius Severus, who claimed descent from the two emperors portrayed and who did much construction and restoration in this end of the Forum; Kähler continues by dilating on the difficult chronology of late imperial work on the Rostra.

35. Torelli 1982, 68, pl. II. 14; BMCRE I. 130, nos. 74-75, pl. 23.17. Tiberius' cult of divus Augustus: Schrömbges 1986, 95-111; its imagery: Zwierlein-Diehl 1980, 12-53.

36. Cf. the hypothesis that a seated statue of Augustus or Tiberius sat upon the so-called Sorrento base, which is decorated on four sides with commemorative reliefs (fig. 15); Roccos 1989, 573.

37. BMCRE I. 129, nos. 70-73, pl. 23.16. Puteoli monument: Eck 1984b, 148 and n. 156; 146-47 (the monument of Aelius Lamia); (1984a) 208 nn. 19-22; Liverani (1989, 147-48, figs. 146-52) has all sides; Pekáry 1985, 6-7; Hölscher 1984a, 32-33, fig. 55; Vermeule 1981a, 85-101 passim; Platner-Ashby, s.v. "Forum Iulium"; Strong 1988, 113, fig. 58; Brünn-Bruckmann, pl. 575.

38. Schäfer 1989, 74f., 130, pl. 9.8; Gabelmann 1986, 282-83; Kent et al. 1973, fig./cat. 69; RRC 426/1; persistently associated by Hölscher (most recently in Kais. Aug. 1988, 383-84, fig. 177) with the crowning statue group of the San Omobono reliefs. Obv., FAUSTUS, bust of Diana left with crescent on diadem, lituus behind; rev., FELIX. On the senatorial monuments see also chap. 3, p. 75.

39. Trillmich 1978, 146 n. 546, pl. 15.5. Issued for the retrospective celebrations of Augustus and Livia held throughout the East, under influence from celebrations in the capital when Claudius deified Livia. The akrostolion indicates that the statue was carved immediately after Augustus' naval victory at Actium, when the league initiated its cult of Rome and Augustus with a temple at Gortyna. For dates of this cult, see Kienast 1982, 203-4, 379. Gortyna temple, epistyle fragment with (Latin) inscription to Roma and Augustus: IGGR I, no. 960; listed in Vermeule 1968, 442. Most early Julio-Claudian dedications from Crete are from Gortyna; it has another dedication by the koinon kreton, to Hadrian (Vermeule, 442). Compare the nude akrostolion holders on coins of Sextus Pompey and Octavian against Sextus; ill.: Zanker 1988, fig. 31.

40. BMCRE I. 190, nos. 88-92, pl. 30.7-8; CONSENSU SENAT. ET EQ. ORDINUM P.Q.R., misidentified as Divus Augustus, as noted also by Emmons Levy and Bastien 1985, s.v. cat. 866.

41. BMCRE I. 186-87, nos. 157-59, pl. 35.7; 192, nos. 208-11a, pl. 36.8; see p. cli. Trillmich 1978, 64, pl. 11.16-17; Kaenel 1986, 241, s.v. no. 57.72. Images of the emperor upon a weapons pile begin at least with Tiberius; cf. the Niederbieber signum (fig. 120).

42. Kähler (1964, 6, 30, 39, 45) discusses the suovetaurilia's links to the ceremonial and iconography of "Regierungsfeier," the celebrations marking the onset or completion of significant spans of time (typically a decennium), here as on his Diocletianic monument; such monuments seem to cluster at this end of the Forum (Kähler, 29-30). Cf p. 48 on how the documentary panels fit patterns of "accession" behavior narrated by Appian for Octavian.

43. Torelli 1982, chap. 4, 89ff., pl. IV.1-15; Boatwright (1987, 182-90, figs. 40-42) judiciously reviews the scholarly controversies; see the plates on pp. 143 and 154 and the fold-outs at the back of Hammond 1953.

44. This statue is recognized only by Torelli (1982).

45. These reliefs stood in the Forum well into the late Empire; they seem to have been deliberately dismantled and carefully defaced by Christian iconoclasts, thus well after the Constantinian period. It seems to me that the draftsman for the complementary oratio (fig. 36) and largitio panels almost certainly used this monument as a prototype: he set similar themes (address, and benevolence connected with the Treasury), in similar frames (a long, friezelike panel) against a continuous architectural backdrop; in his single Forum scene he combined the topographic and statuary references of the two Anaglypha Forum panels, standing Constantine on the Rostra, flanking him with seated statues of bygone emperors, and showing him patronized by a benevolent deity (Jupiter, immediately above him, on the central column of Diocletian's five-column Tetrarch group). Note too that he uses the same togate/paludate pairing (see text below) as on the Anaglypha, though here it is in the address that the emperor is in military costume, and in the benevolent action scene that he is togate. Ill.: Bianchi Bandinelli 1971; both panels, L'Orange 1972, figs. 35-36; congiarium scene, Strong 1988, fig. 209.2.

46. Hammond 1953, 127ff.; detail: Boatwright 1987, 188. fig. 42; Torelli 1982. 91, nn. 18-19.

47. CIL VI.967 = ILS 309. 5-10: "qui [ sc . Hadrian] primus omnium principum et solus remittendo sestertium novies milies centena milia n. debitum fiscis non praesentes tantum cives suos sed et posteros eorum praestitit hac liberalitate securos."

48. Boatwright 1987, 189, fig. 43.

49. Smith 1985; Boatwright 1987, 189; Torelli 1982, 107.

50. Smith 1985, 227.

51. Boatwright 1987, 185-86, back to Hammond 1953, 132 and 143 (an enlarged illustration of the real emperor). Torelli notes the statue but does not look for the emperor.

52. See p. 233 n. 45 above.

53. Hammond 1953, 144-45, with figures; BMCRE III.417-18, nos. 1206-10, pl. 79.4-6; Torelli 1982, fig. IV.12 (crowd at left); Schäfer 1989, pl. 13.17 (lictor alone).

54. CIL VI.967, the inscription from the Forum of Trajan recounting this remission, must have accompanied an honorific statue. That statue is highly likely to have been represented on Hadrian's "lictor" sestertii (fig. 42).

55. App. BCiv . 5.130: Octavian arrives at Rome, and the Senate votes him timas ametrous, going out garlanded to meet and escort him into the city (to the temples, then to his house). The next day Octavian eboulegorese te kai edemegorese, reciting to Senate and people his erga and his politeia up to that date, which speeches he published as a biblion . In them he announced eirene and euthumia, proclaimed the civil wars ended, kai ton eisphoron tous eti opheilontas apelue kai phoron telonas te kai tous ta misthomata echontas hon eti opheloien, that is, remitted unpaid taxes and canceled the outstanding amounts due from tax farmers and holders of public leases. In association with this he celebrated an ovation and received an honorific image that showed him as when he entered the city, on a columna rostrata inscribed "He reestablished civil peace, long disturbed, by land and sea."

56. Identified by Torelli (1982, 92ff.); Maier (1985, refs. at p. 272) omits many buildings shown on the Anaglypha, esp. the Rostra; Kähler 1964, 31f., an evocative discourse on the Augustan and later Forum Romanum.

57. While the artist created a recognizable and persuasive simulacrum of the Forum, he had to be selective, both in his point of view, which would dictate his architectural backdrop, and in his choice of what smaller monuments to include out of the mass crowding the Forum. His chosen point of view included the upper Forum, from left of the Temple of Divus Julius. The emperor is thus seen completely surrounded by political and dynastic monuments built by or under Augustus: the rostra of the Temple of Divus Julius, both erected by Augustus; the Temple of Castor and Pollux, erected under Augustus de manubiis in the names of Tiberius and his brother Drusus; the Basilica Julia, completed by Augustus, then burnt in 12 B.C. and rebuilt by him in the names of his sons Gaius and Lucius. The artist even strained his otherwise veristic representation to fit in the Arch of Augustus, which spanned the Sacred Way between the Temple of Divus Julius and the Temple of Castor and Pollux. This arch was in fact at right angles to the two temples, touching corners with the Temple of the Dioscuri and running into the middle of the podium of the Temple of Divus Julius. Yet our artist, wishing to make use of its symbolic resonance, showed it in almost completely frontal view at a totally false angle to the temples that it linked.

58. Eck (1980, 266-70), discussing the alimenta coinage with boy and girl (270), notes the base's eagle scepter is paralleled on the coins, though ignoring the Anaglypha and Beneventum Arch (figs. 41, 37, 91).

59. See Torelli 1982, 102ff.

60. Contra Torelli 1982, 91: ''This group . . . appears in our relief just as one of the monuments of the Forum."

61. Sestertius of A.D. 118, titulature of emperor and SC LIBERTAS RESTITUTA; RIC 568.

62. It is just possible that Augustus' artists, such as the transplanted Athenians responsible for the Ara Pacis and Marcellus' portraits, derived the figure scheme of a baby held toward a seated person from a small class of fourth-century grave stelai that commemorate mothers who died in childbirth. On some a standing maidservant holds a baby toward the seated mother, who, however, does not respond to the baby's outstretched hands. Cf. Rühfel 1984, 151-52, fig. 62 (stele of Phylonoe, Athens NM).

63. The figure group of a goddess and baby derives ultimately from a Greek genre of the fourth century B.C. in which divinities or Dionysiac figures dandled infants. Very prominent would have been Kephisodotos' group of Eirene (Peace) with the baby Ploutos (Wealth; cf. the cornucopia) in the Athenian Agora; it is no accident that the bulk of Roman versions of this group are Augustan; cf. La Rocca 1974, 136; Jung 1976, 110, 131-32.

The Forum/Anaglypha group, goddess with baby on hip, conforms to the Eirene and Ploutos type; a very different effect is achieved in groupings that sound similar on paper, on the Beneventum alimenta panel where city goddesses hold children of four to five years rather than infants (fig. 91). The Greek prototype has been mediated through Caesarian and Augustan transformations, on which see chap. 1, p. 29f. Compare the syncretistic female divinity balancing baby and cornucopia on her hip, in the Budapest Actium relief series; Simon 1986, fig. 36. Neo-Attic also is the way the boy in the Anaglypha group is posed, pressing against the goddess's leg, as in the Acropolis Procne and Itylos group attributed to Alkamenes, for example.

64. Ill.: Nash 1968, 457-61, figs. 558-67; Toynbee 1934, 152-59; Simon in Helbig ⁴ II, 243-47, cat. 1437; I, 724, cat. 1009; Pais 1979, 33-35, cat. 41-82 (adds the twenty-first panel), 83-95 (trophies). The Conservatori set: Bianchi Bandinelli 1970, figs. 282-83; Strong 1988, figs. 116-17 (fig. 126a-g are Hadrianic province coin types).

65. Pais 1979, 35, 39.

66. Pais 1979, 101, 118-19.

67. Often compared is the placement of bronze figures of Athens' colonies ( apoikoi poleis ) before the facade columns of the Olympieion in Athens (Paus. 1.18.6, 8).

68. See chap. 3, p. 81. For a personification on a socle projection, cf. Naples, NM 6715; see pp. 253-54 n. 89.

69. It can be said of Augustan practice that while grouped personifications were not at all restricted to posthumous commemorative, they seem to have been felt especially appropriate for such recognition. See pp. 80-81 on Augustus' designs for his funeral (and probably for Agrippa's); compare the funerary arches decreed under Augustus to the dead Gaius and Lucius and under Tiberius to the dead Germanicus; see p. 254 nn. 90-92. The Hadrianeum's association of grouped personifications with a divus is imitated for an Antonine magistrate's sarcophagus; this Roman notable was evidently so taken with the arrangement of the Hadrianeum that he had his own funeral edifice, that is, his sarcophagus, decorated with that temple's province series, arranged in a row on its lid (see p. 290 n. 29).

70. For a Julio-Claudian personification series on a large-scale monumental relief: one of the Arcus Novus relief fragments (Parthia and Armenia; fig. 12) belonged to a row of paratactically disposed personifications, which accompanied a narrative panel with a military scene preserved in another fragment.

71. The influence of the Ara Pacis personifications can be seen elsewhere in Hadrianic/Antonine art; the Ara Pacis's apposition of province frieze and documentary relief seems to be the prototype for such juxtaposition on the Antonine altar at Ephesos. The latest reconstruction (Ganschow 1986, 216-17, 220, fig. 3) shows that two short sides of this altar complex were taken up with provincial and civic personifications, framing the great battle frieze in which the emperor could be seen fighting for the preservation of their peace; the long "adoption" frieze within, a static parade of togate figures linking Hadrian with Antoninus Pius and the young Verus and Marcus Aurelius, was cognate with the Ara Pacis's procession frieze (whose primary subject at this date would have seemed to be a display of dynastic continuity).

72. A late second-century wall-painting fragment from the Caelian may come from a room whose painted decor was inspired by the Hadrianeum: in an ornamental field under a garland is a province personification very like the Hadrianeum "Mauretania." If only one knew whether this was the sole personification in its room, or whether it belonged to a series! Rome, Pal. Cons. Br. Nuovo inv. 2692; Andreae in Helbig ⁴ II, 432, cat. 1639; Mielsch 1981, 226, pl. 19.27.

73. BMCRE I, pl. 15.16. Zanker 1988, 63-64, fig. 44; Pollini 1978, 266; Weinstock 1971, 101, Pl. 10.1.

74. So illustrated (fig. 202) for Schäfer's discussion of the symbolism of the sella curulis in Kais. Aug. 1988, 427ff., and in Schäfer 1989, 125-26, pl. 13.1. Compare his interpretation (1989) of the fine Julio-Claudian funerary portrait of a togate magistrate on a sella curulis whose front bar is carved at each end with bound barbarian captives (one nude, one in breeches) kneeling in submission. (The rest of the bar is obscured by the seated figure himself.) The sella curulis here seems at the side also to be covered with a fringed seat cover, like that used for the military stool. Schäfer notes that these reliefs excerpt from typical submission scenes, so that the observer would have filled in the "hidden" bits for himself; what has in fact happened is that the "hidden" seated consul is embodied in the actual statue, to whom the relief figures now kneel. This interplay between figures in an ornamental supporting zone with the full-scale portrait they carry provides an interesting early parallel to the conceit of the famous Hercules-Commodus in the Conservatori, whose bust was shouldered by little kneeling Amazons.

75. The Republican coin (74 B.C.; RRC 397), which depicts a seated togate figure, plainly shows some divine abstraction (fig. 44; see also chap. 1, n. 9); as it resembles the type RRC 393, which celebrates the Genius of the Roman People, it seems also some kind of genius . It refers to the fertile dominion of the Republican state over the inhabited world. If it should portray a particular individual (which is remotely possible), then the composition would be a forerunner of BR I:1.

76. Seleucid numismatic prototypes: Weinstock 1971, 100, pl. 9.19-21. Apollo types of L. Calpurnius Piso Frugi, 90 B.C., have Seleucid prototypes; Boissac 1988, 330-31.

77. See Weinstock 1971, 101; Pollini 1978, 266.

78. On this herm see Zanker 1988, s.v. fig. 44.

79. Zanker 1988, s.v. fig. 42. See pp. 53, 85.

80. Rome, Pal. Cons. inv. 2749-52; Rome, Mus. Cap. inv. 3517; Vienna, K.h. Mus. inv. 1576; "Sullan": Hölscher 1967, 100-101, pl. 12.2; Hölscher 1984a, 17-18, pls. 14ff.; and Hölscher in Kais. Aug. 1988, 384-86, figs. 178f., cat. 214; Strong 1988, 48, figs. 16-17.

81. The arguments presented below are expanded in A. Kuttner, "Some New Grounds for Narrative: Marcus Antonius' Base (the 'Altar of Domitius Ahenobarbus') and Republican Biographies," in Narrative and Event in Ancient Art, ed. P. Holliday 1993. See still Kähler 1966, passim; Torelli 1982, chap. 1; Hölscher 1984a, 16-17, fig. 20 (Hölscher thinks the thiasos Roman); Meyer 1983, 87-88; Zanker (1988, 22-24, fig. 10a-b) recognizes the thiasos as East Greek work reused but thinks (like Wiseman) that its purpose is to establish a mythological genealogy for the censor/patron.

82. Separated in 1816 by Klenze; on their nineteenth-century history, see Wünsche 1985, 45, 47, 49-51, figs. 30-31.

83. Torelli (1982, 8) and Zanker (1988, 22) briefly suggest a votive base. Traditionally seen as the base for a cult statue group (and so assigned to a group by Skopas known from Pliny to have stood in the Temple of Neptune), it is nothing of the sort. Neither Greeks nor Romans ever erected statues of their gods on bases portraying scenes from the life of the patron.

84. Thiasos marble: A. Stewart, in consultation with Wünsche, cited now by Meyer 1983, 87 n. 346. Zanker (1988, s.v. fig. 10) posits a Greek/Asia Minor workshop source without mentioning marble. Strong (1988, 51) calls both sections Pentelic.

85. Torelli (1982, 15) lists previous identifications. Coarelli and Kähler, followed by Hölscher and Meyer (see n. 81), propose M. Antonius, because of the triumphal associations of sea- thiasos iconography. M. Antonius fought the Cilician pirates as praetor and proconsul in 102 and 101-100 B.C. with imperium over the relevant seacoasts; he was censor in 97; he died in 87. He was known in his censorship to have spent his manubiae to proclaim his sea triumph, by adorning the rostra in the Forum out of his manubiae .

86. This is a standard biographical structure in Republican texts of all kinds: categorizing a career under the linked headings in toga et armis, in foro et belli, etc.; see Kuttner, cited above, n. 81. In the same genre, a base from the Sanctuary of Fortuna at Praeneste paraphrases the program of Alexander the Great's funeral car; Hölscher 1979, 342-45, figs. 1-2, in Kais. Aug. 1988, 363-64, cat. 198-99, assigned to Mark Antony.

87. See Kuttner 1991 on the lid of the Villa Giulia cist 13 133.

88. .71 m in height, 1.45 in width, .10 in diameter. Local stone (marble?). Simon in Helbig ⁴ IV, cat. 3103; Kähler 1954a, 124-25, pl. 79; Felletti Maj 1977, 168-70, fig. 58; Zevi 1976, 54-55, figs. 5-9; Meyer 1982, 268-71, fig. 13; Riemann 1987, 132-36, on sortes rite and imagery.

89. Cf. Zevi 1976, 55.

90. A similar extraurban paraphrase is the episodic painted narrative of Marius' adventures at Minturnae and its sacred grove, dedicated in the temple by Marius' point of embarkation by a local, Bebaeus, who supplied the ship on which Marius finally escaped; Plut. Mar. 40.1-2.

91. Felletti Maj (1977, 170) stresses the relief's links to Rome. Pompey's coinage: Meyer 1982, fig. 14; BMCRR I, 436; II, pls. 44.23-24.

92. Rome, Pal. Cons. inv. 1127, 1153, 1152, 2745, 1150. See the archeologically exact, authoritative analysis by T. Dohrn in 1966 in Helbig ⁴ II, 408-11, cat. 1605; Felletti Maj 1977, 140f., fig. 41, with additional bibliography; Coarelli 1968, 345, figs. 20-22; Bianchi Bandinelli and Torelli 1976, fig./cat. 48, still with the modern head on the central goddess. Temples in Rome Etrusco more with terracotta sculpture: Dohrn in Helbig ⁴ II, 411.

93. This gradation seems a characteristic option for temples in the Tuscan mode, and to have been picked up for at least some Augustan commissions, perhaps meant as a recognizably conservative feature. The pediment of the Tuscan Temple of Quirinus (restored 16-15 B.C.) has large divinities in the center, then slightly smaller "important" human and other figures, and in the corners smaller figures yet; Koeppel 1984, 52-53, cat. 21, figs. 30-31; Hommel 1954, 9-22. Similarly, the Temple of Mars Ultor, fig. 9b.

94. See the Mars type described above, pp. 32f and p. 228 n. 92.

95. Felletti Maj (1977, 141) interpreted this as a sacrifice ritu Graeco with uncovered head. But the gods depicted are not appropriate recipients of this rite, on which see now Reinsberg 1984, 291f.

96. Most authors (Felletti Maj 1977, 140 n. 14) take Mars' presence to mean that the pediment belonged to a temple of Mars in the Campus Martius near the Caelian or the Circus Flaminius (Coarelli); they call the sacrifice a suovetaurilia . The temple could equally well belong to the female divinity at center, namely, Venus, shown with Mars and, say, Fortuna. Dohrn identifies the victims, which are not a suovetaurilia (pig, ram, bull) but do fit the triad of large goddess and god, small goddess.

97. Thus, the literature specifically on this pediment, mostly Italian, concerned with the later stages of Etrusco-Italic art; outside of Italy it is mostly ignored in discussions of Republican art.

98. See Beschi 1982, 33, 40-41, fig. 8 (side A), which supersedes an intermediate 1975 reconstruction by Mitropulou, which formed the basis for the discussion by Ridgway 1983, 198. She based her fig. 13.7 on Beschi's earlier version (1968, 381ff.), which restored a two-figure relief.

99. Kais. Aug. 1988, 446, fig. 203; Vollenweider 1974, 14-15, pl. 7.8.

100. The Cività Castellana base (figs. 28-30) certainly exploits the votive composition of the Paris census, but it remains unclear whether it shows a living or legendary figure (e.g., Romulus or even Aeneas). Compare in this respect the Castel Gandolfo relief; see p. 239 n. 100. The Paris census composition (fig. 27) is also imitated for a patron of very low standing on the primitive, but interesting, Ara Borghese (Felleti Maj 1977, fig. 59).

101. Meyer 1982, 247ff., fig. 7 at p. 259.

102. Vermeule (1959, 17) says the Pergamene-style panther-skin boots give him a divus character.

103. RRC 470/1c-d, pl. lv; for flanking compositions see of course the others in the series, figs. 55-57. For the Selinus relief (fig. 10) see chap. 1, n. 79; compare the paratactic arrangement of patron divinities on the Cività Castellana base, figs. 28-30.

104. Sydow 1984, passim; Hölscher in Kais. Aug. 1988, 363-65, fig. 165, cat. 199.

105. Schäfer in Kais. Aug. 1988, 434-35, cat. 232 (drawing in Braunschweig), and Schäfer 1989, pls. 20 and 21 (the first an engraving by B. de Montfaucon, the second by G. B. Piranesi), 233-38, cat. 1. Known since the sixteenth century, formerly in the Villa Casali at Rome, it ended up in Munich and was lost in the 1920s. Schäfer believes it commemorates a Spanish or Gallic campaign, assigning it to Domitius Calvinus, procos. Spain 39-36 B.C. tr. 36 B.C. after the taking of Osca on the Ebro.

106. The centaur-archer in the left field is enigmatic. This zodiac figure might indicate a region, a time for the event, or signify the natal star of the dead general (in the manner of the zodiac figure over Augustus on the Gemma Augustea; fig. 16). The interest in astrological metaphor is typical of the late Republican and Julio-Claudian aristocracy.

107. A common motif is the draping of the mantle in a skirt about the hips, over armor or bare flesh, seen not only on the Aquileia Antony and the Caelian relief general (figs. 17, 3) but also on freestanding triumphal portraits like the Tivoli general (first century B.C.; Strong 1988, fig. 9) and the Primaporta Augustus (fig. 64). This must be an iconographic convention specific to triumphant general portraits of the later Republic.

108. Only noted by Pollini 1978, 264.

109. The triumph types begin with Marius in 101 B.C. and are continued by Sulla, who introduces Victory, and Pompey. Höscher (1967, 82-84) traces the composition's development from Sicilian coin types showing divine triumphs (75). See chap. 6, pp. 149f.

110. Pollini (1978, 263-64) notes the Republican triumph coins, discussing men with gods; he brings in (265) the issues of Mark Antony, which show him and his wife Octavia (Augustus' sister) as Neptune and Amphitrite in a hippocamp quadriga. This nice image falls into the category of outright symbolic allegory and not the mix of levels I am interested in here. CRR 1255, 1261, 1265; BMCRR II, 510, 515, 517, nos. 151-53, pls. 114.14, 115.1-2; parodied, to emphasize Octavian's superior claims to semidivine status on the Vienna and Hadrumetum gems. Just so the gem of Octavian-Dionysos and Livia for Actium, with crocodile exergue (Vollenweider 1984, 173, cat. 293), parodies the Antony-Octavia coinage of 39 B.C. ( BMCRE II, pl. 114.3).

111. Such victory groups (cf. chap. 6, pp. 149f) go back to what Romans thought of as their early Republican heritage, and ultimately to Greek forms of victory anathemata for victories in the Olympic games (e.g., the chariot group for Battus of Cyrene; see Paus. 10.15.6). Hellenistic kings would stage public displays where mechanically animated gold Victories came and crowned them (e.g., Mithridates at Pergamon; see Plut. Sull. 11.1). A contemporary Metellus could stage such a display in an ostensibly private context, holding banquets, where he sat in triumphal robes to be crowned by such automata; see Plut. Sert. 22.2; Sall. H. frag. ii.70; Coarelli 1983a, 214-16. On arch statuary see most recently Kleiner 1989 with bibl.

112. Pompey/Janus: BMCRR II, 371-72, nos. 95-96, 97-103, pl. 101. 13-14 (not understood); RRC 487, cat. 479.1; Zanker 1988, 55-56.

113. Compare Octavia's coiffure on an Antonian issue of 38 B.C., RRC 533/3, pl. 63 (rev., Antony).

114. Cf. the pointed remarks by Millar (1984, 56-58); Kienast (1982, 202ff.); Weinstock (1971, 287f.) on Caesarian precedents for association with Jupiter. Augustus' lifetime cult in Rome and its material aspects: Hölscher 1984c, 27-31; Hesberg 1980, 351f., on his cult altars in Italy and Rome.

115. Hesberg 1980, 353: Augustus togate on the main face, Victory bringing him laurel on one flank, Venus attending him on the other, and a togatus offering him sacrifice on the back. As Hesberg shows, it is a wraparound version of an epiphany composition seen in one field on other altar faces; compare also the Cherchel cuirass composition (Venus, Caesar, Amor; fig. 5). Cf. the Lares cult epiphany on the Mainz Jupiter Column (fourth drum): the togate emperor sacrifices between Lares, opposite Bacchus; Espérandieu 1918, cat. 5887 at pp. 386-87; 1928, 93ff. at p. 103.

116. Suet. Aug. 59: "Statuam aere conlato iuxta signum Aesculapi statuerunt."

117. Zanker 1983, 21-24; Zanker 1988, 59-60, plan fig. 40; Kais. Aug. 1988, fig. 154. Intriguing in this connection is the possibility that there may be an Augustan imperial residence associated similarly with the great sanctuary of Hercules at Tibur; cf Coarelli 1987, s.v.

118. A case in point is that of city foundations in one's name, which we think of as very Roman. Cf. Knapp 1977, 108 n. 15: this practice of Hellenistic monarchs was first picked up by the elder Gracchus, who founded Gracchuris in Spain in the early second century, though not as a citizen town. Names of those were reserved for gods (e.g., Narbo Martius) until Marius set up Mariana (Corsica) at the turn of the first century B.C. Such foundations became "natural" overnight for successful generals; Caesar's and Augustus' numerous foundations differ in quantity, not in kind.

119. Weinstock 1971, 287-305, at p. 292 and n. 9.

120. And cf. Cic. Off. 3.80: for his currency reforms (!) statuae of Gratidianus were erected in every street and received offerings of incense and candles ("ad eas tus, cerei").

121. Zanker 1988, s.v. fig. 227; Bianchi Bandinelli 1970, figs. 182, 195; Die Bildnisse des Augustus 1979, 15; MNR II. 1 (1982), pl. 200, inv. 1074. Contra Bragantini in MNR, 294 n. 14, I cannot see how the wealthy Romans who commissioned and displayed the many divinizing gems of Octavian/Augustus would have revolted at seeing such iconography on a ceiling. The corollary to this identification is that the pendant Ceres panel probably included a Livia-Ceres.

Compare the ceiling of Caius Caesar's reception room (stucco or paint) described by Antipater of Thessalonika to frame a propemptikon, ca. 1 B.C.; Gow and Page 1968, xlvi (= Anth.Pal. 9.59): the young general is compared to Athena, Aphrodite, Ares, and Heracles carried by Victories (cf. the Farnesina Victories). One imagines pairs, Venus-Mars (dynastic!) and Minerva-Hercules. Pace Gow and Page, bouphagos (1. 6) does fit Hercules, that is, Hercules Victor of the Forum Boarium.

122. Anderson suggests imperial portraiture at the "imperial" villa of Boscotrecase, where in the "Black Room" ( disiecta membra, New York, Met. Mus.) two (gem or blue-glass cameo) portraits of "imperial" females crown columns in a fantastic aedicula on the main wall; I believe these are cameos but am not sure he is right to identify them as historic persons (Anderson 1987, 127-35; Anderson 1987-88, 54-57, fig. 48).

123. Augustus-Jupiter: Schneider 1986, 37f. n. 156, 85f., on his identification in the East with Zeus Olympios.

124. Ryberg on the "divinization" of the emperor in official art from Augustus to the Flavians: "The remains of early imperial relief are perhaps too fragmentary to show fully or reliably how far the emperor's pretensions to divinity were reflected in monumental art. But it is noteworthy that in private works of art [ sc. the BR cups, Sheath of Tiberius, Vienna and Paris cameos] the expression of the Hellenistic concept of divine monarchy runs a fairly steady course, presenting the emperor with the full attributes of divinity even under the severely restrained Tiberius; and there is no indication of greater fluctuation in the policy followed by monumental relief" (1955, 208).

125. See p. 7 on Augustus' (visually stated) identity with Aeneas; if the Sorrento base (fig. 15) did carry a seated statue of the emperor, he would have been equated in comparable fashion with the seated Romulus enthroned at one end (fig. 15a).

126. Cf. the epiphany structure evident on altars of Augustus' cult in his lifetime: the emperor is frontal at center, and side figures turn to him as if to a divinity; the imperial figure's relationship to the viewer, as to the others in the scene, is that of an icon for reverence. However, in this epiphany the emperor is himself a priest, that is, a special intermediary hallowed by his privileged function and standing vis-à-vis the gods. Hesberg 1980, 351-53; see main faces on the Vicus Sandaliarius altar (Augustus as augur with lituus ); Zanker 1988, fig. 101; mutilated marble altar face, Canosa, of equally fine workmanship (Augustus as priest between priests of his own cult), which like the former has statuelike figures, each on a little "plinth"; Tarentum altar (fig. 31), on which see pp. 240-41 n. 115 above.

127. ILS I, 137 from Acerra (Campania), the verse dedication of a monument to Augustus and some princes by a primipilaris of Legio XVI: nam quom te, Caesar, tem[pus]/exposcet deum caeloque repetes sed[em, qua]/mundum reges, trans. Price 1987, 81. It clearly echoes poetry like that of Horace (cf. also Carm. 1) and Ovid.

128. On Augustan minor arts propaganda see now Maderna-Lauter in Kais. Aug. 1988, 441ff.

129. Relevant gems and coins: Vollenweider 1974, 211ff., pls. 152.12 (glass paste: Octavian with diadem holding Victory on a globe, who crowns him), 152.17 (bronze of M. Acilius Glabrio, 25 B.C.; Augustus' bust right, before Victory crowning him), 152.19 (mid-Augustan dupondius: Augustus' laureled bust on a globe "crowned" by Victory behind, who holds cornucopia), 156.1 (carnelian: Octavian with Pegasus shield shoulders a rudder), 156.2 (obv., my togate Augustus coin, see fig. 21, pp. 53f; rev., pl. 160.7), 156.6 (denarius, 29-27 B.C.: Octavian-Mercury = BMCRE I, pl. 14.15), 160.1 (gem cast: Octavian-Jupiter), 160.2 (denarius, post-Actium: Octavian nude with lance and parazonium (sword) on columna rostrata = BMCRE I, pl. 15.15), 160.4 (denarius for Actium: naked Octavian-Neptune with chlamys, right foot on a globe, holding right an aplustre (ship prow ornament), left, a scepter = BMCRE I, pl. 15.5), 160.5 (similar but globe in right hand). See chap. 3, p. 85 and n. 114 (discusses Octavian on columna rostrata type) for the derivation of such images from freestanding statuary; on which point see, for example, Zanker 1983, 25 n. 21.

130. Kienast 1982, 119-20, 201-2. The Gemma Augustea Augustus as augur: Pollini 1978, 189. The dissemination of the central composition of the Gemma Augustea: see a chalcedony cameo in Vienna, of which an ancient blue-glass cast exists at Dumbarton Oaks. Richter 1956, 66f., cat. 47, Pl. 47; Kyrieleis 1970, 492-98: the Vienna cameo "Augustus" is slightly recut to resemble Caligula, the glass cast even more touched up. Richter (67) says the glass cast is not actually taken from the Vienna cameo. The two then are independent but parallel Caligulan copies, undoubtedly part of the same commemorative project (accession gifts?).