1. For the political history of the period, see Guillaume de Bertier de Sauvigny, The Bourbon Restoration, trans. Lynn M. Case, Philadelphia, 1966.

2. Quoted from Archives Nationales AB XIX, 340, pp. 108 (bis)-109, in Pierre Simon, L'Eluboration de la Charte constitutionnelle de 1814, Paris, 1906, p. 111.

3. The passage continues: "Toute charte constitutive d'un état doit descendre du Ciel, pour être placée ensuite dans un sanctuaire impénétrable aux regards du vulgaire et même des sages, parce que les plus sages deviennent insensés, lorsqu'ils veulent sonder les vues de la Providence.... Il y a un autre prestige qui n'est pas moins puissant, c'est celui de l'antiquité. Tous les peuples en effet ont ... été d'autant plus attachés à leurs institutions, qu'elles ont été plus enveloppées de ces augustes ténèbres, de ces illusions mystérieuses qui commandent le respect" ( Du Sentiment considéré dans ses rapports avec la littérature et les arts, Lyon, 1801, pp. 142-43). Cf. also the opening passage from a counter-revolutionary work on Charlemagne's legislation: "Quand le temps qui règle et affermit les empires, a établi et cimenté un ordre de choses, l'homme sage le respecte et ne lève que d'une main religieuse le voile, que en cache l'origine" (Bonnaire de Pronville, Pouvoir législatif sous Charlemagne, Brunswick, 1800, p 1)

4. According to Beugnot, "M. de Fontanes had few occasions to read preambles of laws, and it was not there that the orators generally went to seek models. The piece that he provided contained ... lofty thoughts couched in eloquent forms; but these thoughts were too general, these forms had too much Juster It was a beautiful page, but not a preamble" ( Mémoires du comte Beugnot, 1779-1815, ed. Robert Lacour-Gayet, Paris, 1959, p. 288). Like Fontanes, Beugnot (1761-1835) had a distinguished Napoleonic past. He served as Lucien Bonaparte's favorite advisor in the Ministry of the Interior, entered the Council of State in 1806, and was made count of the empire two years later.

5. Catalogue générale illustré des éditions de la monnaie de Paris, [Paris], 1978, 2:105.

6. For the pre-revolutionary origins of the Council of State and its revival (at the suggestion of Sieyès) under Napoleon, see Tony Sauvel, "Du Palais de la Cité au Palais-Royal," in Le

Conseil d'Etat: Livre jubilaire, publié pour commémorer son cent-cinquantième anniversaire, 4 nivôse an VIII, 24 December 1949, Paris, 1952, pp. 32-39.

7. Napoleon's Council of State sat in the Tuileries; prior to the relocation under Charles X, the committees were dispersed, with infrequent general assemblies in the Chancellerie, Place Vendôme. Under the July Monarchy, the Council of State was moved to the Hôtel Molé (1832) and then to the Palais d'Orsay (1840) where some of the paintings, including Delacroix's Justinian, were destroyed when the palace was burned during the Commune.

8. Count de Peyronnet, letter of April 10, 1824, to Marquis Jacques-Alexandre-Bernard Law de Lauriston, the minister in charge of the royal household, regarding the proposed move of the Council of State to the Louvre (Archives Nationales BB17 ^A 32, dossier 4).

9. See Ch. Léonardi, "Le Conseil d'état sous la restauration," Ph.D. diss., University of Paris, 1909, pp. 63-65; and Bernard Olivier-Martin, "Le Conseil d'état de la restauration," Ph.D. diss., University of Paris, 1941.

10. See François Guizot, Mémoires pour servir à l'histoire de mon temps [1858-68], ed. Michel Richard, Paris, 1971, pp. 94-95.

11. See Count Frédéric de Clarac, Musée de sculpture antique et moderne, Paris, 1841, 1:545-99; and Norman D. Ziff, Paul Delaroche: A Study in Nineteenth-Century French History Painting, New York, 1977, pp. 62-63.

12. From Delécluze, Journal, quoted in Ziff, Paul Delaroche, p. 63.

13. See the engraved reproductions in Musée de peinture et de sculpture, vol. 4, Paris, 1829. See also the list of Louvre paintings on deposit in other locations, compiled by Elisabeth Foucart-Walter, in Isabelle Compin and Anne Roquebert, Catalogue sommaire illustré, Paris, 1986, 5:194-375. A description of this program was sent by Forbin to the minister of justice and keeper of the seals, with a request for permission to erect scaffolding, October 6, 1826 (Archives Nationales BB17 ^A 49, dossier 1, item 12). In the same dossier is the response of the minister, October 10, 1826: "The choice of subjects appears very proper, and I gladly give them my approval."

14. Louvre inv. no. 2628. See Compin and Roquebert, Catalogue sommaire illustré, 3:65; and Salon of 1827, Explication des ouvrages, Paris, 1827, pp. 17-18.

15. Quoted from the description of the program sent by Forbin to the minister of justice. Archives Nationales BB17 ^A 49, dossier 1, item 12.

16. "Salon de 1827. Peintures du Conseil d'état," Journal du Commerce, January 11, 1828.

17. Ibid.

16. "Salon de 1827. Peintures du Conseil d'état," Journal du Commerce, January 11, 1828.

17. Ibid.

18. According to the critic of the Journal du Commerce, a portrait of Charles X by Paulin-Jean-Baptiste Guérin (called Paulin-Guérin) hung in the same room.

19. Louvre inv. no. 6551. Compin and Roquebert, Catalogue sommaire illustré, 4:76.

20. Lycurgus and the Deputies of Sparta (Jacques-Charles Bordier du Bignon); Numa and the Nymph Egeria (Charles-Nicolas-Rafael Lafond); and Solon Drafting the Laws of Athens (René-Théodore Berthon) were included in a group of four overdoor paintings of ancient

lawgivers commissioned for the Salon de la Pendule, Château de Versailles (c. 1819). See Archives Nationales 0 ³ 1395; and Eudore Soulié, Notice des peintures et sculptures composant le Musée Impérial de Versailles, Versailles, 1855, part 2, p. 175. Roland Bossard, secretary of documentation at the Château de Versailles, informed me that the four paintings were destroyed during World War II while on deposit in the French embassy in Warsaw.

21. Archives Nationales BB17 ^A 49, dossier 1, item 12. In 1841 Mauzaisse painted a revised version of Divine Wisdom Giving the Laws to the Kings and Legislators, in which Napolcon is included next to the French monarchs (Musée Napoléon, Ile d'Aix, inv. no. MG 100).

22. Auguste Jal, Esquisses, croquis, pochades, ou Tout ce qu'on voudra, sur le Salon de 1827, Paris, 1828, pp. 454-56.

23. Mauzaisse's painting is related thematically to a Napoleonic ceiling painting in the Louvre's Hall of Greek Civilization, Charles Meynier's Earth Receiving from the Emperors Hadrian and Justinian the Code of Roman Laws Dictated by Nature, Justice, and Wisdom (commissioned 1801; signed and dated Year XI [1802-3]), Louvre inv. no. 20092. Compin and Roquebert, Catalogue sommaire illustré, 4:87.

24. The Moses and Numa were sent to the museum of Saint-Brieuc in 1872. Blondel's Solon and Lycurgus are in the museum of Amiens.

25. Since 1962 Drolling's painting has been concealed by a false ceiling (Compin and Roquebert, Catalogue sommaire illustré, 3:230).

26. See Lee Johnson, The Paintings of Eugène Delacroix, vol. 1, Oxford, 1981, pp. 110-12; and F. A. Trapp, "An Early Photograph of a Lost Delacroix," Burlington Magazine, CVI, June 1964, pp. 266-69.

27. See Claire Constans, Musée National du Château de Versailles, Paris, 1980, cat. no. 4023, p. 117.

28. For this painting, see Ziff, Paul Delaroche, pp. 62-66.

29. Donald R. Kelley, Historians and the Law in Postrevolutionary France, Princeton, N.J., 1984, p. 43, cites Delacroix's Justinian as an example of the continuation under the Restoration of Napoleonic legislative pretensions.

30. See the dedication of "La Poésie sacrée" from Méditations poétiques (1820) where Lamartine explained his admiration of Genoude: "Until now we only knew the sense of the books of Job, of Isaiah, of David; thanks to him, the expression, the color, the movement, the energy live today in our tongue" ( Oeuvres poétiques, ed. Marius-François Guyard, Paris, 1963, p. 76). The Genoude Bible (1815-24) was based on the seventeenth-century translation by Lemaistre de Sacy. For the vogue for scriptural imitation among Restoration playwrights, see Anna Louise Catharina Kromsigt, "Le Théâtre biblique à la veille du romantisme (1789-1830),'' Ph.D. diss., Univ. of Amsterdam, 1931.

31. From "Nabuchodnosor" (1821), in Oeuvres de P. J. de Béranger, Paris, 1876, 2:4-6.

32. See Maurice Z, Shroder, Icarus: The Image of the Artist in French Romanticism, Cambridge, Mass., 1961, p. 69.

33. Chateaubriand, Mémoires d'outre-tombe [1849-50], ed. Maurice Levaillant and Georges Moulinier, Paris, 1951, 1:905.

34. See Jean-Marie Darnis, Les Monuments expiatoires du supplice de Louis XVI et de Marie-Antoinette sous l'Empire et la Restauration, 1812-1830, Paris, 1981 (for Chateaubriand's support of the chapel, see p. 9). See also Louis Hautecoeur, Histoire de l'architecture classique en France, Paris, 1955, 6:12. Darnis (pp. 9-10) indicates that the chapel, privately financed by Louis XVIII and the Duchess of Angoulême, was a family monument and was not intended originally to carry the national expiatory significance it acquired by popular sentiment with the encouragement of Chateaubriand.

35. Louis-Pierre Fontaine (not to be confused with the architect) and Antoine Etex also worked on the pendentives and other parts of the interior decoration. See Darnis, Les Monuments expiatoires, p. 42.

36. According to Fontaine, the sculptural program was specified at the outset and was executed as planned. But the choice of inscriptions became a matter of some controversy as Cardinal de Croy, grand almoner of France and archbishop of Rouen, insisted on modifying those originally projected. The inscription for the pendentive with the tablets of the law, originally "Dat robur fert auxilium" (It gives strength), was among those altered by Croy. Fontaine's reference to the inscription as "Si vis ad vitam beatam ingredire serva mandata" (If you wish to enter a beatific life, you must serve) varies slightly from the inscription as executed. See P.-F.-L. Fontaine, Journal, 1799-1853, Paris, 1987, 2:700-701 (February 23, 1826).

37. Louis-Gabriel-Ambroise de Bonald, Législation primitive, in Oeuvres complètes de M. de Bonald, ed. Abbé Migne, Paris, 1859, 1:1111.

38. Lamartine's lover, Julie Charles, in her last letter to him, told him his ode had won Bonald's admiration. See Arsène Soreil, Etude littéraire sur le vicomte de Bonald, Brussels, 1942, p. 54.

39. Lamartine, Oeuvres poétiques, pp. 53-54.

40. François-René de Chateaubriand, Génie du christianisme, ed. Pierre Reboul, 1:447-48.

41. Lamartine, Cours familier de littérature, un entretien par mois, Paris, 1856, 2:273.

42. See Hubert Juin, Victor Hugo, vol. 1, 1802-1843, Paris, 1980, pp. 465-75.

43. Vie de Rossini [1823], ed. H. Prunières, Paris, 1922, 2:66-67.

44. Quoted in Gabriel Salvador, J. Salvador: Sa vie, ses oeuvres et ses critiques, Paris, 1881, pp. 9-10. A similar argument for the liberal nature of Mosaic legislation had already been voiced by a lawyer, de La Serve, in De la Royauté selon les lois divines révélées, les lois naturelles et la Charte constitutionnelle, Paris, 1819, pp. 7, 11. Similarly, the republican academician Népomucène Lemercier (1771-1840), in the preface to his epic poem Moyse (1823), offered the tenacious loyalty of the Jewish people to Mosaic law as an edifying example: "J'ai pensé qu'il serait utile d'offrir le simulacre le plus frappant de la conservation constante d'une loi jurée, au peuple français, de qui le naturel n'est que trop incon-

stant à tout ce qu'il veut fonder" ( Moyse, Poëme en quatre chants, Paris, 1823, p. vii). The young, independently wealthy Salvador came from Montpellier, where he was trained in medicine. His Jewish father, whose forebears fled Spain during the Inquisition, claimed descent from the Maccabees; his mother was Catholic.

45. E.L., review of Histoire des institutions de Moïse et du peuple hébreu, by Joseph Salvador, Le Globe, April 19, 1829, p. 243.

46. The most notable objection to Salvador's argument was that of the liberal lawyer Dupin, whose counter-argument—that Christ had been denied due process and subjected to cruel irregularities—was solidly in the liberal tradition of respect for the law. See André-Marie-Jean-Jacques Dupin, Jésus devant Caïphe et Pilate, ou Réfutation du chapitre de M. Salvador intitulé: "Jugement et condamnation de Jésus, " Paris, 1828.

47. Quoted in Salvador, J. Salvador, p. 46.

48. The readiness of contemporaries to associate Moses with politics was mocked by a satirist commenting on a reading of Chateaubriand's play Moïse. The audience included a hypocritical "deputy of the extreme left" who, before launching into a diatribe against the control of the Council of State by the monarch, awkwardly attempted to present Moses as a precursor of progressive constitutional government. See "Lecture de Moyse de M. de Chateaubriand, à l'abbaye aux Bois, le 21 juin 1829," in [F. de Montherot], Mémoires poétiques, Paris, 1833, pp. 24-25. For Chateaubriand's play, see Chapter 6.