1. David Brody, "Labor History in the 1970s: Toward a History of the American Worker," and Peter N. Stearns, "Toward a Wider Vision: Trends in Social History," both in The Past Before Us: Contemporary Historical Writing in the United States , ed. Michael Kammen (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1980), pp. 205-230, 252-269.

2. One of those critical of "the romantic view of California history so often enshrined in the textbooks and popular literature of a generation ago" and calling for a broader social history of California is Charles Wollenberg ("A Usable History for a Multicultural State," California History 74 [Summer 1985]: 203-209).

3. These four books by Carey McWilliams are Factories in the Field: The Story of Migratory Farm Labor in California (Boston: Little, Brown, 1939); Southern California Country: An Island on the Land (New York: Duell, Sloan and Pearce, 1946); North from Mexico: The Spanish-Speaking People of the United States (Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott, 1949); and California: The Great Exception (New York: A. A. Wyn, 1949). In addition, McWilliams's book Brothers Under the Skin (Boston: Little, Brown, 1943) was reprinted in 1964.

4. Carey McWilliams, The Education of Carey McWilliams (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1979), pp. 66, 84, 100.

5. Michael Kazin, "The Great Exception Revisited: Organized Labor and Politics in San Francisco and Los Angeles, 1870-1940," Pacific Historical Review 55 (August 1986): 371-402.

6. Roger Daniels and Spencer C. Olin, Jr., eds., Racism in California: A Reader in the History of Oppression (New York: Macmillan, 1971); George E. Frakes and Curtis B. Solberg, eds., Minorities in California History (New York: Random House, 1971); Robert F. Heizer and Alan F. Almquist, The Other Californians (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1971); Roger Olmsted and Charles Wollenberg, eds., Neither Separate nor Equal: Race and Racism in California (San Francisco: California Historical Society, 1971).

7. Jackson K. Putnam, "The Gilded Age and Progressivism, 1880-1930," in A Guide to the History of California , ed. Doyce B. Nunis, Jr., and Gloria Ricci Lothrop (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood, 1989), p. 35.

8. For a critical evaluation of the major general works in California history from Bancroft to the rash of California history textbooks that began appearing in the 1960s, see Gerald D. Nash, "California and Its Historians: An Appraisal of the Histories of the State," Pacific Historical Review 50 (August 1981): 387-413. Nash's overall assessment of the recent general works is somewhat contradictory. On the one hand, he notes California historians' "emphasis on the uniqueness of California's experience"; on the other, he praises these historians for avoiding "parochialism" and for viewing "their subject in a broad perspective.'' At the same time, he notes that "California still lacks a comprehensive history of business, agriculture, or labor,'' not to mention "a comprehensive history of politics."

9. Patricia Nelson Limerick, The Legacy of Conquest: The Unbroken Past of the American West (New York: W. W. Norton, 1987), p. 21.

10. Richard B. Rice, William A. Bullough, and Richard J. Orsi, The Elusive Eden: A New History of California (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1988), p. 3. The prologue to this book, "Californians and Their History: Myths and Realities," offers a sweeping attack on the traditional approaches to California history.

11. McWilliams, California: The Great Exception .

12. Rice, Bullough, and Orsi, Elusive Eden , p. 4.

13. McWilliams, Factories in the Field , p. 4.

14. Ira B. Cross, A History of the Labor Movement in California (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1935), p. xi.

15. Howard Kimeldorf, "Bringing Unions Back In (Or Why We Need a New Old Labor History)," Labor History 32 (Winter 1991): 91-103. In responses to this article in the same issue of Labor History , some historians took issue with Kimeldorf, but most agreed that union movement history was important and believed that the move to bring unions back in had developed further than Kimeldorf acknowledged. It is worth noting that, in part, Kimeldorf's major work to date has been on the California labor movement; see Kimeldorf, Reds or Rackets? The Making of Radical and Conservative Unions on the Waterfront (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988).

16. This point is made in Philip Taft, Labor Politics American Style: The California State Federation of Labor (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1968); in Michael Kazin, Barons of Labor: The San Francisco Building Trades and Union Power in the Progressive Era (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1987); and in Daniel Cornford, Workers and Dissent in the Redwood Empire (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1987).

17. Kazin, Barons of Labor , esp. chap. 6 (reprinted here); and Cornford, Workers and Dissent , chap. 8.

18. Taft states that "its regular annual income in the early decades seldom exceeded $5000 and was frequently below this amount" ( Labor Politics American Style , p. 3).

19. On the power of employer organizations in California labor relations, see William Issel and Robert W. Cherny, San Francisco, 1865-1932: Politics, Power, and Urban Development (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986); and William Issel, "Business Power and Political Culture in San Francisco, 1900-1940," Journal of Urban History 16 (November 1989): 52-77.

20. Lucile Eaves, A History of California Labor Legislation, with an Introductory Sketch of the San Francisco Labor Movement (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1910); Gerald D. Nash, "The Influence of Labor on State Policy, 1860-1920: The Experience of California," California Historical Society Quarterly 42 (September 1963): 241-257; Taft, Labor Politics American Style .

21. Taft's book Labor Politics American Style , while in some respects a brief for the AFL, provides useful information on this much-neglected topic. See also Marilynn S. Johnson's essay in this volume and her book The Second Gold Rush: Oakland and the East Bay in World War II (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993).

22. Alexander Saxton, The Indispensable Enemy: Labor and the Anti-Chinese Movement in California (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1971), p. 152. Several useful articles and chapters on California Populism have been written, but we still lack a monograph on the subject. Michael Magliari's work provides an excellent, broad overview of California Populism in a well-researched and very insightful case study; see Magliari, "California Populism, a Case Study: The Farmers' Alliance and the People's Party in San Luis Obispo County, 1885-1903" (Ph.D. dissertation, University of California, Davis, 1992).

23. Jackson Putnam's book Old-Age Politics in California: From Richardson to Reagan (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1970) is still a valuable work on this subject. Royce D. Delmatier, Clarence F. McIntosh, and Earl G. Waters, The Rumble of California Politics, 1848-1970 (New York: John Wiley, 1970), the standard California political history, is useful but in need of updating.

24. James N. Gregory, "Who Voted for Upton Sinclair? The EPIC Campaign of 1934" (paper delivered at the Southwest Labor Studies Association Conference, San Francisco, April 29, 1989).

25. On synthesizing the new and the old labor history, see David Brody, "Reconciling the Old Labor History and the New," Pacific Historical Review 62 (February 1993): 1-18. See also the responses to the Kimeldorf article cited in note 15.

26. Herbert G. Gutman, "Work, Culture, and Society in Industrializing America," American Historical Review 78 (1973): 531-587.

27. Sherburne F. Cook, The Conflict Between the California Indian and White Civilization: The Indian Versus the Spanish Mission , Ibero-Americana, no. 21 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1943); Sherburne E Cook, The Conflict Between the California Indian and White Civilization: The American Invasion, 1848-1870 , Ibero-Americana, no. 23 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1943).

28. Albert L. Hurtado, Indian Survival on the California Frontier (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2988), pp. 7, 218.

29. Works by George Phillips include Chiefs and Challengers: Indian Resistance and Cooperation in Southern California (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1975); and The Enduring Struggle: Indians in California History (San Francisco: Boyd and Fraser, 1981).

30. James J. Rawls, Indians of California: The Changing Image (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1984); Winthrop D. Jordan, White Over Black: American Attitudes Toward the Negro, 1550-1812 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1968).

31. Useful overviews of Chicanos in California are provided in the following books: Albert Camarillo, Chicanos in California: A History of Mexican Americans in California (San Francisco: Boyd and Fraser, 1984); Rodolfo Acuña, Occupied America: A History of Chicanos (New York: Harper Collins, 1988); and Mario Barrera, Race and Class in the Southwest: A Theory of Racial Inequality (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1979).

32. Vicki L. Ruiz, Cannery Women, Cannery Lives: Mexican Women, Unionization, and the California Food Processing Industry, 1930-1950 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1987); Patricia Zavella, Women's Work and Chicano Families: Cannery Workers of the Santa Clara Valley (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1987).

33. Accounts have tended to be of a rather narrative nature. Recent and useful are J. Craig Jenkins, The Politics of Insurgency: The Farm Workers Movement in the 1960s (New York: Columbia University Press, 1985); Linda C. Majka and Theo J. Majka, Farm Workers, Agribusiness, and the State (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1982); Margaret Rose, "'From the Field to the Picket Line: Huelga Women and the Boycott,' 1965-1975," Labor History 31 (Summer 1990): 271-293. Forthcoming from the University of Oklahoma Press is Richard A. Garcia and Richard Griswold del Castillo, Cesar Chavez: His Life and Times .

34. Sucheng Chan, This Bittersweet Soil: The Chinese in California Agriculture, 1860-1910 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986), pp. 2-3. Min-nick is openly critical of a generation of scholars who found it "easier to write Chinese and ethnic history by fanning an angry flame, delineating the victims and the exploiters." In this approach, she argues, the Chinese were portrayed as "a hapless lot and devoid of spirit," while ''their accomplishments appeared to be the result of Confucius, patience, and supernatural strength." See Sylvia Sun Minnick, Sam-fow: The San Joaquin Chinese Legacy (Fresno: Panorama West Publishing, 1988), pp. xvi-xvii.

35. Rudolph M. Lapp, Afro-Americans in California (San Francisco: Boyd and Fraser, 1987), p. 112.

36. Books by Charles Wollenberg include All Deliberate Speed: Segregation and Exclusion in California Schools, 1855-1975 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1976); Golden Gate Metropolis: Perspectives on Bay Area History (Berkeley: Institute of Governmental Studies, 1985); and Marinship at War: Shipbuilding and Social Change in Wartime Sausalito (Berkeley: Western Heritage Press, 1990).

37. Gloria Ricci Lothrop, "California Women," in Nunis and Lothrop, A Guide to the History of California , pp. 111-128.

38. McWilliams, California: The Great Exception .

39. Ibid., p. 140.

40. Ibid., p. 128.

41. Ibid.

42. See, for example, Neil Larry Shumsky, The Evolution of Political Protest and the Workingmen's Party of California (Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 1991); Ralph Mann, After the Gold Rush: Society in Grass Valley and Nevada City, California, 1849-1870 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1982); Robert A. Burchell, "Opportunity and the Frontier: Wealth Holding in Twenty-Six Northern California Counties, 1848-1880," Western Historical Quarterly 18 (April 1987): 177-196; and Robert A. Burchell, "The Faded Dream: Inequality in Northern California in the 1860s and 1870s," Journal of American Studies 23 (August 1989): 215-234.

43. The influence of the International Workingmen's Association was short-lived, lasting only for the first half of the 1880s. Despite dramatic free speech fights in Fresno and San Diego and brief efforts to organize agricultural workers, the IWW (the Wobblies) never made much of an impact on California. As Kazin notes, the Wobblies in California had forty locals and five thousand members at their peak in 1914. He argues that, to a significant extent, the AFL "stole the syndicalists' thunder"; see Kazin, "Great Exception Revisited," pp. 390-391. This conclusion is congruent with my findings on lumber workers in the redwood region of California; see Cornford, Workers and Dissent , pp. 151-174. See also Cletus E. Daniel, "In Defense of the Wheatland Wobblies: A Critical Analysis of the IWW in California,'' Labor History 19 (Fall 1978): 485-509.

44. Kazin notes that before World War I the Los Angeles Central Labor Council and the Building Trades Council combined never amounted to more than six thousand members. This number represents only one-tenth of the membership of the San Francisco Labor Council and the Building Trades Council at their peak. During the 1940s and 1950s, the labor movement in southern California grew at a faster rate than in northern California; by 1957, Los Angeles had 204,000 more union members than San Francisco. At this time, however, 50 percent of the workers in San Francisco—Oakland were organized, whereas only 35 percent were organized in Los Angeles, and 37 percent in San Diego. See Kazin, "Great Exception Revisited," p. 389; and Irving Bernstein, "Trade Union Characteristics, Membership, and Influence," Monthly Labor Review 82 (May 1959): 533.

45. Leon Fink, Workingmen's Democracy: The Knights of Labor in American Politics (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1983), p. 26. David Montgomery also stresses the importance of independent working-class political action in the Gilded Age; see Montgomery, "To Study the People: The American Working Class," Labor History 21 (Fall 1980): 485-512.

46. Marc Reisner, Cadillac Desert (New York: Viking, 1986); Donald Worster, Rivers of Empire (New York: Pantheon, 1985); and Donald J. Pisani, From Family Farm to Agribusiness (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1984).

47. California Blue Book, 1950 (Sacramento: California State Printing Office, 1950), p. 783.

48. California Blue Book, 1954 (Sacramento: California State Printing Office, 1954), p. 598.

49. Maurice I. Gershenson, "Shifts in California's Industrial and Employment Composition," Monthly Labor Review 82 (May 1959): 509.

50. Bernstein, "Trade Union Characteristics," p. 534.

51. Taft, Labor Politics American Style , alludes to this interference and to the presence of AFL dissidents. More revealing is Jim Rose, "Collaboration with a Dual Union: Oakland AFL Political Practice, 1943-1947" (1990; unpublished paper in possession of the editor).

52. A good economic history of California has not been written, but the following are valuable works on the California economy during and after World War II: Gerald D. Nash, "Stages of California's Economic Growth, 1870-1970: An Interpretation," California Historical Quarterly 51 (Winter 1972): 315-330; Gerald D. Nash, The American West Transformed: The Impact of the Second World War (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1985); Gerald D. Nash, World War II and the West: Reshaping the Economy (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1990); and Joel Kotkin and Paul Grabowicz, California Inc . (New York: Rawson, Wade, 1982). On the importance of defense spending and the military-industrial complex to California, see Roger W. Lotchin, Fortress California, 1910-1961: From Warfare to Welfare (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992).

53. San Francisco Chronicle , October 7, 1992, and August 7, 1993; San lose Mercury News , October 7, 1992.

54. San Francisco Chronicle , September 18, 1993.

55. Cited in Mike Davis, "Who Killed Los Angeles? Part Two: The Verdict Is Given," New Left Review 199 (May-June 1993): 29-54.

56. Ibid.

57. Useful recent newspaper accounts of working conditions in Silicon Valley include "Laboring in the Silicon Jungle," San Francisco Examiner , April 25, 1993; and "Heavy Load for Silicon Valley Workers," San Francisco Examiner , May 23, 1993. On recent efforts to organize workers in Silicon Valley, see "The Underside of High-Tech: Silicon Valley Immigrant Workers Fight Sweatshop Conditions," The Bay Guardian , January 27, 1993. On the decline of high-tech jobs in Silicon Valley, see San Francisco Chronicle , July 7, 1993, and July 29, 1993.

58. The November 28, 1991, issue of Time magazine was a special issue devoted to "California: The Endangered Dream." The situation has worsened since the publication of this issue. Statistics compiled by the U.S. Commerce Department's Bureau of Economic Analysis revealed that California ranked 47th in the growth of personal income between March 1991 and March 1993 ( San Francisco Chronicle , July 23, 1993).

VICKI RUIZ is professor of history at the Claremont Graduate School. She is the author of Cannery Women, Cannery Lives: Mexican Women, Unionization, and the California Food Processing Industry, 1930-1950 (1987). She is co-editor of Women on the U.S.-Mexican Border: Responses to Change (1987), Western Women: Their Land, Their Lives (1988), and Unequal Sisters: A Multicultural Reader in U.S. Women's History (1990).

1. Mircea Eliade, Cosmos and History: The Myth of the Eternal Return (New York, 1959), 88-89; Calvin Martin, "Time and the American Indian," and Richard Drinnon, "The Metaphysics of Dancing Tribes," both in The American Indian and the Problem of History , ed. Calvin Martin (New York, 1987), 192-220 and 109-11.

2. Sherburne E Cook, The Conflict Between the California Indian and White Civilization (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1976), 99; Marvin Harris, Cows, Pigs, Wars, and Witches: The Riddles of Culture (New York, 1975), 126-30; A. L. Kroeber, Handbook of the California Indians (Washington, D.C., 1925), 652; Marshall Sahlins, "The Original Affluent Society," in Stone Age Economics (Chicago, 1974), 1-32.

3. Statement "de un particular," Prov. Int. Tom. 23, Wright Collection, Archivo General de México (henceforth AGM).

4. Fray Junipero Serra to Carlos Francisco de Croix, August 22, 1778, in Writings of Junipero Serra , ed. Antoine Tibesar (Washington, D.C., 1966), 3:252-53; Eulalia Pérez, "Una Vieja y Sus Recuerdos" (1877), Bancroft Library, 6; Padre Calzada is quoted in C. Alan Hutchinson, ''The Mexican Government and the Mission Indians of Upper California, 1821-1835," The Americas 21 (April 1965), 340-41.

5. José del Carmen Lugo, "Life of a Rancher," Historical Society of Southern California Quarterly 32 (September 1950), 227; Pablo Tac, "Conversion of the San Luiseños of Alta California," ed. Ninna Hewes and Gordon Hewes, The Americas 9 (July 1952); Fermín Lasuén, Writings of Fermín Lasuén , ed. and trans. Finbar Kenneally (Washington, D.C., 1965), 2:202; E. B. Webb, Indian Life at the Old Missions (Los Angeles, 1952), 149.

6. Juan Bojores, "Recuerdo sobre la Historia de California" (1877), Bancroft Library, 9; Bucareli to Arriaga, Mexico City, January 27, 1773, in Anza's California Expeditions , ed. and trans. Herbert Eugene Bolton (Berkeley, 1930), 5:53; Serra to Bucareli, August 17, 1775, in Serra, Writings , 2:306; the San Gabriel padres are quoted in Webb, Indian Life , 43.

7. Gil y Taboada and Zalvidea are quoted in Webb, Indian Life , 47; Pérez, "Una Vieja," 20; the responses to the "Contestación" are in Cook, Conflict , 143-44; Lorenzo Asisara's narrative is in José María Amador, "Memorias sobre la Historia de California" (1877), transcript by Thomas Savage, Bancroft Library.

8. Webb, Indian Life , 32-38 (the padres from San Luis Rey are quoted on page 36); Lasuén, Writings , 2:202, 207.

9. This discussion derives from John Berger, "Why Look at Animals," in his About Looking (New York, 1980), 1-13; Barry H. Lopez, Of Wolves and Men (New York, 1978), 98-113; Stanley Diamond, In Search of the Primitive: A Critique of Civilization (New Brunswick, 1981), 8-9; Carolyn Merchant, The Death of Nature: Women: Ecology, and the Scientific Revolution (San Francisco, 1982), 99-215; The Little Flowers of St. Francis , ed. and trans. Raphael Brown (Garden City, N.J., 1958), 88-91, 321-22.

10. Lewis Mumford, Technics and Civilization (New York, 1934), 31-33, 107-12; Michel Foucault, Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison (New York, 1979), 135-56; Fray Antonio Peyri to Juan Bandini, December 25, 1828, Stearns Papers, Huntington Library.

11. Mumford, Technics and Civilization , 33-36; Lasuén, Writings , 2:202.

12. Padre Venegas is quoted in Alexander Forbes, California: A History of Upper and Lower (London, 1839), 184.

13. Lasuén to Fray Antonio Nogueyra, January 21, 1797, in Lasuén, Writings , 2:6; Serra to Lasuén, January 12, 1780, in Serra, Writings , 3:418.

14. Pérez, "Una Vieja," 16; Apolinaria Lorenzana, "Memorias de La Beata" (1878), Bancroft Library, 7-8; "Font's Complete Diary of the Second Anza Expedition," in Bolton, Anza's California Expeditions , 4:181-82; José del Carmen Lugo, "Vida de un Ranchero" (1877), Bancroft Library, 100; Carlos N. Híjar, ''California in 1834: Recollections" (1877), Bancroft Library, 33; Amador, "Memorias," 90; Hubert H. Bancroft, California Pastoral, 1769-1848 (San Francisco, 1888), 232; Webb, Indian Life , 27-28; Nellie Van de Grift Sanchez, The Spanish Period (Chicago, 1926), 306; Antonia Castañeda, "Comparative Frontiers: The Migration of Women to Alta California and New Zealand," in Western Women: Their Land, Their Lives , ed. Lillian Schlissel, Vicki Ruiz, and Janice J. Monk (Albuquerque, 1988), 290.

15. "Diary of Juan Bautista de Anza," in Bolton, Anza's California Expeditions , 2:205; "Garcés' Diary from Tubac to San Gabriel," in Bolton, Anza's California Expeditions , 2:347; "Font's Complete Diary," in Bolton, Anza's California Expeditions , 4:178; Robert Archibald, The Economic Aspects of the California Missions (Washington, D.C., 1978), 11; Webb, Indian Life , 40-41, 168-71; Cook, Conflict , 142.

16. Hubert Howe Bancroft, History of California (1884: San Francisco, 1963), 1:613-16; Lugo, "Life of a Rancher," 225-26; Archibald, Economic Aspects , 145; Webb, Indian Life , 100, 130-31; Lasuén to Don José Arguello, November 20, 1792, to Don Diego de Borica, January 26, 1796, and January 29, 1796, in Lasuén, Writings , 1:258-59, 369-71; Amador, "Memorias," 194.

17. Bancroft, History of California , 1:591-92; Lasuén, Writings , 2:207; Sanchez, Spanish Period , 305; Cook, Conflict , 91-94; J. F. G. de la Pérouse, A Voyage Round the World, Performed in the Years 1785, 1787, and 1788 (London, 1807), 2:197.

18. Archibald, Economic Aspects , 11, 159; Zephyrin Engelhardt, San Gabriel Mission and the Beginnings of Los Angeles (San Gabriel, 1927), 58, 71-74; Lugo, "Vida de un Ranchero," 98-99, 113; Bancroft, History of California , 1:617-18; J. M. Guinn, Historical and Biographical Record of Southern California (Chicago, 1902), 41.

19. Bancroft, History of California , 1:387-88, 577; Archibald, Economic Aspects , 179; Guinn, Historical and Biographical Record , 50.

20. The following table, compiled from data in Archibald, Economic Aspects , 154-79, compares the number of cattle and the number of Indians living in the California missions.

21. The San Gabriel padres are quoted in Webb, Indian Life , 41; Pérez, "Una Vieja," 18; Lugo, "Vida de un Ranchero," 100; Amador, ''Memorias," 188; Híjar, "California in 1834," 34; la Pérouse, Voyage Round the World , 2:197; Cook, Conflict , 40-48; Richard Sutch, ''The Care and Feeding of Slaves," in Paul A. David, Herbert G. Gutman, Richard Sutch, Peter Temin, and Gavin Wright, Reckoning with Slavery: A Critical Study on the Quantitative History of American Negro Slavery (New York, 1976), 261-67; Neal Salisbury, Manitou and Providence: Indians, Europeans, and the Making of New England, 1500-1643 (New York, 1984), 31-32.

22. Archibald, Economic Aspects , 103-4; Engelhardt, San Gabriel Mission , 94-95; Fray José María de Zalvidea to de la Guerra y Noriega, San Gabriel Mission, October 18, 1815, José de la Guerra y Noriega Papers, Huntington Library; Bancroft, History of California , 1:614.

23. Archibald, Economic Aspects , 130-32; Hutchinson, "Mexican Government," 335; Tomás Almaguer, "Interpreting Chicano History: The World-System Approach to Nineteenth-Century California," Review 4 (Winter 1981), 473-77 (Shaler is quoted on page 475).

24. Archibald, Economic Aspects , 130, 185; Bancroft, History of California , 2:195, 3:89-90; Juan Bandini to Eustace Barron, December 8, 1828, Stearns Papers, Box 4; Lugo, "Life of a Rancher," 229-30.

25. Archibald, Economic Aspects , 63-65; Lugo, "Vida de un Ranchero," 78.

26. Cook, Conflict , 58-61, 70.

27. William Mason, "Indian-Mexican Cultural Exchange in the Los Angeles Area, 1781-1834," Aztlán 15, no. 1 (Spring 1984), 136-37; Bancroft, History of California , 2:323-24, 345; Irving Berdine Richman, California Under Spain and Mexico, 1535-1847 (Boston, 1911), 219-20.

28. The story of Quintana and his neophytes relies largely on the recollection of Amador, "Memorias," 67-77, which includes the narrative of the neophyte Lorenzo Asisara; Bancroft, California Pastoral , 596; José María Estudillo to Fray Marcelino Marquinez, October 15, 1812, California Historical Documents Collection, Huntington Library; Zephyrin Engelhardt, The Franciscans in California (Harbor Springs, Mich., 1897), 376; Bancroft, History of California , 2:387-89; Foucault, Discipline and Punish , 60-65.

29. Amador, "Memorias," 74.

30. Ibid.; Ripoll to Father President Vicente Francisco Sarría, Santa Barbara, May 5, 1824, in "Fray Antonio Ripoll's Description of the Chumash Revolt at Santa Barbara in 1824," ed. and trans. Maynard Geiger, Southern California Quarterly 52 (December 1970), 354; "Testimony, June 1, 1824," de la Guerra Documents, quoted in Cook, Conflict , 108; Bancroft, History of California , 2:527-37; Webb, Indian Life , 51; Angustias de la Guerra Ord, Occurrences in Hispanic California , ed. and trans. Francis Price and William H. Ellison (Washington, D.C., 1956), 7-9.

31. Bancroft, History of California , 2:527.

1. Mary Roberts Coolidge, Chinese Immigration (New York, 1909), shows how the fragile balance in the political strength of the Democratic and Republican parties in the post-Civil War period—in California as well as in the nation—led politicians to appeal to anti-Chinese sentiment to win votes, with lower-class whites participating most actively in anti-Chinese activities. Elmer Clarence Sandmeyer, The Anti-Chinese Movement in California (Urbana, 1939), states that the anti-Chinese movement had multiple causes, but singles out racial antagonism and the fear of economic competition as the most important. Gunther Barth, Bitter Strength: A History of the Chinese in the United States, 1850-1870 (Cambridge, Mass., 1964), argues that as sojourners the Chinese had only a limited goal in coming to the United States—to earn money—so they were viewed as unassimilable by Americans who considered their presence to be a "threat to the realization of the California vision"—the belief that the most perfect form of American civilization was "destined to culminate on the shore of the Pacific." Stuart Creighton Miller, The Unwelcome Immigrant: The American Image of the Chinese, 1785-1882 (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1969), challenges the thesis that the anti-Chinese movement was a peculiarly California phenomenon by demonstrating that Americans in other parts of the country had held negative stereotypes of the Chinese long before any Chinese immigrants set foot on American soil. Robert McClellan, The Heathen Chinee: A Study of American Attitudes Toward China, 1890-1905 (Athens, Ohio, 1971), also discusses the negative images of the Chinese in American literature, showing how Americans based their evaluations of the Chinese on "private needs and not upon the realities of Chinese life." Alexander Saxton, The Indispensable Enemy: Labor and the Anti-Chinese Movement in California (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1971), traces the "ideological baggage'' of the anti-Chinese movement to different strands of thought which shaped the Democratic and Republican parties, as well as the labor movement. By emphasizing the white workingmen's sense of displacement and deprivation in the latter half of the nineteenth century, Saxton chronicles how the anti-Chinese movement aided the skilled-crafts component of the labor movement to consolidate its own position, on the one hand, while uniting skilled and unskilled workers in a common anti-Chinese cause, on the other hand. The Chinese were perceived to be tools of monopolists, so hostility against Chinese was in part displaced hostility against those with money and power.

2. Delber W. McKee, Chinese Exclusion Versus the Open Door Policy, 1900-1906: Clashes over China Policy in the Roosevelt Era (Detroit, 1977); and Fred W. Riggs, Pressures on Congress: A Study of the Repeal of Chinese Exclusion (New York, 1950).

3. Rose Hum Lee, The Chinese in the U.S.A . (Hong Kong, 1960); Stanford M. Lyman, "The Structure of Chinese Society in Nineteenth-Century America" (Ph.D. dissertation, University of California, Berkeley, 1961); Stanford M. Lyman, Chinese Americans (New York, 1974); S. W. Kung, Chinese in American Life: Some Aspects of Their History, Status, Problems, and Contributions (Seattle, 1962); Betty Lee Sung, Mountain of Gold: The Story of the Chinese in America (New York, 1967); Francis L. K. Hsu, The Challenge of the American Dream: The Chinese in the United States (Belmont, Calif., 1971); and Jack Chen, The Chinese of America (San Francisco, 1980).

4. Among the more respectable nineteenth-century eyewitness accounts of San Francisco's Chinatown are William W. Bode, Lights and Shadows of Chinatown (San Francisco, 1896); Iza Duffis Hardy, Through Cities and Prairie Land: Sketches of an American Tour (Chicago, 1882); William H. Irwin, Pictures of Old Chinatown by Arnold Genthe (New York, 1908); Benjamin E. Lloyd, Lights and Shades in San Francisco (San Francisco, 1876); and Helen H. Jackson, Bits of Travel at Home (Boston, 1878). Later accounts of nineteenth-century Chinese life include Alexander McLeod, Pigtails and Gold Dust: A Panorama of Chinese Life in Early California (Caldwell, 1947); and Charles Morley, "The Chinese in California, as Reported by Henryk Sienkiewicz," California Historical Society Quarterly , XXXIV (1955), 301-316.

5. Victor G. and Brett de Bary Nee, Longtime Californ': A Documentary Study of an American Chinatown (New York, 1972); Chia-ling Kuo, Social and Political Change in New York's Chinatown: The Role of Voluntary Associations (New York, 1977); Peter Kwong, Chinatown, New York: Labor and Politics, 1930-1950 (New York, 1979); and Bernard Wong, Chinatown: Economic Adaptations and Ethnic Identity of the Chinese (New York, 1982).

6. James W. Loewen, The Mississippi Chinese: Between Black and White (Cambridge, Mass., 1971); and Melford S. Weiss, Valley City: A Chinese Community in America (Cambridge, Mass., 1974).

7. The word "lived" is used only for convenience. Since the Chinese population in the American West in the nineteenth century was a highly mobile one, given the nature of the work they did, census counts of the Chinese population represent the demographic distribution only at particular points in time.

8. Glimpses of the Chinese in rural California may be found in several kinds of travellers' accounts: articles written by reporters sent out by eastern newspapers that appeared in serial form, sections on the Chinese in books written by contemporary observers, and occasional references to the Chinese in unpublished diaries and reminiscences. There is also scattered mention of the Chinese in local histories.

9. George F. Seward, Chinese Immigration: Its Social and Economic Aspects (New York, 1881); and Ping Chiu, Chinese Labor in California, 1850-1880: An Economic Study (Madison, 1967).

10. In the four scrapbooks of newspaper clippings on the Chinese collected by Hubert Howe Bancroft's assistants, only a dozen or so items out of several thousand are non-judgmental in tone. See Bancroft Scraps , vols. 6-9, Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley.

11. Among the most complete runs of manuscripts in Chinese are the business records of Chung Tai, a general merchandise firm in North San Juan, Nevada County; the business records of Wing On Wo, a firm in Dutch Flat, Placer County; and disinterment lists from the Chinese cemetery at Fiddletown, Amador County. The first two items—and less complete records of other Chinese stores and several gambling houses in rural California—are at the Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley, while the third item is in the Chinese American History Archives, Asian American Studies Library, University of California, Berkeley.

12. For a discussion of the value of county archival documents for researching Chinese American economic and social history, see Sucheng Chan, "Using California County Archives for Research in Chinese American History," Annals of the Chinese Historical Society of the Pacific Northwest , I (1983), 49-55.

13. Besides, a study of the Chinese in Butte County has already been published: Susan W. Book, The Chinese in Butte County, California, 1860-1920 (San Francisco, 1976).

14. The 1860 census counted 34,933 Chinese, of whom 433 were below age fifteen. I am making the assumption that the 34,500 Chinese above age fifteen were gainfully employed. Of these, 24,282 were miners. There were 58,291 non-Chinese miners among 184,692 gainfully employed non-Chinese adults. U.S. Bureau of the Census, Eighth Census of the United States: Population, 1860 (Washington, D.C., 1864), 26 and 35.

15. Chiu, Chinese Labor in California , 25-26.

16. Based on my tally of miners in Yuba County, the townships with relatively large numbers of Chinese miners were Long Bar Township with 494 Chinese and 250 non-Chinese miners, North-east Township with 161 Chinese and 226 non-Chinese miners, Foster Bar Township with 271 Chinese and 245 non-Chinese miners, and Slate Range Township with 272 Chinese and 538 non-Chinese miners. The townships with few Chinese were Rose Bar Township with 13 Chinese and 568 non-Chinese miners, Parks Bar Township with 27 Chinese and 196 non-Chinese miners, and New York Township with 64 Chinese and 407 non-Chinese miners. U.S. Bureau of the Census, "Eighth Census of the United States: Population, 1860" (Manuscript census for Yuba County, California).

17. The figure is based on the maximum size of Chinese miners' households enumerated in the 1860 manuscript population census and on the number of partners listed in a random sample of records of mining claims and leases of mining grounds in California's mining counties.

18. Saxton, The Indispensable Enemy , 53.

19. Yuba County, California, "Preemptions" (Marysville, 1856-1865), 1:349 and 353. (All citations from county archival records will give the first page of the document only. All Chinese names are spelled as they appear in the county records. No consistent transliteration is used because it is not possible to do so without knowing what the Chinese characters are.)

20. Ibid., unnumbered pages.

21. Ibid.

22. Yuba County, California, "Preemptions" (Marysville, 1865-1881), 2: 198, 204, 217, 224, 231, 236, 307, 329, 352, and 384.

23. Ibid., 2: 198, 204, 217, 224, 230, 235, 352, and 383.

24. Ibid., 2: 198, 205, 216, 224, 231, 236, 328, 351, and 384.

25. Ibid., 2: 199, 204, 217, 225, 232, 237, and 306.

26. My tally and computation are from U.S. Bureau of the Census, "Eighth Census of the United States: Population, 1860" (Manuscript census for Sacramento, Yuba, and San Joaquin counties, California). It should be noted that my tallies do not always coincide with the figures given in the published census; after discovering numerous computation errors in the published census, I decided to trust my own counts.

27. Prostitutes have been included in the "personal service" category because their function is to satisfy the personal, sexual needs of their customers. Others may disagree with my reasoning and choose to list them either as "laborers," since their work provides profits for pimps and brothel owners, or as "professionals"—prostitution being referred to as the "oldest profession.''

28. My tally and computation are from U.S. Bureau of the Census, "Eighth Census of the United States: Population, 1860" (Manuscript census for Sacramento, Yuba, and San Joaquin counties, California).

29. Varden Fuller, "The Supply of Agricultural Labor as a Factor in the Evolution of Farm Organization in California," in U.S. Senate Committee on Education and Labor, Hearings Pursuant to Senate Resolution 266 , 76 Cong., 3 sess., Part 54, Exhibit A (1940), 19777-19898; and Carey McWilliams, Factories in the Field: The Story of Migratory Farm Labor in California (Boston, 1939).

30. Accounts of acts of violence against Chinese miners—some resulting in death—as reported in local newspapers were sometimes reprinted in the San Francisco press. For example, the San Francisco Bulletin (Dec. 18, 1856) reprinted an item from the Shasta Republican stating that "hundreds of Chinese" had been "slaughtered in cold blood" during the last five years by "desperados," and that Francis Blair was the first white man ever to be hanged for murdering Chinese. The San Francisco Bulletin (May 19, 1857) reprinted an item from the Auburn Placer Press reporting that Chinese miners at Kelly's Bar had been robbed by men with double-barreled guns; the writer noted that though the Chinese recognized the robbers as men who had previously robbed them at Dutch Ravine, they could not hope for justice since Chinese testimony was not accepted in court.

31. Lucie Cheng Hirata, "Free, Indentured, Enslaved: Chinese Prostitutes in Nineteenth-Century America," Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society , V (1979), 13, states that the "higher-class" prostitutes served only Chinese customers, while the "lower-class" ones served a mixed clientele of Chinese and whites. Hirata based her assertion on undocumented and somewhat casual remarks in Charles Caldwell Dobie, San Francisco's Chinatown (New York, 1936), 195, 242-243.

32. There are problems with figures for the 1870 census. Chinese are listed discretely in U.S. Bureau of the Census, Ninth Census of the United States: Population, 1870 (Washington, D.C., 1872), 722, Table XXX, column 19, but the figures there do not match those tallied by either Ping Chiu or me. Ping Chiu, who cited the same page from the same source, stated that there were 30,330 miners in 1870, of whom 17,363 were Chinese. He probably misread the published figure of 36,339 as 30,330, but there is no indication how he arrived at the figure of 17,363 since the published number was 9,087. (Chiu, Chinese Labor in California , 27.) According to my own count, there were 15,283 Chinese miners in the following counties: Del Norte, Klamath, Siskiyou, Trinity, and Shasta (in the Trinity-Klamath mining region), Plumas, Butte, Sierra, Yuba, Nevada, and Placer (in the northern mining region), El Dorado, Amador, Calaveras, Tuolumne, and Mariposa (in the southern mining region), and Sacramento. There were doubtless scattered clusters of Chinese miners in other counties which were not investigated; therefore, 16,000 Chinese miners is a reasonable estimate. I have used an estimated total of 43,000 miners because the number of non-Chinese miners of listed nationalities was 25,734 (sum of the nationalities listed in columns 8-18 of Table XXX cited above), the unlisted residue was 1,518, and the number of Chinese miners I counted was about 16,000. This total is about 7,000 more than the published figure of 36,339.

33. My computation has been adapted from U.S. Bureau of the Census, Ninth Census of the United States: Population, 1870 , 722, 799. Those who use figures from the 1870 published census should realize that the subtotals given for each economic sector do not coincide with the sum of the individual occupational categories because residual categories—each containing only a small number of individuals—were not included.

34. My tally is from U.S. Bureau of the Census, "Ninth Census of the United States: Population, 1870" (Manuscript census for Sacramento, Yuba, and San Joaquin counties, California).

35. My computation is based on U.S. Bureau of the Census, Ninth Census of the United States: Population, 1870 , 799.

36. Ibid.

37. The Sacramento Bee (Nov. 11, 1869) noted the presence of a "Chinese colony" whose members were successfully "cultivating the ground on a cooperative plan" on land leased from J. V. Simmons. The reporter stated that there were two white women married to two of the Chinese farmers in this group. U.S. Bureau of the Census, "Ninth Census of the United States: Productions of Agriculture, 1870" (Manuscript census for California) lists fourteen Chinese farmers—three in Franklin Township and nine in Georgiana Township, Sacramento County, and two in Merritt Township, Yolo County. These farmers grew Irish and sweet potatoes as well as vegetables on farms ranging from 25 to 340 acres in size.

38. Sacramento County, California, "Leases" (Sacramento, 1853-1923), B: 95.

39. The tenure status of farmers was given in U.S. Bureau of the Census, "Tenth Census of the United States: Productions of Agriculture, 1880" (Manuscript census). By matching the names of owner-operators against plat maps of Sacramento County in the California State Archives, it is possible to determine the locations of owner-operated farms—almost all of which were found on the natural levees along the rims of the delta's islands and mainland tracts.

40. My tally and computation are from U.S. Bureau of the Census, "Ninth Census of the United States: Population, 1870" (Manuscript census for Sacramento County, California).

41. Ibid. (Manuscript census for San Joaquin and Yuba counties).

42. Ibid.

43. As indicated in the manuscript census, Chinese servants and cooks in rural California almost invariably lived either in the households of white families or in their own households. For that reason, I think I am justified in assuming that almost all of them worked for white employers. Kwong, Chinatown, New York , 38, made a statement which is puzzling: "They had little capital, yet wanted work that would avoid dependence on either white employers or workers. Service jobs—as laundrymen, domestic servants, workers in Chinese restaurants—fitted these requirements." In my view, domestic servants cannot be lumped together with laundrymen and restaurant workers because a very large portion of Chinese servants worked for white employers. The situation in San Francisco and New York may have differed from rural California because of a smaller percentage of live-in servants. Not having analyzed the San Francisco and New York manuscript census data, I cannot say if this was in fact the case. If it was, then such urban day-servants would indeed have interacted with their white masters less since they did not live in their employers' households.

44. My tally and computation are from U.S. Bureau of the Census, "Tenth Census of the United States: Population, 1880" (Manuscript census for Sacramento, Yuba, and San Joaquin counties).

45. "Slickens" (sediment) from hydraulic mining in the 1860s through 1880s raised riverbeds and greatly increased the probability of floods, while simultaneously ruining the topsoil of the flooded areas. The Sacramento-San Joaquin Delta is an inverted delta which provides the only outlet to the sea for both the Sacramento and San Joaquin rivers. The peat islands and tracts of the delta were constantly subjected to flooding. When natural or man-made levees broke, the centers of the islands, known as the backswamps, would flood first since they were lower than the surrounding levees, and they sometimes took years to drain. Crop losses during certain years were total.

46. This information has been drawn from numerous leases in Yuba, Sutter, and Tehama counties.

47. My tally is from U.S. Bureau of the Census, "Tenth Census of the United States: Population, 1880" (Manuscript census for Sacramento and San Joaquin counties).

48. In the Sutter-Yuba basin, the average size of farms leased by Chinese tenants ranged from 94 acres in 1881 to 842 acres in 1875. The Chinese tenant who operated on a larger scale for a longer period of time than any of his compatriots was Chin Lung, who farmed the San Joaquin Delta from the 1890s until the end of World War I.

49. In 1880, 60 percent of the Chinese farm laborers in Sacramento County and 30 percent of those in San Joaquin County lived in the households of Chinese farmers; in 1900, the percentages were 52 and 82, respectively. These percentages are based on my tally and computation from U.S. Bureau of the Census, "Tenth Census of the United States: Population, 1880" and "Twelfth Census of the United States: Population, 1900" (Manuscript census for Sacramento and San Joaquin counties). No tally can be done for 1890 since the 1890 manuscript census was destroyed in a fire in the U.S. Department of Commerce building in 1921.

50. My tally and computation are from U.S. Bureau of the Census, "Tenth Census of the United States: Population, 1880" (Manuscript census for Sacramento, Yuba, and San Joaquin counties).

1. Chapter epigraphs quoted from "Story of a Waitress," Independent , 18 June 1908, 1381; and Gertrude Sweet to Robert Hesketh, 13 April 1937, Reel 416, Local Union Records, Hotel Employees and Restaurant Employees International Files, Washington, D.C. (hereafter LUR, HERE Files).

On barriers to female unionism, see, for example, Ruth Milkman, "Organizing the Sexual Division of Labor," Socialist Review 49 (January-February 1980): 95-150; Alice Kessler-Harris, "Where Are the Organized Women Workers?" Feminist Studies 3 (Fall 1975): 92-110; and Nancy Schrom Dye, As Equals and as Sisters: Feminism, the Labor Movement, and the Women's Trade Union League of New York (Columbia, 1980).

2. See, for example, Dana Frank, "Housewives, Socialists, and the Politics of Food: The New York City Cost of Living Protests," Feminist Studies 11 (Summer 1985): 255-85; and Patricia Cooper, Once a Cigar Maker: Men, Women, and Work Culture in American Cigar Factories, 1900-1919 (Urbana, 1987).

3. Ira B. Cross, A History of the Labor Movement in California (Berkeley, 1935), 177 and 33n.; Grace Heilman Stimson, Rise of the Labor Movement in Los Angeles (Berkeley, 1955), 66; Matthew Josephson, Union House, Union Bar: A History of the Hotel and Restaurant Employees and Bartenders International Union, AFL-CIO (New York, 1956), 7-12; Robert Hesketh, "Hotel and Restaurant Employees," American Federationist 38 (October 1931): 1269-71; "Brief History of Our Organization," The Federation News , 25 January 1930; Henry C. Barbour, "Wages, Hours, and Unionization in Year-Round Hotels," unpublished study, School of Hotel Administration, Cornell University, 1948, 115-16; Paul Frisch, ''Gibraltar of Unionism: The Development of Butte's Labor Movement, 1878-1900," The Speculator (Summer 1985): 12-20. For a discussion of the relation between the Knights of Labor and culinary workers, see Mixer and Server (periodical; hereafter MS ), April 1904, 5-7.

4. Since 1982 the official name of the union has been the Hotel Employees and Restaurant Employees. For official HERE membership figures, see the HERE Officers' Report, 1947, 17-18, HERE Files. The major published accounts of the history of the International include Josephson, Union House, Union Bar ; Jay Rubin and M. J. Obermeier, Growth of a Union: The Life and Times of Edward Flore (New York, 1943); Morris A. Horowitz, The New York Hotel Industry (Cambridge, 1960), 21-65 passim; and John E Henderson, Labor Market Institutions and Wages in the Lodging Industry (East Lansing, 1965), 129-59.

5. An examination of the IWW Collection, Walter Reuther Library, Wayne State University (hereafter IWW, WRL-WSU), and various IWW newspapers such as Industrial Worker and Solidarity revealed only scattered organizing efforts among culinary workers. For references to IWW culinary organizing outside New York before World War I, see "To the Workers Who Feed the World," Box 174; 10 October 1906-15 September 1911, General Executive Board Minutes, Box 7, file 1; "Address to the Hotel and Restaurant Workers," Industrial Union Bulletin , 4 January 1908, Box 156; Foodstuff Workers Industrial Union, Local 460, Box 69—all in IWW, WRL-WSU. Also see Industrial Worker , 21 May 1910, 13 August 1910, 24 September 1910, 11 June 1910, 18 June 1910; Solidarity , 28 June 1913, 16 August 1913; and Guy Louis Rocha, "Radical Labor Struggles in the Tonopah-Goldfield Mining District, 1901-22," Nevada Historical Society Quarterly 20 (Spring 1977): 10-11. For IWW organizing in New York, see note 16.

6. Early discussions of gender separatism include Belva Mary Herron, "The Progress of Labor Organizations Among Women, Together with Some Considerations Concerning Their Place in Industry," University Studies 1 (May 1905): 443-511; Alice Henry, The Trade Union Woman (New York, 1915); Alice Henry, Women and the Labor Movement (New York, 1923); and Teresa Wolfson, The Woman Worker and the Trade Unions (New York, 1926). For more recent analyses, see Roger Waldinger, "Another Look at the ILGWU: Women, Industry Structure, and Collective Action," and Alice Kessler-Harris, "Problems of Coalition-Building: Women and Trade Unions in the 1920s," both in Women, Work, and Protest: A Century of Women's Labor History , ed. Ruth Milkman (Boston, 1985), 86-138; and Susan Glenn, Daughters of the Shtetl: Life and Labor in the Immigrant Generation (Ithaca, 1990).

7. In Daughters of the Shtetl , ch. 6, Glenn notes that her work draws on Mary Jo Buhle's distinction between native-born varieties of feminism and urban-immigrant varieties. See Buhle, Women and American Socialism , 1870-1920 (Urbana, 1981), chs. 2, 3, passim.

8. In "The Progress of Labor Organizations Among Women," 66, Herron suggests that men prefer mixed locals in trades in which direct competition exists; separatism is advocated where competition is minimal. In the culinary industry, sex segregation lessened direct competition but did not eliminate it. Hence, it is not surprising that men were divided in their attitudes toward separatism.

9. MS , May 1902, 5; June 1905, 84.

10. Lillian Ruth Matthews, Women in Trade Unions in San Francisco (Berkeley, 1913), 76; MS , April 1901, 6; April 1906, 28; San Francisco Labor Clarion (hereafter SFLC ), 23 January 1906; San Francisco Examiner , 3 April 1901.

11. Catering Industry Employee (HERE's national journal; hereafter CIE ), June 1900, 7; April 1940, 35; August 1946, 37; April 1947, 40; October 1948, 37; SFLC , 9 January 1903, 4 December 1904, 7 July 1905, 23 January 1906, 1 May 1908, 10 July 1908, 1 January 1909, 24 February 1911, 25 June 1915, 24 August 1928, 22 February 1946, 5 December 1947; San Francisco Call 5 July 1909. For additional details on LaRue and Younger, see Susan Englander, "The San Francisco Wage-Earners' Suffrage League: Class Conflict and Class Coalition in the California Women's Suffrage Movement, 1907-1912," master's thesis, San Francisco State University, 1989, ch. 3.

12. San Francisco Examiner , 4 May 1901, 6 May 1901; MS , November 1902, 35; San Francisco Chronicle , 12 August 1917; SFLC , 18 December 1903; Robert E. L. Knight, Industrial Relations in the San Francisco Bay Area, 1900-1918 (Berkeley, 1960), 67-72, 136; Matthews, Women in Trade Unions in San Francisco , 78; Ed Rosenberg, "The San Francisco Strikes of 1901," American Federationist (1902): 15-18.

13. SFLC , 18 August 1905, 27 October 1905, 19 June 1906, 10 August 1906, 6 September 1907, 26 March 1909, 13 August 1909, 27 August 1915; Knight, Industrial Relations in the San Francisco Bay Area , 164-65; Louise Margaret Ploeger, "Trade Unionism Among the Women of San Francisco," master's thesis, University of California, 1920, 107-8.

14. SFLC , 19 May 1916, 21 July 1916, 11 August 1916, 25 August 1916; Ploeger, "Trade Unionism Among the Women of San Francisco," 108-11.

15. See John B. Andrews and Helen Bliss, A History of Women in Trade Unions, 1825 to the Knights of Labor , 61st Cong., 2d sess., 1911, Senate Document 645, 147, for New York City female culinary membership from 1902-9. See Gary M. Fink, ed., Biographical Dictionary of American Labor (Westport, 1984), 56-57, 599-600, for a description of Maud Younger's activities. Dye, As Equals and as Sisters , 61-65, 76-80; "Story of a Waitress."

16. Offshoots of the New York movement also appeared in Buffalo, Boston, Philadelphia, and elsewhere. For IWW organizing in New York City, see Frank Bohn, "The Strike of the New York Hotel and Restaurant Workers," International Socialist Review 13 (February 1913): 620-21; "Workers of the World Now Run Affairs for New York Waiters," Square Deal 12 (February 1913): 29-32, 87; Solidarity , 14 and 21 February 1914; 15 June 1912, 2; 15 February 1913, 4; Hugo Ernst, "The Hotel and Restaurant Workers," American Federationist 53 (June 1946): 20-21, 29; New York Hotel and Motel Trades Council, The Story of the First Contract (New York, 1974), 19-25; New York Times (hereafter NYT ), 8, 10, 14, 20, 31 May 1912; 2, 4, 22 June 1912; 4 July 1912; 13-14, 25 January 1913; 1-2 February 1913; 14-15 May 1914; 9, 21, 28 December 1915; 29 October 1918; 7 and 27 December 1918.

17. Organizing can be traced in SFLC , 16 November 1917, 21 June 1918, 7 March 1919, 4 August 1919; NYT , 7 and 27 December 1918; "Department Store Waitresses Win Increase," Life and Labor Bulletin , July 1918, 141.

18. For IWW organizing attempts during World War I and the 1920s, see "Wake Up! Hotel, Restaurants, and Cafeteria Workers," n.d. [ca. 1920s], Box 177, IWW, WRL-WSU; Charles Devlin, "Help Organize Hotel, Restaurant, and Domestic Workers," One Big Union Monthly 2 (February 1920): 49; Charles Devlin, "Who Does Not Work Neither Shall He Eat," One Big Union Monthly 2 (August 1920): 56-57; ''Who Will Feed Us When Capitalism Breaks Down?" One Big Union Monthly 2 (November 1920): 40-42; "The Servant Girl Rediscovered," One Big Union Monthly 2 (January 1920): 53-54; L. S. Chumley, ''Hotel, Restaurant, and Domestic Workers," 1918, Box 163, IWW, WRL-WSU.

19. Ernst categorizes Denver in this fashion; see MS , July 1923, 38. The term also is used by Max Kniesche in "Schroeder's Cafe and the German Restaurant Tradition in San Francisco, 1907-1976," an interview by Ruth Teiser conducted in 1976 for the Regional Oral History Office, Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley (UCB).

20. Interview with Charles Paulsen conducted by the author, 28 July 1983, Cincinnati; Rubin and Obermeier, Growth of a Union , 164-80.

21. Following World War I, employers linked the open-shop concept with Americanism by dubbing it the "American Plan." The "yellow-dog contract" was a pledge by the employee that he or she would not join or support a union. Some employers required these contracts from all newly hired workers. For a general account that includes particulars on HERE, see Irving Bernstein, The Lean Years (Boston, 1960), 85, 117, 336. See also Lawrence Nelson to Lena Mattausch, 28 January 1922, letter stuck in Local 457 Minutebook, 1916-22, Local 457 Files, Butte, Montana.

22. MS , November 1918, 19-20; July 1919, 79. HERE also chartered black "domestic worker" unions in this period. See Elizabeth Haynes, "Negroes in Domestic Service in the U.S.," Journal of Negro History 8 (October 1923): 435.

23. MS , October 1907, 35; Emily Barrows, "Trade Union Organization Among Women in Chicago," master's thesis, University of Chicago, 1920, 156; Esther Taber, "Women in Unions: Through Trade Union Organization Waitresses Have Secured Marked Improvement in Conditions," American Federationist 12 (December 1905), 927; Waitresses' Local 48 Constitution and By-Laws, n.d., Bancroft Library, UCB.

24. CIE , April 1935, 6. The International did allow local unions to admit Asian workers (although their right to transfer from one local to another was denied); front cover, MS , April 1905; CIE , July 1925, 31; February 1937, 54.

25. MS , November 1905, 30; May 1917, 41; Proceedings , 1923 Convention, HERE Files, 132. Ernst also favored organizing Japanese culinary workers. See SFLC , 18 August 1916. The Butte response is illuminated in the following: Frisch, "Gilbraltar of Unionism," 14-15; Rose Hum Lee, The Growth and Decline of Chinese Communities in the Rocky Mountain Region (Ph.D. diss., Department of Sociology, University of Chicago, 1947; rept., New York, 1978), 104-16, 187; Local 457 Minutebook, 21 June 1918, Local 457 Files; Local 457 Minutebook, 8 January 1926 and 5 March 1926, Box 14-1, Women's Protective Union Collection (WPUC), 174, Montana Historical Society, Helena, Montana.

26. MS , May 1917, 23; July 1919, 79; four-page typed manuscript by Ethel M. Smith, "The Union Waitress Interprets," n.d., 2, Reel 2, C-2, Papers of the Women's Trade Union League and Its Principal Leaders (microfilm edition; hereafter WTUL Papers), Radcliffe College, Arthur and Elizabeth Schlesinger Library, Cambridge, Mass.; William Whyte, Human Relations in the Restaurant Industry (New York, 1948), 192.

27. Frances Donovan, The Woman Who Waits (Boston, 1920), 134; Chumley, "Hotel, Restaurant, and Domestic Workers."

28. Although the labor movement had taken the lead in the nineteenth-century drive for shorter hours, by the early twentieth century its response was more ambivalent. The AFL's voluntaristic viewpoint discouraged state interference and touted free collective bargaining as the better method for improving working conditions, especially for adult men. They objected less to maximum hour legislation than to minimum wage legislation, however, because wage rates fluctuated much more rapidly than did standards for hours, and the minimum wage might more easily become the maximum. The historic struggle for hours legislation in the nineteenth century also ameliorated the AFL's voluntaristic sentiment in regard to hours; no such legacy existed in relation to wage legislation. For a discussion of the relation between the labor movement and protective legislation, see Susan Lehrer, Origins of Protective Labor Legislation for Women , 1905-1925 (Albany, 1987), 144-83.

29. For an overview of the campaigns to secure protective legislation, see Elizabeth Brandeis, "Organized Labor and Protective Labor Legislation," in Labor and the New Deal ed. Milton Derber and Edwin Young (Madison, 1962); Barbara A. Babcock et al., Sex Discrimination and the Law: Causes and Remedies (Boston, 1975); and Judith Baer, The Chains of Protection: The Judicial Response to Women's Labor Legislation (Westport, 1978). For the seminal role of middle-class organizations, especially on the East Coast, see U.S. Department of Labor, Women's Bureau, History of Labor Legislation for Women in Three States , Bulletin no. 66, by Clara Beyer (Washington, D.C., 1929); and Consumers' League of New York City, Behind the Scenes in a Restaurant: A Study of 1017 Women Restaurant Employees (New York, 1916).

30. Consumers' League of New York City, Behind the Scenes in a Restaurant , 36; MS , April 1909, 55; July 1911, 34; U.S. Department of Labor, Women's Bureau, History of Labor Legislation for Women in Three States , 123; SFLC , 3 February 1911, 3; Earl C. Crockett, "The History of California Labor Legislation, 1910-1930," Ph.D. diss., University of California, Berkeley, 1931, 12-14.

31. Nancy Dye discusses similar divisions among working-class women in the WTUL in Dye, As Equals and as Sisters , 146-52. She notes that sex-specific minimum wage laws were harder to justify than similar hours legislation because "there was no physiological reason for women to earn a specified wage." By the 1920s, however, the working-class women within the league united in favor of protective legislation, emphasizing the social and economic conditions that necessitated protection.

32. Coast Seamen's Journal , 22 January 1913, 6; SFLC , 20, 27 December 1912, 2; U.S. Department of Labor, Women's Bureau, History of Labor Legislation for Women in Three States , 130-31n; Crockett, "The History of California Labor Legislation," 12-14.

33. California (State) Industrial Welfare Commission, Fifth Biennial Report for 1922-24 (1927), 12; California (State) Industrial Welfare Commission, What California Has Done to Protect the Women Workers (Sacramento, 1929); Ploeger, "Trade Unionism Among the Women of San Francisco," 115-19; California (State) Industrial Welfare Commission, Fourth Biennial Report for 1919-20 (1924), 130.

34. MS , August 1924, 18-19.

35. California (State) Industrial Welfare Commission, Fifth Biennial Report for 1922-24 , 18; handwritten notes, Box 4, File "Calif. DIW Misc.," San Francisco Labor Council Records, Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley (hereafter SFLC R, BL-UCB); Crockett, "The History of California Labor Legislation," 72-73, 90-94.

36. Quote from Henry Pelling, American Labor (Chicago, 1960), 178. For labor union membership growth during the 1930s and World War II, see Marten Estey, The Unions: Structure, Development, and Management (New York, 1981), 11-12.

37. The Hotel Employees and Restaurant Employees did not record the membership totals for individual crafts; thus, the exact number of organized waitresses can only be estimated. Nonetheless, the membership figures for waitress locals provide some guidance.

38. Philip Taft, "Brief Review of Other Industries," in How Collective Bargaining Works , ed. Harry A. Mills (New York, 1942), 924; CIE , August 1933, 28.

39. CIE , January 1935, 25; Josephson, Union House, Union Bar , 193-98. The participation of the left-wing unions, AFW and FWIU, is mentioned in Grace Hutchins, Women Who Work (New York, 1934). For an account of the involvement of the Women's Bureau, see the correspondence between Edward Flore and Mary Anderson, File "HERE," Box 865, RG-86, NA.

40. See the Restaurant Industry Basic Code, submitted by the National Restaurant Association, approved 10 August 1933; Hugo Ernst to John O'Connell, 20 December 1933, F-"Culinary Misc.," Box 8, SFLC R, BL-UCB; Lafayette G. Harter, Jr., "Master Contracts and Group Bargaining in the San Francisco Restaurant Industry," master's thesis, Stanford University, 1948, 42.

41. For an overview of San Francisco's union traditions, see Michael Kazin, Barons of Labor: The San Francisco Building Trades and Union Power in the Progressive Era (Urbana, 1987), ch. 1.

42. CIE , September 1933, frontispiece; October 1933, 28; February 1934, 21; LJEB Minutes, 20 December 1933, Local 2 Files, San Francisco, HERE Files.

43. LJEB Minutes, 20 December 1933, Local 2 Files; typed ms., "Findings of Fact and Conclusions of Law," B. J. Della Valle v. Cooks, Waitresses and Miscellaneous Employees, 4, File "Cooks vs. Valle," Box 7, SFLC R, BL-UCB.

44. LJEB Minutes, 15 May 1934, Local 2 Files; File 170-9742, RG-280, NA.

45. LJEB Minutes, January 1933-December 1934, in particular, 13 July 1934, Local 2 Files; interview with William G. Storie conducted by Corinne Gilb, UCB, 24 January, 31 March, 7 April, 1959, 53; SFLC , 3 August 1934. For accounts of the General Strike, see Irving Bernstein, The Turbulent Years: A History of the American Worker , 1933-1941 (Boston, 1969), 252-98; and Bruce Nelson, Workers on the Waterfront: Seamen, Longshoremen, and Unionism in the 1930s (Urbana, 1990), ch. 5.

46. David Selvin, Sky Full of Storm (San Francisco, 1975), 50; interview with Lou Goldblatt conducted by Lucy Kendall for the California Historical Society, n.d.; CIE , October 1934, 33; September 1935, 15; Membership Records, HERE Files.

47. Only one hotel in San Francisco was unionized at this point, the Whitcomb Hotel. Ernst to James Vahey, 5 March 1935, File "HERE," Box 8, SFLC R, BL-UCB; CIE , October 1934, 33; March 1936, 33; SFLC , 8 January 1937; LJEB Minutes, 3 October 1933, 21 January 1936, 15 January 1937, 6 April 1937, 15 April 1937, 1 May 1937, Local 2 Files; Van Dusen Kennedy, Arbitration in the San Francisco Hotel and Restaurant Industries (Philadelphia, 1952), 13; telegram, Matthewson to Hugh Kerwin, 19 April 1937 and 28 May 1937, Case file 182-2408, RG-280, NA. Local 283, chartered in March of 1937, demanded recognition and working conditions comparable to the other organized crafts. George O. Bahrs, The San Francisco Employers' Council (Philadelphia, 1948); CIE , June 1937.

48. Josephson, Union House, Union Bar , 264-69; "Summary Report," Matthewson to Kerwin, 28 July 1937; "Final Report," 28 July 1937, by Matthew-son; telegram, Matthewson to Kerwin, 17 July 1937. All in Case file 182-2408, RG-280, NA. LJEB Minutes, 15 April 1937, Local 2 Files; transcript, ''Award of Fred Athearn, Arbitrator, to the San Francisco LJEB and San Francisco Hotel Operators," San Francisco, 1937, Local 2 Files; Harter, "Master Contracts and Group Bargaining in the San Francisco Restaurant Industry," 52-64; Kennedy, Arbitration in the San Francisco Hotel and Restaurant Industry , 13-14, 29-32, passim; press release, 22 December 1937, and Ernst to Clarence Johnson, 4 January 1938, LJEB Correspondence Folder, Local 2 Files.

49. LJEB Minutes, 27 August 1937, Local 2 Files; SFLC , 10 December 1937. Arbitration Proceedings between the San Francisco LJEB and Owl Drug Co. before George Cheney, Union Opening Brief, 16 December 1943, SFLC R, BL-UCB, 2-3; S.F. clubs to LJEB, October 1937, and Ernst to Hesketh, 9 December 1937, LJEB Correspondence Folder, Local 2 Files.

50. Warren G. Desepte to C. C. Coulter, 10 February 1935, 26 February 1935, 30 August 1936, 11 September 1936, Reel 1, Retail Clerks International Union Records, Wisconsin State Historical Society, Madison, Wisconsin; Ernst to O'Connell, 13 October 1934, File "HERE," Box 8, SFLC R, BL-UCB.

51. In part because of the actions of local AFL unionists like Ernst, San Francisco department stores remained within the AFL, unlike those in New York and other major cities.

52. Strike Board Minutes, 9 November 1940, Local 2 Files. For further details, see Dorothy Sue Cobble, "Sisters in the Craft: Waitresses and Their Unions in the Twentieth Century," Ph.D. diss., Stanford University, 1986, 199-201.

53. Local 48 EB Minutes, 19 July 1938, and Local 48 MM Minutes, 20 April 1938, Local 2 Files; CIE , February 1940, 26-27.

54. B/G Organizer Bulletin , 11 October 1941; Union Brief and Exhibits, Arbitration Proceedings between the San Francisco LJEB and the Hotel Employers' Association before Edgar Rowe, 18 August 1942, 2, Local 2 Files.

55. LJEB Minutes, 15 October 1936 and 17 June 1941, Local 2 Files.

56. Petition, 13 September 1937, San Francisco Employers to Ernst; Ernst to O'Connell, 21 July 1939, LJEB Correspondence Folder, and LJEB Minutes, 16 October 1934 and 6 November 1934, Local 2 Files.

57. Ernst to SFLC Delegates, 15 March 1933 and 25 July 1933, and T. K. Bronson to O'Connell, 9 October 1939, File "HERE," Box 8, SFLC R, BL-UCB; Duchess Sandwich Co. President to C. T. McDonough, 14 December 1940, LJEB Correspondence Folder, Local 2 Files.

58. LJEB Minutes, 4 June 1940 and 16 July 1940, Local 2 Files.

59. Department Store Strike Bulletin , 3 October 1941, and "Score Card," San Francisco Strikes and Lockouts Collection, Box 1, BL-UCB.

60. Department Store Strike Bulletin , 3 November 1941; 18 November 1941; interview with Carmen Lucia conducted by Seth Widgerson and Bette Craig, Wayne State University, Oral History Project, 1978.

61. Stafford to SFLC, 16 December 1938, File "Local 1100," Box 15, SFLC R, BL-UCB; CIE , January 1939, 43; interview with Helen Jaye conducted by Lucy Kendall for the California Historical Society, 23 March 1981.

62. In imitation of union practices, employer members who refused to abide by group decisions were fined, harassed, and shunned. See Josephson, Union House, Union Bar , 295-96.

63. Interview with William G. Storie, 154; Kennedy, Arbitration in the San Francisco Hotel and Restaurant Industry , 11; Bahrs, The San Francisco Employers' Council , iii; binder entitled "House Card Agreements 1938-1946," Local 2 Files; interview with Paul St. Sure conducted by Corinne Gilb, March-June 1957, Institute of Industrial Relations Oral History Project, UCB, 487-89.

64. Rubenstein to Ernst, 18 November 1937, 20 November 1937, and leaflet signed by David Rubenstein, n.d. [ca. November 1937], LJEB Correspondence Folder, Local 2 Files.

65. LJEB Minutes, 2 August 1938, 6 June 1939, 5 March 1941, and Rubenstein to LJEB, 26 February 1938, LJEB Correspondence Folder, Local 2 Files.

66. Bahrs, The San Francisco Employers' Council 10; LJEB Minutes, 6 May 1941, 20 May 1941, 10 June 1941, Local 2 Files. Interview with William G. Storie, 154-56.

67. Interview with William G. Storie; Andrew Gallagher to John Steelman, 3 July 1941 and n.d. [ca. July 1941], Case File 196-6257A, RG-280, NA; Harter, "Master Contracts and Group Bargaining in the San Francisco Restaurant Industry," 67; and Edward Eaves, "A History of the Cooks and Waiters' Unions of San Francisco," Ph.D. diss., University of California, Berkeley, 1930, 98.

68. Interview with William G. Storie; LJEB Minutes, 25 August 1941, Local 2 Files. This first master restaurant contract subsequently became the universally accepted scale for organized restaurants whether or not they belonged to the association. Copies of both the old and new house card agreements can be found in the binder entitled "House Card Agreements 1938-1946," Local 2 Files.

69. For a detailed account of the 1941 San Francisco hotel strike, consult Josephson, Union House, Union Bar , 293-96; and Harter, "Master Contracts and Group Bargaining in the San Francisco Restaurant Industry," 73-101. See also Case File F-196-2066, RG-280, NA. In other cities, hotel employers also turned to association bargaining. Gertrude Sweet wrote the International of this new employer technique, much feared by the unions. Sweet to Hesketh, Reel 416, LUR, HERE Files.

70. For further comments on the remarkable stability of San Francisco culinary labor relations and the unprecedented use of arbitration machinery, see Kennedy, Arbitration in the San Francisco Hotel and Restaurant Industry , 1-19, 100-109; and Harter, "Master Contracts and Group Bargaining in the San Francisco Restaurant Industry," 128-33.

1. My definition of subculture follows Milton M. Gordon, Assimilation in American Life (New York, 1964), 39. For a rich discussion of the uses and possible definitions, see Edward Merten, "Up Here and Down Home: Appalachian Migrants in Northtown" (Ph.D. diss., University of Chicago, 1974), 180-99; J. Milton Yinger, "Contraculture and Subculture," American Sociological Review 25 (1960), 625-35.

2. Walter Goldschmidt, As You Sow (Glencoe, 1947; reprint ed., Montclair, N.J., 1978), 60-61, 70. Few other scholars even raised the question of Okies as a separate cultural group. Most concerned themselves strictly with the parameters of economic adjustment, as in the work of Paul Taylor, his students Lillian Creisler and Walter Hoadley, Carey McWilliams, and the Bureau of Agricultural Economics investigators. James Wilson collected wonderful material on the social attitudes and religious outlooks of the migrants in his two studies, but offered little interpretation of its significance.

3. Stuart M. Jamieson, "A Settlement of Rural Migrant Families in the Sacramento Valley, California," Rural Sociology 7 (March 1942), 50-51, 57. Writing in 1947, Paul Faulkner Tjensvold also commented on the Southern cultural characteristics of the migrants and noted that some of these were being maintained in California. "An Inquiry into the Reasons for the Post-Depression Migration from Oklahoma to Kern County in California" (MA thesis, University of Southern California, 1947), 45.

4. The ethnic formulation was sharply criticized at the 1947 meeting of the American Sociological Association. In a panel on the state of ethnic research, UCLA sociologist Leonard Bloom suggested that Okies had the characteristics of an ethnic group. Other panelists dismissed the idea, one suggesting that Bloom might as well include "Townsendites [or] the Aimee McPhersonites" under the ethnic heading. "Concerning Ethnic Research," American Sociological Review 13 (April 1948), 171-82. The standard understanding of ethnicity in that period is found in W. Lloyd Warner and Leo Srole, The Social Systems of American Ethnicity (New Haven, 1945), 28.

In contrast, recent ethnic studies tend to employ a more elastic definition that accepts the possibility of new or "emergent" ethnic groups. See, for instance, William L. Yancy, Eugene E Ericksen, and Richard N. Juliani, "Emergent Ethnicity: A Review and Reformulation," American Sociological Review 41 (June 1976), 391-403; Abner Cohen in Urban Ethnicity (New York, 1974), ix-xxiv; Donald L. Horowitz, "Ethnic Identity," in Nathan Glazer and Daniel E Moynihan, eds., Ethnicity: Theory and Experience (Cambridge, 1975), 111-40; Jonathan D. Sarna, ''From Immigrants to Ethnic: Toward a New Theory of 'Ethnicization,'" Ethnicity 5 (Dec. 1978), 370-77; Kathleen Neils Conzen, ''Immigrants, Immigrant Neighborhoods, and Ethnic Identity: Historical Issues," Journal of American History 66 (Dec. 1979), 603-15.

5. Works by John Shelton Reed include The Enduring South: Subcultural Persistence in Mass Society (Chapel Hill, 1972); Southerners: The Social Psychology of Sectionalism (Chapel Hill, 1983); Southern Folk, Plain and Fancy: Native White Social Types (Athens, Ga., 1986), Lewis M. Killian, White Southerners (New York, 1970), 143-44; also Merten, "Up Here and Down Home," 311-13. Their ideas have been seconded by George Brown Tindall, The Ethnic Southerners (Baton Rouge, 1976), 1-21; and, most important, by the Harvard Encyclopedia of American Ethnic Groups , Stephan Thernstrom, Ann Orlov, and Oscar Handlin, eds. (Cambridge, 1980), 944-48.

6. This definition follows the one proposed by R. A. Schermerhorn, Comparative Ethnic Relations: A Framework for Theory and Research (Chicago, 1970), 12, and employed by Werner Sollars in his review of "Theory of American Ethnicity . . . ," American Quarterly 33 (1981 Bibliography issue), 257-83. Other uses of the term are surveyed in Wsevolod W. Isajiw, "Definitions of Ethnicity," Ethnicity 1 (July 1974), 111-24.

7. We cannot pretend to any unanimity on the issue of social structure in either the Southwest or the greater South. The lumpers and the splitters have been going at it continuously since the days of Frederick Law Olmstead. Here I am following John Reed's sensible suggestion of a two-race, two-class model in Southern Folk, Plain and Fancy , 23.

8. Dewey Grantham, Southern Progressivism: The Reconciliation of Progress and Tradition (Knoxville, 1983), 87-107; Lawrence Goodwyn, Democratic Promise: The Populist Moment in America (New York, 1976); Raymond Arsenault, The Wild Ass of the Ozarks: Jeff Davis and the Social Bases of Southern Politics (Philadelphia, 1984); Alan Brinkley, Voices of Protest: Huey Long, Father Coughlin, and the Great Depression (New York, 1982), esp. 47-53; V. O. Key, Southern Politics in State and Nation (New York, 1950), 261-68; James R. Green, Grass-roots Socialism: Radical Movements in the Southwest, 1895-1943 (Baton Rouge, 1978), 396-437; Worth Robert Miller, "Oklahoma Populism: A History of the People's Party of Oklahoma Territory" (Ph.D. diss., University of Oklahoma, 1984); John Thompson, Closing the Frontier: Radical Response in Oklahoma, I889-1923 (Norman, 1986).

9. Charles Todd, "The Pea-Patch Press," typescript in Charles Todd Collection. The best collection of the FSA newspapers resides in the Documents Library, University of California, Berkeley, but the Farm Security Administration Collections at San Bruno (National Archives, Pacific Sierra Division) and at the Bancroft Library contain additional issues. Sheldon S. Kagan, "Goin' Down the Road Feelin' Bad: John Steinbeck's The Grapes of Wrath and Migrant Folklore" (Ph.D. diss., University of Pennsylvania, 1971), makes some interesting comments on the literary quality, the humor, and the political values revealed in the camp newspapers.

10. Westley Worldbeater (May 22, 1942). For other versions of this poem, see Covered Wagon News (Shafter) (July 13, 1940); Thornton's Camp Paper (Fall 1940).

11. Camp Echo (Brawley) (Jan. 13, 1939). Also recorded by Margaret Valiant in her Migrant Camp Recordings, Archive of Folk Culture, Library of Congress. "Root Hog or Die" by Bill Jackson in Todd-Sonkin Recordings is another example of the same theme. (Todd-Sonkin Recordings and field notes, Charles L. Todd and Robert Sonkin, Migrant Recordings, 1940 and 1941, Archive of Folk Culture, Library of Congress.)

12. Two recent works explore the toughness theme in American culture: Elliot J. Gorn, The Manly Art: Bare-Knuckle Prize Fighting in America (Ithaca, 1986); Rupert Wilkinson, American Tough: The Tough-Guy Tradition and American Character (New York, 1986). Roland Marchand, Advertising the American Dream (Berkeley, 1985), 285-333, shows that many of these images were appearing in the advertising of the 1030s.

13. "A Grumbler," Weed Patch Cultivator (Arvin) (Nov. 11, 1938).

14. Thornton's Camp Paper (Fall 1940).

15. Migratory Clipper (Indio) (March 9, 1940). See also "The Optimist" in Voice of the Migrant (Marysville) (Dec. 15, 1939); "Depression" in Covered Wagon News (Shafter) (July 27, 1940); "Old Mrs. So and So,'' Tow-Sack Tattler (Arvin) (Sept. 8, 1939).

16. Tow-Sack Tattler (Arvin) (Nov. 11, 1939).

17. Covered Wagon News (Shafter) (Aug. 24, 1940).

18. Bertram Wyatt-Brown, Southern Honor: Ethics and Behavior in the Old South (New York, 1982). I would also strongly recommend Merten's chapter on honor in "Up Here and Down Home," 142-79.

19. Agri-News (Shafter) (Aug. 11, 1939). Also Tow-Sack Tattler (Arvin) (Oct. 25, 1940).

20. Voice of the Agricultural Worker (Yuba City) (May 28, 1940).

21. Tow-Sack Tattler (Arvin) (Oct. 28, 1939). See also Oct. 20 and Nov. 11, 1939, issues. For an example of the stoic attitude expected of children, see Todd-Sonkin field notes, 6.

22. Sept. 8, 1939. The popularity of the matches and the social pressure to fight are recalled by Oscar "Scotty" Kludt in his interview by Michael Neely, Fresno, May 1, 1981, Odyssey Program, 22. See also Lawrence I. Hewes, Jr., Report Before the Special Committee Investigating the Interstate Migration of Destitute Citizens, San Francisco, Sept. 25, 1940, mimeographed copy in FSA Collection, Box 10, Bancroft. If the coverage in the Bakersfield Californian (Kern County's major daily) is any indication, professional wrestling was also extremely popular. And it was hardly accidental that some of the featured wrestlers sported names like "Bob Montgomery, the Arkansas blond caveman" and "Otis Clingman, the popular Texas cowboy."

23. Agri-News (July 21, 1939).

24. In his discussion of honor and fighting among Chicago's Southern whites, Merten, "Up Here and Down Home," 289, also observes that these values became exaggerated in the new setting. There is a rich literature on the Southern use of violence as an expression of masculine honor. In addition to the studies already cited, see John Shelton Reed, One South: An Ethnic Approach to Regional Culture (Baton Rouge, 1982), 139-53; Sheldon Hackney, "Southern Violence," American Historical Review 74 (Feb. 1969), 906-25; Raymond D. Gastil, Culture Regions of the United States (Seattle, 1975), 97-116; H. C. Brearley, "The Pattern of Violence," in William T. Couch, ed., Culture in the South (Chapel Hill), 678-92; Evon Z. Vogt, Modern Homesteaders: The Life of a Twentieth Century Frontier Community (Cambridge, Mass., 1955), 158-59; Elliot J. Gorn, ''Gouge and Bite, Pull Hair and Scratch': The Social Significance of Fighting in the Southern Backcountry," American Historical Review 90 (Feb. 1985), 18-43.

25. Gerald Haslam, Okies: Selected Stories (Santa Barbara, 1975), 60.

26. Interview by Stacey Jagels, Oakhurst, May 2, 1981, Odyssey Program, 23.

27. Interview by Michael Neely, Visalia, March 23, May 12, 1981, Odyssey Program, 38.

28. Interview by Stacey Jagels, Bakersfield, March 31, April 2, 1981, Odyssey Program, 43.

29. Interview by Stacey Jagels, Hanford, June 2, 1981, Odyssey Program, 24.

30. My thoughts on group myths have been informed by Michaela di Leonardo's recent exploration of Italian-American ethnic identity in The Varieties of Ethnic Experience: Kinship, Class, and Gender Among California Italian Americans (Ithaca, 1984). She notes that Italians hold a number of assumptions about group characterological and behavioral traits, some of which are clearly not unique to the group. Regardless, the assumptions themselves have significance. It is the belief in distinctiveness that constitutes one of the essentials of the group relationship. Related points about the content of ethnic identity are made by Talcott Parsons, "Some Theoretical Considerations on the Nature and Trends of Change of Ethnicity," in Glazer and Moynihan, Ethnicity: Theory and Experience , 64-66; Fredrik Barth, introduction to Ethnic Groups and Boundaries: The Social Organization of Culture Difference (Oslo, 1969), 11-16).

31. Gerald Haslam, "The Okies: Forty Years Later," The Nation 220 (March 15, 1975), 302. See also her Jan. 1975 letter to Haslam in Charles Todd Collection.

32. Mark Jones, "Dust Bowl Clan Marks 44 Years in West," Los Angeles Times (Aug. 2, 1981).

33. Interview, 38.

34. Interview by author, Reedley, April 31, 1985.

35. George Baker, "66, The Road Back in Time," Sacramento Bee (Jan. 1, 1978) (emphasis added).

36. Redneck Populism might be another term for what I am describing. Several recent studies have guided my thinking about plain folks' political values, most important among them Robert Emil Botsch's excellent We Shall Not Overcome: Populism and Southern Blue-Collar Workers (Chapel Hill, 1980); Arsenault, The Wild Ass of the Ozarks ; J. Wayne Flynt, Dixie's Forgotten People: The South's Poor Whites (Bloomington, 1979). Useful but marred by its condescending tone is Julian B. Roebuck and Mark Hickson III, The Southern Redneck: A Phenomenological Class Study (New York, 1982).

37. The Hub (Visalia) (Sept. 13, 1940); Covered Wagon News (Shafter) (March 12, 1940); Tow-Sack Tattler (Arvin) (Sept. 8, 1939). See also Eric H. Thomsen, "Maverick Universities or How the Migrant Gets an Education" (speech before the San Francisco Public School Forum, Jan. 29, 1937), in FSA Collection, carton 2, Bancroft; James West (Carl Withers), Plainville U.S.A . (New York, 1945), 135-36, 212-13; Vogt, Modern Homesteaders , 143-45. These occupational valuations were basically similar to those described by Bruce Palmer, Man Over Money: The Southern Populist Critique of American Capitalism (Chapel Hill, 1980), 9-19.

38. Agri-News (Aug. 25, 1939).

39. Covered Wagon News , quoted in Todd, "Pea-Patch Press," page numbers omitted.

40. An asterisk indicates that a pseudonym is used for the individual who was interviewed. James Bright Wilson, "Social Attitudes of Migratory Agricultural Workers in Kern County, California" (MA thesis, University of Southern California, 1942), 178-79. Walter Stein discusses the problem of relations between the migrants and camp managers in "A New Deal Experiment with Guided Democracy: The FSA Migrant Camps in California," Canadian Historical Association, Historical Papers 1970, 132-46.

41. Camp Echo (Brawley) (Dec. 9, 1939).

42. Voice of the Agricultural Worker (Yuba City) (May 28, 1940).

43. Weed Patch Cultivator (Arvin) (Nov. 11, 1938); Voice of the Migrant (Marysville) (Feb. 23, 1940). "The Future" in Tow-Sack Tattler (Arvin) (Nov. 17, 1939) is a little less cautious, counseling neither ambition nor passivity, but suggesting the importance of "choosing the right tools for life's work."

44. Brinkley, Voices of Protest , 165-68; Keith L. Bryant, Jr., Alfalfa Bill Murray (Norman, 1968), 177-213, and "Oklahoma and the New Deal" in John Brae-man, Robert H. Bremner, and David Brody, eds., The New Deal: The State and Local Levels (Columbus, 1975), 172-73, 183; Harry S. Ashmore, Arkansas: A Bicentennial History (New York, 1978), 137-46; David Ellery Rison, "Arkansas During the Great Depression" (Ph.D. diss., University of California, Los Angeles, 1974), 57-62; Key, Southern Politics in State and Nation , 261-68; Green, Grassroots Socialism , 396-437; Norman D. Brown, Hood, Bonnet, and Little Brown Jug: Texas Politics , 1921-1928 (College Station, Texas, 1984); Lionel V. Patenaude, Texans, Politics, and the New Deal (New York, 1983), 86-120; Donald W. Whisenhunt, The Depression in Texas: The Hoover Years (New York, 1983), 197-229; George Norris Green, The Establishment in Texas Politics: The Primitive Years, 1938-1957 (Westport, 1979), 13-14. For Missouri's different political habits, see John H. Fenton, Politics in the Border States (New Orleans, 1957), 126-70.

45. Lillian Creisler, "Little Oklahoma' or the Airport Community: A Study of the Social and Economic Adjustment of Self-Settled Agricultural Drought and Depression Refugees" (MA thesis, University of California, Berkeley, 1940), 60; Walter Evans Hoadley, "A Study of One Hundred Seventy Self-Resettled Agricultural Families, Monterey County, California, 1939" (MA thesis, University of California, Berkeley, 1940), 138. The Ham 'n' Eggs movement is described in Jackson K. Putnam, Old-Age Politics in California: From Richardson to Reagan (Palo Alto, 1970), 89-114; Robert E. Burke, Olson's New Deal for California (Berkeley, 1953); Carey McWilliams, Southern California: An Island on the Land (New York, 1946), 303-8.

46. Tow-Sack Tattler (Arvin) (Oct. 28, 1939). Also Tent City News (Gridley) (Sept. 23, 1939); Bakersfield Californian (Oct. 9, 1939); Lloyd Stalcup and Mr. Becker interviews, Todd-Sonkin Recordings.

47. California State Relief Administration, M. H. Lewis, Migratory Labor in California (San Francisco, 1936), 140. Hammett is given the pseudonym Clay Bennett in this source.

48. Wilson, "Social Attitudes of Migratory Agricultural Workers," 343.

49. Stuart M. Jamieson, "The Origins and Present Structure of Labor Unions in Agriculture and Allied Industries in California," Exhibit 9576, La Follette Hearings , Part 62, p. 22540; Jamieson, "A Settlement of Rural Migrant Families in the Sacramento Valley," 57-59; Jamieson, Labor Unionism in American Agriculture (Washington, D.C., 1945), 119; Fred Snyder, "Jobless Hordes in California Offer an Opportunity for Adroit Campaign of Skillful Radical Propaganda,'' San Francisco Examiner (Feb. 28, 1939, also March 1, 2, 5, 1939); Norman Lowenstein, "Strikes and Strike Tactics in California Agriculture: A History" (MA thesis, University of California, Berkeley, 1940), 113; Tow-Sack Tattler (Arvin) (Oct. 16, 1939); Farmer-Labor News (Feb. 19, 1937); The Rural Worker (Nov. 1936).

50. On the formation of UCAPAWA and the beginnings of its California campaign, see 1936 and 1937 issues of The Rural Worker and the CIO News—Cannery Workers Edition . Accounts of the campaign can be found in Walter J. Stein, California and the Dust Bowl Migration (Westport, 1973), 220-82; Devra Anne Weber, "The Struggle for Stability and Control in the Cotton Fields of California: Class Relations in Agriculture, 1929-1942" (Ph.D. diss., University of California, Los Angeles, 1986), 322-402; Cletus E. Daniel, Bitter Harvest: A History of California Farmworkers, 1870-1941 (Ithaca, 1981), 276-85; Linda C. Majka and Theo J. Majka, Farm Workers, Agribusiness, and the State (Philadelphia, 1982), 113-35. And for an insider's view, see the Dorothy Healey interview by Margo McBane, March 7, 1978, Women Farmworkers Project.

51. CIO News—Cannery Workers Edition (Oct. 22, Dec. 5, 1938); Weber, "The Struggle for Stability and Control in the Cotton Fields of California," 354-58; Clarke A. Chambers, Farm Organizations: A Historical Study of the Grange, the Farm Bureau, and the Associated Farmers, 1929-1941 (Berkeley, 1952), 72-73.

52. La Follette Committee, Report , 78th Congress, Part 8, pp. 1476-80; Lowenstein, "Strikes and Strike Tactics," 107-9.

53. The strike can be followed in the Bakersfield Californian (Sept. 22-Oct. 28, 1939). Weber, "The Struggle for Stability and Control in the Cotton Fields of California," 368-402, provides the newest and richest account. Others include Bryan Theodore Johns, "Field Workers in California Cotton" (MA thesis, University of California, Berkeley, 1948), 117-46; La Follette Committee, Report , 78th Congress, Part 8, pp. 1492-1527; and Hearings , Part 51, pp. 18633-773; Chambers, Farm Organizations , 72-81.

54. Todd-Sonkin Recordings, Visalia, Aug. 13, 1941. See the union's report of the difficulty of recruiting "half starved workers" in UCAPAWA News (April 1940).

55. Charles L. Todd, "California, Here We Stay!" typescript (New York, 1946?) in Charles Todd Collection; Ben Hibbs, "Footloose Army," Country Gentleman (Feb. 1940), 5, reprint in Migrant Labor Collection, Bakersfield Public Library; New York Times (March 6, 1940); Wilson, "Social Attitudes of Migratory Agricultural Workers," 358; California Governor's Committee to Survey the Agricultural Labor Resources of the San Joaquin Valley, Agricultural Labor in the San Joaquin Valley: Final Report and Recommendations (Sacramento, 1951), 289. It is interesting to follow organized labor's evaluation of Okies as potential unionists in Farmer-Labor News and UCAPAWA News . Through 1939 the journals were blindly optimistic, bending over backward to deny stories that "you can't organize the Oklahomans into the union'' ( Farmer-Labor News [April 23, 1937]). The tune changed after the cotton strike. In early 1941, Clyde Champion, chief UCAPAWA organizer, told Goldschmidt that the Okies were hopeless: "These people from Oklahoma aren't very class-conscious. It isn't in their background'' ( As You Sow , 71). See also UCAPAWA News (April 1940).

56. Stein, California and the Dust Bowl Migration , 264-65. He elaborated on this theme in his paper "Cultural Gap: Organizing California's Okies in the 1930's," presented at the Southwest Labor History Conference, Stockton, Calif., April 25, 1975. Cautioning that some Okies were strong unionists, Sheila Goldring Manes, on the basis of interviews with former organizers, essentially agrees with Stein's assessment; see "Depression Pioneers: The Conclusion of an American Odyssey, Oklahoma to California, 1930-1950, A Reinterpretation" (Ph.D. diss., University of California, Los Angeles, 1982), 388-94. The most thorough study to date of the UCAPAWA cotton campaign is Devra Weber's "The Struggle for Stability and Control in the Cotton Fields of California." She prefers not to engage directly the question of Okie sympathy, correctly emphasizing the systemic obstacles to union success and stressing in particular the strategic importance of an integrated cotton industry response. UCAPAWA's more successful campaign among Hispanic cannery workers is the subject of Vicki L. Ruiz, Cannery Women, Cannery Lives: Mexican Women, Unionization, and the California Food Processing Industry, 1930-1950 (Albuquerque, 1987).

57. Goodwyn, Democratic Promise . On the Socialist campaigns, see Oscar Ameringer, If You Don't Weaken: The Autobiography of Oscar Ameringer (New York, 1940); Green, Grass-roots Socialism ; Garin Burbank, When Farmers Voted Red: The Gospel of Socialism in the Oklahoma Countryside, 1910-24 (Westport, 1976); Manes, "Depression Pioneers," 186-222; Thompson, Closing the Frontier .

58. Wilson, "Social Attitudes of Migratory Agricultural Workers," 314-59; Creisler, "Little Oklahoma,'" 40; Hoadley, "A Study of One Hundred Seventy Self-Resettled Agricultural Families," 112.

59. Wilson, "Social Attitudes of Migratory Agricultural Workers," 347; UCAPAWA News (Feb. 1940); Mr. P. N., Wasco field notes of Walter Goldschmidt, 1941 (in Goldschmidt's possession, Dept. of Anthropology, University of California, Los Angeles); Creisler, "Little Oklahoma,'" 40.

60. Dellar Ballard interview by Margo McBane, Mary Winegarden, and Rick Topkins, Lindsay, July 19, 1978, Women Farmworkers Project; Hub spring 1940 issues. See also the anonymous interview with a former UCAPAWA organizer in the Women Farmworkers Project series; Mr. C. C., Wasco field notes.

61. Charles C. Alexander, The Ku Klux Klan in the Southwest (Lexington, 1965); Green, Grass-roots Socialism , 345-408; Burbank, When Farmers Voted Red , 160-89.

62. Green, Grass-roots Socialism , 397, calls the 1930s the "Indian Summer" of Southwestern radicalism. The only significant rural stirrings occurred in the Arkansas Delta, where the Southern Tenant Farmers Union built a short-lived biracial organization. See Donald Grubbs, Cry from the Cotton: The Southern Tenant Farmer's Union and the New Deal (Chapel Hill, 1971); Jamieson, Labor Unionism in American Agriculture , 264-71; Manes, "Depression Pioneers," 139-44; James R. Scales and Danney Goble, Oklahoma Politics: A History (Norman, 1982), 214-17; Jacqueline Gordon Sherman, "The Oklahomans in California During the Depression Decade, 1931-1941" (Ph.D. diss., University of California, Los Angeles, 1970), 45-47.

63. Wilson, "Social Attitudes of Migratory Agricultural Workers," 333.

64. Robert Girvin, "Migrant Workers Thinkers," San Francisco Chronicle (March 10, 1937).

65. Wilson, "Social Attitudes of Migratory Agricultural Workers," 339 (Freeman ^* ). For examples of anti-Communism in the FSA camps, see Covered Wagon (Indio) (March 4, 1939); letter from J. H. Ward to Earl R. Becker in FSA Collection, Box 22, San Bruno; Stein, California and the Dust Bowl Migration , 268-69.

66. Peter Friedlander, The Emergence of a UAW Local, 1936-1939: A Study in Class and Culture (Pittsburgh, 1975), 97-110, found differences in the response of Catholic and Protestant workers (some Southerners) in a Detroit auto parts plant. More generally on the response to Communists, see Bert Cochran, Labor and Communism: The Conflict That Shaped American Unions (Princeton, 1977), 82-102; Harvey Klehr, The Heyday of American Communism: The Depression Decade (New York, 1984), 223-51.

67. Wilson, "Social Attitudes of Migratory Agricultural Workers," 331-32.

68. James Bright Wilson, "Religious Leaders, Institutions, and Organizations Among Certain Agricultural Workers in the Central Valley of California" (Ph.D. diss., University of Southern California, 1944), 316.

69. Burbank, When Farmers Voted Red . Also on the relationship between Protestantism and radicalism, see Herbert Gutman, "Protestantism and the American Labor Movement: The Christian Spirit in the Gilded Age," in Gutman, Work, Culture, and Society in Industrializing America (New York, 1976), 79-117.

70. Jamieson, "A Settlement of Rural Migrant Families in the Sacramento Valley," 57; medical case history No. 33, FSA Collection, carton 2, Bancroft; interview with Lillie Ruth Ann Counts Dunn by Judith Gannon, Feb. 14, 16, 1981, Bakersfield, Odyssey Program.

71. See Wilson, "Social Attitudes of Migratory Agricultural Workers." Of the eight informants involved with the union, only one was a church member. Nevertheless, all believed in God and considered themselves Christians.

72. Wasco field notes; Stein, California and the Dust Bowl Migration , 270. Cletus Daniel, Bitter Harvest , 185, discusses racial tensions between Okies, blacks, and Mexicans in the 1933 CAWIU campaign.

73. New York Times (March 6, 1940); Paul S. Taylor, "Again the Covered Wagon," Survey Graphic 24 (July 1935), 349; Katherine Douglas, "Uncle Sam's Co-op for Individualists," Coast Magazine (June 1939).

74. The argument that rural Southwesterners were committed individualists who operated best within minimal community structures gains some support from anthropologist Evon Vogt's Modern Homesteaders , a study of an Okie community in New Mexico.

75. See the discussion of manhood in Nick Salvatore, Eugene V. Debs: Citizen and Socialist (Urbana, 1982), 25-26.

76. Mr. D. H., Wasco field notes.

77. Edgar Crane interview by Judith Gannon, Shafter, April 7, 1981, Odyssey Program, 10-11.

78. Wilson, "Social Attitudes of Migratory Agricultural Workers," 319.

79. Ibid., 320. Also, Tom Higgenbothan interview, Aug. 18, 1940, Todd-Sonkin Recordings; Goldschmidt, As You Sow , 167.

80. Interview by Stacey Jagels, March 31, April 2, 1981, Bakersfield, Odyssey Program, 33. A revealing interview with a grower who realized the importance of treating his workers with respect can be found in Goldschmidt Records, Box 66, San Bruno. Several former migrants interviewed by the Odyssey Program tell of remaining loyal to employers in the face of union pressure. See interviews with Grover C. Holliday, 48-49; Velma May Cooper Davis, 14-15; James Harrison Ward, 35; Alvin Laird, 21-22; and Clara Davis interview by author, Bakersfield, Sept. 17, 1979.

81. California's system of racial relations is surveyed in Roger Daniels and Harry H. L. Kitano, American Racism: Exploration of the Nature of Prejudice (Englewood Cliffs, N.J. 1970), esp. 35-72. Useful too are Roger Daniels and Spencer C. Olin, Jr., eds., Racism in California (New York, 1972); Charles M. Wollenberg, All Deliberate Speed (Berkeley, 1976); Lawrence de Graaf, Negro Migration to Los Angeles, 1930-1950 (San Francisco, 1974).

82. Martha Lee Martin Jackson interview by Stacey Jagels, Clovis, March 10, 1981, Odyssey Program, 22.

83. Fresno Bee (March 22, 1938). Also printed in Modesto Bee (March 23, 1938).

84. Modesto Bee (March 9, 1938).

85. Wilson, "Social Attitudes of Migratory Agricultural Workers," 149-50, 310.

86. Ibid., 150, 316. See also The Hub (Visalia) (May 24, 31, June 12, 1940); Tom Collins, Reports of the Marysville Migrant Camp, 1935, in Paul S. Taylor Collection, Bancroft Library.

87. Wilson, "Social Attitudes of Migratory Agricultural Workers," 143.

88. On the FSA camps' unofficial policy of racial exclusion, see Tom Collins letter to Eric Thompson, Oct. 12, 1936, in FSA Records, Box 20, San Bruno. Examples of racist humor in the camp newspapers include Covered Wagon (Indio) (Dec. 10, 1938); Tow-Sack Tattler (Arvin) (Sept. 28, 1939, Nov. 22, 1940); Tent City News (Nov. 25, 1939). Todd-Sonkin Recordings provide other examples.

89. Interview by Stacey Jagels, Oildale, Feb. 24, 26, 1981, Odyssey Program, 12.

90. Mrs. L. R., Wasco field notes.

91. Interview by Judith Gannon, Porterville, Jan. 24, 1981, Odyssey Program, 11, 18.

92. Interview by Michael Neely, Visalia, March 23, May 12, 1981, Odyssey Program, 35-36.

93. Evelyn Rudd, "Reading List—Design for Living," typescript in Goldschmidt's Wasco field notes.

94. Interview by Stacey Jagels, Bakersfield, Jan. 26, 29, 1981, pp. 25-27.

95. Wilson, "Social Attitudes of Migratory Agricultural Workers," 143. Goldschmidt, As You Sow , 68, records a similar vignette about a popular black labor contractor. Evidence of amicable relations between Okies and Hispanics is more readily found. Margaret Valiant's Migrant Camp Recordings, Library of Congress, contain examples of these two groups interacting at FSA camps in the Imperial Valley. See also Bill Jackson's interview in Todd-Sonkin Recordings.

96. Gerald Haslam writes sensitively about the continuing pattern of racial hostility in "Oildale" and "Workin' Man's Blues" in Voices of a Place (Walnut Creek, Calif., 1987), 56-64, 78-97.

97. Katherine Archibald, Wartime Shipyard: A Study of Social Disunity (Berkeley, 1947), 70-71.

98. Ibid., 75.

99. James Richard Wilburn, "Social and Economic Aspects of the Aircraft Industry in Metropolitan Los Angeles During World War II" (Ph.D. diss., University of California, Los Angeles, 1971), 185; Lawrence Hewes, Boxcar in the Sand (New York, 1957), 213.

100. Newsome interview, 36.

101. The Covered Wagon (Indio) (April 22, 1939). Other examples: the poem "Sooner's Luck" in Todd-Sonkin Recordings; Marysville Camp News (July 16, 1938). Alvin Laird and Charles Newsome tell "prune-picker" stories in their Odyssey Program interviews.

102. Todd-Sonkin field notes. See also Voice of the Agricultural Worker (Yuba City) (Dec. 3, 1940).

103. Archibald, Wartime Shipyard , 55.

104. Modesto Bee (March 29, 1938). Also Camp Echo (Brawley) (Dec. 2, 1939).

105. Interview by Judith Gannon, South Pasadena, April 5, 1981, Odyssey Program, 34.

1. Nathan I. Huggins, "Foreword," in Douglas Henry Daniels, Pioneer Urbanites: A Social and Cultural History of Black San Francisco (Philadelphia, 1980), xiv-xv.

2. Joseph James, "Profiles, San Francisco," Journal of Educational Sociology (November, 1945), 168; Neil Wynn, Afro-Americans and the Second World War (London, 2976), 61; Cy Record, "Willie Stokes at the Golden Gate," Crisis (June, 1949), 176; Charles Johnson, Negro War Workers in San Francisco, A Local Self-Survey (San Francisco, 1944), 2-4.

3. Johnson, Negro War Workers , 63; Record, "Willie Stokes," 177.

4. One recent work that does deal with the migration is Edward France, Some Aspects of the Migration of the Negro to the San Francisco Bay Area Since 1940 (San Francisco, 1974). For recent works dealing with the pre-war black experience, see Daniels, Pioneer Urbanites ; Rudolph Lapp, Blacks in Gold Rush California (New Haven, 1977); and Lawrence de Graaf, "City of Black Angels: Emergence of the Los Angeles Ghetto," Pacific Historical Review (August, 1970), 323-352. Best of the 1940s studies are Johnson, Negro War Workers ; Record, "Willie Stokes"; and James, "Profiles."

5. Richard Finnie, Marinship: The History of a Wartime Shipyard (San Francisco, 1947), 1-7; Marinship Corporation, Marinship (Sausalito, 1944), 20; Sausalito News , March 19, 1942.

6. Finnie, Marinship , 39-54; Davis McEntire and Julia R. Tarnopol, "Postwar Status of Negro Workers in the San Francisco Area," Monthly Labor Review (June, 1950), 613; James, "Profiles," 168.

7. Finnie, Marinship , 62-68; Persis White and Sarah Hayne, "Marin City, A Social Problem to Marin County," in Mills College, Immigration and Race Problems (Oakland, 1954), 318-334.

8. Marin Citizen , February 23, 1945; unidentified article in "Race Relations on the Pacific Coast," Carey McWilliams papers, v. 5, Bancroft Library; Johnson, Negro War Workers , 33.

9. Finnie, Marinship , 69.

10. Johnson, Negro War Workers , 20-30; James, "Profiles," 168-173; Horace Clayton, "New Problems for the West Coast," Chicago Sun , October 14, 1943.

11. San Francisco Chronicle , September 19, 1945.

12. C. L. Dellums, International President of the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters and Civil Rights Leader , oral history, Regional Oral History Office, Bancroft Library (Berkeley, 1973), 97-99; James, ''Profiles," 169; Johnson, Negro War Workers , 63; France, Some Aspects , 67-68.

13. Katherine Archibald, Wartime Shipyard, A Study in Social Disunity (Berkeley, 1947), 59-74.

14. Master Agreement Between the Pacific Coast Shipbuilders and the Metal Trades Department, AFL (Seattle, 1941), 4-6.

15. Daniels, Pioneer Urbanites , 31-42; Robert Knight, Industrial Relations in the San Francisco Bay Area, 1910-1918 (Berkeley, 1960), 213, 303, 315, 339, 361; James, "Profiles," 169; Johnson, Negro War Workers , 18, 70.

16. Thurgood Marshall, "Negro Status in the Boilermakers Union," Crisis (March, 1944), 77; Herbert Northrup, Organized Labor and the Negro (New York, 1944), 213-214; Ray Marshall, The Negro Worker (New York, 1967), 61.

17. Record, "Willie Stokes," 177; Johnson, Negro War Workers , 71; Ray Marshall, Negro Worker , 62.

18. James v. Marinship , 25 Cal., 2nd, 726 (1945); Johnson, Negro War Workers , 71.

19. Marin-er (October 16, 1942), 1; (August 21, 1943), 4; American Labor Citizen , December 6, 1943; People's World , January 6, 1945.

20. Marin-er (August 21, 1943), 4-6.

21. San Francisco Chronicle , San Francisco Examiner, People's World , November 24, 1943.

22. People's World, Chronicle , November 25, 1943.

23. San Rafael Daily Independent , November 27, 1943; Chronicle, Examiner , November 28, 1943.

24. Chronicle, Examiner , November 28, 1943; American Labor Citizen , December 6, 1943.

25. American Labor Citizen , December 6, 1943; People's World , November 30, 1943.

26. Finnie, Marinship , 213-214.

27. Daily Independent , November 29, 30, 1943; People's World, Chronicle , November 30, 1943; Sausalito News , December 2, 1943.

28. Daily Independent, Chronicle, Marin Citizen , December 3, 1943; People's World , December 4, 1943.

29. Daily Independent , December 13, 14, 1943, January 6, 1944; People's World , December 14, 15, 1943, January 7, 1944; Marin Citizen , December 17, 1943, January 7, 1944.

30. Daily Independent , January 12, 14, 1944; People's World , January 13, 15, 1944; Marin Citizen , January 21, 1944.

31. For background on FEPC, see Robert Weaver, Negro Labor: A National Problem (New York, 1946), 131-152; Herbert Garfinkel, When Negroes March (Glencoe, Ill., 1959), 38-75; Richard Dalfiume, Desegregation of the U.S. Armed Forces: Fighting on Two Fronts (Columbia, Mo., 1969), 115-123; Neil Wynn, The Afro-American and the Second World War (London, 1976), 38-48.

32. Fair Employment Practices Commission, "Press Release" (San Francisco, December 14, 1943); "Decision on Re-hearing, Cases 43, 44, 49, 50, 54" (Washington, 1945) 1-2; Final Report (Washington, 1946), 19-21.

33. People's World , January 17, 20, 25, 27, 1944; California Eagle , January 20, 27, 1944.

34. People's World , February 8, 9, 14, 1944.

35. Boilermakers Journal (November, 1943), 295.

36. Malcolm Ross, All Manner of Men (New York, 1948), 147.

37. Boilermakers Journal (March, 1944), 73-79; People's World , February 1, 14, 2944; Marin Citizen , February 11, 1944; Weaver, Negro Labor , 228-229.

38. People's World , February 14, 1944; American Labor Citizen , March 27, 1944.

39. Chronicle, Marin Citizen , February 18, 1944; People's World , February 18 19, 1944; California Eagle , February 24, 1944.

40. James v. Marinship , 737, 744-745.

41. Ibid., 731-740.

42. Ibid., 742, 745. The decision also settled the similar cases affecting other Bay Area yards instituted after Judge Butler's ruling.

43. Chronicle , January 3, 4, 1945; Marin Citizen , January 5, 1945; California Eagle , January 4, 1945; People's World , January 3, 4, 5, 6, 1945.

44. Archibald, Wartime Shipyard , 92, 96-97; People's World , January 12, 1945.

45. Ross, All Manner of Men , 150-151; FEPC, "Decision on Re-hearing," 1-11; Final Report , 21.

46. Fred Stripp, "The Relationships of the San Francisco Bay Area Negro-American Worker with the Labor Unions Affiliated with the American Federation of Labor and the Congress of Industrial Organizations," Th.D. thesis, Pacific School of Religion (Berkeley, 1948), 164-169; Weaver, Negro Labor , 230.

47. Stripp, "Relationships," 166.

48. Record, "Willie Stokes," 177.

49. Marin Citizen , March 30, May 4, 1945; Finnie, Marinship , 361-371.

50. Record, "Willie Stokes," 175-179; McEntire and Tarnopol, "Postwar Status," 613.

51. Record, "Willie Stokes," 179.

52. Ibid., 187; Chronicle , September 19, 1945, June 16, November 17, 1947, August 29, 1948; Tom Rose and John Kirich, The San Francisco Non-White Population, 1950-1960 (San Francisco, n.d.), 3-4; White and Hayne, "Marin City"; Ottole Krebs, "The Post-War Negro in San Francisco," in American Communities , v. 2 (Mills College, Oakland, 1949), 549-586.

53. James, "Profiles," 176.

54. Huggins, "Introduction," and Daniels, "Preface," in Daniels, Pioneer Urbanites , xv, xvii.

1. Despite its significance to labor history, there exists only one published article on the Oxnard sugar beet workers' strike of 1903, John Murray's first-hand account. See John Murray, ''A Foretaste of the Orient,'' International Socialist Review , 4 (August 1903), 72-79. For brief references to the Oxnard strike and its significance to the labor movement, see the following Federal Writers' Project reports: Oriental Labor Unions and Strikes — California Agriculture (Oakland, 1939?), typewritten, 11-13; Unionization of Migratory Labor, 1903-1930 (Oakland, 193-?), typewritten, 3-4. For discussions of the Oxnard strike within the context of minority labor history, see Juan Gómez-Quiñones, "The First Steps: Chicano Labor Conflict and Organizing, 1900-1920," AztIan: Chicano Journal of the Social Sciences and Arts , 3 (1972), 13-49; Karl Yoneda, "100 Years of Japanese Labor History in the U.S.A.," in Amy Tachiki, Eddie Wong, and Franklin Odo, eds., Roots: An Asian American Reader (Los Angeles, 1971), 150-158.

2. Torsten Magnuson, "History of the Beet Sugar Industry in California," Historical Society of Southern California, Annual Publication 11, Part 1 (1918), 76; Dan Gutleben, "The Oxnard Beet Sugar Factory, Oxnard, California," unpublished manuscript in Ventura County Historical Museum Library; Elizabeth Ritter, History of Ventura County, California (Los Angeles, 1940), 141; Thomas J. Osborne, "Claus Spreckels and the Oxnard Brothers: Pioneer Developers of California's Beet Sugar Industry, 1890-1900," Southern California Historical Quarterly , 54 (1972), 119; Sol N. Sheridan, Ventura County, California (San Francisco, 1909), 48; Oxnard Courier , Jan. 4, 1902, Feb. 21, 1903.

3. Oxnard Courier , Sept. 11, 1903; William T. Dagodag, "A Social Geography of La Colonia: A Mexican-American Settlement in the City of Oxnard, California" (MA essay, San Fernando Valley State College, 1967), 5.

4. Oxnard Courier , Mar. 22, 1902, April 4, 1902.

5. Oxnard Courier , Mar. 23, 1906.

6. Transcript of interview with Mrs. Reginald Shand, Moorpark, California, Aug. 25, 1960, in Thomas R. Bard Collection, Huntington Library, San Marino, California; W. W. Brown, "The Journal of W. W. Brown: 1901-1902," Ventura County Historical Society Quarterly , 15 (Oct. 1969), 15.

7. Oxnard Courier , Feb. 11, 1910; W. H. Hutchinson, Oil, Land, and Politics: The California Career of Thomas Robert Bard (Norman, OK, 1956, 2 vols.), II, 96; Vera Bloom, "Oxnard: A Social History of the Early Years," Ventura County Historical Society Quarterly , 4 (Feb. 1956), 19.

8. Bloom, "Oxnard," 19.

9. For a detailed quantitative study of this racial and class stratification, based on data drawn from the federal manuscript census schedules, see Tomás Almaguer, "Class, Race, and Capitalist Development: The Social Transformation of a Southern California County, 1848-1903" (Ph.D. diss., Univ. of California, Berkeley, 1979).

10. Oxnard Courier , Oct. 11, 1902.

11. Almaguer, "Class, Race, and Capitalist Development," 247.

12. Nanka Nikkeijin Shogyo Kaigisho, Nan Kashu Nihonjinshi [hereafter referred to as History of the Japanese in Southern California ] (Los Angeles, 1956), 54-55; Kashiwamura Kazusuke, Hoku-Bei Tosa Taidan [hereafter referred to as A Broad Survey of North America ] (Tokyo, 1911), 223-224; Oxnard Courier , Oct. 11, 1903.

13. Oxnard Courier , Feb. 28, 1903; A Broad Survey of North America , 223; History of the Japanese in Southern California , 54-55.

14. See, for example, U.S. Congress, Senate, Committee on Immigration, Abstract of the Report on Japanese and Other Races in the Pacific and Rocky Mountain States (Washington, DC, 1911), 53-55; Varden Fuller, The Supply of Agricultural Labor as a Factor in the Evolution of Farm Organization in California Agriculture , U.S. Congress, Senate, Committee on Education and Labor, Seventy-Sixth Congress, 3rd Session, Hearings . . . Pursuant to Senate Resolution 266, Part 54, Agricultural Labor in California (Washington, DC, 1940), 831; Masukazu Iwata, "The Japanese Immigrant in California Agriculture," Agricultural History , 36 (1962), 27; Yamato Ichihashi, Japanese in the United States: A Critical Study of the Problems of the Japanese Immigrants and Their Children (Stanford, 1932), 176-177; Roger Daniels, The Politics of Prejudice: The Anti-Japanese Movement in California and the Struggle for Japanese Exclusion (New York, 1968), 8-9; H. A. Millis, The Japanese Problem in the United States: An Investigation for the Commission on Relations with Japan, Appointed by the Federal Council of The Churches of Christ in America (New York, 1915), 111-112.

15. A Broad Survey of North America , 224; Oxnard Courier , Feb. 28, 1903.

16. Oxnard Courier , Mar. 27, 1902, Feb. 28, 1903.

17. Ibid., Feb. 7, 14, 1903; San Francisco Examiner , Mar. 27, 1903.

18. History of the Japanese in Southern California , 53; A Broad Survey of North America , 225; Oxnard Courier , Mar. 27, 1903; Ventura Free Press , Mar. 6, 1903; Ventura Weekly Democrat , Feb. 27, 1903.

19. A Broad Survey of North America , 223-225. Also see History of the Japanese in Southern California , 53.

20. Yuji Ichioka, "A Buried Past: Early Issei Socialists and the Japanese Community," Amerasia Journal , 1 (July 1971), 3.

21. Oxnard Courier , Mar. 7, 14, 1903; Ventura Independent , Mar. 5, 1903; Ventura Free Press , Mar. 7, 27, 1903.

22. Los Angeles Herald , Mar. 29, 1903; Oxnard Courier , Mar. 28, 1903.

23. Oxnard Courier , Mar. 7, 28, 1903.

24. Ibid., Mar. 28, 1903.

25. Murray, "A Foretaste of the Orient," 73-74.

26. Ventura Weekly Democrat , Feb. 27, 1903; Ventura Free Press , Mar. 6, 1903.

27. Oxnard Courier , Mar. 7, 1903.

28. Ventura Daily Democrat , Mar. 27, 1903; Ventura Free Press , Mar. 27, 1903; Los Angeles Herald , Mar. 27, 1903.

29. Ventura Daily Democrat , Mar. 1, 1903.

30. Ibid., Mar. 24, 26, 27, 1903; Los Angeles Herald , Mar. 24, 1903; Oxnard Courier , Mar. 28, 1903; Ventura Free Press , Mar. 27, 1903; Santa Barbara Morning Press , Mar. 24, 1903; San Francisco Call Mar. 24, 25, 1903; San Francisco Examiner , Mar. 26, 1903.

31. Los Angeles Times , Mar. 24, 25, 1903.

32. Oxnard Courier , Mar. 28, 1903.

33. Ventura Independent , Mar. 26, 1903.

34. Los Angeles Herald , Mar. 29, 1903; Oxnard Courier , Mar. 28, 1903. Also see Murray, "A Foretaste of the Orient," 76-77.

35. Oxnard Courier , April 4, 1903; Ventura Daily Democrat , Mar. 31, 1903.

36. Oxnard Courier , Mar. 28, 1903. Also see Los Angeles Times , Mar. 24, 1903.

37. Ventura Daily Democrat , Mar. 31, 1903; Los Angeles Times , April 1, 1903; Los Angeles Times and California Mirror , April 4, 1903; Ventura Independent , April 2, 1903.

38. Ventura Free Press , Mar. 27, 1903.

39. Ibid.

40. Ventura Daily Democrat , Mar. 27, 1903; Los Angeles Times , Mar. 26, 1903.

41. Los Angeles Times , Mar. 26, 1903.

42. Ibid., Mar. 27, 1903.

43. Oxnard Courier , Mar. 28, 1903.

44. Oxnard Courier , April 4, 1903.

45. Ventura Daily Democrat , Mar. 26, 1903.

46. Los Angeles Times , Mar. 27, 1903.

47. Ventura Free Press , April 3, 1903; Oxnard Courier , April 4, 1903; Ventura Weekly Free Democrat , April 3, 1903; Oakland Tribune , April 11, 1903.

48. Stuart Jamieson, Labor Unionism in American Agriculture , United States Department of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statistics, Bulletin No. 836 (Washington, DC, 1945), 5.

49. Oakland Tribune , April 1, 1903.

50. San Francisco Examiner , Mar. 26, 1903.

51. Oakland Tribune , April 22, 1903.

52. Ibid.

53. Ibid.

54. Proceedings, AFL Convention, 1894 , 25.

55. Samuel Gompers to J. M. Lizarras, May 15, 1903, as cited by Murray, "A Foretaste of the Orient," 77-78.

56. Los Angeles Citizen , Feb. 7, 1930.

57. American Labor Union Journal , June 25, 1903, as cited by Phillip S. Foner, History of the Labor Movement in the United States (New York, 1947-1965, 4 vols.), IV, 277.

58. J. M. Lizarras to Samuel Gompers, June 8, 1903, as cited by Murray, "A Foretaste of the Orient," 78. Also see Foner, History of the Labor Movement , III, 277.

59. On Feb. 2, 1906, a new organization called the "Cooperative Contracting Company" placed an advertisement in the Oxnard Courier identifying itself as an alternative to existing contracting companies in Oxnard. While it was not a union, the new company did claim to represent the interests of "Japanese laborers" in Oxnard. Their advertisement read as follows:

We Japanese laborers who have been in Oxnard for years, wish to make contracts for the harvesting of sugar beets direct with the growers. Don't make your agreement with other contractors, because for years we laborers have been depressed by them. Contractors' ill-treatment of laborers is the growers' loss directly. We trust them no more. We can and will do better work than has ever been clone here.

60. Jamieson, Labor Unionism , 57-58. Also see Lewis L. Lorwin and Joan A. Flexner, The American Federation of Labor: History, Policies, and Prospects (Washington, DC, 1933), 11; Federal Writers' Project, The Migratory Agricultural Worker and the American Federation of Labor to 1938 Inclusive (Oakland, 1939?), typewritten; Federal Writers' Project, Oriental Labor Unions and Strikes ; Federal Writers' Project, Unionization of Migratory Labor .

61. Jamieson, Labor Unionism , 58.

62. For two excellent discussions of the role of white labor in the anti-Chinese and anti-Japanese movements, see Alexander Saxton, The Indispensable Enemy: Labor and the Anti-Chinese Movement in California (Berkeley, 1971); and Daniels, The Politics of Prejudice .

1. Portions of this essay appear in Devra A. Weber, "Mexican Women on Strike: Memory, History, and Oral Narrative," in Between Borders: Essays on Mexicana/Chicana History , ed. Adelaida del Castillo (Encino, California: Floricanto Press, 1990), 161-174.

2. I use the term used by the women themselves. They called themselves Mexicans. Although all had lived in the United States over fifty years, all but one identified themselves as Mexicanas by birth, culture, and ethnicity. The one woman born and raised in the United States, and a generation younger, referred to herself interchangeably as Mexicana and Chicana.

3. Lu Ann Jones and Nancy Grey Osterud, "Breaking New Ground: Oral History and Agricultural History," Journal of American History 76 (September, 1989), 551-564.

4. Temma Kaplan, "Female Consciousness and Collective Action: The Case of Barcelona, 1910-1918," Signs (Spring, 1982), 545.

5. The sister-in-law is an interesting, if fragmentary, figure in Mrs. Valdez's memory. From Mrs. Valdez's account, the sister-in-law left her husband (Mrs. Valdez's brother) to join a group of revolutionaries, as a companera of one of them. When she returned to see her children, she threatened to have the entire family killed by her new lover. It was in the wake of this threat that the family fled to the United States.

6. That these were the main concerns of many Mexicans does not undermine the importance of the revolution in their lives, nor the extent to which the images and symbols of the revolution later became symbols of collective resistance, on both a class and national scale.

7. By 1933, the overwhelming majority of Mexican workers did not migrate from Mexico but from settled communities around Los Angeles or the Imperial Valley, adjacent to the Mexican border. Some came from Texas. The point is that they were not the "homing pigeons" described by growers who descended on the fields at harvest and cheerfully departed for Mexico. They were residents, and some of the younger pickers were United States citizens.

8. I want to emphasize that this is her analysis. I would disagree with the picture of solidarity; disputes among strikers would, I think, bear this out. Nevertheless, the point is that Mrs. Valdez's historical analysis tells us a great deal about her conception of the strike—and perhaps her conception of what I should be told about it.

9. In Mexico, Mexicans tended to have a greater sense of identity with the town or state they came from than with the country as a whole. These identities are still strong, as are the rivalries which exist between them. It has been argued that the Mexican revolution helped create a sense of national consciousness. One of the primary reasons was its opposition to foreign interests. For those who migrated north, across the Rio Bravo, the sense of opposition to Anglo Americans was even greater. It was on the border areas, after all, where the corridors of resistance developed, and where many have argued the sense of Mexican nationalism was strongest.

10. "Look at what the barbarians have stolen from us." Interview by author with Guillermo Martinez, Los Angeles, April 1982.

Note: Having encountered strong objections (not from the OHR ) to using the original Spanish in such a text, a word of explanation is in order. Translating another language—especially if the language is colloquial and therefore less directly translatable—robs the subjects of their voice, diminishing the article as a consequence. This is especially true if, as in this case, the language is colloquial and, to those who know Spanish, manifestly rural and working class. The original text gives such readers an indication of class and meaning unavailable in a translation. It also underscores the value of bridging monolingual parochialism in a multilingual and multicultural society. In any event, full English translations for all quotations will be provided in the notes.

11. After his death, Villa's corpse was disinterred and decapitated. His head was stolen in the 1920s, and the incident became a legend.

12. Interview by author with Lydia Ramos. All names used here are pseudonyms.

13. It is unclear whether Lourdes did keep the log. In a brief interview, Lourdes confirmed that she spoke at meetings and distributed food.

14. It is unclear exactly who made this decision. Roberto Castro, a member of the central strike committee, said the strike committee decided that women should enter the fields to confront strikebreakers because the women would be less likely to be hurt. The women remembered no such decision, and said that they made the decision themselves. It is hard to fix definitively the origins of the idea, but this may not matter very much; even if the strike committee made the decision, the action was consistent with spontaneous decisions by women that both antedated and followed this strike. Mexican women in Mexico City and other parts of the republic had taken part in bread riots in the colonial period. They had fought in the revolution. And in California, later strikes, in the 1930s, but also as recently as the 1980s, were punctuated by groups of Mexican women invading the fields to confront strikebreakers both verbally and physically. In short, it was a female form of protest women used both before and after the strike.

15. "The same women who were in the trucks, who were in the . . . picket line . . . these women went in and beat up all those that were inside [the fields] picking cotton. . .. They tore their clothes. They ripped their hats and the [picking] sacks. . .. And bad. Ohhh! It was ugly! It was an ugly sight. I was just looking and said, 'No, no.' I watched the blood flowing from them."

[She imitates the strikebreakers' voice in a high-pitched, pleading tone:] "Don't hit us. Leave them [other strikebreakers] alone. Don't hit them."

[Her voice drops as the collective voice of the strikers speaks:] "Let them be set upon . . . If we are going cold and hungry then they should too. They're cowards . . . sellouts. Scum."

[Her voice rises as the strikebreakers continue their plea:] "Because we live far away, we come from Los Angeles. . .. We need to have money to leave. . . ."

"Yes," she says [her voice lowers and slows as it again becomes the voice of the strikers:] "We also have to eat and we also have family," she says. " But we are not sellouts !"

16. "Because women take more chances. The men always hold back because they are men and all. But the women, no. The men couldn't make us do anything. They couldn't make us do anything [to prevent us from going] and so we all went off in a flash."

17. "Yes . . . We also have to eat and we also have family. But we are not sellouts !"

18. As the local district attorney admitted after the strike, conditions in the strikers' camp were no worse than those of the cotton labor camps. Growers did use the bad conditions, however, to pressure the health department to close the strikers' camp as a menace to public health.

19. "She [Lourdes] was telling them that they might have to go hungry for awhile.

"'But look,' she said . . . 'they are bringing us food. We'll each get just a little, but we're not going to starve,' she says. 'But don't leave. But don't ANYBODY go to work. Even if a rancher comes and tells you "come on, let's go," don't anybody go,' she says.

" 'Look, even if it's a little bit, we're eating. But we aren't starving. They're bringing us food.'

[Mrs. Valdez interjected:] "They brought us milk and everything. Everybody that was working [in the strikers' camp] were told not to go with any rancher. They were told not to believe any rancher. But everyone had to stand together as one. Everyone had an equal vote [in what was decided] . . . equal."

20. [The collective voice speaks:] "'No. And no [they said]. No. No. If you pay us this much, then we go. And if one [rancher] pays [the demand], then all the ranchers have to pay the same.' They had to, you see."

21. "The Portuguese [a growers' representative] told [the strikers' representative] that the ranchers . . . were going to have a meeting at [the strikers' camp] with 'la Lourdes.' 'Yes,' he says. . .. 'We're going to pay you so much. All of us are going to sign so that then all of you can return to your camps to work.'

'Yes,' said [the strikers' representative]. 'But not a cent less. No. We won't go until we have a set wage. Then all of us go. But if there is something more [if there is more trouble] NONE of us go. Not even ONE of us leaves the camp.'"

1. Silas B. Axtell, comp., A Symposium on Andrew Furuseth (New Bedford, Mass.: Darwin Press, 1948), p. 81.

2. The term was popularized by Mike Quin in The Big Strike (Olema, Calif.: Olema Publishing Co., 1949). On the extraordinary eruptions of 1934, see Irving Bernstein, The Turbulent Years: A History of the American Worker, 1933-1941 (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1970), pp. 217-317. For narratives of the 1934 maritime and general strike, see Bernstein, Turbulent Years , pp. 252-98; Charles P. Larrowe, "The Great Maritime Strike of '34," Pt. 1, Labor History 11 (Fall 1970): 403-51, and Pt. 2, Labor History 12 (Winter 1971): 3-37, hereafter cited as Larrowe-1 and Larrowe-2; and Quin, The Big Strike .

3. Quin, The Big Strike , pp. 104-5, San Francisco Chronicle , July 6, 1934, p. 1.

4. San Francisco Chronicle , May 12, 1934, p. 2; May 18, 1934, p. 17; Los Angeles Times , May 13, 1934, p. 6; Ronald Magden and A. D. Martinson, The Working Waterfront: The Story of Tacoma's Ships and Men (Tacoma, Wash.: International Longshoremen's and Warehousemen's Union, Local 23, 1982), p. 110; Michael Egan, "'That's Why Organizing Was So Good': Portland Longshoremen, 1934: An Oral History" (senior thesis, Reed College, 1975), p. 51; Roger D. Lapham, "Pacific Maritime Labor Conditions as They Affect the Nation" (address to the Chamber of Commerce of the United States, Washington, D.C., Apr. 30, 1936), in Roger Lapham, "An Interview on Shipping, Labor, San Francisco City Government, and American Foreign Aid," conducted by Corinne L. Gilb, San Francisco, January-August 1956 (transcript in the Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley), p. 412. Egan's Reed thesis includes an interview with Harry Pilcher, an Everett longshoreman and Communist party member, who participated in the events on the Seattle waterfront. Pilcher recalled (p. 51): "By Friday [the third day of the strike] they had scabs on every dock in Seattle. Us fellows from Everett and Tacoma got together and we rounded up all of the militant men we could find in Seattle. And Saturday morning we hit the docks in force. . . . I'd say at least a thousand unemployed came down and backed us up. . . . we got through that Saturday and there wasn't any scabs left on the Seattle waterfront."

5. Donald Mackenzie Brown, "Dividends and Stevedores," Scribner's 97 (Jan. 1935): 54-55; Henry Schmidt, Secondary Leadership in the ILWU, 1933-1966 (oral history project conducted by Miriam E Stein and Estolv Ethan Ward, 1974-81, Berkeley Regional History Office, Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley), p. 99.

6. Jerold S. Auerbach, Labor and Liberty: The La Follette Committee and the New Deal (New York: Bobbs-Merrill, 1966), pp. 177-78; Ivan F. Cox to Robert F. Wagner, Feb. 5, 1934, carton 11, San Francisco Labor Council, AFL-CIO, Correspondence and Papers, 1906-65, Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley, hereafter cited as SFLC papers; Louis B. Perry and Richard S. Perry, A History of the Los Angeles Labor Movement, 1911-1941 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1963), pp. 366-67; U.S., Congress, Senate, Subcommittee of the Committee on Education and Labor, Report, Violations of Free Speech and Rights of Labor , Report no. 1150, 77th Cong., 2d sess. (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1942), pt. 2, pp. 131, 134-35; hereafter cited as La Follette Committee, Report .

7. Los Angeles Daily News quoted in Larrowe-1, p. 410; Lew Levenson, "California Casualty List," Nation , Aug. 29, 1934, pp. 243-45; [American League Against War and Fascism (Los Angeles Committee)] California's Brown Book (Los Angeles: American League Against War and Fascism, 1934), pp. 4-5.

8. Los Angeles Times , May 16, 1934, sec. 2, pp. 1, 10.

9. Voice of the Federation , June 28, 1935, p. 4; interviews with Bob McElroy, May 31, 1979, and Feb. 3, 1981.

10. Perry and Perry, History of the Los Angeles Labor Movement , p. 367; Foc'sle Head , July 2, 1934, p. 2; Voice of the Federation , June 14, 1935, p. 2.

11. Schmidt quoted in Voice of the Federation , June 21, 1935, p. 4; San Francisco Chronicle , July 10, 1934, p. 1; Frederic Chiles, "General Strike: San Francisco, 1934—An Historical Compilation Film Storyboard," Labor History 22 (Summer 1981): 457; Quin, The Big Strike , p. 129; anonymous recollection in Case Files, Coast 1934, 1934 Strike Personal Interviews, ILWU Archives, Anne Rand Research Library, San Francisco; interview with Roy Hudson, Oct. 29, 1981; Paul Eliel, The Waterfront and General Strikes, San Francisco, 1934: A Brief History (San Francisco: Hooper Printing Co., 1934), p. 128.

12. [George Larsen] to P. B. Gill, Apr. 26, 1934, Seattle correspondence, 1934, SUP Central Archive, Sailors' Union of the Pacific Headquarters, San Francisco.

13. Francis, "History of Labor on the San Francisco Waterfront," pp. 12, 182-83; ILA Local 38-79, executive board minutes, Oct. 9, 1933, ILWU Archives; Sam Darcy, "The Great West Coast Maritime Strike," Communist 13 (July 1934): 671-72.

14. Charles P. Larrowe, Harry Bridges: The Rise and Fall of Radical Labor in the United States (New York: Lawrence Hill, 1972), p. 38; Theodore Durein, "Scabs' Paradise," Reader's Digest 30 (Jan. 1937): 21; Herbert R. Northrup, Organized Labor and the Negro (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1944), pp. 152-53; San Francisco Chronicle , May 10, 1934, p. 4; May 13, 1934, p. 3; May 16, 1934, p. 3.

15. Schmidt, Secondary Leadership in the ILWU , p. 228. In an interview with the author on Oct. 14, 1981, Schmidt recalled, "All of a sudden, fourteen or fifteen black [longshore]men walked into the office and said, 'Well, we're here. Do you want us?'"

16. Walter Macarthur to Mr. Michelson, Jan. 31, 1936, carton 1, Walter Macarthur, Correspondence and Papers, c. 1905-44, Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley, hereafter cited as Macarthur papers; Bridges quoted in Larrowe-1, p. 416; Caves's statement appears in a letter he wrote on Aug. 26, 1938; in "Case of Ferdinand Smith, Vice-President of National Maritime Union of America [Sept. 23, 1938]," p. 17, in ILWU files relating to seamen and maritime unions, carton 12.

17. [George Larsen] to P. B. Gill, Apr. 26, 1934; Nov. 17, 1933; Nov. 23, 1933; George Larsen to John A. Feidje, Dec. 12, 1933; to Carl E. Carter, Feb. 17, 1934; Apr. 6, 1934; Apr. 20, 1934; Carl E. Carter to George Larsen, Mar. 29, 1934, SUP Central Archive, Portland correspondence, 1934.

18. [George Larsen] to John A. Feidje, Oct. 12, 1933; [George Larsen] to Carl E. Carter, Mar. 1, 1934; Mar. 15, 1934; Apr. 6, 1934, SUP Central Archive, Portland correspondence, 1934.

19. "Minutes of Meeting of District Committee[,] International Seamen's Union of America," May 9, 1934, SUP Central Archive, 1934 strike file; [George Larsen] to C. E. Carter, May 11, 1934, SUP Central Archive, Portland correspondence, 1934.

20. Waterfront Worker , Oct. 22, 1934, p. 7; May 21, 1934, p. 3; San Francisco Chronicle , May 13, 1934, p. 3; Darcy, "The Great West Coast Maritime Strike," p. 670.

21. Interview with Harold Johnson, Aug. 4, 1984.

22. SUP, minutes of headquarters meeting, San Francisco, May 15, 1934; [George Larsen] to P. B. Gill, May 24, 1934, SUP Central Archive, Seattle correspondence, 1934.

23. On the teamsters, see Robert McClure Robinson, "A History of the Teamsters in the San Francisco Bay Area, 1850-1950" (Ph.D. diss., University of California, Berkeley, 1951), pp. 223-63; Paul Eliel, The Waterfront and General Strikes , p. 50. Eliel stated: "Had it not been for this stand of the Teamsters' Union the strike of longshoremen would undoubtedly have collapsed within a week or ten days at the most."

24. Sam Darcy, "The San Francisco Bay Area General Strike," Communist 13 (Oct. 1934): 995; Bulcke quoted in Joseph Blum and Lisa Rubens, "Strike," San Francisco Sunday Examiner and Chronicle, California Living Magazine , July 8, 1984, p. 12; Quin, The Big Strike , p. 148. The San Francisco newspapers generally refrained from offering an exact estimate of the number of participants in the general strike. The number of organized workers on strike in San Francisco appears to have been close to fifty thousand. The press did estimate that between forty-two and forty-seven thousand workers struck in the East Bay. However, these figures almost certainly did not include the apparently significant number of unorganized workers who also walked off the job. Therefore, the Communists' estimate of some hundred and twenty-five thousand participants may well be accurate. See William E Dunne, The Great San Francisco General Strike: The Story of the West Coast Strike — The Bay Counties' General Strike and the Maritime Workers' Strike (New York: Workers' Library, 1934), p. 3.

25. J. Paul St. Sure, "Some Comments on Employer Organizations and Collective Bargaining in Northern California Since 1934," an interview conducted by Corinne Gilb for the Institute of Industrial Relations Oral History Project, University of California, Berkeley, 1957, pp. 69-70, 72-73.

26. George Larsen to Andrew Furuseth, May 18, 1934, SUP Central Archive, 1934 strike file; "Seven Seamen," Fortune 16 (Sept. 1937): 123.

27. Waterfront Worker , May 21, 1934, p. 4.

28. Frances Perkins to Franklin D. Roosevelt, July 15, 1934, in Franklin D. Roosevelt, Papers as President, Official File, 1935-45, 407-B, box 11, Franklin D. Roosevelt Library, Hyde Park, N.Y., hereafter cited as FDR Official File; Quin, The Big Strike , pp. 98-99; Eliel quoted in Larrowe-1, p. 444.

29. Interview with Al Richmond, Sept. 17, 1982; ''The Maritime Unions," Fortune 16 (Sept. 1937): 132; George P. West, "Labor Strategist of the Embarcadero," New York Times Magazine , Oct. 25, 1936, p. 7; Frances Perkins, The Roosevelt I Knew (New York: Viking Press, 1946), p. 316; Richard L. Neuberger, "Bad-Man Bridges," Forum 101 (Apr. 1939): 198-99.

30. Charles A. Madison, American Labor Leaders: Personalities and Forces in the Labor Movement , 2d ed. (New York: Frederick Ungar, 1962), p. 409; Estolv E. Ward, Harry Bridges on Trial (New York: Modern Age Books, 1940), p. 105; Voice of the Federation , Apr. 23, 1936, p. 3.

31. Interview with John P. Olsen, San Francisco, Oct. 22, 1981; Eliel quoted in Larrowe-2, pp. 17-18; Landis quoted in Ward, Harry Bridges on Trial , p. 230.

32. Emory Scott Land, "The Reminiscences of Emory Scott Land," Oral History Collection, Columbia University, 1963, p. 191; Louis Adamic, My America, 1928-1938 (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1938), p. 375; San Francisco Examiner , Aug. 30, 1935, p. 8; West, "Labor Strategist of the Embarcadero," p. 7.

33. Waterfront Worker , Feb. 11, 1935, p. 6; Oct. 15, 1934, p. 6.

34. John P. Olsen quoted in Chiles, "General Strike: San Francisco, 1934," p. 465.

35. Bruce Minton and John Stuart, Men Who Lead Labor (New York: Modern Age Books, 1937), p. 199; Neuberger, "Bad-Man Bridges," p. 199; interview with Sam Darcy, Harvey Cedars, N.J., Dec. 19, 1979; "Herbert Resner: The Recollections of the Attorney for Frank Conner," in The Shipboard Murder Case: Labor Radicalism and Earl Warren, 1936-1941 , ed. Miriam Feingold Stein (interviewer) (Berkeley: Regional Oral History Office, Bancroft Library, University of California, 1976), pp. 13-14; Voice of the Federation , July 19, 1936, p. 4.

36. "The Maritime Unions," p. 137; Matthew Josephson, "Red Skies over the Waterfront," Collier's , Oct. 5, 1946, pp. 17, 89-90; Bernstein, Turbulent Years , p. 266; Charles E Larrowe, Shape-Up and Hiring Hall: A Comparison of Hiring Methods and Labor Relations on the New York and Seattle Waterfronts (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1955), pp. 16-17; U.S., Congress, Senate, Committee on Interstate and Foreign Commerce, Waterfront Investigation: New York-New Jersey , 83d Cong., 1st sess., Report no. 653 (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1953), pp. 7-13.

37. San Francisco Chronicle , June 17, 1934, pp. 1, 2; June 18, 1934, p. 1.

38. Quin, The Big Strike , pp. 84-85; Henry Schmidt interview; San Francisco Chronicle , June 29, 1934, p. 1.

39. Quin, The Big Strike , pp. 52-53.

40. Eliel quoted in Larrowe-1, pp. 43-44.

41. Darcy interview; Joseph R. Starobin, American Communism in Crisis, 1943-1957 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1972), p. 258; John Brophy, A Miner's Life , ed. John O. P. Hall (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1964), p. 275. Brophy was the CIO's first director and, after John L. Lewis, the person most crucial to the organization during its formative stages. A deeply religious Roman Catholic, Brophy eventually became a staunch anti-Communist. In 1938, however, he stridently attacked those who raised the cry of "Communist" within the CIO, lambasting the "social and intellectual bankruptcy of their methods" and even accusing them of treason. Labor Herald , Aug. 25, 1938, p. 2, in John Brophy, Papers, 1917-63, Department of Archives and Manuscripts, Catholic University of America, Washington, D.C.

42. Eliel, The Waterfront and General Strikes , p. 128; Darcy interview.

43. Even the San Francisco ILA local passed an anti-Communist resolution, in response to strong pressure from the Labor Council. The resolution declared that any ILA member who refused "to disavow all connections with the Communist element on the waterfront . . . shall be held to trial on charges of insubordination and if found guilty shall be expelled from Local 38-79." Although the resolution was "unanimously concur[r]ed in" at a membership meeting, it seems to have had no effect on the strike committee's close working relationship with the MWIU, the International Labor Defense, and other Communist-led organizations and individuals. Ivan E Cox to John O'Connell, June 26, 1934, in SFLC papers, carton 11.

44. Foc'sle Head , June 28, 1934, p. 2.

45. Foc'sle Head , May 18, 1934, p. 1; June 22, 1934, pp. 1, 2; July 2, 1934, p. 2; "A Synopsis of the Events Leading up to and Following the Attempt to Suspend W. W. Caves, from the Office of Chairman of the Strike Committee, Sailors' Union of the Pacific," SUP Central Archive, 1934 strike file; interview with Bob McElroy, May 31, 1979. Eventually Caves was removed from the strike committee. The minutes of a special meeting on June 24 recorded the decision "to suspend W. W. Caves from the strike committee, because he has not been around for three days, and because his attitude and general disposition seems to inject a spirit of dissension in the committee." SUP Strike Committee, minutes of special meeting, San Francisco, June 24, 1934, SUP Central Archive, 1934 strike file.

46. San Francisco Chronicle , June 21, 1934, p. 4; Foc'sle Head , June 25, 1934, p. 1; Johnson and Merriam quoted in Nation , Aug. 29, 1934, p. 228 (emphasis added).

47. Miriam Allen De Ford, "San Francisco: An Autopsy on the General Strike," Nation , Aug. 1, 1934, p. 122; ibid., p. 113; John Terry, "The Terror in San Jose," Nation , Aug. 8, 1934, p. 162.

48. San Francisco Chronicle , July 18, 1934, p. 1; San Francisco Examiner , July 18, 1934, p. 1; "Who Owns the San Francisco Police Department?" Nation , Aug. 29, 1934, pp. 228-29; Quin, The Big Strike , pp. 162-63; Lorena Hickok to Aubrey W. Williams, Aug. 15, 1934, in One Third of a Nation: Lorena Hickok Reports on the Great Depression , ed. Richard Lowitt and Maurine Beasley (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1981), p. 305; Robert Cantwell, "War on the West Coast: I. The Gentlemen of San Francisco," New Republic , Aug. 1, 1934, p. 309; Sam Darcy to author, May 12, 1981. There may have been some workers, even a few strikers, involved in the reign of terror. With sorrow and anger, the Waterfront Worker acknowledged the apparent truth of the rumor that "some I.L.A. men were in the posse that helped smash the workers meeting places." Waterfront Worker , Sept. 14, 1934, p. 2; Oct. 1, 1934, p. 7.

49. Darcy, "The San Francisco Bay Area General Strike," p. 999.

50. San Francisco Chronicle , July 19, 1934, p. 1. Three days earlier the Chronicle (July 16, 1934, p. 2) had reported that Bridges recommended the "immediate establishment of food distribution depots in every section of the city." "If the people can't get food," the paper reported Bridges as saying, "the maritime workers and longshoremen will lose the strike."

51. Paul Eliel stated that as the last marchers broke ranks, "a general strike, which up to this time had appeared to many to be a visionary dream of a small group of the most radical workers, became for the first time a practical and realizable objective." Eliel, The Waterfront and General Strikes , p. 128.

52. John E Neylan to F. C. Atherton, Aug. 16, 1934, in John Francis Neylan, Correspondence and Papers, c. 1911-60, Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley, box 56. On the role of the San Francisco newspapers in the general strike, see Earl Burke, "Dailies Helped Break General Strike," Editor and Publisher , July 28, 1934, p. 5; and Evelyn Seeley, "War on the West Coast: II. Journalist Strikebreakers," New Republic , Aug. 1, 1934, pp. 310-12.

53. John A. O'Connell to William Green, July 2, 1934, SFLC papers, carton 31; Frances Perkins to Franklin D. Roosevelt, July 15, 1934, in FDR Official File, 407-B, box 11; Casey quoted in Paul S. Taylor and Norman Leon Gold, "San Francisco and the General Strike," Survey Graphic 23 (Sept. 1934): 409; interview with Sam Kagel, July 18, 1984; "Henry Melnikow, and the National Labor Bureau: An Oral History," interview conducted by Corinne Lathrop Gilb, Institute of Industrial Relations, University of California, Berkeley, 1959, pp. 181-82, 189, 197-98; Carl Lynch to Strike Committees, I.S.U. of A., July 18, 1934, SUP Central Archive, 1934 strike file.

54. Quin, The Big Strike , pp. 176-77, 179.

55. Paul S. Taylor, "The San Francisco General Strike" (typescript, n.d.), p. 16, in Paul S. Taylor, material relating to agricultural and maritime strikes in California, 1933-42, Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley, carton 3; Quin, The Big Strike , p. 180.

56. Larrowe, Harry Bridges , p. 87; the phrase "all the muck of ages" is from Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, The German Ideology , quoted in Martin Glaberman, Wartime Strikes: The Struggle Against the No-Strike Pledge in the UAW During World War II (Detroit: Bewick Editions, 1980), p. 126.

57. John Cooper to George Larsen, July 26, 1934, SUP Central Archive, 1934 strike file.

58. "Proceedings, Special Meeting, Sailors' Union of the Pacific, Maritime Hall Building, San Francisco, July 29, 1934," carton 6, p. 1, Paul Scharrenberg, Correspondence and Papers, Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley; hereafter cited as SUE "Proceedings . . . July 29, 1934."

59. Ibid., pp. 4-5.

60. Ibid., pp. 8, 11-13.

61. San Francisco Chronicle , June 30, 1934, p. 2.

62. Johnson quoted in ibid., July 18, 1934, pp. 1, 5.

63. SUP, "Proceedings . . . July 29, 1934," pp. 14-15; the nicknames ridiculing Furuseth appeared in the Foc'sle Head , June 29, 1934, p. 1; July 12, 1934, p. 2.

64. SUP, "Proceedings . . . July 29, 1934," p. 14.

65. San Francisco Chronicle , July 31, 1934, p. 7.

1. Vicki Ruiz, ''Working for Wages: Mexican Women in the American Southwest, 1930-1980," Southwest Institute for Research on Working Women, Paper No. 19 (1984): 2.

2. Albert Camarillo, Chicanos in a Changing Society (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1979), pp. 92, 137, 157, 221; Pedro Castillo, "The Making of a Mexican Barrio: Los Angeles, 1890-1920" (Ph.D. dissertation, University of California, Santa Barbara, 1979), p. 154; Ruiz, "Working for Wages," p. 17.

3. Paul S. Taylor, "Women in Industry," Field Notes for his book Mexican Labor in the United States, 1927-1930 , Paul S. Taylor Collection, Bancroft Library, Berkeley, CA; Heller Committee for Research in Social Economics of the University of California and Constantine Panuzio, How Mexicans Earn and Live (University of California Publications in Economics, 13, No. 1, Cost of Living Studies V) (Berkeley, CA: University of California, 1933), PP. 12, 15. Interview with Julia Luna Mount, November 17, 1983, by the author. The term family wage economy first appeared in Louise Tilly and Joan Scott, Women, Work, and Family (New York, NY: Holt Rinehart and Winston, 1978).

4. Taylor, Field Notes.

5. Taylor, Field Notes; Caroline E Ware, The Early New England Cotton Manufacture (Boston, MA: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1931; rpt. ed., New York, NY: Johnson Reprint Corporation, 1966), pp. 217-219.

6. Douglas Monroy, "An Essay on Understanding the Work Experience of Mexicans in Southern California, 1900-1939," Aztlan 33 (Spring 1981): 70; Taylor, Field Notes.

7. U.S., National Youth Administration, State of California, An Occupational Study of the Fruit and Vegetable Canning Industry in California , Prepared by Edward G. Stoy and Frances W. Strong, State of California (1938), pp. 15-39 (hereafter referred to as N.Y.A. Study ). My thoughts on the development of a cannery culture derive from oral interviews with former cannery and packing house workers and organizers, and from the works of Patricia Zavella, Thomas Dublin, and Louise Lamphere.

8. Thomas Dublin, Women at Work: The Transformation of Work and Community in Lowell, Massachusetts, 1826-1860 (New York, NY: Columbia University Press, 1979), pp. 41-48; interview with Carmen Bernal Escobar, February 11, 1979, by the author; Mount interview; letter from Luisa Moreno dated March 22, 1983, to the author.

9. Dublin, Women at Work , p. 48.

10. Mount interview; Escobar interview.

11. "Interview with Elizabeth Nicholas," by Ann Baxandall Krooth and Jaclyn Greenberg, published in Harvest Quarterly , Nos. 3-4 (September-December 1976): 15-16; interview with Luisa Moreno, August 5, 1976, by Albert Camarillo.

12. Howard Shorr, "Boyle Heights Population Estimates: 1940" (unpublished materials); David Weissman, "Boyle Heights—A Study in Ghettos," The Reflex 6 (July 1935): 32; Mount interview; interview with Maria Rodriguez, April 26, 1984, by the author. Note: Maria Rodriguez is a pseudonym used at the person's request.

13. Interview with Luisa Moreno, July 27, 1978, by the author.

14. Leslie Woodcock Tentler, Wage Earning Women: Industrial Work and Family Life in the United States, 1900-1930 (New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 1979), pp. 71-75; Escobar interview; Susan Porter Benson, "'The Customers Ain't God': The Work Culture of Department Store Saleswomen, 1890-1940," in Working Class America , ed. Michael H. Frisch and Daniel J. Walkowitz (Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press, 1983), pp. 197-198.

15. N. Y. A. Study , pp. 15-39; Castillo, "Making of a Mexican Barrio," p. 54; Moreno interview, July 1978; Rodriguez interview, April 1984. Note: Chisme means gossip.

16. California Canners' Directory (July 1936), p. 2; Escobar interview; UCAPAWA News , September 1939; Economic Material on the California Cannery Industry , prepared by Research Department, California CIO Council (February 1946), p. 18; California Governor C. C. Young, Mexican Fact-Finding Committee, Mexicans in California (October 1930) (San Francisco, CA: California State Printing Office, 1930; reprinted by R and E Research Associates, San Francisco, CA, 1970), pp. 49-54, 89; interview with Dorothy Ray Healey, January 21, 1979, by the author; Escobar interview; letter from Luisa Moreno dated July 28, 1979, to the author.

17. U. S., Department of Labor, Women's Bureau, Application of Labor Legislation to the Fruit and Vegetable Preserving Industries (Bulletin of the Women's Bureau, No. 176) (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1940), p. 90; Escobar interview; N. Y. A. Study , pp. 15-39.

18. Escobar interview; Rodriguez interview.

19. Escobar interview; N. Y. A. Study , pp. 15-39.

20. Escobar interview; Mount interview.

21. Escobar interview; Healey interview.

22. Escobar interview.

23. Victor B. Nelson-Cisneros, "UCAPAWA and Chicanos in California: The Farm Worker Period," Aztlan 6 (Fall 1976): 463.

24. Interview with Luisa Moreno, September 6, 1979, by the author; Healey interview; Moreno interview, August 1976; Moreno interview, July 1978; Report of Donald Henderson, General President to the Second Annual Convention of the United Cannery, Agricultural, Packing and Allied Workers of America (San Francisco, CA, December 12-16, 1938), pp. 14, 22, 32-33; Proceedings , First National Convention of the United Cannery, Agricultural, Packing and Allied Workers of America (Denver, CO, July 9-12, 1937), p. 21; New York Times , November 24, 1938; Proceedings , Third National Convention of United Cannery, Agricultural, Packing and Allied Workers of America (Chicago, IL, December 3-7, 1940), pp. 60-66.

25. Philip S. Foner, Women and the American Labor Movement (New York, NY: The Free Press, 1979), pp. 190-194, 197-198, 211-212; Susan Levine, "Labor's True Woman: Domesticity and Equal Rights in the Knights of Labor," Journal of American History 70 (September 1983): 323-339; Sidney Lens, The Labor Wars (Garden City, NY: Anchor Books, 1974), p. 65; Constitution and By-Laws , as amended by the Second National Convention of the United Cannery, Agricultural, Packing and Allied Workers of America, Effective December 17, 1938, pp. 2, 26-27.

26. Sam Kushner, Long Road to Delano (New York, NY: International Publishers, 1975), pp. 90-91; Nelson-Cisneros, "UCAPAWA and Chicanos in California," pp. 460-467, 473; Proceedings , Third UCAPAWA Convention, p. 10; Executive Officers' Report , pp. 9-10.

27. Nelson-Cisneros, "UCAPAWA and Chicanos in California," p. 463; Healey interview; UCAPAWA News , October 1939.

28. Healey interview; Escobar interview; UCAPAWA News , September 1939; Mount interview.

29. Escobar interview; Healey interview; UCAPAWA News , September 1939; Los Angeles Times , September 1, 1939.

30. Healey interview; Escobar interview.

31. Escobar interview; Moreno interview, August 1976; Albert Camarillo, Chicanos in California (San Francisco, CA: Boyd & Fraser, 1984), pp. 61-63.

32. UCAPAWA News , September 1939; UCAPAWA News , December 1939; Escobar interview.

33. UCAPAWA News , September 1939; Healey interview.

34. Healey interview; UCAPAWA News , September 1939; UCAPAWA News , December 1939.

35. Healey interview; Escobar interview; UCAPAWA News , December 1939.

36. Escobar interview; Healey interview; Moreno letter, July 1979.

37. Moreno interview, September 1979; Moreno interview, August 12-13, 1977, with Albert Camarillo; Escobar interview; Moreno interview, July 1978.

38. Escobar interview; Moreno interview, September 1979; Moreno letter, July 1979.

39. UCAPAWA News , August 25, 1941; Moreno interview, September 1979; Moreno letter, July 1979; UCAPAWA News , November 17, 1941; UCAPAWA News , December 1, 1941.

40. UCAPAWA News , February 1, 1943; UCAPAWA News , July 15, 1942; UCAPAWA News , December 15, 1943; UCAPAWA News , June 15, 1942; UCAPAWA News , July 1, 1944.

41. UCAPAWA News , April 10, 1942; UCAPAWA News , April 1, 1943; UCAPAWA News , March 11, 1942; UCAPAWA News , May 15, 1943; FTA News , January 1, 1945; Moreno interview, September 1979; Moreno letter, July 1979.

42. Escobar interview. For more information concerning other CIO campaigns, see Luis Leobardo Arroyo, "Chicano Participation in Organized Labor: The CIO in Los Angeles, 1938-1950," Aztlan 6 (Summer 1975): 277-303.

43. Women's Bureau Bulletin, Application of Labor Legislation , pp. 3-8, 102-103.

44. Vicki L. Ruiz, "UCAPAWA, Chicanas, and the California Food Processing Industry, 1937-1950" (Ph.D. dissertation, Stanford University, 1982), pp. 164, 194.

45. The term labor aristocracy first appeared in E. J. Hobsbawm's Labouring Men: Studies in the History of Labour (New York, NY: Basic Books, Inc., 1964). Other historians have refined the applicability and criteria for the term.

46. Ruiz, "UCAPAWA, Chicanas," pp. 151-176.

47. Sara Evans has defined ''social space" as an area "within which members of an oppressed group can develop an independent sense of worth in contrast to their received definitions as second-class or inferior citizens." Personal Politics (New York, NY: Vintage Books, 1980), p. 219.

48. Escobar interview.

49. Laurie Coyle, Gall Hershatter, and Emily Honig, "Women at Farah: An Unfinished Story," in Mexican Women in the United States , ed. Magdalena Mora and Adelaida Del Castillo (Los Angeles, CA: Chicano Studies Research Publications, 1980); Patricia Zavella, "Support Networks of Young Chicana Workers," paper presented at the Western Social Science Association Meeting, Albuquerque, New Mexico, April 29, 1983; Patricia Zavella, "Women, Work, and Family in the Chicano Community: Cannery Workers of the Santa Clara Valley" (Ph.D. dissertation, University of California, Berkeley, 1982).

50. For more information on the Teamster take-over, see Ruiz, "UCAPAWA, Chicanas," pp. 206-243.

1. The fullest account of the California Workingmen's party is provided by Ralph Kauer, "The Workingmen's Party of California," Pacific Historical Review 13 (September 1944): 278-291. An important book on the California labor movement and reform politics in the late nineteenth century is Alexander Saxton, The Indispensable Enemy: Labor and the Anti-Chinese Movement in California (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1971). Also useful on the history of the California Workingmen's party are Royce D. Delmatier, Clarence F. McIntosh, and Earl G. Waters, The Rumble of California Politics, 1848-1970 (New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1970), pp. 70-98; and Ira B. Cross, A History of the Labor Movement in California (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1935), pp. 88-129. These studies, however, focus mainly on the San Francisco branch of the California Workingmen's party and the anti-Chinese agitation.

2. Leon Fink, Workingmen's Democracy: The Knights of Labor and American Politics (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1983), p. 26. In an important review essay, David Montgomery has stressed the incidence of independent political activity in the Gilded Age and the need for further work in the field. David Montgomery, "To Study the People: The American Working Class," Labor History 21 (Fall 1980): 485-512.

3. Steven Hahn and Jonathan Prude, eds., The Countryside in the Age of Capitalist Transformation: Essays in the Social History of Rural America (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1985), p. 3.

4. Many historians of late eighteenth- and nineteenth-century American radicalism have noted the persistence of a democratic-republican tradition and have tried to define it, notwithstanding all its complexities. Among the most sophisticated efforts are: Leon Fink, Workingmen's Democracy ; Eric Foner, Free Soil, Free Men, Free Labor: The Ideology of the Republican Party Before the Civil War (New York: Oxford University Press, 1970); Eric Foner, Tom Paine and Revolutionary America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1976); Sean Wilentz, Chants Democratic: New York City and the Rise of the American Working Class, 1788-1850 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1984). In his book The Indispensable Enemy , Saxton also uses the concept to analyze the sources of radicalism in postbellum nineteenth-century California politics. See especially pp. 19-45.

5. Humboldt Times , March 26, 1864.

6. Letter Book of James Beith, January 24, 1862, p. 162. Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley.

7. Ibid.

8. See Robert A. Burchell, "Opportunity and the Frontier: Wealth-Holding in Twenty-Six Northern California Counties, 1848-1880," Western Historical Quarterly 18 (April 1987): 177-196; Daniel A. Cornford, "Lumber, Labor, and Community in Humboldt County, California, 1850-1920" (doctoral dissertation, University of California, Santa Barbara, 1983), pp. 37-40; and Ralph Mann, After the Gold Rush: Society in Grass Valley and Nevada City, California, 1849-1870 (Palo Alto: Stanford University Press, 1882).

9. Besides the studies listed above, see Alan Dawley, Class and Community: The Industrial Revolution in Lynn (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1976); Paul Faler, Mechanics and Manufacturers in the Early Industrial Revolution: Lynn, Massachusetts, 1780-1860 (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1981); Herbert G. Gutman, Work, Culture, and Society in Industrializing America (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1976); David Montgomery, Labor and the Radical Republicans, 1862-1872 (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1967); Edward Pessen, Most Uncommon Jacksonians: The Radical Leaders of the Early Labor Movement (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1967); Howard B. Rock, Artisans of the New Republic: The Tradesmen of New York City in the Age of Jefferson (New York: New York University Press, 1979); Steven J. Ross, Workers on the Edge: Work, Leisure, and Politics in Industrializing Cincinnati; 1788-1890 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1985); and Nick Salvatore, Eugene V. Debs: Citizen and Socialist (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1982).

10. For information on the early social and economic history of Humboldt County, see Lynwood Carranco, Redwood Lumber Industry (San Marino: Golden West Books, 1982); Cornford, "Lumber, Labor, and Community," pp. 24-106; Owen C. Coy, The Humboldt Bay Region, 1850-1875 (Los Angeles: California State Historical Association, 1929); and History of Humboldt County, California with Biographical Sketches (San Francisco: W. W. Elliott & Co., 1881).

11. Humboldt Times , December 21, 1867 and January 4, 1868.

12. Ibid., November 14, 1868.

13. Humboldt Times , July 15, 1871; and Northern Independent , July 13, 1871.

14. Northern Independent , August 26 and September 1, 1869.

15. Ibid., August 19, 1869.

16. Humboldt Times , March 11, 1871.

17. Ibid., April 15 and August 26, 1871.

18. West Coast Signal , July 9, 1873.

19. This party is sometimes referred to as the Independent party or the Dollay Vardens. The secondary literature on it is sparse, but see Curtis E. Grassman, "Prologue to Progressivism: Senator Stephen M. White and the California Reform Impulse, 1875-1905" (doctoral dissertation, University of California, Los Angeles, 1970), pp. 17-22; and Walton E. Bean, California: An Interpretive History (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1978), p. 261.

20. West Coast Signal , August 6, 1873.

21. Humboldt Times , August 30, 1873.

22. Ibid., July 5, 1873.

23. Ezra Carr, The Patrons of Husbandry on the West Coast (San Francisco: A. L. Bancroft & Co., 1875).

24. Humboldt Times , September 20, 1873.

25. West Coast Signal , September 24, 1873.

26. Biographical information on Sweasey was obtained from T. J. Vivian and D. G. Waldron, Biographical Sketches of the Delegates to the Convention (San Francisco: Francis & Valentine, 1878), pp. 29-30; West Coast Signal September 24, 1873; Democratic Standard , January 1, 1879; Humboldt Times , October 1, 1893; Western Watchman , October 7, 1893; and Nerve , October 7, 1893.

27. Humboldt Times , January 24, 1874.

28. Ibid., January 6, 1877.

29. Ibid., January 20, 1877.

30. Pacific Coast Wood and Iron , a trade journal of the Pacific lumber industry, published a review of redwood lumber prices for the previous thirty years in 1899, which was reprinted in the Humboldt Standard , December 13, 1899.

31. Humboldt Times , February 10, 1877.

32. Daily Evening Signal July 3, 1877; Humboldt Times , July 7, 1877.

33. Mendocino Democrat , March 2, 1878; Humboldt Times , July 21, 1877. The Humboldt Times reported several acts of alleged arson in 1877 and 1878; Humboldt Times , July 21 and October 13, 1877, March 2, 1878. Saxton asserts that arson was quite frequent in San Francisco during the late 1870s, and implies that not uncommonly it was resorted to for political reasons: "Arson in California in those days was almost as commonplace as murder," The Indispensable Enemy , p. 149.

34. Democratic Standard , November 3, 1877.

35. Humboldt Times , August 25, 1877.

36. Daily Evening Signal August 18, 1877.

37. Eugene F. Fountain, The Story of Blue Lake (n.p., n.d.), vol. 3, pp. 589-592. Manuscript in possession of the Humboldt State University Library. On fraudulent land acquisition practices in Humboldt County, see Howard Brett Melendy, "One Hundred Years of the Redwood Lumber Industry, 1850-1950" (doctoral dissertation, Stanford University, 1952), pp. 80-98. For an account of the dubious land acquisition practices of many lumber entrepreneurs in the United States, see Thomas R. Cox et al., This Well-Wooded Land: Americans and Their Forests from Colonial Times to the Present (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1985), pp. 138-142.

38. The study listed all landholders possessing 500 acres or more in every California county. The San Francisco Chronicle began serializing the findings on October 28, 1873, and the findings for Humboldt County were published in the Humboldt Times , November 8, 1873.

39. Humboldt Times , November 8, 1873.

40. See E. B. Willis and E K. Stockton, Debates and Proceedings of the Constitutional Convention , 3 vols. (Sacramento: J. D. Young, Superintendent of State Printing, 1880).

41. Humboldt Times , April 27, 1878.

42. Ibid.

43. Ibid.

44. Ibid., May 11, 1878.

45. Democratic Standard , November 23, 1878.

46. Humboldt Times , May 9, 1874; Pacific Rural Press , July 14, 1877.

47. Humboldt Times , October 21, 1876.

48. Ibid., November 18 and December 2, 1876.

49. Daily Evening Signal March 15, 1878.

50. Humboldt Times , September 22, 1877.

51. Delmatier et al., Rumble of California Politics , p. 83.

52. U.S. Bureau of the Census, Statistics of Population of the United States at the Ninth Census, 1870 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1872), vol. 1, table 3, p. 90; U.S. Bureau of the Census, Statistics of the Population of the United States at the Tenth Census, 1880 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1883), vol. 1, table 14, p. 498.

53. Evening Star , January 17, 1877.

54. Lynwood Carranco, "The Chinese Expulsion from Humboldt County," Pacific Historical Review 30 (November 1961): 329-340; Lynwood Carranco, "The Chinese in Humboldt County, California: A Study in Prejudice," Journal of the West 12 (January 1973): 139-162.

55. Data compiled from the Manuscript Census of Population for Humboldt County, 1880.

56. Humboldt Times , June 4, 1878; Democratic Standard , June 1, 1878.

57. Humboldt Times , May 11, 1878.

58. Democratic Standard , May 25, 1878.

59. Humboldt Times , July 6, 1878. In 1878, most lumber workers, as well as laborers, artisans, and business and professional people, resided in Eureka and, to a lesser extent, Arcata. Farmers constituted the majority of the electorate outside these precincts. Unquestionably, they made up a larger proportion of the registered voters in relation to their numbers than lumber workers and most other working-class occupational groups. Nevertheless, lumber workers and other workingmen made up a significant proportion of the registered voters. The geographic stability of a significant core of lumber workers and the relative leniency of residency requirements imposed by California election laws facilitated this. While farmers tended to "persist" longer on the voting registers than most other occupational groups, they too were a fairly transient bunch. On the above, see Burchell, "Opportunity and the Frontier," pp. 189-190.

60. Willis and Stockton, Debates and Proceedings of the Constitutional Convention , vol. 2, p. 1144.

61. Democratic Standard , May 3, 1879.

62. Ibid., May 24, 1879.

63. Ibid., April 5, 1879.

64. Ibid., May 10, 1879.

65. Ibid., June 7, 1879.

66. Ibid., April 12 and June 28, 1879.

67. Ibid., July 5, 1879.

68. Biographical sketches of the men on the Workingmen's party ticket appeared in the Democratic Standard , July 19, 1879.

69. Democratic Standard , August 16, 1879.

70. Ibid., July 5, 1879.

71. Ibid., September 6, 1879.

72. Saxton, Indispensable Enemy , p. 152.

73. Democratic Standard , March 13, 1880.

74. Ibid., April 24, 1880.

75. Ibid., May 15, 1880.

76. Ibid., April 17, 1880.

77. For critical responses to Sweasey's land-reform proposals, see the Humboldt Times , May 4, 11, and 18, 1878. Sweasey strongly defended his proposals in the Daily Evening Signal , June 12, 1878.

78. Arcata Union , August 14, 1886.

1. Frank Roney, Irish Rebel and California Labor Leader: An Autobiography , ed. Ira B. Cross (Berkeley, 1931), 455.

2. Organized Labor (hereafter OL ), Feb. 16, 1907.

3. Local Union No. 104, Amalgamated Sheet Metal Workers International Alliance, Souvenir Pictorial History (San Francisco, 1910), 119-121.

4. The most complete study of the anti-Asian politics of the labor movement is Alexander Saxton, The Indispensable Enemy: Labor and the Anti-Chinese Movement in California (Berkeley, 1971). However, Saxton slights the anti-Japanese aspects of the campaign.

5. On Tillman and other racialist "radicals" in the period from 1890 to 1915, see Joel Williamson, The Crucible of Race: Black-White Relations in the American South Since Emancipation (New York, 1984), 111-139.

6. The concept of a political "common sense" is drawn from the work of Antonio Gramsci. Anne Showstack Sassoon defines it as "the incoherent and at times contradictory set of assumptions and beliefs held by the mass of the population at any one time." Approaches to Gramsci , ed. Anne Showstack Sassoon (London, 1982), 13.

The following discussion is necessarily limited to the written records of the BTC and thus can only speculate on the degree to which leaders' views were shared by rank-and-file building workers. However, not until 1920 was the persistent resistance to McCarthy's methods of rule broadened into a political alternative. Before then, the leadership under McCarthy and Tveitmoe clearly initiated an engagement with issues larger than wages and the maintenance of the closed shop.

7. Michael P. Rogin, "Voluntarism: The Political Functions of an Antipolitical Doctrine," Industrial and Labor Relations Review 15 (July 1962), 532.

8. George B. Cotkin, "The Spencerian and Comtian Nexus in Gompers' Labor Philosophy," Labor History (hereafter LH ) 20 (Fall 1979), 510-523.

9. Quoted in William M. Dick, Labor and Socialism in America: The Gompers Era (Port Washington, N.Y., 1972), 60.

10. For good descriptions of this tendency, see James Weinstein, The Decline of Socialism in America, 1912-1925 (New York, 1967), 5-10, 29-53; Mari Jo Buhle, Women and American Socialism, 1870-1920 (Urbana, 1981), 176-213.

11. For Fitzpatrick, see Weinstein, The Decline of Socialism , 222, 271, 279, 280; John H. Keiser, "John Fitzpatrick and Progressive Unionism, 1915-1925," Ph.D. diss., Northwestern University, 1965. For Moyer, see Melvyn Dubofsky, We Shall Be All: A History of the IWW (New York, 1969), 45-55, 80-81, 304-307; John H. M. Laslett, Labor and the Left: A Study of Socialist and Radical Influences in the American Labor Movement , 1881-1924 (New York, 1970), 241-286. Also see Dick, Labor and Socialism , 63-68.

12. The best study of the IWW is Dubofsky, We Shall Be All .

13. For the history of syndicalism through World War I, see André Tridon, The New Unionism (New York, 1917); Robert Wohl, French Communism in the Making (Stanford, 1966), 21-42; Peter N. Stearns, Revolutionary Syndicalism and French Labor (New Brunswick, N.J., 1971); Robert Michels, Political Parties (New York, 1959; orig. pub., 1915), 345 (quote).

14. OL , Aug. 6, 1910, Oct. 11, Nov. 1, 1913. On Mann's early thought and career, see Tridon, New Unionism , 126-147.

15. OL , Feb. 3, 1900.

16. Charles Stephenson claims this pattern held for other cities as well. "A Gathering of Strangers? Mobility, Social Structure, Political Participation in the Formation of Nineteenth-Century American Working Class Culture," in American Workingclass Culture: Explorations in American Labor and Social History , ed. Milton Cantor (Westport, Conn., 1979), 42-43.

17. San Francisco Board of Supervisors, Municipal Reports (hereafter SFMR) (1902-1903), 297-298; ibid. (1916-1917), 322, 462-463; U.S., Bureau of the Census, Census of Occupations , 1900. For the 1926 case, I did not compare building trades registrants to the proportion of construction workers in the next decennial census. Since there was far more construction in 1920 than in 1916, a comparison would not have been useful. Fee was certainly exaggerating, but his perception was common among businessmen. U.S., Congress, Commission on Industrial Relations, Final Report and Testimony (hereafter CIRR) (1912-1915), vol. 6, 5173.

18. Steven Erie, "Politics, the Public Sector, and Irish Social Mobility: San Francisco, 1870-1900," Western Political Quarterly 31 (June 1978), 281-282.

19. OL , March 30, 1901, Dec. 30, 1905, Aug. 27, 1910. On the attraction of the New Zealand example, see Peter J. Coleman, "New Zealand Liberalism and the Origins of the American Welfare State," Journal of American History 69 (Sept. 1982), 372-391.

20. OL , Nov. 1, Sept. 7, 1902, March 12, 1904, Aug. 15, 1914, July 3, Aug. 7, 1915. At the same time, both Gompers and Frank Duffy, General Secretary of the United Brotherhood of Carpenters, were opposing legislation to enforce an eighthour day in private industry. Walter Galenson, United Brotherhood of Carpenters: The First Hundred Years (Cambridge, Mass., 1983), 165-166.

21. CIRR, vol. 6, 5191; OL , Mar. 30, Apr. 6, 20, Oct. 12, 19, June 26, 1920. The San Francisco Labor Council (SFLC) then opposed the proposal, and the California Federation of Labor did not take a position on it. Philip Taft, Labor Politics American Style: The California State Federation of Labor (Cambridge, Mass., 1968), 56. For working-class reformers in the East and Midwest, see John D. Buencker, Urban Liberalism and Progressive Reform (New York, 1973).

22. OL , Mar. 15, Apr. 24, 1915.

23. Lucile Laves, A History of California Labor Legislation with an Introductory Sketch of the San Francisco Labor Movement (Berkeley, 1910), 440-441, 79-80.

24. George Mowry, The California Progressives (Berkeley, 1951), 92-96.

25. Gilman M. Ostrander, The Prohibition Movement in California , 1848-1933 (Berkeley, 1957), 120-133.

26. Lillian Ruth Matthews, Women in Trade Unions in San Francisco (Berkeley, 1913), 92. The BTC took a generally positive attitude toward reforms, ranging from higher wages to suffrage to even birth control, that would benefit wage-earning women. See Michael Kazin, "Barons of Labor: The San Francisco Building Trades, 1896-1922," Ph.D. diss., Stanford University, 1983, 584-585.

27. On municipal water and streetcars, see Ray W. Taylor, Hetch Hetchy, The Story of San Francisco's Struggle to Provide a Water Supply for Her Future Needs (San Francisco, 1926); Morley Segal, "James Rolph, Jr. and the Early Days of the San Francisco Municipal Railway," California Historical Quarterly (hereafter CHQ ) 42 (March 1964), 3-18.

28. OL , Nov. 23, 1901.

29. Ibid., June 11, 1904.

30. Ibid., Nov. 29, 1902.

31. Eric Hobsbawm, Workers: Worlds of Labor (New York, 1984), 26.

32. OL , Feb. 13, 1909; CIRR, vol. 6, 5217. The BTC also organized a campaign to urge the city to reject the Carnegie Foundation's offer of a library or other major gift. Tveitmoe to San Francisco Labor Council, Oct. 25, 1912, Carton III, San Francisco Labor Council Papers, Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley (hereafter SFLCP).

33. For fine examples of the literature on labor republicanism, see Sean Wilentz, Chants Democratic: New York City and the Rise of the American Working Class (New York, 1984) (quote, 237-238); Alan Dawley, Class and Community: The Industrial Revolution in Lynn (Cambridge, Mass., 1976); Leon Fink, Workingmen's Democracy: The Knights of Labor and American Politics (Urbana, 1983); David Montgomery, "Labor and the Republic in Industrial America: 1860-1920," Le Mouvement Social , no. 111 (April-June 1980), 201-215.

34. Ira B. Cross, A History of the Labor Movement in California (Berkeley, 1935), 36, 44, 57, 145, 164, 172, 178, 213-214, 274, 339; on the Labor Exchange, see various articles in Voice of Labor (San Francisco) in 1897; H. Roger Grant, Self-Help in the 1890s Depression (Ames, Iowa, 1983), 41-58.

35. OL , Dec. 24, 1904, Mar. 23, Nov. 9, 1907, Apr. 9, 1910; The Rank and File , Nov. 3, 1920; Frederick L. Ryan, Industrial Relations in the San Francisco Building Trades (Norman, Okla., 1936), 137.

36. OL , Sept. 12, 1914, Apr. 1, 1916.

37. Ibid., Jan. 19, 1901; Albert Sonnichsen in The Carpenter , March 1921.

38. Walton Bean, California: An Interpretive History , 3d ed. (New York, 1978), 188-189. On the California origins of George's ideas, see John L. Thomas, Alternative America: Henry George, Edward Bellamy, Henry Demarest Lloyd, and the Adversary Tradition (Cambridge, Mass., 1983), 49-71.

39. CIRR, vol. 6, 5203; for examples, see OL , Nov. 28, Dec. 5, 1903, Sept. 23, 1905, Sept. 26, 1908, Dec. 27, 1913.

40. OL , July 9, 1910; Phillips Russell, "The Class Struggle on the Pacific Coast," The International Socialist Review (Sept. 1912), 238; State BTC of California, Proceedings: Fifteenth Annual Convention, 1915 (San Francisco, 1915), 175-178.

41. Richard White, "Poor Men on Poor Lands," Pacific Historical Review 49 (February 1980), 105-131; OL , Mar. 18, 1095, Jan. 28, 1911, Sept. 20, 1913, Sept. 1, 1917.

42. Arthur Young, The Single Tax Movement in the United States (Princeton, 1916), 163-167; OL , Apr. 27, 1912; Cross, History of the Labor Movement , 172, 188-189; Samuel Gompers, Seventy Years of Life and Labour (New York, 1925), vol. 2, 231, 251, 304, 337; OL , Feb. 28, 1914. In 1902 Guttstadt and Gompers had co-authored an anti-Chinese pamphlet, entitled "Meat vs. Rice: American Manhood Against Asiatic Coolieism. Which Shall Survive ?"

43. Henry George, Progress and Poverty (New York, 1961; orig. pub., 1879), 552; Commonwealth Club of California (San Francisco), Transactions 11 (October 1916); OL , June 14, 1913, June 24, 1916, Nov. 4, 1911 (quote). In 1916, the "single tax" itself was on the state ballot but lost badly. However, working-class assembly districts in San Francisco favored the proposal. SFMR (1916-1917), 487; Franklin Hichborn, "California Politics, 1891-1939," typescript, Green Library, Stanford University, 1805-1806.

44. OL , Mar. 2, 1907, Apr. 27, May 4, 1912, June 14, 1913. Also see Paul Scharrenberg, "Reminiscences," an oral history conducted in 1954, Regional Oral History Office, Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley, 1954, 42; Revolt , Apr. 6, 1912.

45. On the IWW, OL , Feb. 25, 1905, Apr. 2, 1910, Dec. 6, 1913, Nov. 7, 1914; on organizing industrial workers, ibid., Dec. 18, 1909, Aug. 23, 1913.

46. Ibid., Apr. 3, 1909. The SFLC took a cooler attitude toward the IWW leader; see San Francisco Examiner , Oct. 12, 1907. According to Joseph Conlin, Haywood gradually came to the conclusion that the IWW should become "more like the old Western Federation of Miners, a union as highly organized and disciplined as the corporations it combatted." Big Bill Haywood and the Radical Union Movement (Syracuse, 1969), 171.

47. Ralph E. Shaffer, "A History of the Socialist Party of California," M.A. thesis, University of California, Berkeley, 1955; David Shannon, The Socialist Party of America (Chicago, 1967), 40-42; Bruce Dancis, "The Socialist Women's Movement in the United States, 1901-1917," senior thesis, University of California, Santa Cruz, 1973, 202-233.

48. Ira B. Cross, "Socialism in California Municipalities," National Municipal Review (1912), 611-619; Ralph E. Shaffer, "Radicalism in California, 1896-1929," Ph.D. diss., University of California, Berkeley, 1962, 166, 168; Ira Kipnis, The American Socialist Movement , 1897-1912 (New York, 1952), 373.

49. On labor party sentiment within the national Socialist Party, see Dick, Labor and Socialism , 63-67. Harriman later founded a collective agricultural colony north of Los Angeles, which the BTC supported. See Kazin, "Barons of Labor," 339; Paul Kagan, "Portrait of a California Utopia," CHQ 51 (Summer 1972), 131-154.

50. OL , Nov. 9, 1912.

51. Labor Clarion (San Francisco) Sept. 2, 1910. The most complete study of the anti-Japanese campaign is Roger Daniels, The Politics of Prejudice (Berkeley, 1962). Also see Hichborn, "California Politics," 1200-1287; Frank P. Chuman, The Bamboo People: The Law and Japanese Americans (Del Mar, Calif., 1976), 18-103.

52. OL , Apr. 14, 1900.

53. Quoted in John Modell, "Japanese-Americans: Some Costs of Group Achievement," in Ethnic Conflict in California History , ed. Charles Wollenberg (Los Angeles, 1970), 104.

54. On business attitudes, see OL , Apr. 14, 1900; Merchants' Association Review (San Francisco), Sept., 1907; San Francisco Chamber of Commerce Journal , June, 1912; San Francisco Business , Oct. 15, 1920, Aug. 19, 1921. On the Socialist Party, Shaffer, "Socialist Party of California," 53-55; Aileen S. Kraditor, The Radical Persuasion , 1890-1917: Aspects of the Intellectual History and the Historiography of Three American Radical Organizations (Baton Rouge, La., 1981), 177-185. On Yorke, Joseph Brusher, S.J., Consecrated Thunderbolt: A Life of Father Peter C. Yorke of San Francisco (Hawthorne, N.J., 1973), 267-268.

55. OL , May 5, Nov. 24, 1900; Daniels, Politics of Prejudice , 21-22.

56. OL May 20, 27, Aug. 19, 1905.

57. The minutes of the Japanese and Korean Exclusion League (JKEL) and the Asiatic Exclusion League (AEL) were routinely reprinted in OL . Throughout its existence, over 90 percent of League affiliates were trade unions. See JKEL minutes, OL , Sept. 8, 1906; AEL minutes, OL , June 12, 1909, Mar. 12, 1910. Saxton, Indispensable Enemy , 252.

58. Daniels, Politics of Prejudice , 33; Matthews, Women in Trade Unions , 34-36.

59. David Brudnoy, "Race and the San Francisco School Board Incident: Contemporary Evaluations," CHQ 50 (September 1971), 295-312; San Francisco Chronicle , Sept. 17, 1906; OL , Sept. 28, 1907, Oct. 17, 1908, Mar. 12, 1910; Yoell to SFLC, Sept. 14, 1911, AEL File, Carton II, SFLCP.

60. OL , Jan. 20, 1906; CIRR, vol. 6, 5203.

61. Harry H. L. Kitano, "Japanese," in Harvard Encyclopedia of American Ethnic Groups , ed. Stephan Thernstrom (Cambridge, Mass., 1980), 563; Yamato Ichihashi, Japanese Immigration: Its Status in California (San Francisco, 1915), 11; Dennis K. Fukumoto, "Chinese and Japanese in California, 1900-1920: A Case Study of the Impact of Discrimination," Ph.D. diss., University of Southern California, 1976, 264-265.

62. OL , May 13, 1905, Jan. 13, 1906.

63. In the 1890s, Samuel Gompers had corresponded regularly with Fusatoro Takano, a union organizer who tried to apply the AFL model in his homeland. Philip S. Foner, History of the Labor Movement in the United States , 6 vols. (New York, 1947-1982), vol. 3, 274. In 1903, Japanese and Mexican agricultural workers waged a joint strike near Los Angeles and tried, unsuccessfully, to get the national AFL's support. Tomás Almaguer, "Racial Domination and Class Conflict in Capitalist Agriculture: The Oxnard Sugar Beet Workers' Strike of 1903," LH 25 (Summer 1984), 325-350 [Chapter 6 of this volume].

64. OL , Nov. 17, 1906, Dec. 6, 1907, Jan. 4, 1908, Aug. 18, 1900, May 16, July 25, 1908.

65. Richard Hofstadter, "The Paranoid Style in American Politics," in The Paranoid Style in American Politics and Other Essays (New York, 1967), 3-40.

66. OL , May 30, 1903.

67. On the 1909 Oahu strike, see Ronald Takaki, Pau Hana: Plantation Life and Labor in Hawaii (Honolulu, 1983), 153-164. For BTC views, see OL , July 24, Nov. 6, 1909; Tveitmoe to SFLC, Apr. 22, 1910, Carton III, SFLCP; OL , July 5, Nov. 22, 1919.

68. Scharrenberg, "Reminiscences," 63-64. On the "new immigrants" from Southern and Eastern Europe, both the BTC and SFLC were ambivalent. OL occasionally called the newcomers "ignorant tools of corporations" but vigorously advocated organizing all white wage-earners into unions.

69. OL , Sept. 11, 18, 1909.

70. Margaret Canovan, Populism (New York, 1981), 55-56.

71. OL , Sept. 9, 1911; Richard O'Connor, Jack London: A Biography (Boston, 1964), 220.

1. Edward C. Hayes, Power Structure and Urban Policy: Who Rules in Oakland ? (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1972), 21; CIO Labor Herald , May 20, 1947; Daily People's World , May 7, 9, 1947.

2. Carl Abbott, The New Urban America: Growth and Politics in Sunbelt Cities (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1981), 120-142.

3. Proponents of this view include Nelson Lichtenstein, Labor's War at Home: The CIO in World War II (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1982); and James C. Foster, The Union Politic: The CIO Political Action Committee (Columbia, Mo.: University of Missouri Press, 1975).

4. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Sixteenth Census of the United States, 1940: Reports on Population , Vol. 2, Characteristics of the Population , Part I, "California"; Beth Bagwell, Oakland: The Story of a City (Novato, Calif.: Presidio Press, 1982), 62, 82, 90, 196; Lawrence P. Crouchett, Lonnie G. Bunch III, and Martha Kendall Winnacker, eds., Visions Toward Tomorrow: The History of the East Bay Afro-American Community, 1852-1977 (Oakland: Northern California Center for Afro-American History and Life, 1989), 9-10, 37.

5. Hayes, Power Structure and Urban Policy , 10-14.

6. Bruce Nelson, Workers on the Waterfront: Seamen, Longshoremen, and Unionism in the 1930s (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1988), 127-129, 137, 219-221; Bagwell, Oakland: Story of a City , 218; East Bay Labor Journal , July 27, 1934.

7. Labor Herald , June 8, 15, August 24, September 22, October 6, 20, December 1, 29, 1937, March 31, May 19, October 27, 1938; Hayes, Power Structure and Urban Policy , 17-18.

8. East Bay Labor Journal August 24, 1934; Labor Herald , July 27, 1937, May 5, July 7, August 4, 1938; Labor's Non-Partisan League of Alameda County, Bring the New Deal to California (Oakland, n.p., n.d.); Labor's Non-Partisan League of California, Minutes and Report , December 1937, June 1938, January 1939 (copies of League documents in Institute for Governmental Studies Library, University of California, Berkeley).

9. Oakland Tribune Yearbook, 1943 (Oakland: Oakland Tribune Company, 1943), 29. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Sixteenth Census of the United States, 1940: Reports on Population , Vol. 2, Characteristics of the Population , Part 1, "California"; and Population , Series CA-3, No. 3, Characteristics of the Population, Labor Force, Families and Housing, San Francisco Bay Congested Production Area, April 1944 . A general overview of the wartime transformation of West Coast cities is available in Gerald Nash's The American West Transformed: The Impact of the Second World War (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1985); a more specific account of the East Bay may be found in my book The Second Gold Rush: Oakland and the East Bay in World War II (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993).

10. Commonwealth Club of California, The Population of California (San Francisco: Parker Printing Co., 1946), 127. Census Bureau, U.S. Census of Population: 1950 , Vol. 2, Characteristics of the Population , Part 5, "California"; and Population , Series CA-3, No. 3, Characteristics of the Population, San Francisco Area , 14.

11. For a more complete account of labor organization in East Bay shipyards, see chapter three of Johnson, The Second Gold Rush .

12. Labor Herald , April 16, 1943. For specific examples of labor's involvement in citywide committees, see back issues of the Labor Herald for 1943-45.

13. Oakland Postwar Planning Committee, Oakland's Formula for the Future (Oakland: n.p., 1945); Hayes, Power Structure and Urban Policy , 145-146.

14. Carl Abbott, ''Planning for the Home Front in Portland and Seattle, 1940-45, in The Martial Metropolis , ed. Roger Lotchin (New York: Praeger Publishers, 1984), 181-182; Labor Herald , December 12, 1944. For the shifting priorities of labor, see back issues of the CIO's Labor Herald for the war and prewar years.

15. Nelson Lichtenstein suggests that the founding of the CIO-PAC was also a reaction to the internal threat from left-wing CIO members (primarily in New York and Michigan) who supported a radical third-party alternative. I have found no evidence of a similar split in California CIO ranks. Lichtenstein, Labor's War at Home , 172-173; Robert H. Zeiger, American Workers, American Unions, 1920-1985 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1986), 115; Foster, The Union Politic , 14.

16. Labor Herald , June 20, 1944, October 6, 20, 1944, November 3, 1944; Daily People's World , October 23, 24, 1944. Local Republicans even suggested that a conspiracy was afoot to "colonize" California cities with Southern Democrats. Migrant war workers, said the editors of the local conservative weekly, "are being dragooned into California from the solid Democratic Southern states, where their votes are not needed . . ." Oakland Observer , June 17, 1944.

17. Daily People's World , November 4, 9, 1944. For an insider's view of PAC organizing in a war housing project, see Henry Kraus, In the City Was a Garden (New York: Renaissance Press, 1951).

18. James C. Foster argues that the CIO-PAC was not the effective vote-getting machine that contemporaries believed; see Foster, The Union Politic , 1-2; Joseph James, "Profiles: San Francisco," in "Race Relations on the Pacific Coast," ed. L. D. Reddick, Journal of Educational Sociology 19 (November 1945): 175; Daily People's World , November 10, 1944; Oakland Tribune , April 18, 1945. The organizational affiliations of the 1944 campaign coordinators were as follows: Ruby Heide, secretary of the Alameda County CIO Council; J. C. Reynolds, chair of the Alameda County Central Labor Council; William Hollander and Earl Hall, directors of the county Democratic and Republican campaigns to reelect Roosevelt; and C. L. Dellums, an official in the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters and president of the Alameda County NAACP.

19. Labor Herald , December 22, 1944, February 16, March 2, 1945.

20. Daily People's World , March 17, 1945; Department of Labor, War Manpower Commission, "Summary of Monthly Narrative Reports, June 14, 1945," Labor Market Survey Reports, Box 27, Bureau of Employment Security, Record Group 183, National Archives, Washington, D.C.; Labor Herald , February 16, 1945.

21. For a more detailed articulation of this view, see William C. Mullendore. "What Price Prosperity?" (Oakland: Oakland Chamber of Commerce, 1946) (copy in Institute for Governmental Studies Library, University of California, Berkeley); and Gerald Nash, World War H and the American West: Reshaping the Economy (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1990).

22. My argument about the war years was influenced by my reading of Lizabeth Cohen, Making a New Deal: Industrial Workers in Chicago, 1919-1939 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1990).

23. Daily People's World , April 6, 13, 20, 1945; Labor Herald , February 16, 1945.

24. Labor Herald , February 16, 1945; Daily People's World , April 9, 13, 20, 1945.

25. In an attempt to split the labor vote, the Knowland forces pressured incumbent councilman James DePaoli to resign one month before the Oakland elections of 1945. They appointed James D'Arcy, an official of the AFL Culinary Workers Union and a Knowland supporter, to replace him and then announced D'Arcy's candidacy as an incumbent. The United for Oakland Committee denounced D'Arcy, noting that his union had followed exclusionary and undemocratic policies during the war. Labor forces thus remained united behind their candidate, CIO steelworkers' shop steward Herman Bittman. Labor Herald , March 16, 1945; Daily People's World , March 15, 17, 1945.

26. Labor Herald , February 16, March 16, 1945; Daily People's World , March 15, April 6, 13, 1945; Oakland Tribune Yearbook: 1944 , 45; Abbott, The New Urban America , 121.

27. Labor Herald , April 20, 1945; Daily People's World , March 16, 1945.

28. James, "Profiles: San Francisco," 175.

29. Labor Herald , April 13, 20, 1945; Daily People's World , April 19, 1945; Oakland Tribune , March 25, April 15, 18, 1945. Despite the moderate tone of the labor campaign, the pro-incumbent Oakland Tribune did not hesitate to redbait the UOC, highlighting the fact that the local Community Party supported the progressive slate. Such attacks, however, did not reach lethal potential until the peak Cold War years beginning in 1948.

30. Hayes, Power Structure and Urban Policy , 145; Daily People's World , April 19, 1945. The school measure was subsequently defeated; Hayes speculates that the separation of the bond measures indicated lukewarm business support for school funding.

31. M. I. Gershenson, "Wartime and Postwar Employment Trends in California," Monthly Labor Review 64 (April 1947): 577, 584; U.S. Department of Labor, War Manpower Commission, "Summary of Monthly Narrative Reports, June 14, 1945," Labor Market Survey Reports, Box 27, Bureau of Employment Security, Record Group 183, National Archives, Washington, D.C.; and ''Monthly Area Statement, Richmond, California," October, November 1946, located in Box 20 of above collection.

32. Zeiger, American Workers, American Unions , 100-108; Philip Taft, Labor Politics American Style: The California State Federation of Labor (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1968).

33. Oakland Tribune , December 2, 5, 1946; San Francisco Chronicle , December 4, 1946; Hayes, Power Structure and Urban Policy , 19-20. For the most detailed accounts of the Oakland general strike, see Philip J. Wolman, "The Oakland General Strike of 1946," Southern California Quarterly 57 (1975): 147-178; and Frank H. Douma, "The Oakland General Strike" (M.A. thesis, University of California, Berkeley, 1951).

34. Hayes, Power Structure and Urban Policy , 21-22; Oakland Voters Herald , May 9, 1947.

35. Hayes, Power Structure and Urban Policy , 21-22; Labor Herald , April 22, 29, May 6, 1947; Oakland Voters League circular, March 24, 1947 (copies in election files, Oakland History Room, Oakland Public Library).

36. Labor Herald , April 9, 1947; Daily People's World , May 6, 1947; Hayes, Power Structure and Urban Policy , 81-82. The only labor unions not participating in the OVL campaign were the fourteen locals of the Teamsters Union led by conservative Knowland supporter Charles Real. Real had been instrumental in getting the international to call off striking Oakland teamsters in 1946, thus breaking the general strike. Oakland Voters Herald , May 9, 1947.

37. Labor Herald , April 9, 1947; Oakland Voters Herald , May 9, 1947; Daily People's World , May 2, 6, 9, 12, 1947. The Oakland Tribune, Post-Enquirer , and other mainstream newspapers were strangely mute about the electoral challenge. Except for some editorial redbaiting just prior to the elections (see, for example, April 1947 issues of the Oakland Tribune ), the Knowland-owned Tribune and the Hearst-owned Post-Enquirer provided no sustained coverage. In ignoring their opponents, I suspect, the Knowland machine hoped to render them invisible and thus ineffective. By contrast, the labor and left press devoted extensive coverage to these events. Used carefully, these sources provide vital information on Oakland municipal politics unavailable elsewhere in the written record.

38. Oakland Tribune , May 14, 1947; Labor Herald , May 20, 1947; Daily People's World , May 14, 1947; Hayes, Power Structure and Urban Policy , 21. The Labor Herald claimed that Goldfarb's loss was a result of the misplacement of his name under the incumbents' column on the 1947 ballot. Alternatively, Hayes suggests that it was anti-Semitism which contributed to Goldfarb's defeat in this predominantly Protestant city.

39. Labor Herald , July 8, 1947.

40. Census Bureau, Census of Population 1950 , Vol. 2, Characteristics of the Population , Pt. 5, "California"; Housing Authority of Oakland, "Analysis of the Oakland Housing Shortage as of January, 1946," 1 (located in Institute for Governmental Studies Library, University of California, Berkeley); Hayes, Power Structure and Urban Policy , 77-78.

41. For information on the changing composition of public housing projects, see Helen Smith Alancraig, "Codornices Village: A Study of Non-Segregated Public Housing" (M.A. thesis, University of California, Berkeley, 1953), 113; and Housing Authority of Oakland, Annual Report, 1946-47 , 2-3. For a thorough explanation of the discriminatory functioning of federal loan programs, see Kenneth Jackson, The Crabgrass Frontier (New York: Oxford University Press, 1985).

42. Under the council-manager form of government, city councilmembers elected a mayor from among their own ranks. Several of the older conservative councilmembers were bidding for the position, which meant that liberals would cast the deciding vote. See Edward C. Hayes, "Power Structure and the Urban Crisis" (Ph.D. dissertation, University of California, Berkeley, 1968), 56-57.

43. California Housing Association, Newsletter , November 18, 1949; Alancraig, " Codornices Village," 82-83; San Francisco Chronicle , November 17, 1949.

44. San Francisco Chronicle , November 17, 1949, January 4, 1950; California Housing Association, Newsletter , December 27, 1949; Hayes, "Power Structure and the Urban Crisis," 59-60.

45. Alancraig, "Codornices Village," 85; Hayes, Power Structure and Urban Policy , 83. See also Housing Authority of Oakland, annual reports for 1948-49 through 1959-60.

46. Zeiger, American Workers, American Unions , 131; Labor Herald , May 22, 1951; Daily People's World , May 18, 1951; Oakland Tribune , May 11, 1951.

47. Richard Baisden, "Labor in Los Angeles Politics" (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Chicago, 1958), 359-378; Thomas S. Hines, "Housing, Baseball, and Creeping Socialism," Journal of Urban History 8 (February 1982): 137-140; Carl Abbott, Portland: Planning, Politics, and Growth in a Twentieth Century City (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1983), 156-158.

48. Baisden, "Labor in Los Angeles Politics," 309-324; James, "Profiles: San Francisco," 175; William Issel, "Liberalism and Urban Policy in San Francisco from the 1930s to the 1960s,'' Western Historical Quarterly 22 (November 1991): 431-450.

49. For an insightful analysis of "old" and "new" social movements, see Bob Fisher and Joe Kling, "Popular Mobilization in the 1990s: Prospects for the New Social Movements," New Politics (Winter 1991): 71-84; and Robert Korstad and Nelson Lichtenstein, "Opportunities Lost and Found: Labor, Radicals, and the Early Civil Rights Movement," Journal of American History 75 (December 1988): 786-811.

1. The Bracero program—the word root means "arm" in Spanish—continued in force until the end of 1964, when political pressures finally led the federal government to abolish this "emergency" measure.

2. Two years later the California State Supreme Court overturned the order, citing the collusive relationship between the employers and the Teamsters and the latter's lack of support among farmworkers at the time the contracts were signed.

3. Early in 1982 the pact was extended for another five-year period.

1. An earlier, shorter version of this article appears in Common Interests: Women Organising in Global Electronics , ed. Women Working Worldwide (London: Women Working Worldwide, 1991), pp. 36-51.

2. For accounts of organizing efforts among women high-tech workers in other countries, see Women Working Worldwide, Common Interests .

3. I agree with Chandra Mohanty, Ann Russo, and Lourdes Torres, among others, that the term Third World is problematic but perhaps less so than developing countries, postcolonial , and other terms currently in use. See Mohanty, Russo, and Torres, eds., Third World Women and the Politics of Feminism (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1991), for discussion.

4. See Karen J. Hossfeld, "Hiring Immigrant Women: Silicon Valley's Simple Formula," in Women of Color in U.S. Society , ed. Bonnie Thornton Dill and Maxine Baca Zinn (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1994), pp. 65-93.

5. Karen J. Hossfeld, " Small Foreign, and Female": Profiles of Gender, Race, and Nationality in Silicon Valley (Berkeley: University of California Press, forthcoming).

6. Lenny Siegel and Herb Borock, Background Report on Silicon Valley , prepared for the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights (Mountain View, Calif.: Pacific Studies Center, 1982).

7. Michael Eisenscher, "Organizing the Shop in Electronics" (paper presented at the West Coast Marxist Scholars Conference, Berkeley, Calif., November 14, 1987).

8. "Beyond Unions," Business Week , July 8, 1985, p. 72. Business Week's cover story on declining union strength makes no mention, however, of increasing female membership and its potential ramifications.

9. David Sylvester, "Atari Workers Don't Mince Words on State of the Union," San Jose Mercury News , July 25, 1983, p. 1E.

10. U.S. Department of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statistics, Employment and Earnings , vol. 34 (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, January 1987), Table 61, p. 221.

11. Ibid.

12. Eisenscher, "Organizing the Shop in Electronics."

13. Ray Alvatorres, "Unionizing High Tech," San lose Mercury News , August 3, 1986, p. 4F.

14. Ibid.

15. Pat Sacco, "The View from the Shop Floor" (paper presented at the West Coast Marxist Scholars Conference, Berkeley, Calif., November 14, 1987).

16. For information, contact the Silicon Valley Toxics Coalition, 760 N. First St., San Jose, Calif., 95112.

17. For discussion of the history of the relationship between unions and women workers, see Ruth Milkman, ed., Women, Work, and Protest: A Century of U.S. Women's Labor History (Boston: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1985).

18. The Mexicana and Chicana workers who engaged in a long and bitter union-coordinated strike at canneries in Watsonville, California, in 1986-1987 are a case in point. They are also a case in point that immigrant women workers can and do organize in labor unions.

19. U.S. Department of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statistics, Employment and Earnings , vol. 34, Table 59, p. 219.

20. Milkman, Women, Work, and Protest ; Ruth Milkman, "Organizing the Sexual Division of Labor: Historical Perspectives on 'Women's Work' and the American Labor Movement," Socialist Review 49 (1980): 95-150; Margaret Cerullo and Roslyn Feldberg, "Women Workers, Feminism, and the Unions," Radical America 18 (September-October 1984): 2-5; Alice Kessler-Harris, Out to Work: A History of Wage-Earning Women in the United States (New York: Oxford, 1982); Barbara Wertheimer, We Were There: The Story of Working Women in America (New York: Pantheon, 1977); Richard Freeman and James Medoff, What Do Unions Do? (New York: Basic Books, 1984); Rosalyn Teborg-Penn, "Survival Strategies Among African-American Women Workers: A Continuing Process," in Milkman, Women, Work, and Protest , pp. 139-155.

21. The church is perhaps the only potential organizing arena in which large numbers of Silicon Valley's immigrant women of all nationalities participate both because of their own choice and because of family approval. Church involvement is thus an important reality to recognize in any discussion of how, where, and in what forms this group of workers might organize. See Hossfeld, "Hiring Immigrant Women."

22. Barbara M. Wertheimer, "The United States of America," in Women and Trade Unions in Eleven Industrialized Countries , ed. Alice H. Cook, Val R. Lorwin, and Arlene Kaplan Daniels (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1984), pp. 286-311.

23. Karen Hossfeld, "'Their Logic Against Them': Contradictions in Sex, Race, and Class in Silicon Valley," in Women Workers and Global Restructuring , ed. Kathryn Ward (Ithaca: ILR Press, 1990), pp. 149-178.

24. San lose Mercury News , July 19, 1987, p. 23A.

25. Ibid. Reports were also confirmed by informants.

26. The management representative at National Semiconductor contacted about this report was unable to confirm or deny it.

1. Joan Didion, Slouching Towards Bethlehem , New York 1968, p. 5. Her reaction to the Fontana area was a symptomatic premonition of her very revulsion to the landscape of El Salvador twenty years later.

2. ". . . and then they found Fontana Farms"—1930 advertising brochure in Fontana Historical Society collection. Fontana Farms Company was headquartered at 631 S. Spring St. in Downtown Los Angeles.

3. At least this was the name given by geographers to the intermontane basin which includes the Pomona, Chino, and San Bernardino valleys, as well as the Riverside Basin and the great Cucamonga Fan. (See David W. Lantis, California: Land of Contrast , Belmont, Calif. 1963, p. 226.) The current appellation of "Inland Empire" loosely encompasses the Perris Valley and the San Jacinto Basin as well.

4. See Karen Frantz, "History of Rural Fontana and the Decline of Agriculture," typescript, no date, in Fontana Public Library.

5. See Richard Lillard, "Agricultural Statesman: Charles C. Teague of Santa Paula," California History , March 1986.

6. By 1895 Riverside was supposedly "the richest city per capita" in the United States. See Vincent Moses, "Machines in the Garden: A Citrus Monopoly in Riverside, 1900-31," California History , Spring 1982.

7. See Charles Teague, Fifty Years a Rancher , Santa Paula (private printing) 1944.

8. See Silver Anniversary issue, Fontana Herald-News , 10 June 1938.

9. Frantz, "History of Rural Fontana." According to Mr. Barnhold, who still lives in his 1927 Fontana Farms bungalow just east of Cherry Street: "One thousand chickens and two-and-a-half acres did not make a good living. Miller's propaganda was untrue, and many Fontanans had a hard, uphill struggle to survive the Depression especially." (Interview, June 1989).

10. Giorgio Ciucci, "The City in Agrarian Ideology and Frank Lloyd Wright: Origins and Development of Broadacres," in Ciucci et al., The American City: From the Civil War to the New Deal Cambridge, Mass. 1979, pp. 358, 375.

11. Fontana Herald-News , 31 July 1942.

12. John Gunther, Inside USA , New York 1946, p. xiv.

13. Ibid., p. 68.

14. By the 1951 revised edition of Inside USA , however, Gunther's infatuation with Kaiser had clearly waned, and the Kaiser chapter was abridged into a short subsection.

15. Quotes from "Life and Works of Henry Kaiser," ibid., pp. 64, 70.

16. Ibid., p. 70. On the other hand, Kaiser became a patron of labor only after he had become a leading beneficiary of lucrative New Deal contracts. Earlier, during the construction of Hoover Dam, he and his partners had systematically violated labor standards and health and safety regulations. When, after a series of appalling industrial accidents and deaths from heat prostration, the dam workers struck under IWW leadership in 1931, they were crushed by the Six Companies. See Joseph Stevens, Hoover Dam: An American Adventure , Norman 1988, pp. 69-78.

17. Gunther, Inside USA , p. 64.

18. A. G. Mezerik, The Revolt of the South and West , New York 1946, p. 280.

19. A major disappointment of Mark Foster's recent biography of Kaiser ( Henry J. Kaiser: Builder in the Modern American West , Austin 1989) is its failure to shed new light upon the Kaiser-Giannini relationship.

20. Ibid., pp. 58-59.

21. Cf. Marquis and Bessie James, Biography of a Bank: The Story of Bank of America , New York 1954, pp. 389-92; Arthur Schlesinger, The Age of Roosevelt: The Politics of Upheaval Cambridge, Mass. 1960, pp. 121, 297, 411. In 1934 Giannini made a last-minute intervention on FDR's behalf to buy out Upton Sinclair's radical bid for governor on the Democratic ticket. (See Russell Posner, "A. P. Giannini and the 1934 Campaign in California," Journal of California History 34, 2, 1957.) Although unsuccessful in coopting Sinclair, Giannini went on to play a crucial role in winning California for Roosevelt in 1936. His support for the New Deal, however, waned after 1938 as he perceived the consolidation of the power of a "Jewish cabal" led by his old enemy Eugene Meyer and Secretary of the Treasury Morgenthau. See Julian Dana, A. P. Giannini: Giant in the West , New York 1947, pp. 315-17, 322-23.

22. Schlesinger, Age of Roosevelt , p. 411.

23. Gunther, Inside USA , pp. 71-72; Foster, Henry J. Kaiser , Chapter 5, "Patriot in Pinstripes—Shipbuilding," pp. 68-89.

24. Gunther, Inside USA , p. 71.

25. The Kaiser model of the expanded or complex wage agreement, including a medical component (cheapened by an economy of scale), was a potent influence upon the collective bargaining system ultimately hammered out by the CIO unions and the major industrial employers in the late 1940s.

26. Quoted in Mezerik, Revolt , p. 265.

27. Gerald Nash is quite mistaken, of course, in asserting that Fontana was built "largely at government expense." (See The American West Transformed: The Impact of the Second World War , Bloomington, Ind. 1985, p. 28.)

28. Ibid., p. 264.

29. See the discussion in John E. Coffman, "The Infrastructure of Kaiser Steel Fontana: An Analysis of the Effects of Technical Change on Raw Material Logistics," M.A. thesis, Department of Geography, UCLA, Los Angeles 1969, pp. 1-2, 5, 25-29.

30. Frantz, "History of Rural Fontana," p. 25; Fontana Herald-News, 7 January 1943.

31. Fontana Herald-News , 14 and 21 January 1941.

32. Ibid., 18 April (Miller obituary), 16 May, and 19 September 1941.

33. Ibid., 6 June 1941.

34. Ibid., 29 May 1958 (recollections of the war years).

35. Ibid., 2 and 30 January 1942. The critical role of poultry in the national defense had been avidly discussed by Fontanans the previous fall. (See ibid., 19 September 1941.)

36. The "bolt" appeared in local papers on 6 March 1942 (see ibid.).

37. Frantz, "History of Rural Fontana," p. 26.

38. Ibid.

39. Fontana Herald-News , 3 and 10 April 1942.

40. Cf. Business Week , 21 November 1942; Fontana Herald-News , 30 December 1942, 7 and 14 January 1943. Cal-Ship in San Pedro was operated by Kaiser's old partners, Stephen Bechtel and John McCone (the future CIA chief).

41. Gunther, Inside USA , p. 72.

42. Ibid., 3 April 1942.

43. Interview with Barnhold family, early residents of the Cherry Street area across from the Kaiser plant. See also Frantz, "History of Rural Fontana," p. 27.

44. Fontana Herald-News , 22 July 1943.

45. Steel Magazine , 25 September 1944. On the other hand, Kaiser Steel in its early years was able to take advantage of the informal tariff barrier erected around California by the railroad's exorbitant shipping rates and Pittsburgh's own monopoly surtax.

46. James and James, Biography of a Bank , p. 468.

47. See Henry J. Kaiser, Jr.'s exposition of his father's views in Fontana Herald-News , 10 December 1942.

48. See Foster, Henry J. Kaiser , pp. 1-2, 179-82.

49. Fontana Herald-News , 26 February and 19 September 1946; Foster, Henry J. Kaiser , pp. 132-34.

50. Gunther, Inside USA (1951 revised ed.), p. 47.

51. See Book Four, "Transamerican Titan," in Dana, Giannini .

52. Dana, Giannini , p. 163.

53. Cf. Gunther, Inside USA , pp. 73-74; and Foster, Henry J. Kaiser , pp. 142-64.

54. Iron Age, 7 October 1948.

55. Cf. Coffman, "Infrastructure"; J. S. Ess, "Kaiser Steel—Fontana," Iron and Steel Engineer 31, February 1954; and C. Langdon White, "Is the West Making the Grade in the Steel Industry?" Stanford Business Research Series 8, 1956.

56. White, "Is the West Making the Grade?" pp. 102-3; and Mezerik, Revolt , p. 266.

57. White, "Is the West Making the Grade?" pp. 103-5; and James and James, Biography of a Bank , pp. 493-94; and Robert Gottlieb and Irene Wolt, Thinking Big: The Story of the Los Angeles Times , New York 1977, p. 244.

58. Cf. Neil Morgan, Westward Tilt: The American West Today , New York 1963, p. 29; and Kaiser Steel Company, Annual Reports , 1959 and 1965.

59. For the history of the agreement, see William Aussieker, "The Decline of Labor-Management Cooperation: The Kaiser Long-Range Sharing Plan," IRRA, 35th Annual Proceedings , pp. 403-9. For typical textbook celebrations of the Plan, see James Henry, ed., Creative Collective Bargaining , Englewood Cliffs, N.J. 1965; and Herbert Blitz, ed., Labor-Management Contracts and Technological Change , New York 1969.

60. Quoted in Eagle , 20 December 1945.

61. Frantz, "History of Rural Fontana," pp. 27-30; Fontana Herald-News , 12 August 1943.

62. Interviews with pioneer Barnhold family, steelworker veterans, John Piazza and Dino Papavero, and my own family (residents of Fontana from 1941 to 1949). Also see Fontana Herald-News , 31 December 1942, and 22 July and 12 August 1943, as well as the recollections in the 29 May 1955 issue.

63. Ibid.

64. See virtually any issue of the Eagle on file at the Southern California Library for Social Research.

65. Cf. Eagle , 20 December 1945; Charlotta Bass, Forty Years: Memoirs from the Pages of a Newspaper , Los Angeles (privately printed) 1960, pp. 135-36; and The Militant , 2 February 1946.

66. Bass, Forty Years; The Militant , 2 February and 23 March 1946.

67. Fontana Herald-News , 3 January 1946.

68. Eagle , 3 January 1946; Daily World , 2 January 1946.

69. Bass, Forty Years; Eagle , 17 and 31 January 1946; The Militant , 2 February 1946.

70. Daily World , 6 and 14 February 1946; Eagle, 7 February 1946; The Militant , 11 February 1946.

71. The period from V-J Day 1945 to Fall 1946 witnessed a rising arc of white resistance to civil rights in Los Angeles: riots by white high-school students, unwarranted police shootings, cross burnings at USC, a judicial verdict in support of restrictive covenants, and, on 7 May 1946, a Klan bombing of a Black home in Southcentral. See the Eagle file; and Bass, Forty Years .

72. The Militant , 23 March 1946.

73. However, the civil rights fight in Fontana continued. For example, in early 1949 ministers of the local AME church sued a Fontana cafe for lunch-counter discrimination. (See Eagle , 13 January 1949.)

74. See Fontana Herald-News , 14 March 1946.

75. Hunter Thompson, Hell's Angels: A Strange and Terrible Saga , New York 1966, p. 90.

76. For an insider's account of the Oakland chapter's rise, see George Wethern (with Vincent Colnett), A Wayward Angel New York 1978.

77. Frank Reynolds (as told to Michael McClure), Freewheelin' Frank , New York 1967, pp. 7, 110-11.

78. Thompson, Hell's Angels , pp. 59-62. Thompson makes an interesting case that the harassment tactics used against the Berdoo Angels were the precedent for police "street cleaning" efforts against the 1960s peace movement (p. 60).

79. Los Angeles Times , 15 February 1990 (hereafter cited as Times ).

80. John Herling, Right to Challenge: People and Power in the Steelworkers Union , New York 1972, p. 207.

81. Interviews with Dino Papavero and John Piazza, Steelworkers' Oldtimers Foundation, Fontana, May 1989.

82. Herling, Right to Challenge , pp. 198-212.

83. Ibid., pp. 207-11, 265-66, 280. The essence of Local 2869 alienation was summarized by a McDonald supporter: "Dissatisfaction developed because of the wage discrepancy between those who were paid under the sharing plan and those under the incentive plan [older workers]. Added to this, the Committee of Nine had not consulted the local union leadership. . . . All the local leadership got was a decision handed down to them by the big boys on top" (p. 212).

84. From a cuttings album of the Kaiser Personnel Department in the 1950s, retrieved from trash during the plant dismantling in 1985 by Dino Papavero. Most historical records of plant society were wantonly discarded.

85. Ibid.

86. Times , 6 September 1980 and 4 November 1981.

87. KSC Annual Report , 1961, 1963, 1964, 1966, and 1971.

88. Cf. retrospective analysis in KSC (Form 10-K) Annual Report 1980; and Times , 31 July 1977, 24 April 1978, 9 February 1979.

89. See Aussieker, "Decline," pp. 403-9.

90. Interview with Dino Papavero, May 1989; also see Aussieker, "Decline," pp. 405-6; Times , 2 February 1972, 28 March 1972.

91. KSC Annual Report , 1976, 1977; Times , 25 December 1976.

92. "And the Smog Stayed On," pamphlet issued by Kaiser Steel, 1972.

93. "Bill," in discussion at Steelworkers' Oldtimers Foundation, Fontana, May 1989. See also Times , 30 May 1978.

94. KSC (Form 10-K) Annual Report 1980.

95. Times , 6 and 10 September 1980.

96. Times , 9 February 1979.

97. Times , 27 September 1979.

98. Interview with Papavero and Piazza, May 1989.

99. Interviewed in Times , 4 August 1985.

100. KSC Annual Report 1979.

101. KSC (Form 10-K) Annual Report 1980; Times , 24 October and 22 November 1979.

102. Cf. KSC; and Times , September 1980.

103. Times , 2 June 1979.

104. KSC Annual Report 1981.

105. Times , 4 November 1981.

106. Times , 27 August 1980 and 13 February 1982.

107. The ESOP (Employee Stock Ownership Plan) divided Local 2869 into bitterly opposed factions with president Frank Anglin in favor and Ralph Shoutes leading the opposition. The last Local election was narrowly won by Anglin in April 1982. (See Fontana Herald-News , 8 April 1982.)

108. See Aussieker, "Decline," p. 408; Times , 14 August 1982.

109. In the Volcker-Reagan recession of 1979-83 nearly 20,000 jobs were lost in California's steel and iron products sector, and the state membership of the United Steel Workers fell by 41 percent. See Anne Lawrence, "Organizations in Crisis: Labor Union Responses to Plant Closures in California Manufacturing, 1979-83," Dept. of Geography, University of California, Berkeley 1985, pp. 55-57.

110. Allan Sloan and Peter Fuhrman, "An American Tragedy," Forbes , 20 October 1986.

111. On the accumulation of this cash hoard, see Times , 18 October 1979, 6 September 1980, 4 November 1981.

112. Ibid.

113. Times , 5 February 1982.

114. Times , 16 March 1982.

115. The People's World, 7 January 1984, marveled at the tax laws that make it so "profitable" to scrap the plant. "Net profits from the destruction of the only basic 'integrated works' in the West may exceed all the profits made on the corporation's activities since the end of World War Two."

116. Fontana Herald-News , 2 January 1984; Times , 4 August 1985.

117. Times , 27 May 1983.

118. Sun , 18 January 1988.

119. Sloan and Fuhrman, "An American Tragedy," pp. 32-33; see also Times , 25 September 1987.

120. Times , 9 February 1987.

121. Times , 27 January, 9 and 13 February 1987, 10 and 31 August 1988. Ex-Local 2869 President Frank Anglin expressed the following opinion of Hendry's management: "I haven't seen him do anything but lose money" ( Sun , 18 January 1988).

122. Sun , 19 August 1987.

123. See "Horse Dies in One-Horse Steel Town," Times , 1 September 1986.

124. Times , 30 January 1971; 23 June 1978 (Urbanomics Research Associates study); and 1 September 1985. 3,200 Kaiser workers lived in Fontana (population 21,000), 2,600 in Rialto/San Bernardino, and 3,200 in the rest of the Inland Empire.

125. Times , 15 August 1985.

126. See Joe Bridgman, "Southridge Village: Milestone or Millstone for Fontana?" Sun , 16 February 1986.

127. San Bernardino County General Plan Update , 1988.

128. Times , 1 September 1985; Sun , 23 January 1986.

129. Cf. "Southridge Village Specific Plan," FRA, n.d.

130. Times , 25 September 1988.

131. Times , 30 December 1983.

132. Times , 15 August 1985.

133. Times , 24 June 1987.

134. Fontana Herald-News , 14 December 1987.

135. Arthur Young International, Inland Empire Office, Management Audit of the City of Fontana , six volumes, 18 August 1987 (public copy of volume one in Fontana Library); Sun , 19 August 1987; and Fontana Herald-News , 19 August 1987.

136. Sun , 16 February 1986; debt estimate updated, 5 September 1987. In fact the FRA was so "informal" in dealings with developers that it never bothered to accurately record or report its burgeoning debt. As the Arthur Young auditors noted: "Although the Redevelopment Agency is highly leveraged, a definitive assessment on the exact amount of its obligations has not been made. . . . a determination of the Agency's total financial obligation has been frustrated by a lack of adequate record-keeping and file maintenance in the Agency, resulting in missing documents that are essential in quantifying the dollar amounts committed by the Agency to various developers" (p. 11-7).

137. Fontana Herald-News , 15 September, 26 and 29 October 1987.

138. Ibid., 26 and 29 October 1987. See also Sun , 17 August 1986.

139. Fontana Herald-News , 15 September 1987; also Sun , 16 February 1986.

140. Interview with "P.C.," former Fontana planner, September 1989. It is questionable whether Southridge will ever be finished; phase three is officially described as "in limbo." (See Fontana Herald-News , 9 January 1990.)

141. The Fontana School Board also sued because of the developers' failure to build desperately needed schools.

142. The dissipation of the union political base was emphasized by John Piazza, May 1989.

143. Sun , 18 September 1987.

144. Ibid., 1 August 1987.

145. Fontana Herald-News , 1 November 1988.

146. Ibid., 9 January 1990.

147. On "image," see Sun , 13 August 1978.

148. Fontana Herald-News , 8 December 1987; 26 October 1988.

149. Ibid.

150. Ibid., 24 August 1988.

151. Ibid., 26 October and 13 December 1988.

152. Cf. Fontana Herald-News , 3 November 1988; 11 January and 19 April 1989; and 16 January 1990.

153. Times , 6 August 1989.