1. Moir and Mika, "Prairie Vegetation," 7-13, describes native prairie grasses of the Willamette Valley; for origins of the word kalapuya , see Leila Hallan, "History of Calapooias," 8. Early documents reveal a wide variety of spellings for "Calapooia"--''Call-law-poh-yea-as," "Callapuya," "Kelusuyas," and "Vale Puyas," to name only a few. The accepted spelling for the tribe is now "Kalapuya." The "Calapooia" spelling was first applied to the small valley under discussion in 1850. Two other features in western Oregon, a mountain range and a creek, have been dubbed "Calapooya." McArthur, Oregon Geographic Names , 102; Carey and Hainline, Brownsville , 12.

2. Bramwell, in Haskin, Oral History.

3. Baldwin, Geology of Oregon , 1-3, 47-50, 53, 60; McKee, Cascadia , 157-58, 164-67, 175; Franklin and Dyrness, Natural Vegetation , 16; Smith, Physical and Economic Geography , 144, 147; Dicken and Dicken, Two Centuries of Oregon Geography 2:46.

4. McKee, Cascadia , 164, 167; Dicken and Dicken, Two Centuries of Oregon Geography 2:46; W. Smith, Physical and Economic Geography , 144, 147. Oregon City is today located above this basalt cliff, which forms the Willamette Falls.

5. Baldwin, Geology of Oregon , 52-53; Franklin and Dyrness, Natural Vegetation , 16.

6. Baldwin, Geology of Oregon , 52; Allen, Burns, and Sargeant, Cataclysms on the Columbia .

7. Detling, Flora of the Pacific Northwest , 34-36.

8. Ibid.; Thilenius, " Quercus garryana Forests," 1124-33; Minor et al., Cultural Resources Overview , 32-34.

7. Detling, Flora of the Pacific Northwest , 34-36.

8. Ibid.; Thilenius, " Quercus garryana Forests," 1124-33; Minor et al., Cultural Resources Overview , 32-34.

9. Minor et al., Cultural Resources Overview , 32-34; Beckham, Indians of Western Oregon , 23.

10. Aikens, Archaeological Studies , 26; Detling, Flora of the Pacific Northwest , 35; Minor et al., Cultural Resources Overview , 34; Franklin and Dyrness, Natural Vegetation , 42, 110; U.S. Congress, House, Columbia River 5:1775, 1992, 2003 (see also appendix J, part 1, plate 2).

11. The Willamette Valley is about 110 miles long. The southern terminus is approximately 420 feet above sea level and only 320 feet higher than the point where the river flows over the basalt cliff in the northern valley. This lack of relief over such a great distance gives the valley a relatively flat character, especially in the southern portion, where relief is sometimes as little as one foot to the mile. The entire drainage area for the Willamette River is 11,250 square miles. Of this, the Calapooia drains about 362 square miles, or about 3.3 percent of the total. The banks of the Willamette River are estimated to have been about 1.5 to 3 yards higher than the surrounding land at the time of settlement. Such low riverbanks, along with low relief and a large drainage area, made the course of the Willamette and its tributaries quite changeable over the last few millennia. Especially during the period from 500 B.C. to the mid nine-

teenth century, these same factors caused the floor of the Willamette Valley, particularly the southern portion, to be much moister than at present. See Sedell and Froggatt, "Importance of Streamside Forests," 1829-30. When Charles Wilkes traversed the Willamette Valley in the 1840s, he commented on Willamette River floods: "The sudden rises of the river are somewhat remarkable and difficult to be accounted for. . . . The perpendicular height of the flood is, at times, as much as thirty feet, which was marked very distinctly on the trees growing in its banks." Wilkes, Narrative 4:358. See also U.S. Congress, House, Columbia River 5:5, 1711, 2249; W. Smith, Physical and Economic Geography , 144, 147; Dicken and Dicken, Two Centuries of Oregon Geography , 46; Baldwin, Geology of Oregon , 47-50; McKee, Cascadia , 175.

12. Franklin and Dyrness, Natural Vegetation , 110, 116, 124-25; Towle, "Woodlands in the Willamette Valley," 48. For more information on the "original" vegetation of the Willamette Valley, see also Habeck, ''Original Vegetation," Johannessen et al., "Vegetation of the Willamette Valley" and Towle, "Willamette Valley Woodlands," 66-67.

13. Although western hemlock is the climax species over much of the western portion of the Pacific Northwest, most botanists believe that the Willamette Valley's climate is too warm and dry for this tree to compete successfully with other species; see Franklin and Dyrness, Natural Vegetation , 126-29; Thilenius, " Quercus garryana Forests," 1126-32. Through the study of growth rings on tree stumps, we know that Indians were already using fire regularly in the mid 1600s; Aikens, Archaeological Studies , 28.

14. Minor et al., Cultural Resources Overview , 43, 47; Beckham, Indians of Western Oregon , 43; Ratcliff, "What Happened to the Kalapuya?" 28; Frachtenberg, "Ethnological Researches," 89; Kroeber, Cultural and Natural Areas , 215-16.

15. Kroeber, Cultural and Natural Areas , 30. Boyd, "Strategies of Indian Burning," 67, discusses some of the similarities and differences between the Kalapuya culture and the Northwest Coastal and Columbia River Plateau cultural divisions.

16. Ratcliff, "What Happened to the Kalapuya?" 27, has limited population estimates to around three thousand. Boyd, "Strategies of Indian Burning," 69, argues persuasively that the population was much larger and that the generally accepted figure of three thousand is an underestimate based on faulty firsthand reports. See Zucker, Hummel, and Høgfoss, Oregon Indians , 8-10, 33, for population densities. For more on the Coast Salish of Puget Sound, see White, Land Use , 14-34.

17. The quotation is from Wilkes, Narrative 4:344-45. Ratcliff, "What Happened to the Kalapuya?" 29; Jacobs, Kalapuya Texts , 24-25; Minor et al., Cultural Resources Overview , 56, 59.

18. Zucker, Hummel, and Høgfoss, Oregon Indians , 29-31; Minor et al., Cultural Resources Overview , 38. Camas was the staple of the Kalapuya diet, but it is not given much discussion in Boyd's otherwise superb article "Strategies of Indian Burning."

19. Douglas, Oregon Journals 2:130, 132; Brackenridge, Brackenridge Journal , 58; Applegate, Recollections of My Boyhood , 69.

20. On Willamette prairie-forest composition, see Moir and Mika, "Prairie Vegetation," 12-13; Towle, "Woodlands in the Willamette Valley," 35-36.

21. Douglas, Oregon Journals , 130; Lewis Judson as quoted in Boyd, "Strategies of Indian Burning," 77. On Native American burning strategies, edges, and deer, see Lewis, Patterns of Indian Burning , 17; Towle, "Settlement and Subsistence," 19; Leopold, "Deer"; and Boyd, "Strategies of Indian Burning.''

22. Wilkes, Narrative 5:222. For information on the use and effects of fire on grasses and trees, see Minor et al., Cultural Resources Overview , 56, 58; Cooper, "Ecology of Fire," 150-51; Humphrey, Range Ecology , 151-52; Towle, "Settlement and Subsistence," 18-19; Ratcliff, "What Happened to the Kalapuya?" 29. Recent historical scholarship has emphasized Native Americans' conscious role in shaping the natural environment rather than simply inhabiting a "virgin wilderness." This shaping of America's environment was in large part done through the use of fire. For a general, theoretical discussion of this point, see Cronon and White, "Indians in the Land," 18-25. For specific histories, see Cronon's Changes in the Land , which includes a discussion of New England tribes during the colonial period, and White's Land Use , which discusses the role of the Salish in the Puget Sound area of the Pacific Northwest. For the history of fire and its uses, see also Pyne, Fire in America . On acorn use, see Ratcliff, "What Happened to the Kalapuya?" 29; Minor et al., Cultural Resources Overview , 56, 58. On Native Americans in California, see Lewis, Patterns of Indian Buring , 19; see also Boyd, "Strategies of Indian Burning," 74-81.

23. Clarke, Pioneer Days of Oregon History 1:91. On the battue , see also Collins, "The Cultural Position of the Kalapuya," 29; and Boyd, "Strategies of Indian Burning," 74-75.

24. As quoted in Boyd, "Strategies of Indian Burning," 78.

25. Ratcliff, "What Happened to the Kalapuya?" 29; Minor et al., Cultural Resources Overview , 57-58; McCoy, Biography of John McCoy , 35. For further discussion of Pacific Northwest tribes' use of plant foods, see French, "Ethnobotany of the Pacific Northwest Indians," 378-82.

26. Zucker, Hummel, and Høgfoss, Oregon Indians , 35-36; Minor et al., Cultural Resources Overview , 38; Ratcliff, "What Happened to the Kalapuya?" 27.

27. Zucker, Hummel, and Høgfoss, Oregon Indians , 35-36; Minor et al., Cultural Resources Overview , 38, 58; Ratcliff, "What Happened to the Kalapuya?" 27.

28. Zucker, Hummel, and Høgfoss, Oregon Indians , 21, 24, 29-31; Minor et al., Cultural Resources Overview , 38, 58; Ratcliff, "What Happened to the Kalapuya?" 29.

29. Momaday, "Native American Attitudes," 84. This beautiful creation story is recorded in Ramsey, Coyote Was Going There , 106-10.

30. John B. Hudson, descendant of the Santiam Kalapuya tribe, quoted in Beckham, Indians of Western Oregon , 85; Mackey, Kalapuyans , 80-81.

31. Clark, Indian Legends , 100.

32. For a general discussion of this point, see Cronon and White, "Indians in the Land." For more specific cases, see Cronon, Changes in the Land ; White, Land Use , 26-34.

33. Clara C. Morgan Thompson, in Haskin, Oral History. There has been much debate over the exact nature of the "fever and ague" that struck the Native Americans of the Northwest in 1830-33, but the best scholarship indicates that it was malaria. See especially Boyd, "'Fever and Ague'"; Cook, "Epidemic of 1830-1833." See also Mackey, Kalapuyans , 21; Ratcliff, ''What Happened to the Kalapuya?" 27; Minto, "Number and Condition." Figures for the declining Kalapuya population come from Boyd, "'Fever and Ague,'" 136. I have drawn largely on Boyd's article for the malaria analysis; see also Wilkes's reports in Narrative 4:362, 370, and 5:140, 218, 350 (the last gives an 1841 eyewitness account).

34. Lee and Frost, Ten Years in Oregon , 39. Numbers for the Kalapuya population are from Ratcliff, "What Happened to the Kalapuya?" 31.

35. Ratcliff's, "What Happened to the Kalapuya?" offers intriguing possibilities in this vein. Ratcliff, however, attempts to use direct European contact too forcefully to explain the demise of the Kalapuya. His evidence does not support his thesis, and I draw a narrower sonclusion from his evidence.

36. Jacobs, Kalapuya Texts , 69; Ramsey, Coyote Was Going There , 104.

37. Marx, Machine in the Garden . See also Barbara Novak, Nature and Culture ; Bermingham, Landscape and Ideology .

38. Wilkes, Narrative 5:221-22.

39. Matthieu, "Reminiscences," 88; Warre and Vavasour, "Documents," 52.

40. Palmer, Journal of Travels , 99.

41. Douglas, Oregon Journals 2:128, 158; Henry, New Light 2:815.

42. Warre and Vavasour, "Documents," 52; Wilkes, Narrative 4:353 and 5:218; Atkinson, "Diary," 348, 350; U.S. Congress, Senate, "Memorial of William A. Slacum," 15.

43. Hines, Voyage Round the World , 321.

44. Henry, Journal 2:811; Howison, "Report," 43; Hines, Voyage Round the World , 326; Wilkes, Narrative 4:344.