1. Gerald P. Fogarty, The Vatican and the American Hierarchy (Stuttgart, Germany: Hiersemann, 1982), 144. break

2. This passage was quoted from John A. Hardon, American Judaism (Chicago: Loyola University Press, 1971), 104.

3. See Nathan Glazer, American Judaism (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1972), 38.

4. A good brief summary of the Conservative movement can be found in Bernard Martin, "Conservative Judaism and Reconstructionism," in Movements and Issues in American Judaism , ed. Bernard Martin (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1978), 103-57. A more expanded history can be found in Marshall Sklare, Conservative Judaism: An American Religious Movement (New York: Schocken Books, 1972).

5. Roughly five years later, Rodney Stark and Charles Glock collected and analyzed both national and regional data and discovered similar denominational differences in religious commitment. Religious knowledge, belief, experience, religious commitment, and devotion all varied considerably depending upon denominational affiliation. See Rodney Stark and Charles Glock, American Piety: The Nature of Religious Commitment (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1968).

6. The most comprehensive review of this evidence can be found in Robert Wuthnow, The Restructuring of American Religion: Society and Faith Since World War II (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1988), chapter 5. What I review here only samples from this literature.

7. Ibid., 92.

8. Indeed, negative feelings toward Episcopalians, Lutherans, Methodists, Presbyterians, and Baptists were almost nonexistent, and negative opinions of the more sectarian denominations, such as the Mormons and the Pentecostals, were only slightly more visible (up to one-fifth of the population held such views). See Wuthnow, Restructuring of American Religion , 91-92.

9. A Gallup poll in 1955 showed, for example, that only 1 of every 25 adults (or 4 percent) no longer adhered to the faith of his or her childhood. Almost thirty years later, 1 of every 3 adults belonged to a faith other than the one in which he or she had been reared. Among Presbyterians, Methodists, and Episcopalians, the ratios were even higher. Interestingly, these patterns even hold for Jews and Catholics, roughly 1 out of 6 of whom had switched to another faith. These figures are reported in Wuthnow, Restructuring of American Religion , 88.

10. From the author's reanalysis of the General Social Survey. The question about abortion was the most sweeping, approval or disapproval of abortion "under any circumstances."

11. The Baptists were, as expected, significantly more conservative politically than the Unitarians, Episcopalians, and the United Church of Christ. But again, I would argue that this is a function of the theological and political demography of the membership of these denominations.

12. The survey was part of the Religion and Power Project funded by the Lilly Endowment. For details, see the appendix to this chapter.

13. The question read, "Do you think the United States has a special role to play in the world today or is it pretty much like other countries?" Nine out of 10 continue

of the religious leaders in all categories chose the former, with the exception of the liberal Protestants, 8 out of 10 of whom chose it.

14. The question read, "Do you think the United States should aspire to remain a world power or should it aspire to become a neutral country like Switzerland or Sweden?" Between 86 percent and 100 percent of all religious elites chose the former.

15. The actual percentages of those saying "not very much" or "none at all" were as follows: Protestants—orthodox, 21 percent, and progressive, 50 percent; Catholics—orthodox, 25 percent, and progressive, 60 percent; Jews—orthodox, 21 percent, and progressive, 45 percent. The chi-square was significant at the 0.000 level.

16. The majority of liberal Jews (71 percent) also agreed that the United States was "a force for good," but the gap between progressive and orthodox was still 21 percentage points.

17. The question actually read, "As a nation, do you think we treat people in the Third World fairly or unfairly." The actual percentages of those saying that America treats the Third World unfairly were as follows: Protestants—orthodox, 27 percent, and progressive, 71 percent; Catholics—orthodox, 50 percent, and progressive, 87 percent; Jews—orthodox, 19 percent, and progressive, 39 percent. The chi-square for this comparison was significant at the 0.000 level.

18. The question read, "How would you characterize the competition between the United States and the Soviet Union? Is it fundamentally a struggle in power politics or is it fundamentally a moral struggle?" The actual percentages of those saying that it was a moral struggle, were as follows: Protestants—orthodox, 43 percent, and progressive, 14 percent; Catholics—orthodox, 39 percent, and progressive, 14 percent; Jews—orthodox, 46 percent, and progressive, 21 percent. The chi-square for this comparison was significant at the 0.000 level.

19. Catholics were included in this survey, but were not easily divisible into orthodox and progressive camps. For this reason, the results for Evangelical and Liberal Protestants are reported.

20. A reanalysis of the 1982 Roper Survey of Theologians (Protestant and Catholic) showed that in analyses of variation of opinion on such issues as the spending priorities of the government, the evaluation of business practices, defense policy, moral behaviors (from homosexuality to abortion), and nuclear policy, belief orthodoxy, on average, accounted for 45 percent of the variation across tradition and for an average of 33 percent of the variation within traditions. See J. D. Hunter, James Tucker, and Steven Finkel, "Religious Elites and Political Values," unpublished manuscript, University of Virginia.

21. In addition to information provided by the Catholic League, I was greatly assisted by a scholarly treatment of the League by Joseph Varacalli, "To Empower Catholics: The Catholic League for Religious and Civil Rights as a Mediating Structure," The Nassau Review , 5, no. 4 (1988): 45-61.

22. Hard Questions for the Catholic League (Milwaukee, Wis.: Catholic League for Religious and Civil Rights, 1982), 2.

23. This survey was conducted by the author during the first two weeks of October, 1986. The organizations, listed here, were drawn from the Encyclopedia of Associations: The Catholic League for Religious and Civil Rights; Liberty Fed- soft

eration; The Roundtable; Morality in Media; Eagle Forum; Prison Fellowship; the National Right-to-Life Committee; The American Catholic Conference; The American Catholic Committee; The American Coalition for Traditional Values; Christian Voice; The American Society for the Defense of Tradition, Family, and Property; Coalitions for America; Christian Citizen's Crusade; Conservative Caucus; The Foundation for Religious Action in the Social and Civil Order; The Jewish Right; The National Pro-Family Coalition; The National Traditionalist Caucus; The Order of the Cross Society; Parents Alliance to Protect Our Children; The Ethics and Public Policy Center; The Institute for Religion and Democracy; Religious Heritage of America; Rock Is Stoning Kids; Students for America; United Parents Under God; American Life Lobby; Christian Action Council; Human Life International; Association for Public Justice; Voice of Liberty Association; Methodists for Life; Catholics United for Life; Human Life Center; Pro-Family Forum; Center on Religion and Society; American Pro-Life Council; the National Federation for Decency; Americans for Life; Concerned Women for America; Fund for an American Renaissance; We the People; The Ad hoc Committee for the Defense of Life; The National League of Catholic Laymen; The American Council for Coordinated Action; and The Black Silent Majority. In all but a few cases, I conducted a telephone interview with a representative of each organization. In some instances, though, the description of the organization in the Encyclopedia of Associations made interviewing unnecessary.

24. Tim LaHaye, The Race for the 21st Century (Nashville, Tenn.: Thomas Nelson Publishers, 1986), 109.

25. Franky Schaeffer, Bad News for Modern Man (Westchester, Ill.: Crossway Books, 1984). The emphasis is in the original.

26. At the very least, conservative Catholics and Jews are reconsidering their traditional posture toward Evangelicals—asking hypothetically, as one featured article in The Jewish News (in 1986) did, "Have we been misreading Jerry Falwell?" The general conclusion was, yes, the Jewish community has overreacted and Falwell may be a genuine ally of the Jews.

27. Telephone interview with Rabbi Kanett, of Agudath Israel, Washington, D.C., October 13, 1988.

28. Telephone interview with John Pantuso of the Catholic League, October 13, 1988.