1. Marino Berengo, Nobili e mercanti nella Lucca del Cinquecento (Torino: Einaudi, 1965): 54 on the "predominio del ceto nobiliare nella vita italiana" that became an accomplished fact around 1550, and 252-263 for major Cinquecento texts on the consciousness of nobility; idem, "Il Cinquecento," in La storiografia italiana negli ultimi vent'anni, Congresso nazionale di scienze storiche, Perugia 1967, 2 vols. (Milano: Marzorati, 1970): 2: 483-518; L. Martines (1979): 174.

2. C. Dionisotti, Geografia e storia (1967): 230 f.; C. Donati, "L'evoluzione della coscienza nobiliare," in C. Mozzarelli and P. Schiera, eds., Patriziati e aristocrazie nobiliari (Trento, 1978): 18 f.; idem, L'idea di nobiltà in Italia (1988): 93.

3. See my chap. 9, note 68.

4. Eduardo Saccone (1987: 10): "The fashioning of the courtier depends very much on the public, the audience, the others."

5. E.g., Stephen Greenblatt, Renaissance Self-Fashioning (1980), "Epilogue," 255-257 at 256. Giuseppe Falvo (1988: 164) refers to R. Barthes, M. Foucault, and Louis Marin for the notion of "rhetoric of power" and "techniques of representation" in the analysis of courtly literature. "Representation" is used by these critics to mean the fictive presentation of an attractive mask hiding the real elements of power, for public consumption and the effective legitimation of that oppressive power.

6. "Sempre che ha d'andare in loco dove sia novo e non conosciuto, procuri che prima vi vada la bona opinione di sé che la persona, e faccia che ivi s'intenda che esso in altri lochi, appresso altri signori, donne e cavalieri, sia ben estimato." Il Cortegiano 2.32.

7. "Essendo aiutato dagli ammaestramenti e dalla educazione ed arte del cortegiano, formato da questi signori tanto prudente e buono,  . . . sarà gloriosissimo e carissimo agli omini ed a Dio, per la cui grazia acquisterà quella virtù eroica, che lo farà eccedere i termini della umanità e dir si potrà più presto semideo che uom mortale" ( Il Cortegiano 4.22).

8. "Servando tra tutti in certe cose una pare equalità, come nella giustizia e nella libertà; ed in alcune altre una ragionevole inequalità, come nell'esser liberale, nel remunerare, nel distribuir gli onori e dignità secondo la inequalità dei meriti, li quali sempre debbono non avanzare, ma esser avanzati dalle remunerazioni; e che in tal modo sarebbe non che amato ma quasi adorato dai sudditi" ( Il Cortegiano 4.33). See Ullrich Langer (1988): 225. Queen Elizabeth's role has been much studied in recent years as part of the evolution of absolutist ideology and the way it involved courtiers and particularly such courtier poets as Spenser and Sidney: for one title only, see S. Greenblatt, "To Fashion a Gentleman," in Greenblatt (1980): especially 166-192.

9. Ullrich Langer (1988) has expertly explored this connection with regard to Castiglione's treatise and other French texts: see his bibliography, p. 223 and passim. See Franco Moretti, Signs Taken for Wonders (London: Verso; New York: Schocken Books, 1983), "The Great Eclipse: Tragic Form as Deconsecration of Sovereignty," 42-82, for a penetrating analysis of the other side of the coin, the representation of the absolute monarch as tyrant (that is, what I have analyzed so far as part of the feudal mentality and sense of values as evidenced in parts of the epic and the romance) in the English Tudor tragedy (especially Gorboduc, whose plot derived from Geoffrey of Monmouth).

10. E. Köhler, L'aventure chevaleresque (1974), especially 11-15 for the definition of King Arthur's role as upholder of feudal rights in Chrétien de Troyes's Erec.

11. Castiglione's solution to Italy's political and social problems was a kind of courtly society that would have been similar to the Prussian courtly government from Frederick the Great onward—the kind of historical background that made the Weimar republic an unworkable experiment in the Germany of the 1920s and 1930s, as interpreted by Norbert Elias (see end of my Introduction).

12. Muzio, Il duello con Le risposte cavalleresche (Vinegia: Gabriel Giolito de' Ferrari, 1550; new ed. 1551, 1553, 1554, 1558, 1560, 1563, 1564, 1566, 1571, 1576, 1585); idem, Il gentilhuomo, trattato della nobiltà (Venetia: Giovanni Andrea Valvassori detto Guadagnino, 1571).

13. Baldi, Delle considerationi e dubitationi sopra la materia delle mentite e offese di parole; Delle mentite, discorso (Venice: Bartolomeo Fontana, 1634). See C. Donati (1988): 94-96 on Muzio, 170-173 on Romei, and the whole of his chap. 4, 93-136 on this literature.

14. "la opinione de' cavalieri è, che legge alcuna né di patria, né di principe, né interesse di havere, né di vita, all'honore non debbia essere anteposta." 1588 ed.: 175v. C. Donati (1988): 96. Also F. R. Bryson, The Point of Honour in Sixteenth-Century Italy: An Aspect of the Life of a Gentleman (New York, 1935); idem, The Sixteenth-Century Italian Duel: A Study in Renaissance Social History (Chicago, 1938); G. Angelozzi, "La trattatistica su nobiltà e onore a Bologna nei secoli XVI e XVII," Atti e memorie della Deputazione di storia patria per le provincie di Romagna 25/26 (1974/1975): 187-264; and Francesco Erspamer, La biblioteca di don Ferrante: duello e onore nella cultura del Cinquecento, Biblioteca del Cinquecento 18 (Roma: Bulzoni, 1982).

15. C. Donati (1988): 102-104 and 110 for the 1560 Cartelli.

16. (Florence: Lorenzo Torrentino). Copy in the Biblioteca Marucelliana of Florence used by C. Donati (1988): 141, n. 64.

17. Osorius, De nobilitate civili libri duo and De nobilitate christiana libri tres (Lisbon, 1542; Florentiae: Laurentius Torrentinus, 1552); Tiraquellus, Commentarii de nobilitate et de iure primigeniorum (definitive edition, posthumous, Lugduni: Gulielmus Rovillius, 1559; 1573); Cassanaeus, Catalogus gloriae mundi (1529; Venetiis: Vincentius Valgrisius, 1569). C. Donati (1988): 113-117.

18. The authority of "il gran Tiraquello regio consigliere nel Parlamento di Parigi" is invoked by Annibale Magnocavallo in the long discussion on the nature of nobility in book 2 of Guazzo's Civil conversatione (1575 Salicato ed.: 224-226). Annibale distinguishes between "seminobili, nobili e nobilissimi": seminobili owe their distinction to personal worth, nobili add blood, and the nobilissimi also wealth. Cortesia characterizes the noble conversant even when he communicates with the ignobili.

19. "Est igitur nobilitas dignitas generis, in quo maximae virtutes exstiterunt, vitae communi salutares et commodae," and so on. Florence 1552 edition: 3-50.

20. C. Donati (1988): 128; see 126-128 on Muzio's 1571 treatise.

21. "Mulieres vero popularium portare solent caputia ex panno laneo, et ista est notoria et manifesta differentia,  . . . eo quia habitus demonstrat qualitatem et dignitatem personae deferentis." Chasseneux, Valgrisio 1559 ed.: 159v-171r., cited by C. Donati (1988): 114.

22. C. Donati (1988) 130 f. on Cosimo's decree.

23. C. Donati (1988): chap. 7, "Le 'prove di nobiltà' dei cavalieri italiani dell'Ordine di Malta (1555-1612)," 247-265.

24. See Le pouvoir et la plume (Paris, 1982), José Guidi, "Le jeu de cour et sa codification dans les différentes rédactions du Courtisan, " 97-115, and especially Giancarlo Mazzacurati, "'Decoro' e indecenza: linguaggi naturali e teoria delle forme nel Cinquecento," 215-282.

25. The discourse was printed as part of Botero's I Capitani  . . . e due Discorsi della Monarchia e della Nobiltà (1607).

26. Ullrich Langer (1988): 234. Rabelais, Oeuvres complètes, eds. Jacques Boulenger and Lucien Scheler (Paris: Gallimard, 1965).

27. M. Bakhtin, Rabelais and His World, trans. Hélène Iswolsky (Cambridge, MA: M.I.T. Press, 1968; 1988; Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1984; Russian original Tvorchestvo Fransua Rable, Moscow: Khudozhestvennia Literatura, 1965): 138 f. of 1984 ed.; It. ed. L'opera di Rabelais e la cultura popolare, trans. Mili Romano (Torino: Einaudi, 1979, 3d ed. 1982): 152.

28. For Guazzo's considerable impact in England, see J. L. Lievsay's learned study (1961); D. Javitch, "Rival Arts of Conduct in Elizabethan England: Guazzo's Civile Conversation and Castiglione's Courtier," Yearbook of Italian Studies 1 (1971): 178-198; and idem, "Courtesy Books," in A. C. Hamilton et al., eds., The Spenser Encyclopedia (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1989), where Guazzo's reception in England is contrasted to Castiglione's as part of a late Renaissance reaction to the latter's emphasis on courtly values in favor of a more universally valid coherence between the inner and outer self. Spenser, Javitch opines, intimated "that courtesy ought to be a virtue which reconciles Castiglione's courtliness with Guazzo's civility":

Of Court it seems, men Courtesie doe call,
    For that it there most useth to abound;
  And well beseemeth that in Princes hall
  That vertue should be plentifully found,
  Which of all goodly manners is the ground,
  And root of civill conversation.
                                           (Faerie Queene: 6.1.i)

29. Elias, Power and Civility: 358.

30. George Puttenham, The Arte of English Poesie, eds. G. D. Willcock and Alice Walker (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1970): 299. Javitch (1982): 227 f. The models of social behavior had broad consequences which, beyond the practical sphere, also affected imaginative literature in several countries. Jaeger 13 f. attributes to Daniel Javitch (1978) the discovery that the "poetics of conduct" induced by Italian etiquette literature produced, in Elizabethan England, "manuals of court behavior and etiquette [that] could provide the model for books of poetics; decorum, elegance and 'style' in behavior could be seen as analogous to the same qualities in verse." Ruth Kelso, The Doctrine of the English Gentleman in the Sixteenth Century (1929), is a classic on the matter.

31. Puttenham: 197. See Franco Moretti, Signs Taken for Wonders (1983): 77; Heinrich F. Plett (1983): 597-621; and Michael West, "Spenser's Art of War: Chivalric Allegory, Military Technology, and the Elizabethan MockHeroic Sensibility," Renaissance Quarterly 41.4 (1988): 654-704 at 695.

32. Javitch (1982): 233-237.

33. N. Elias, The Civilizing Process 2 (1982): 216.

34. D. Javitch (1971) and S. Greenblatt (1980): 163-165.

35. Curiously enough, just like Philibert de Vienne, in his dialogue Il Malpiglio Tasso will also bring in Socrates as a master and example of supreme "dissimulation" in social discourse: "vi concederò facilmente  . . . che 'l simulare in questo modo sia virtù di corte, non solamente socratica": see Tasso, Dialogues, trans. Carnes Lord and Dain A. Trafton (Berkeley, Los Angeles, London: University of California Press, 1982): 182.

36. C. A. Mayer, "L'honnêre homme. Molière and Philibert de Vienne's Philosophe de cour," Modern Language Review 46 (1951): 196-217.

37. See Philibert's concluding chapter. Javitch (1971): 99.

38. Javitch (1971): 101.

39. C. A. Mayer (1951) pointed to Lucian's De parasitu as the model and P. M. Smith (1966: 98-151) agreed with Mayer that Philibert was attacking Castiglione. I should add that hostility to Machiavelli must also have been in the background of this picture of degenerate public mores. Italianism at the court of Henry II and Catherine de Medici had a bad reputation among mor- alistic nationalists and Protestant sympathizers: in their eyes, Machiavelli was the epitome of what was immoral in Italian forms of conduct. See Javitch (1971): 105 f., who also cites Giovanni Macchia, Il cortegiano francese (Firenze: Parenti, 1943): "Il cortegiano francese," 45-56, as the best study "on the conflation of Machiavelli and Castiglione in France." Philibert's satirical intent was made obvious by a poem added at the end of the second edition (1548), advising the reader that he would find much to laugh at in the book.

40. Some have recently seen the beginning of a court literature in England in the early sixteenth century, on the assumption that there was no true court in that land before 1489 under Henry VII, the first Tudor monarch (d. 1509): see John Scattergood and J. W. Sherborne, eds., English Court Culture in the Later Middle Ages (London: Duckworth, 1983), and David Carlson, "Politicizing Tudor Court Literature: Gaguin's Embassy and Henry VII's Humanists' Response," Studies in Philology 85.3 (1988): 279-296. This comes from concentrating on the centralized, absolutistic court culture best exemplified by the Versailles of Louis XIV: it results in a narrow-gauged implication that a socially and politically conditioned court culture was possible only in a centralized national court without competition from regional courts. By such a definition there was no medieval courtly literature even at royal courts.

41. Students of Philibert's text have not shown awareness of this paradox, which has been eloquently brought out by Franco Moretti, Signs Taken for Wonders (1983): "The Great Eclipse: Tragic Form as Deconsecration of Sovereignty," 42-82.

42. See Hexter, Reappraisals in History (1979): "The Education of the Aristocracy in the Renaissance," 45-70 at 69 (originally published in JMH 1950).

43. "Si son gouverneur tient de mon humeur, il luy formera la volonté à estre tres loyal serviteur de son prince et tres-affectionnée et tres-courageux; mais il Iluy refroidira l'envie de s'y attacher autrement que par un devoir publique. Outre plusieurs autres inconvenients qui blessent nostre franchise par ces obligations particulieres, le jugement d'un homme gagé et achetté, ou il est moins entier et moins libre, ou il est taché et d'imprudence et d'ingratitude. Un courtisan ne peut avoir ny loy ni volonté de dire et penser que favorablement d'un maistre qui, parmi tant de milliers d'autres subjects, I'a choisi . . .. Cette faveur et utilité corrompent  . . . sa franchise, et l'esblouissent." See Hexter, ibid.: 70.

44. Hexter, ibid.

45. See M. Fumaroli (1985) on this episode of the literary quarrels concerning the chivalric novel, especially in France. Amyot (d. 1593), the famous translator of Plutarch on Francis I's order, later became bishop of Auxerre (1570). He had been tutor to the future kings Charles IX and Henry III.

46. The dates are as given by Fumaroli on the basis of what he found available in the Reserve of the Bibliothèque Nationale.

47. M. Fumaroli (1985): 37-39. Further arguments in defense of the chivalric genre appeared in Gohory's dedication of book fourteen (1575). See Le premier livre d'Amadis de Gaule (Paris: Estienne Groulleau, 1548); Le premier livre d' Amsidis de Gaule, ed. Yves Giraud (Paris: Nizet, 1986).

48. M. Fumaroli (1985): 23.

49. For example, Joseph Bédier, Paul Hazard, and Pierre Martino, eds., Littérature française, 2 vols. (Paris: Larousse, 1948): 1: 201.

50. On this and other texts related to the doctrine of gentlemanly grace in external conduct, with references to the doctrine of graceful movement in daily conduct as well as in the arts, like dance, see Mark Franko, "Renaissance Conduct Literature and the Basse Danse: The Kinesis of bonne grace, " in Richard C. Trexler, ed., Persons in Groups: Social Behavior as Identity Formation in Medieval and Renaissance Europe, MRT&S 36 (Binghamton, NY: Center for Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies, 1985): 55-66.

51. The middle position of Faret's honeste homme between the courtier and the gentleman is symptomatically underscored by the use of the two terms in the double title of its German translation, Ehrliebender Hof-Mann/Der Ehrliebende Welt-Mann (1647/1648). The courtier was still addressed directly in the successful Traité de la cour (1616) by Eustache du Refuge (d. 1617): see the annotated edition: Eustache Du Refuge, Traicté de la cour, ou instruction des courtisans (Paris: Cardin Besonge, 1636). It was soon translated into English as A Treatise of the court, digested into two bookes, written in French by Denis de Refuges [sic], done into English by John Reynolds (London: A. Matthewes, 1622), followed by Eustache Du Refuge, Arcana aulica, or Walsingham's Manual of Prudential Maxims, for the States-man and the Courtier (London: John Williams, 1652). See Eustache Du Refuge, [ Traicté de la cour ] A Practical Guide for Ambitious Politicians (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1961). It was translated into German by Harsdörffer as Kluger Hofmann (1655): see my note 78 below.

52. N. Elias, The Civilizing Process (1978): 217.

53. See the peremptory statement in Joseph Bédier et al., eds., Littérature française (1948): 1: 316: "Il a certainement contribué à adoucir la rudesse des moeurs," and the whole analysis on pp. 313-316.

54. The Court Society (1983): 246-251, 255-266. The Astrée' s standard edition is that of Henry Vaganay (5 vols., Lyon, 1925-1928; rpt. Genève: Slatkine, 1966). Relevant complete "books" (there are twelve for each part) are available in the partial editions by Maurice Magendie (Paris: Perrin, 1928), Gérard Genette (Paris: Union Générale d'Editions, 1964), and Jean Lafond (Paris: Gallimard, 1984).

55. Elias (1983): 259 and 256 f. The assimilation of honesty to the mores of the lower nobility was contrasted with the moral looseness of the court. This assimilation went hand in hand with the further inculcation of the moral virtues of emotional reliability, chastity, sobriety, financial responsibility, thrift, and industriousness in educational treatises addressed to the middle class—treatises which became commonplace in the late sixteenth century and later. The relevant texts had started with the fourteenth- and fifteenth-century merchants' books of advice to children (e.g., Pagolo Morelli's, see above) or treatises on the management of the family (signally L. B. Alberti's already mentioned Della famiglia ). Of particular interest are the precepts addressed to women as managers of the house. In his Discorso della virtù femminile e donnesca (1582), Torquato Tasso distinguished between the need for domestic thrift in the mother of a bourgeois family and the regal display of wealth and social prominence in the noble lady, thus sharply opposing the two social codes. Giovanni Michele Bruto's (ca. 1515-ca. 1594) Institutione di una fanciulla nata nobilmente, dedicated, despite the title, to Marietta Cattaneo, daughter of a Genoese merchant living in Antwerp, pointedly warned the young woman to pattern her behavior, not after the sumptuous ways of highborn ladies, but on the value of modest and useful domestic skills. In Protestant and Puritan England, where Bruto's tractate was promptly translated by Thomas Salter as A Mirrhor mete for all Mothers, Matrones and Maids (1579), this banishment of aristocratic luxury was upheld as the educational ideal for the middle class. See A. R. Jones in Armstrong and Tennenhouse, eds. (1988): 54-57, and F. Whigham (1984): 155-169, with tables 164-167, on sumptuary laws, interpreted as meant to privilege the true gentleman and separate the nobility from the middle class. See, also, end of my chap. 8. See text as published at the place of the addressee: G. M. Bruto, La institutione di una fanciulla nata nobilmente. L'institution d'une fille de noble maison, traduite de langue tuscane en françois (Anvers: I. Bellére, 1555; Antwerpen: Vereenigung der Antwerpsche Bibliophielen, 1594). Also G. M. Bruto, The necessarie, fit and convenient education of a yong gentlewoman, written both in French and Italian, and translated into English by W. P. [sic] and now printed with the three languages togither  . . . (London: Adam Islip, 1598).

56. Elias (1983): 261-263.

57. "Histoire de Lydias et de Mélandre," book 12 of first part.

58. "Histoire de Childéric etc.," book 12 of third part. J. Lafond ed.: 354.

59. J. Lafond ed.: 413, 440. For a recent discussion of the political and moral dimensions of the novel see Madeleine Bertaud, L'Astrée et Polexandre. Du roman pastoral au roman héroïque (Genève: Droz, 1986).

Giuseppe Papagno, "Corti e cortigiani," in A. Prosperi, ed. (1980): 195-240, provides a useful description of an early case of absolutist centralized court within a strictly aristocratic society, namely that of Portugal, starting at the end of the fourteenth century and continuing until the early nineteenth century.

60. Hermann von Sachsenheim, Die Mörin; nach der Wiener Hs., ed. Horst Dieter Schlosser (Wiesbaden: Brockhaus, 1974).

61. [ Ponthus et Sidoine ] Pontus und Sidonia in der verdeutschung eines ungenannten aus dem 15. Jahrhundert, ed. Karin Schneider ([Berlin:] E. Schmidt, [1961]).

62. See the popular edition, Die Geschichte von der schönen Melusine: die eine Meerfei gewesen ist. Nach der ältesten deutschen Druckausgabe von 1474 für Jung und Alt, ed. Fedor von Zobeltitz (Hamburg: Alster-Verlag, 1925).

63. See above, end of chap. 6.

64. Der Jungen Knaben Spiegel (Straszburg: Jacob Frölich, 1555); [Georg or Jörg Wickram,] Sämtliche Werke (Berlin: W. de Gruyter, 1967-1973); Der Jungen Knaben Spiegel (Strassburg: K. J. Trübner, 1917); Der Goldfaden (Berlin: Rütten & Loening [1963]; München: Obpacher, [1963?]).

65. Sigmund J. Barber, Amadis de Gaule and the German Enlightenment (New York: Peter Lang, 1984).

66. Der christlichen königlichen Fürsten Herkuliskus und Herkuladisla auch ihrer hochfürstlichen Gesellschaft anmuhtige Wundergeschichte (Braunschweig: C. F. Zilliger). See Gerhard Spellerberg, "Höfischer Roman," in H. A. Glaser, ed., Deutsche literatur 3 (1985): 319-323.

67. Cf. Harald Weinrich, "La Crusca fruttifera. Considerazioni sull'effetto dell'Accademia della Crusca nella vita accademica in Germania," in La Crusca nella tradizione letteraria e linguistica italiana (Firenze: Accademia della Crusca, 1985): 32-34; Martin Bircher, "The Fruchtbringende Gesellschaft and Italy: Between Admiration and Imitation," in The Fairest Flower: The Emergence of Linguistic National Consciousness in Renaissance Europe (Firenze: Accademia della Crusca, 1985): 121-132.

68. Aramena (Nürnberg: Johann Hoffmann, 1669-1680), rpt. ed. Blake Lee Spahr (Bern, Frankfurt/M.: H. Lang, 1975-); Octavia (Nürnberg: Johann Hoffmann, 1685-1707).

69. Full title, changed in later editions: Exempel unveränderlicher Vorsehung Gottes / unter der Historie des Keuschen Josephs in Aegypten vorgestellt, published 1670 and 1671 (2d ed. Nürnberg: Felsecker). See now Des vortrefflich keuschen Josephs in Egypten Lebensbeschreibung samt des Musai LebensLauff, ed. Wolfgang Bender (Tübingen: M. Niemeyer, 1968).

70. Gro b müthiger Feldherr Arminius oder Hermann nebst seiner durchlauchtigsten Thusnelda in einer sinnreichen Staats-, Liebes- und HeldenGeschichte in zwei Teilen vorgestellt (posthumous, second part completed after Lohenstein's plan by Christian Wagner; later edition 2 vols. Leipzig: J. F. Gleditsch, 1689; rpt. Bern: H. Lang, 1973; Hildesheim, New York: G. Olms, 1973).

71. Of the more comprehensive histories of German literature, particularly useful for detailed information are: Helmut de Boor and Richard Newald, eds., Geschichte der deutschen Literatur 4, tomes 1-2, by Hans Rupprich (esp. 48-88 on epic and romance, 296-302 on "Spiegelliteratur; Standesund Sittenlehre"), and 5 by R. Newald (esp. 154-230 on epic and romance) (München: C. H. Beck, 1970, 1973, 1951, respectively); Heinz Otto Burger, ed., Annalen der Deutschen Literatur (Stuttgart: J. B. Metzlersche Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1951, 2d ed. 1971); Max Wehrli, Geschichte der deutschen Literatur 1 (Stuttgart: Philipp Reclam Jun., 1980); Horst Albert Glaser, ed., Deutsche Literatur, Eine Sozialgeschichte 2 and 3 (Reinbeck bei Hamburg: Rowohlt, 1985). Also Henry and Mary Garland, The Oxford Companion to German Literature (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1976), for lemmata on individual works.

72. Before the deep disillusionments of the baroque age, Germany was not overly inclined to develop the theme of anticourt criticism: Aeneas Silvius Piccolomini's De curialium miseriis (as well as Ulrich von Hutten's Misaulus, 1518/1519) found a confutation in Wilhelm von Grevembroich's Aula dialogus (Köln: Neuss, 1539), while the body of Castiglione's text would soon be read as a positive presentation.

73. See the reprint of the 1597 ed.: Giovanni Della Casa, Galateus: das Büchlein von erbarn/höffichen und holdseligen Sitten, verdeutscht von Nathan Chytraeus, 1597, ed. Klaus Ley (Tübingen: M. Niemeyer, 1984).

74. I have seen the 1630 edition of Chytraeus's Latin Galateus (Oxoniae: John Litchfield), which still carried Caselius's two prefaces, dated 1578, and his discourse on the virtues that are necessary in social intercourse, chiefly veritas, humanitas, and urbanitas.

In addition to his 1979 monographic study, Emilio Bonfatti, "Verhaltenslehrbücher und Verhaltensideale," in Horst A. Glaser, ed., Deutsche Literatur. Eine Sozialgeschichte 3, Zwischen Gegenreformation und Frühaufklärung: Späthumanismus, Barock: 1572-1740, ed. Harald Steinhagen (Reinbeck bei Hamburg: Rowohlt, 1985): 74-87, provides an expert short survey of the whole span of conduct literature in Germany at this period. See Bonfatti in Glaser (1985): 80 on the question of the lively Protestant interest in the uses of the Galateo and the Civil conversatione in Germany, including the role of Caselius.

75. Emilio Bonfatti, La Civil Conversazione in Germania. La letteratura del comportamento da Stefano Guazzo a Adolph Knigge (1979).

76. Grobianus et Grobiana (Francoforti: Haeredes Chr. Egen., 1564; Berlin: Weidmann Buchhandlung, 1903); Grobianvs. Von groben sitten und unhöflichen gebärden, trans. Caspar Scheidt von Worms (1551) and Wendelin Hellbach (1567), ed. Wilhelm Mathiessen (München: G. Müller, 1921); Grobianus (Leipzig: Zentralantiquariat der Deutschen Demokrarischen Republik, 1979); Grobianus: de morum simplicitate / Grobianus: von groben Sitten und unhöflichen Gebärden, trans. Caspar Scheidt, ed. Barbara Könneker (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1979) [rpt. of 1903, Berlin: Weidmann, Latin text and 1551 German text]. It is worth recalling that in his influential study of Rabelais and popular culture (1965, Eng. ed. Rabelais and His World, trans. Helene Iswolsky, Cambridge, MA: M.I.T. Press, 1968), Mikhail M. Bakhtin often refers to German Grobianic literature as an aspect of the surfacing of what he calls the grotesque or comic realism of popular culture, but with the proviso that in that literature the popular motifs are vulgarized and laughter is turned to a negative form of social satire.

77. Otto Brunner, Neue Wege der Sozialgeschichte. Vorträge und Aufsätze (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck und Ruprecht, 1956) "Das 'ganze Haus' und die alteuropäische 'Ökonomik,'" 33-61, 225-230 (2d ed. ibid. 1968; 3d ed. 1980, with title Neue Wege der Verfassungs- und Sozialgeschichte ). Idem, Adeliges Landleben und europäischer Geist. Leben und Werk Wolf Helmhards von Hohberg 1612-1688 (Salzburg: O. Müller, 1949); It. ed.: Vita nobiliare e cultura europea (Bologna: II Mulino, 1982).

78. Mr. Du Refuge, Kluger Hofmann (Franckfurt: Johann Naumanns, 1667). See my note 51 above.

79. Frauenzimmer Gesprächspiele, ed. Irmgard Böttcher (Tübingen: M. Niemeyer, 1968-) [vol. 1 and 2 reprinted from the 2d ed., Nürnberg: W. Endter, 1644 and 1657; vols. 3-8 from the 1st ed., 1643-1649].

80. See the later edition: Mercurius historicus = Der historische Mercurius: das ist, hundert neue und denckwürdige Erzehlungen, theils trauriger, theils frölicher Geschichte  . . . mit Anfügung eines umbständigen Discursus von der Höflichkeit durch Octavianum Chiliadem (Franckfurt: Johann Naumans Buchh., 1665).

81. Thomasius, Discours welcher Gestalt man denen Frantzosen in gemeinem Leben und Wandel nachahmen solle. See Bonfatti in Glaser (1985): 83-87.

82. Bonfatti in Glaser (1985): 80.