1. Jane Perlez, "Kenya's Plan for Tower Annoys Aid Donors," New York Times , December 29, 1989.

2. René Lemarchand has argued that factions are "non-corporate, highly personalized and intensely competitive social aggregates" based on access to highly valued political resources rather than common fundamental economic interests. They are ad hoc in his view, compared to interest groups, which possess both shared long-term interests and a higher level of internal organization. The argument articulated later in this chapter suggests that within single-party systems, corporate groups in the dominant party tend to give way to multiple factions, except in the case that the corporate groups have strong independent financial backing or control critical functions in the economy. For more on the distinction between factions and corporate groups, see René Lemarchand, "The State, the Parallel Economy, and the Changing Structure of Patronage Systems," in The Precarious Balance: State and Society in Africa , ed. Donald Rothchild and Naomi Chazan (Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1988), pp. 149-70.

3. See Nelson Kasfir, The Shrinking Political Arena: Participation and Ethnicity in African Politics, with a Case Study of Uganda (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1976).

4. Joel D. Barkan and Frank Holmquist, "Peasant-State Relations and the Social Base of Self-Help in Kenya," World Politics 41, 3 (April 1989): 359.

5. Dirk Berg-Schlosser, "Modes and Meaning of Political Participation in Kenya," Comparative Politics 14 (July 1982): 410.

6. See,e.g., Henry Bienen, Armies and Parties in Africa (New York: Holmes & Meier, 1978). break

7. See Martin Kilson, "Authoritarian and Single-Party Tendencies in African Politics," World Politics 15 (January 1963): 262-94.

8. Immanuel Wallerstein, "The Decline of the Party in Single-Party African States," in Political Parties and Political Development , ed. Joseph LaPalombara and Myron Weiner (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1966), pp. 201-16.

9. Samuel Huntington, "Social and Institutional Dynamics of One-Party Systems," in Authoritarian Politics in Modern Society: The Dynamics of Established One-Party Systems, ed. Samuel Huntington and Clement Moore (New York: Basic Books, 1970), p. 11.

10. Ibid., p. 9.

9. Samuel Huntington, "Social and Institutional Dynamics of One-Party Systems," in Authoritarian Politics in Modern Society: The Dynamics of Established One-Party Systems, ed. Samuel Huntington and Clement Moore (New York: Basic Books, 1970), p. 11.

10. Ibid., p. 9.

11. Aristide Zolberg, Creating Political Order: The Party-States of West Africa (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1966), pp. 90-91.

12. Ibid., p. 7.

11. Aristide Zolberg, Creating Political Order: The Party-States of West Africa (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1966), pp. 90-91.

12. Ibid., p. 7.

13. Robert Jackson and Carl Rosberg, Personal Rule in Black Africa (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1982), pp. 19 and 23.

14. This literature is now extensive. Some of the more helpful general discussions include: Goran Hyden, No Shortcuts to Progress: African Development Management in Perspective (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1983); Joel S. Migdal, "Strong States, Weak States: Power and Accommodation," in Understanding Political Development , ed. Myron Weiner and Samuel Huntington (Boston: Little, Brown, 1987); id., Strong Societies and Weak States: State-Society Relations and State Capacity in the Third World (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1988).

15. Crawford Young and Thomas Turner, The Rise and Decline of the Zairian State (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1985), p. 20.

16. Thomas Callaghy, The State-Society Struggle: Zaire in Comparative Perspective (New York: Columbia University Press, 1984), p. 32.

17. Hyden, No Shortcuts to Progress , p. 41.

18. Ibid., p. 48.

17. Hyden, No Shortcuts to Progress , p. 41.

18. Ibid., p. 48.

19. See,e.g., Goran Hyden, Beyond Ujamaa in Tanzania (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1981).

20. Rafael Kaplinsky, "Capitalist Accumulation in the Periphery--The Kenyan Case Re-examined," Review of African Political Economy 17 (1980): 97.

21. Colin Leys, Underdevelopment in Kenya: The Political Economy of Neo-Colonialism (London: Heinemann, 1977), p. 207.

22. Ibid., p. 210.

21. Colin Leys, Underdevelopment in Kenya: The Political Economy of Neo-Colonialism (London: Heinemann, 1977), p. 207.

22. Ibid., p. 210.

23. See, e.g., Peter Anyang' Nyong'o, "Introduction," in Popular Struggles for Democracy in Africa, ed. Peter Anyang' Nyong'o (London: United Nations University / Zed Press, 1987), p. 21.

24. Peter Anyang' Nyong'o, "The Decline of Democracy and the Rise of Authoritarian and Factionalist Politics in Kenya," Horn of Africa 6, 3 (1983): 32.

25. Nicola Swainson, "State and Economy in Post-Colonial Kenya, 1963-1978," Canadian Journal of African Studies 12, 2 (1978): 363.

26. See Colin Leys, "Capital Accumulation, Class Formation, and Depen- soft

dency: The Significance of the Kenyan Case,'' in The Socialist Register, 1978 , ed. Ralph Miliband and John Saville (London: Merlin Press, 1978), p. 247.

27. Colin Leys, "Kenya: What Does 'Dependency' Explain?" Review of African Political Economy 17 (1980): 109.

28. Ibid., p. 111.

27. Colin Leys, "Kenya: What Does 'Dependency' Explain?" Review of African Political Economy 17 (1980): 109.

28. Ibid., p. 111.

29. Michael Chege, "The African Economic Crisis and the Fate of Democracy in Sub-Saharan Africa," in Democratic Theory and Practice in Africa, ed. Walter Oyugi (Portsmouth, N.H.: Heinemann, 1988), p. 201.

30. Based on the author's calculations and data drawn from International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, Africa Technical Department, "Draft Data Document" (Autumn 1991), and United Nations Development Programme, African Economic and Financial Data (Washington, D.C.: World Bank, 1989).

31. The U.S. Congress banned military loans to Kenya in 1990 in order to protest human rights abuses. Prior to that period, the United States had taken an increasingly outspoken position in support of civil liberties and against the restriction of political opposition then occurring in the country. The Bush administration permitted the release of the last $5 million of an earlier military assistance loan in the spring of 1991 in an effort to persuade Kenya to accept anti-Quaddafi Libyan commandos the United States had trained in Chad, then rescued when a pro-Libyan government took power in a coup d'état there. The congressional limitation on future assistance remained in place, however.

32. Sholto Cross, "L'Etat c'est moi: Political Transition and the Kenya General Election of 1979" (University of East Anglia, Discussion Paper No. 66, April 1983), p. 12.

33. This analytic perspective is articulated in part in the works of African writers such as Chinua Achebe and in part in Richard Sandbrook, The Politics of Africa's Economic Stagnation (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985).

34. Sandbrook, Politics of Africa's Economic Stagnation , and Irving Leonard Markovitz, Power and Class in Africa: Introduction to Change and Conflict in African Politics (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1977).

35. Fernando Henrique Cardoso, "On the Characterization of Authoritarian Regimes in Latin America," in The New Authoritarianism in Latin America, ed. David Collier (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1979), p. 37.

36. Guillermo A. O'Donnell, Modernization and Bureaucratic-Authoritarianism (Berkeley: Institute of International Studies, University of California, 1979), p. 55.

37. For a detailed explication of this sequence, see David Collier, "Overview of the Bureaucratic-Authoritarian Model," in New Authoritarianism in Latin America, ed. Collier, pp. 19-32.

38. Cardoso, "On the Characterization of Authoritarian Regimes," pp. 33-67.

39. David Collier, "The Bureaucratic Authoritarian Model: Synthesis and Priorities for Future Research," in New Authoritarianism in Latin America, ed. Collier, pp. 396-97. break

40. Young and Turner, Rise and Decline of the Zairian State, p. 27.

41. See Henry Bienen and Mark Gersovitz, "Consumer Subsidy Cuts, Violence, and Political Stability," Comparative Politics 19 (October 1986): 25-44.

42. Peter Anyang' Nyong'o, "State and Society in Kenya: The Disintegration of the Nationalist Coalitions and the Rise of Presidential Authoritarianism, 1963-78," African Affairs 88, 351 (April 1989): 231, 232.

43. Colin Leys offers an insightful account of this kind of appeal in his book Underdevelopment in Kenya .

44. The analysis offered here focuses on the incentives facing political elites. It draws on the work of political scientists who have studied parts of the world other than Africa, especially that of Mancur Olson, The Rise and Decline of Nations (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1982), and Albert Hirschman, Exit, Voice, and Loyalty (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1970). Other Africa scholars, such as Robert Bates, have argued that party systems affect the utility calculations of individual voters:

Under a competitive party system, it makes sense for citizens to pay attention to a candidate's stand on those issues affecting the entire national political system. For if a candidate is committed to a party, then her success could conceivably affect national policy; her performance at the polls would combine with the performance of other candidates from her party and their joint performance would help to define which team would subsequently control the government. . . . [Under a single-party, multiple-candidate system] if successful, a candidate will become but one of over 100 members of Parliament; the candidate's success would therefore have little impact upon national policies. In the absence of a competitive party system, voters, behaving rationally, should therefore tend to pay more attention to the ability of candidates to do things of immediate, local value than to their stands on national issues.

(Robert Bates, Beyond the Miracle of the Market: The Political Economy of Agrarian Development in Kenya [Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989], p. 92 and n. 54)

45. For a discussion of the way party systems affected political outcomes in the "one-party states" of the American South, and specifically of the way they contributed to localism, see V. O. Key, Jr., Southern Politics (New York: Knopf, 1949), pp. 302-3.

46. "Political departicipation appears to . . . [increase] the weight of local issues, lessens the salience of ethnicity and enhances the stature of strategically connected local notables. . . . 'Access' is indeed a key resource in conditions of political departicipation, and thus much of the dynamics of factionalism appear[s] to revolve around the structures and personalities through which access can be gained or denied," René Lemarchand argues in "The State, the Parallel Economy, and the Changing Structure of Patronage," pp. 158-59.

47. On the party as political machine, see Henry Bienen, "Political Parties and Political Machines in Africa," in id., Armies and Parties in Africa , pp. 62-77.

48. V. O. Key, Jr., noted that in the American South, between 1869 and the 1950s, one-party systems differed from one another in structure and in the character of political debate. At one end of the spectrum, Virginia and Tennessee displayed limited fragmentation and tight control by dominant machines. At the continue

other end of the spectrum, Mississippi and Florida offered cases of extreme fragmentation and, in the case of Florida, a high degree of mutability in the definition of factional boundaries. Key located the source of these differences partly in the distribution of different kinds of economic activities within each state, patterns of migration, and the size of the public coffers. See his discussions of these cases in Key, Southern Politics .

49. For an analysis of the American South in this same vein, see ibid. "The lack of continuing groups of 'ins' and 'outs' profoundly influences the nature of political leadership," Key writes. "Free and easy movement from loose faction to loose faction results in there being in reality no group of 'outs' with any sort of corporate spirit to serve as critic of the 'ins' or as a rallying point around which can be organized all those discontented with the current conduct of public affairs" (ibid., p. 304). For a formalization, see Hirschman, Exit, Voice, and Loyalty .

50. Again, the case of the American South between the late 1800s and the 1950s is informative. See V. O. Key, Jr., "Southern Suffrage Restrictions: Bourbon Coup d'état?" in Southern Politics , pp. 533-54.

51. Thomas Callaghy, "Lost between State and Market: The Politics of Economic Adjustment in Ghana, Zambia, and Nigeria," in Economic Crisis and Policy Choice, ed. Joan M. Nelson (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1990), p. 37.

52. This observation defines democratic political structures as those required for public contestation of policy, as outlined in Robert Dahl, Polyarchy: Participation and Opposition (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1971, 1985).

53. See Barrington Moore, Jr., The Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy: Lord and Peasant in the Making of the Modern World (Boston: Beacon Press, 1966).

54. Henry Bienen, Kenya: The Politics of Participation and Control (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1974).

55. See John Okumu with Frank Holmquist, "Party and Party-State Relations," in Joel Barkan, Politics and Public Policy in Kenya and Tanzania (New York: Praeger, 1984).

56. I borrow the distinction between "reign" and "rule" from Chalmers Johnson and Thomas Callaghy, who use it in their work on Japan and Zaire respectively.

57. For a detailed analysis of these policies, see Susanne Mueller, "Political Parties in Kenya: The Politics of Opposition and Dissent, 1919-1969" (Ph.D. diss., Department of Politics, Princeton University, 1972).

58. Callaghy, State-Society Struggle; Young and Turner, Rise and Decline of the Zairean State ; and Michael Schatzberg, The Dialectics of Oppression in Zaire (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1988).

59. Although this study uses some analysis of aggregate data, most of the evidence comes from review of the timing of meetings and legislation. My attempt to provide a more systematic account of the use of harambee resources in electoral politics was circumscribed by events. A few days after my arrival in Kenya in 1985, the government placed its records of harambee meetings (which must be licensed) under the sole control of the head of internal security. Ner- soft

vousness engendered by the 1982 coup attempt and the widespread belief that the 1985 party elections might bring additional trouble resulted in the suspension of research clearances for most political scientists and made direct interviews with politicians impossible. Subsequently, I was able to interview a number of politicians and administrative officials while they were outside the country. The analysis reflects their contribution, although individual attribution is withheld to protect those who spoke.

1. See esp. David Throup, "The Construction and Deconstruction of the Kenyatta State," in The Political Economy of Kenya , ed. Michael Schatzberg (Praeger: New York, 1987), and Henry Bienen, Kenya: The Politics of Participation and Control (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1974).

2. The fullest discussion of the KLFA is contained in Tabitha Kanogo, Squatters and the Roots of Mau Mau (Athens, Ohio: Ohio University Press, 1989), pp. 164-69.

3. Josiah Mwangi Kariuki, "Mau Mau" Detainee: The Account by a Kenya African of His Experiences in Detention Camps, 1953-1960 (London: Oxford University Press, 1963), p. 181.

4. For a fuller discussion, see David Goldsworthy, Tom Mboya: The Man Kenya Wanted to Forget (New York: Africana Publishing Co., 1982). p. 229.

5. See Gavin Kitching, Class and Economic Change in Kenya (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1980); David Leonard, African Successes: Four Public Managers of Kenyan Rural Development (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991).

6. Christopher Leo, Land and Class in Kenya (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1984), p. 177.

7. Leonard, African Successes , pp. 80-81.

8. For extensive discussions of the differences between class or associational politics and the politics of patron-client relationships, see ibid. and Robert Bates, "The Nature and Origins of Agricultural Policies in Africa," in id., Essays on the Political Economy of Rural Africa (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1983).

9. Tom Mboya, Freedom and After (London: André Deutsch, 1963), p. 28.

10. Joseph Karimi and Philip Ochieng, The Kenyatta Succession (Nairobi: Transafrica Press, 1980), p. ix.

11. Daily Nation , December 1, 1975.

12. Daily Nation, August 18, 1980.

13. Colin Leys, Underdevelopment in Kenya: The Political Economy of Neo-Colonialism (London: Heinemann, 1977), p. 199.

14. Ibid., pp. 203-4.

13. Colin Leys, Underdevelopment in Kenya: The Political Economy of Neo-Colonialism (London: Heinemann, 1977), p. 199.

14. Ibid., pp. 203-4.

15. For an extended discussion of this argument, see Bates, "Nature and Origins of Agricultural Policies."

16. Leonard, African Successes, p. 104. break

17. J. R. King, Stabilization Policy in an African Setting: Kenya, 1963-1973 (London: Heinemann Educational Books, 1979), p. 61.

18. A. T. Brough and T. R. C. Curtin, "Growth and Stability: An Account of Fiscal and Monetary Policy," in Papers on the Kenyan Economy , ed. Tony Killick (London: Heinemann Educational Books, 1981), p. 41.

19. King, Stabilization Policy, p. 61.

20. Brough and Curtin, "Growth and Stability," p. 45.

21. Cherry Gertzel, The Politics of Independent Kenya, 1963-1968 (Nairobi: East African Publishing House, 1970), pp. 136-37.

22. H. W. O. Okoth-Ogendo, "Land Ownership and Land Distribution in Kenya's Large-Farm Areas," in Papers on the Kenyan Economy , ed. Killick, p. 329.

23. Tony Killick, Papers on the Kenyan Economy , ed. id., p. 265.

24. David Court, "The Education System as a Response to Inequality," in Papers on the Kenyan Economy , ed. Killick, passim, pp. 287-90.

25. Jeremy Murray-Brown, Kenyatta (London: George Allen & Unwin, 1979), p. 109.

26. Marshall Clough, Fighting Two Sides: Kenyan Chiefs and Politicians, 1918-1940 (Niwot, Colo.: University Press of Colorado, 1990), pp. 127, 130.

27. George Bennett, "The Development of Political Organizations in Kenya," Political Studies 5, 2 (1957): 125.

28. Kariuki, "Mau Mau" Detainee, pp. 178-79.

29. Bruce Berman, Control and Crisis in Colonial Kenya: The Dialectic of Domination (Athens, Ohio: Ohio University Press, 1990), p. 338.

30. Murray-Brown, Kenyatta, pp. 304, 309.

31. Berman, Control and Crisis in Colonial Kenya, p. 324.

32. H. W. O. Okoth-Ogendo, "The Politics of Constitutional Change in Kenya since Independence, 1963-1969," African Affairs 71, 282 (January 1972): 19.

33. Jomo Kenyatta, "A One-Party System," in Jomo Kenyatta, Suffering without Bitterness (Nairobi: East African Publishing House, 1968), p. 228.

34. The shift to a republican system in 1964 abolished regional assemblies established during the independence negotiations at Lancaster House but turned the prime minister into a president in name only. The president remained bound to an elected legislature of which he had to be a member and the lower house retained the right to issue a vote of no confidence. Kenya moved to a true presidential system only after the tenth amendment to the constitution in 1968, at which time Kenya had become a de facto single-party system. For an excellent discussion of the changes in electoral rules, see Gertzel, Politics of Independent Kenya .

35. Ibid., p. 63.

36. Ibid.

34. The shift to a republican system in 1964 abolished regional assemblies established during the independence negotiations at Lancaster House but turned the prime minister into a president in name only. The president remained bound to an elected legislature of which he had to be a member and the lower house retained the right to issue a vote of no confidence. Kenya moved to a true presidential system only after the tenth amendment to the constitution in 1968, at which time Kenya had become a de facto single-party system. For an excellent discussion of the changes in electoral rules, see Gertzel, Politics of Independent Kenya .

35. Ibid., p. 63.

36. Ibid.

34. The shift to a republican system in 1964 abolished regional assemblies established during the independence negotiations at Lancaster House but turned the prime minister into a president in name only. The president remained bound to an elected legislature of which he had to be a member and the lower house retained the right to issue a vote of no confidence. Kenya moved to a true presidential system only after the tenth amendment to the constitution in 1968, at which time Kenya had become a de facto single-party system. For an excellent discussion of the changes in electoral rules, see Gertzel, Politics of Independent Kenya .

35. Ibid., p. 63.

36. Ibid.

37. Current Biography, 1979, s.v. "Moi, Daniel arap" (New York: H. W. Wilson Co., 1979).

38. Kenyatta, address at the Limuru Conference, March 13, 1966, in Kenyatta, Suffering without Bitterness , p. 298. break

39. Kenyatta, address at the Limuru Conference of March 13, 1966, as it appears in Kenyatta, Suffering without Bitterness, p. 300.

40. Kenyatta, address at the opening of Parliament, November 2, 1965, as it appears in Kenyatta, Suffering without Bitterness, p. 286.

41. Kenyatta, address at the opening of Parliament, November 2, 1965, as it appears in Kenyatta, Suffering without Bitterness, p. 286.

42. Africa Contemporary Record, 1969-70 , p. B125.

43. Leys, Underdevelopment in Kenya, p. 235.

44. C. A. Kamundia, "Primaries in Kenya," East Africa Journal 6 (May 1969): 9.

45. Leonard, African Successes, pp. 105-6.

46. Throup, "Construction and Deconstruction of the Kenyatta State," p. 40.

47. Henry Bienen has argued that (1) the absence of strong competition reduced the incentive for party discipline and fostered debate within the ranks, and (2) the perception of weakness discouraged politicians from investing in the party. See "Party Politics in Kenya," in Bienen, Armies and Parties in Africa (New York: Holmes & Meier, 1978), p. 87.

48. Njuguna Ng'eth'e, "Harambee and Development Participation in Kenya: The Politics of Peasants and Elites Interaction with Particular Reference to Harambee Projects in Kiambu" (Ph.D. diss., Carleton University, Ottawa, July 1979), pp. 135, 131.

49. Ibid., p. 131.

48. Njuguna Ng'eth'e, "Harambee and Development Participation in Kenya: The Politics of Peasants and Elites Interaction with Particular Reference to Harambee Projects in Kiambu" (Ph.D. diss., Carleton University, Ottawa, July 1979), pp. 135, 131.

49. Ibid., p. 131.

50. Weekly Review , January 23, 1978, p. 5.

51. Daily Nation , June 16, 1979.

52. Weekly Review, July 6, 1979, p. 9.

53. Chong Lim Kim, Joel D. Barkan, Ilter Turan, and Malcom Jewell, eds., The Legislative Connection: The Politics of Representation in Kenya, Korea, and Turkey (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1984), p. 83.

54. Bienen, Armies and Parties in Africa , p. 68.

55. Brough and Curtin, "Growth and Stability," p. 45

56. Frank Holmquist, "Self-Help: The State and Peasant Leverage in Kenya," Africa 54, 3 (1984): 81.

57. Peter M. Ngau, "Tensions in Empowerment: The Experience of the Harambee (Self-Help) Movement in Kenya," Economic Development and Cultural Change 35, 3 (April 1987): 525.

58. This view is argued most forcefully in Susanne Mueller, "Government and Opposition in Kenya, 1966-1969," Journal of Modern African Studies 22, 3 (1984): 399-427.

59. East African Standard, quoted in Susanne Mueller, "Political Parties in Kenya: The Politics of Opposition and Dissent 1919-1969" (Ph.D. diss., Department of Politics, Princeton University, 1972), p. 80.

60. Mueller, "Political Parties in Kenya," p. 497.

61. The legal history of the period is best documented in Gertzel, Politics of Independent Kenya .

62. Henry Wariithi as quoted in Gertzel, Politics of Independent Kenya, p. 40. break

63. Ibid.

62. Henry Wariithi as quoted in Gertzel, Politics of Independent Kenya, p. 40. break

63. Ibid.

64. Mueller, "Political Parties in Kenya," p. 413.

65. Mueller, "Government and Opposition in Kenya," p. 424.

66. Kenyatta, broadcast of April 26, 1966, in the wake of the formation of the KPU, as it appears in Kenyatta, Suffering without Bitterness , p. 303.

67. Mueller, "Government and Opposition in Kenya," p. 410.

68. Robert Buijtenhuis, Mau Mau Twenty Years After (Paris: Mouton, 1973), p. 131.

69. "Speech by His Excellency the President at the Kenya Institute of Administration, December 15, 1965," Kenya News Agency Handout No. 768, as quoted in Gertzel, Politics of Independent Kenya , pp. 168-69.

70. John Okumu and Frank Holmquist, "Party and Party-State Relations," in Politics and Public Policy in Kenya and Tanzania , ed. Joel Barkan (New York: Praeger, 1984), pp. 53-54.

71. Peter Anyang' Nyong'o, "State and Society in Kenya: The Disintegration of the Nationalist Coalitions and the Rise of Presidential Authoritarianism, 1963-78" African Affairs 88, 351 (April 1989): 241.

72. Goran Hyden, "Administration and Public Policy," in Politics and Public Policy , ed. Barkan, p. 115; Bienen, Kenya , pp. 58-65.

73. Chong Lim Kim et al., Legislative Connection , p. 82.

1. International Labour Organization, Employment, Incomes and Equality (Geneva: ILO, 1972).

2. Kenya, National Assembly, Official Report , April 26, 1973, p. 878.

3. Ibid., p. 879.

4. Ibid.

2. Kenya, National Assembly, Official Report , April 26, 1973, p. 878.

3. Ibid., p. 879.

4. Ibid.

2. Kenya, National Assembly, Official Report , April 26, 1973, p. 878.

3. Ibid., p. 879.

4. Ibid.

5. Kenya, National Assembly, Official Report , May 3, 1973, p. 1033.

6. Kenya, National Assembly, Official Report , June 13, 1973, p. 108.

7. Kenya, National Assembly, Official Report , May 8, 1973, p. 1154.

8. Ibid.

9. Ibid., p. 1156.

7. Kenya, National Assembly, Official Report , May 8, 1973, p. 1154.

8. Ibid.

9. Ibid., p. 1156.

7. Kenya, National Assembly, Official Report , May 8, 1973, p. 1154.

8. Ibid.

9. Ibid., p. 1156.

10. Kenya, National Assembly, Official Report , May 3, 1973, p. 1034.

11. East African Standard , April 27, 1973.

12. Kenya, National Assembly, Official Report , June 13, 1973, p. 108.

13. Apollo Njonjo, "The Africanization of the 'White Highlands': A Study in Agrarian Class Struggles in Kenya, 1950-1974" (Ph.D. diss., Department of Politics, Princeton University, 1977).

14. "The KADU argument ran simply and consistently as follows. It was 'unthinkable' that the Nandi and the Kipsigis should be separate. . . . Hence the demand for the creation of the present huge Rift Valley Province. . . . as soon as pre-colonial territories in the White Highlands were recognised, then such spheres would be legally codified and sanctified by vesting them in regional governments. Much more crucial, however, was the KADU demand that transactions in settler estates within a region be controlled by the Regional Assembly" (ibid., 40-46). break

15. Ibid.

14. "The KADU argument ran simply and consistently as follows. It was 'unthinkable' that the Nandi and the Kipsigis should be separate. . . . Hence the demand for the creation of the present huge Rift Valley Province. . . . as soon as pre-colonial territories in the White Highlands were recognised, then such spheres would be legally codified and sanctified by vesting them in regional governments. Much more crucial, however, was the KADU demand that transactions in settler estates within a region be controlled by the Regional Assembly" (ibid., 40-46). break

15. Ibid.

16. International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, Kenya: Population and Development (Washington, D.C.:IBRD, 1980), p. 30.

17. Compiled from ibid., p. 29.

16. International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, Kenya: Population and Development (Washington, D.C.:IBRD, 1980), p. 30.

17. Compiled from ibid., p. 29.

18. Njonjo, "Africanization of the 'White Highlands,'" p. 465.

19. Ibid.

18. Njonjo, "Africanization of the 'White Highlands,'" p. 465.

19. Ibid.

20. Kenya, National Assembly, Official Report , June 13, 1973, p. 101.

21. Ibid.

20. Kenya, National Assembly, Official Report , June 13, 1973, p. 101.

21. Ibid.

22. Kenya, National Assembly, Official Report , June 13, 1973, p. 102.

23. Daily Nation , January 3, 1973.

24. Daily Nation , January 19, 1973.

25. Daily Nation , January 20, 1973.

26. Daily Nation , February 27, 1973.

27. Daily Nation , December 5, 1973.

28. Daily Nation , November 23, 1973.

29. Daily Nation , May 2, 1974.

30. Kenya, National Assembly, On the Current Economic Situation in Kenya , Sessional Paper No. 1 of 1974 (Nairobi: Government Printer, 1974), p. 2.

31. Daily Nation , June 16, 1972.

32. Daily Nation , June 24, 1972.

33. Daily Nation , August 3, 1973.

34. Njonjo, "Africanization of the 'White Highlands,'" p. 496.

35. The parliamentary investigation of Kariuki's death notes that as chairman of the Betting and Lotteries Licensing Board, he "helped many wananchi to acquire betting machines" and "contributed significantly to various Harambee projects in the country" (Kenya, National Assembly, Report of the Select Committee on the Disappearance and Murder of the Late Member for Nyandarua North, The Hon. J.M. Kariuki, M.P., June 3, 1975).

36. Daily Nation , May 4, 1973.

37. Weekly Review , June 5, 1979, p. 11.

38. Colin Leys, Underdevelopment in Kenya: The Political Economy of Neo-Colonialism (London: Heinemann, 1975), pp. 228-29.

39. David Throup, "The Construction and Destruction of the Kenyatta State" (paper presented at the Johns Hopkins School for Advanced International Studies Conference on Kenya, Washington, D.C., April 11-12, 1986), p. 17.

40. Leys, Underdevelopment in Kenya , pp. 228-29.

41. Early in 1972, the government allegedly banned the Voice of Kenya from covering Kariuki's harambee appearances, and newspapers appear to have taken their cue from this. The Daily Nation reported a National Assembly debate about these allegations on July 6, 1972. The MP for South Tetu, Mwai Koigi, asked: "Why have instructions been issued against the Assistant Minister for Tourism and Wildlife that when he donated for harambee projects the news cannot be broadcast over the Voice of Kenya radio?" Koigi added that Kariuki had recently given a hospital in South Tetu a hundred bags of cement, but that Koigi's request to J. Z. Kase, assistant minister for information and broadcast- soft

ing, that the meeting be publicized had been turned down on the grounds that there were instructions not to give coverage to Kariuki. In Parliament, Kase denied that any such instructions had been issued. Carla Heath of the University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign, has, however, reported statements by VOK employees that such a ban was in effect (letter to the author, May 1986).

42. Daily Nation , August 15, 1972.

43. Daily Nation , February 5, 1973.

44. Daily Nation , February 10, 1973.

45. The delegation included Baringo South MP Eric Bomett, Belgut MP W. K. Rono, and Mosop MP G. N. Kalya, as well as two representatives defeated in the 1969 elections, former Kerio Central MP W. C. Murgor and former Aldai MP J. K. Cheruiyot. See Daily Nation , March 3, 1973.

46. Daily Nation , March 25, 1972.

47. Daily Nation , September 21, 1972.

48. Daily Nation , September 25, 1972.

49. Daily Nation , September 28, 1972.

50. Pharis Wachira of Makuyu led the attack and others joined in, including B. M. Karangaru of Embakasi, Mark Mwithaga of Nakuru Town, and George Mwicigi of Kandara. Kitui Central MP James Kitonga added his support, the first from the Akamba districts.

51. Kuria Kinyanjui of Lari led the effort. G. G. W. Nthenge of Iveti South, Henry Cheboiwo of Baringo North, B. M. Karungaru, and J. M. Kariuki contributed.

52. Daily Nation , December 1, 1973.

53. Daily Nation , May 16, 1974.

54. Daily Nation , July 4, 1974.

55. The Special Rural Development Program (SRDP) was a project designed to spur development in outlying areas. It was funded by a six-country consortium, in which the U.S. Agency for International Development was one partner.

56. Daily Nation , April 6, 1972.

57. Daily Nation , May 6, 1972.

58. Daily Nation , November 3, 1973.

59. Daily Nation , December 1, 1973.

60. Ibid.

59. Daily Nation , December 1, 1973.

60. Ibid.

61. Daily Nation , February 13, 1974.

62. Daily Nation , July 1, 1972.

63. Daily Nation , July 5, 1972.

64. Daily Nation , March 7, 1973.

65. Daily Nation , April 16, 1973.

66. Daily Nation , May 7, 1973.

67. Daily Nation , March 7, 1973.

68. Daily Nation , February 27, 1973. Others were Mbiri MP Julius Gikonyo Kiano, Mwai Kibaki, and three long-time friends of the group leaders, Kangundo MP Paul Ngei, Meru North-West MP Jackson Angaine, and Embu South MP Jeremiah Nyagah.

69. Daily Nation , April 7, 1973.

70. Daily Nation , June 27, 1973. break

71. Based on calculations drawn from newspaper accounts of harambee meetings attended by senior ministers and government officials. Official data on the amount of money collected and disbursed are currently under the control of the Office of the President.

72. Daily Nation , March 11, 1974.

73. Apollo Njonjo notes that Murgor was the most outspoken KADU critic of Kikuyu acquisition of land in the Rift Valley at independence. The change in his views may have resulted from high levels of development spending in and around Eldoret township, which is only a few kilometers from Moi's birthplace near Kabarnet. See Njonjo, "Africanization of the 'White Highlands,'" p. 409.

74. Daily Nation , April 13, 1973.

75. Daily Nation , May 14, 1973.

76. Daily Nation , June 11, 1973.

77. East African Standard , April 23, 1973.

78. Daily Nation , May 17, 1973.

79. Daily Nation , June 28, 1973.

80. Daily Nation , June 4, 1973.

81. Kenya, National Assembly, "Report . . . on the Disappearance and Murder of . . . J. M. Kariuki," p. 12.

82. Daily Nation , March 22, 1972.

83. Daily Nation , March 30, 1972.

84. Daily Nation , June 15, 1972.

85. Daily Nation , June 26, 1972.

86. Daily Nation , June 29, 1972.

87. Daily Nation , June 30, 1972.

88. Daily Nation , July 12, 1972.

89. Daily Nation , April 19, 1973.

90. Daily Nation , May 16, 1973.

91. Daily Nation , July 18, 1973.

92. Daily Nation , October 17, 1973.

93. Daily Nation , January 23, 1974.

94. Daily Nation , March 11, 1974.

95. Daily Nation , June 4, 1974.

96. Daily Nation , June 14, 1974.

97. Daily Nation , June 15, 1974.

98. Daily Nation , June 24, 1974.

99. Kenyatta as quoted in E.S. Atieno-Odhiambo, "Democracy and the Ideology of Order in Kenya," in The Political Economy of Kenya , ed. Michael Schatzberg (New York: Praeger, 1987), p. 177.

1. Joseph Karimi and Philip Ochieng, The Kenyatta Succession (Nairobi: Transafrica Press, 1980), p. 17.

2. Mungai, Kenyatta's nephew, lost the 1974 election, but was appointed a member of Parliament thereafter and placed on the board of the Kenya Pipeline Company, in which the government purchased shares. break

3. Karimi and Ochieng, Kenyatta Succession, pp. 18-19.

4. The meeting also included Odinga's future arch-rival, William Odongo Omamo. Weekly Review, October 11, 1976, p. 9, and September 27, 1976, p. 5.

5. Weekly Review, August 30, 1976, pp. 4-6.

6. Ibid., p. 7.

5. Weekly Review, August 30, 1976, pp. 4-6.

6. Ibid., p. 7.

7. Karimi and Ochieng, Kenyatta Succession, p. 19.

8. Ibid., p. 28.

7. Karimi and Ochieng, Kenyatta Succession, p. 19.

8. Ibid., p. 28.

9. Kenyatta was detained by the colonial government at Lodwar, in the north of Kenya, during the Mau Mau uprising.

10. Weekly Review, October 25, 1976, p. 3.

11. Weekly Review, March 14, 1977.

12. Weekly Review, April 4, 1977, p. 10.

13. Weekly Review, August 1, 1978, p. 13.

14. Weekly Review, November 15, 1976.

15. Weekly Review, February 14, 1977, p. 10.

16. Weekly Review, January 23, 1978, p. 9.

17. See, e.g., the record of the meeting between Mungai and Oneko. Daily Nation, June 13, 1977.

18. Oloo Aringo as quoted in Weekly Review, January 23, 1978, p. 9.

19. Weekly Review, July 4, 1977.

20. Weekly Review, December 26, 1977.

21. Weekly Review, April 21, 1978, p. 3.

22. Weekly Review, May 26, 1978, p. 4.

23. Weekly Review, June 30, 1978, p. 7.

24. Weekly Review, August 18, 1978, p. 45.

25. Weekly Review, May 26, 1978, p. 4.

26. Weekly Review, December 2, 1978, p. 6.

27. The government was increasingly concerned about Somali incursions in the northeastern part of the country.

28. Weekly Review, September 29, 1978, p. 6.

29. Weekly Review, October 27, 1978, p. 6.

30. Weekly Review, October 13, 1978, p. 13.

31. Ibid., p. 9.

32. Ibid., p. 13.

30. Weekly Review, October 13, 1978, p. 13.

31. Ibid., p. 9.

32. Ibid., p. 13.

30. Weekly Review, October 13, 1978, p. 13.

31. Ibid., p. 9.

32. Ibid., p. 13.

33. Weekly Review, November 3, 1978, p. 4.

34. David Throup, Magdalene College, Cambridge, letter to the author, 1986.

1. Police commissioner James Mungai's flight was allegedly in response to discovery of a plot by members of the Nakuru Stock Theft Unit, GEMA, and GEMA's allies in the Rift to assassinate Moi, Kibaki, and Njonjo. In their book The Kenyatta Succession (Nairobi: Transafrica Press, 1980), Joseph Karimi and Philip Ochieng relate the story behind the ''Ngoroko Affair" in some detail, based on documentation provided by the Attorney General's Office. Absent evi- soft

dence to corroborate the documents provided by that office, then headed by Charles Njonjo, the veracity of the story must remain in question, however. While possibly true, the account was highly convenient to the new president, providing grounds for strengthening surveillance of local and national politicians. Ochieng subsequently became editor of the Kenya Times , the KANU party newspaper. The appointment may or may not have been related to this episode and may or may not provide an indication of the reliability of the reports.

2. Weekly Review, November 10, 1978, p. 12.

3. Based on interviews carried out with a member of the provincial administration and with members of Parliament, 1990.

4. See, esp., Thomas Callaghy, The State-Society Struggle: Zaire in Comparative Perspective (New York: Columbia University Press, 1984); Michael Schatzberg, The Dialectics of Oppression in Zaire (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1988); and Naomi Chazan and Deborah Pellow, Ghana: Coping with Uncertainty (Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1986).

5. Weekly Review , September 8, 1978, pp. 6-7.

6. Current Biography, 1979 (New York: H. W. Wilson Co.), p. 261.

7. Oginga Odinga, Not Yet Uhuru (London: Heinemann, 1967), p. 143.

8. Current Biography, 1979 , p. 262.

9. John Harbeson, Nation-Building in Kenya: The Role of Land Reform (Evanston, Ill.: Northwestern University Press, 1973). p. 67.

10. Odinga, Not Yet Uhuru , p. 208.

11. Daniel arap Moi, Continuity and Consolidation in Kenya: Selected Speeches, December 1979-July 1981 (Nairobi: East African Publishing House, 1982), p. 11.

12. Ibid., pp. 5-6.

11. Daniel arap Moi, Continuity and Consolidation in Kenya: Selected Speeches, December 1979-July 1981 (Nairobi: East African Publishing House, 1982), p. 11.

12. Ibid., pp. 5-6.

13. Weekly Review , December 15, 1978, p. 7; Kiraitu Murungi, "Forms and Illusions of Democracy in Africa's One-Party States: The Struggle for the Right to Political Participation in Kenya" (paper presented at Seminar on Human Rights Research, Harvard Law School, Cambridge, Mass., May 1991), p. 49.

14. Weekly Review, December 29, 1978, p. 7.

15. René Lemarchand, "The State, the Parallel Economy, and the Changing Structure of Patronage Systems," in The Precarious Balance: State and Society in Africa, ed. Donald Rothchild and Naomi Chazan (Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1988), pp. 149-70.

16. Weekly Review, March 21, 1980, p. 4.

17. Weekly Review, March 28, 1980, p. 6.

18. Daily Nation, May 29, 1980. Koigi wa Wamwere was the spokesman. The group also included Martin Shikuku and Mwacharo Kubo.

19. Daily Nation, June 5, 1980.

20. Weekly Review, June 13, 1980, p. 14. Among those who joined in support were Kimani wa Nyoike, Eric Khasakhala, Peter Anyieni, and Jeremiah Nyagah.

21. Weekly Review, April 25, 1980, p. 5.

22. Weekly Review, June 6, 1980, p. 5. break

23. Weekly Review, March 28, 1980, p. 5.

24. The 1979-80 fiscal year saw significant food shortages. The government erected police barricades against the smuggling of maize, rice, and wheat between districts. By February 1980, Kenya had started to dip into its strategic maize reserves, and the government raised prices for staples, only to drop them a week later in the face of overwhelming public protest. Producer and consumer price hikes for some commodities were later reinstated. To make matters worse, the price of coffee collapsed, bringing an end to the "beverage boom" of the late 1970s and an end, as well, to construction projects and business ventures launched in anticipation of continued high returns for coffee and tea. The cash crunch many farmers experienced as a result of financial overextension sharpened the impact of the increase in food prices on the average family budget.

25. Weekly Review, October 24, 1980, p. 9.

26. Ibid.

25. Weekly Review, October 24, 1980, p. 9.

26. Ibid.

27. Susanne Mueller, "Government and Opposition in Kenya, 1966-1969," Journal of Modern African Studies 22, 3 (1984): 399-427.

28. Daily Nation, July 5, 1980.

29. Daily Nation, July 10, 1980.

30. The Office of the President includes the Provincial Administration, Special Branch, the Presidential Press Unit, the Inspectorate of Statutory Boards, the National Registration of Persons Bureau, the Cabinet Office, the Government Press, the police departments, the National Youth Service, the Government Chemist, and the Presidential Commission on Soil Conservation and Afforestation.

31. This figure comes from the author's own analysis of the Kenyan budgets between 1970 and 1985.

32. See George M. Anyona, "How Kenya Became One Party-State by Law," Nairobi Law Monthly (April/May 1990): 32-34.

33. Murungi, "Forms and Illusions of Democracy in Africa's One-Party States," paper presented at Seminar on Human Rights Research, Harvard Law School, Cambridge, Mass., May 1991, p. 49.

34. David Throup, Magdelene College, Cambridge, letter to the author, 1986.

35. Weekly Review, June 18, 1982, p. 5.

36. Daily Nation, March 27, 1985.

37. Daily Nation, July 2, 1985.

38. Daily Nation, July 2, 1985.

39. Daily Nation, March 2, 1985.

40. John Okumu, "Party-State Relations in Kenya and Tanzania," in Politics and Public Policy in Kenya and Tanzania , ed. Joel Barkan (New York: Praeger, 1979, 1984).

41. Weekly Review, July 5, 1985, p. 20.

42. Weekly Review, February 1, 1985, p. 13.

43. Standard, July 2, 1985.

44. Daily Nation, July 23, 1985.

45. Standard, July 23, 1985.

46. The Weekly Review came out in strong opposition to the queuing sys- soft

tem three weeks before the president announced its adoption. See the issue of June 7, 1985, pp. 3-4. Subsequently, this issue has served as a rallying point for opposition, with increasing participation from churches.

47. Daily Nation, March 28, 1985. Speech by Julius Muthamia.

48. Standard, April 9, 1985.

49. Daily Nation, April 13, 1985.

50. Daily Nation, August 19, 1985.

51. Standard, May 11, 1985.

52. Weekly Review, February 22, 1985, p. 6.

53. Daily Nation , February 24, 1985, p. 8.

54. Weekly Review, March 8, 1985.

55. Weekly Review, December 13, 1985, p. 8.

56. Weekly Review, January 24, 1986, pp. 14-15.

1. Neither Parliament nor KANU has ever taken this decision formally, although some politicians have pushed for a constitutional amendment. Instead, the supremacy of the party emerged through a series of decisions in which KANU disciplined MPs for criticisms they had raised on the floor of Parliament--statements technically protected from prosecution by the Powers and Privileges Act. For one account, see Weekly Review , November 7, 1986, pp. 4-6.

2. Kiraitu Murungi, "The Role of the International Commission of Jurists (Kenya Section) in Promoting the Rule of Law and Protecting the Enjoyment of Human Rights," Nairobi Law Monthly 12-13 (December 1988-January 1989): 51.

3. Weekly Review , July 22, 1983, p. 4.

4. David Leonard, African Successes: Four Public Managers of Kenyan Rural Development (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991), p. 258.

5. Chong Lim Kim et al., eds., The Legislative Connection: The Politics of Representation in Kenya, Korea, and Turkey (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1984), p. 137.

6. These changes have received relatively little attention and analysis. They were introduced in the Kenya Gazette , Supplement No. 92, December 24, 1986. The Daily Nation reported the changes in its December 27, 1986 edition. The Weekly Review carried a brief analysis in its January 9, 1987 edition.

7. Daily Nation , January 2, 1987.

8. Africa Confidential, October 26, 1990.

9. This information was widely reported in the press. The most comprehensive summary through 1987 appears in a luridly titled, but nevertheless fairly accurate, publication of the United Movement for Democracy in Kenya, Moi's Reign of Terror: A Decade of Nyayo Crimes against the People of Kenya (London: Umoja Secretariat, 1989).

10. Nairobi Law Monthly 20 (December 1989-January 1990): 27.

11. The Weekly Review , September 18, 1987, pp. 4-14, gives an extended continue

discussion of the terms of reference for this committee and the cases pending when the committee was disbanded in September 1987.

12. Daniel arap Moi as quoted in Weekly Review , May 11, 1989.

13. Weekly Review , September 30, 1988.

14. Africa Confidential , January 26, 1990, p. 4.

15. For a detailed analysis of the Zairian case, see Crawford Young and Thomas Turner, The Rise and Decline of the Zairian State (Madison: Wisconsin University Press, 1985), pp. 193-201.

16. Weekly Review , April 22, 1988, pp. 4-5.

17. Weekly Review , May 3, 1987, p. 7.

18. Africa Events , August-September 1990, p. 25.

19. Biographical information comes from Weekly Review , December 16, 1988.

20. In fact, the United States had clearly indicated its support of public defender groups and advocates of expanded civil liberties for several years prior to this encounter, earning the Kenyan president's wrath. The suspicion of foreign involvement predated the specific event, and the ambassador's words merely drew public attention to a potential linkage between economic assistance and political liberalization.

21. Economist Intelligence Unit, Country Report: Kenya, fourth quarter, 1990, p. 7.

22. Nairobi Law Monthly 25 (September 1990): 3.

23. Kenneth Matiba and Charles Rubia, "Statement on Multi-Partyism," Nairobi Law Monthly 23 (April-May 1990): 36.

24. Ibid., p. 37.

23. Kenneth Matiba and Charles Rubia, "Statement on Multi-Partyism," Nairobi Law Monthly 23 (April-May 1990): 36.

24. Ibid., p. 37.

25. Africa Events , August-September 1990, p. 22.

26. Weekly Review , July 13, 1990, p. 4.

27. Economist Intelligence Unit, Country Report: Kenya, fourth quarter, 1990, p. 9.

28. Ibid., p. 6.

27. Economist Intelligence Unit, Country Report: Kenya, fourth quarter, 1990, p. 9.

28. Ibid., p. 6.

29. Africa Confidential , January 7, 1987.

30. "The Draft Minimum Programme of Mwakenya," as reproduced in Umoja, Struggle for Democracy in Kenya: Special Report on the 1988 General Elections in Kenya (London: Umoja Secretariat, 1988), p. 96.

31. Africa Confidential , January 7, 1987.

32. Colin Legum and Marian E. Doro, eds., Africa Contemporary Record: Annual Survey and Documents, 1986-1987 (New York: Africana Publishing Co., 1989), p. B332.

33. Weekly Review, December 12, 1986, p. 3.

34. Africa Confidential, October 26, 1990.

35. Charles Hornsby, "Kenya's National Assembly," Journal of Modern African Studies 27, 2 (1989): 290-91.

36. See the debate over the figures and their significance in the Review of African Political Economy 17 (January-April 1980): 83-105.

37. Economist Intelligence Unit, Country Report: Kenya, third quarter, 1989, p. 17.

38. New African , September 1990, p. 18. break

39. See the discussion in the Weekly Review , June 5, 1987. It was the case that farmers holding less than fifty acres had no vote at the association's annual meeting, despite the fact that they held 59 percent of the equity. Most of the directors of the KPCU were smallholders, however.

40. Economist Intelligence Unit, Country Report: Kenya, first quarter, 1988, p. 10.

41. Weekly Review , January 20, 1989, p. 24.

42. Weekly Review , April 7, 1989, p. 24.

43. Economist Intelligence Unit, Country Report: Kenya, first quarter, 1988, p. 12.

44. Weekly Review , January 20, 1989, p. 42.

45. Matiba and Rubia, "Statement on Multi-Partyism," p. 37.

46. Murungi, "Role of the International Commission of Jurists," p. 50.

47. Ibid.

46. Murungi, "Role of the International Commission of Jurists," p. 50.

47. Ibid.

48. See, e.g., J. R. Otieno, "Has the System of a One-Party State Outlived Its Usefulness in Africa?" Nairobi Law Monthly 17 (July-August, 1989): 7.

49. Murungi, "Role of the International Commission of Jurists," p. 50.

50. Economist Intelligence Unit, Country Report: Kenya, fourth quarter, 1990, p. 8.

51. Nairobi Law Monthly 21 (February 1990), pp. 7-8.

52. Ibid., p. 13.

51. Nairobi Law Monthly 21 (February 1990), pp. 7-8.

52. Ibid., p. 13.

53. New African , May 1991, p. 17.

54. Weekly Review , August 29, 1986, p. 5.

55. Weekly Review, April 24, 1987.

56. Weekly Review , January 12, 1990, p. 4.

57. See Jennifer Widner, "Interest-Formation in the Informal Sector: Cultural Despair or a Politics of Multiple Allegiances?" Comparative Political Studies 24, 1 (1991): 31-55.

58. See, e.g., the unpublished work of Kinuthia Macharia, Department of Sociology, Harvard University.

59. From interviews conducted in the United States with Kenyan MPs. On the floor of Parliament, Waruru Kanja spoke openly about an assassination in the style of the assassination of J. M. Kariuki.

60. For one account, see Weekly Review , June 8, 1990, pp. 4-8. This account is based on the Weekly Review and on interviews with observers, conducted in the United States.

61. Jane Perlez, "A Shantytown of 30,000 Bulldozed in Nairobi," New York Times , December 2, 1990.

1. Peter M. Ngau, "Tensions in Empowerment: The Experience of the Harambee (Self-Help) Movement in Kenya," Economic Development and Cultural Change 35, 3 (April 1987): 526.

2. Colin Legum and Marian E. Doro, eds., Africa Contemporary Record: continue

Annual Survey and Documents, 1986-1987 (New York: Africana Publishing Co., 1989), p. B334.

3. Ibid., 1987-1988, p. B318.

2. Colin Legum and Marian E. Doro, eds., Africa Contemporary Record: continue

Annual Survey and Documents, 1986-1987 (New York: Africana Publishing Co., 1989), p. B334.

3. Ibid., 1987-1988, p. B318.

4. Julius E. Nyang'oro, "The Quest for Pluralist Democracy in Kenya," Transafrica Forum 7, 3 (Fall 1990): 74.

5. Ibid.: 77.

4. Julius E. Nyang'oro, "The Quest for Pluralist Democracy in Kenya," Transafrica Forum 7, 3 (Fall 1990): 74.

5. Ibid.: 77.

6. Michael Schatzberg, The Dialectics of Oppression in Zaire (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1988), p. 105.

7. Thomas Callaghy, The State-Society Struggle: Zaire in Comparative Perspective (New York: Columbia University Press, 1984), p. 173.

8. Ibid., p. 67.

9. Ibid., p. 175.

10. Ibid., p. 115.

11. Ibid., pp. 93-94.

12. Ibid., p. 102.

13. Ibid., p. 96.

14. Ibid., p. 105.

7. Thomas Callaghy, The State-Society Struggle: Zaire in Comparative Perspective (New York: Columbia University Press, 1984), p. 173.

8. Ibid., p. 67.

9. Ibid., p. 175.

10. Ibid., p. 115.

11. Ibid., pp. 93-94.

12. Ibid., p. 102.

13. Ibid., p. 96.

14. Ibid., p. 105.

7. Thomas Callaghy, The State-Society Struggle: Zaire in Comparative Perspective (New York: Columbia University Press, 1984), p. 173.

8. Ibid., p. 67.

9. Ibid., p. 175.

10. Ibid., p. 115.

11. Ibid., pp. 93-94.

12. Ibid., p. 102.

13. Ibid., p. 96.

14. Ibid., p. 105.

7. Thomas Callaghy, The State-Society Struggle: Zaire in Comparative Perspective (New York: Columbia University Press, 1984), p. 173.

8. Ibid., p. 67.

9. Ibid., p. 175.

10. Ibid., p. 115.

11. Ibid., pp. 93-94.

12. Ibid., p. 102.

13. Ibid., p. 96.

14. Ibid., p. 105.

7. Thomas Callaghy, The State-Society Struggle: Zaire in Comparative Perspective (New York: Columbia University Press, 1984), p. 173.

8. Ibid., p. 67.

9. Ibid., p. 175.

10. Ibid., p. 115.

11. Ibid., pp. 93-94.

12. Ibid., p. 102.

13. Ibid., p. 96.

14. Ibid., p. 105.

7. Thomas Callaghy, The State-Society Struggle: Zaire in Comparative Perspective (New York: Columbia University Press, 1984), p. 173.

8. Ibid., p. 67.

9. Ibid., p. 175.

10. Ibid., p. 115.

11. Ibid., pp. 93-94.

12. Ibid., p. 102.

13. Ibid., p. 96.

14. Ibid., p. 105.

7. Thomas Callaghy, The State-Society Struggle: Zaire in Comparative Perspective (New York: Columbia University Press, 1984), p. 173.

8. Ibid., p. 67.

9. Ibid., p. 175.

10. Ibid., p. 115.

11. Ibid., pp. 93-94.

12. Ibid., p. 102.

13. Ibid., p. 96.

14. Ibid., p. 105.

7. Thomas Callaghy, The State-Society Struggle: Zaire in Comparative Perspective (New York: Columbia University Press, 1984), p. 173.

8. Ibid., p. 67.

9. Ibid., p. 175.

10. Ibid., p. 115.

11. Ibid., pp. 93-94.

12. Ibid., p. 102.

13. Ibid., p. 96.

14. Ibid., p. 105.

15. See the discussion in ibid., pp. 171-75.

16. Schatzberg, Dialectics of Oppression in Zaire , p. 141.

17. Party-government relations in Tanzania remain largely undocumented. For references, see William Tordoff, "Residual Legislatures: The Cases of Tanzania and Zambia," Journal of Commonwealth and Comparative Politics 15, 3 (November 1977): 235-49, and Zaki Ergas, "The State and Economic Deterioration: The Tanzanian Case," Journal of Commonwealth and Comparative Politics 20, 3 (November 1982): 286-308.

18. Michaela von Freyhold, Ujamaa Villages in Tanzania: Analysis of a Social Experiment (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1979), pp. 40-41.

19. Helge Kjekshus, "Parliament in a One-Party State: The Bunge of Tanzania, 1965-70," Journal of Modern African Studies 12, 1 (March 1974): 19-20.

20. Henry Bienen, Tanzania: Party Transformation and Economic Development (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1967), p. 12.

21. Von Freyhold, Ujamaa Villages in Tanzania, p. 118.

22. John Okumu and Frank Holmquist, "Party and Party-State Relations," in Politics and Public Policy in Kenya and Tanzania , ed. Joel Barkan and John Okumu (New York: Praeger, 1984), p. 49.

23. Bienen, Tanzania , pp. 334-36.

24. Okumu and Holmquist, "Party and Party-State Relations," p. 49.

25. Jan Kees van Donge and Athumani J. Liviga, "Tanzanian Political Culture and the Cabinet," Journal of Modern African Studies 24, 4 (1986): 633, 636.

26. Jeanette Hartmann, "President Nyerere and the State," in Tanzania after Nyerere, ed. Michael Hodd (London: Pinter Publishers, 1988), p. 166.

27. Naomi Chazan, "African Voters at the Polls: A Re-examination of the Role of Elections in Politics," Journal of Commonwealth and Comparative Politics 16, 2 (July 1979): 138.

28. There is considerable debate about the extent of this ability. See Jan Kees continue

van Donge and Athumani J. Liviga, "The 1985 Tanzanian Parliamentary Elections: A Conservative Election," African Affairs 38, 350 (January 1989): 47-61; Tordoff, "Residual Legislatures"; and Ergas, "State and Economic Deterioration."

29. Martin Staniland, "Single-Party Regimes and Political Change: The PDCI and Ivory Coast Politics," in Politics and Change in Developing Countries, ed. Colin Leys (Cambridge; Cambridge University Press, 1969), p. 173.

30. Michael A. Cohen, Urban Policy and Political Conflict in Africa: A Case Study of the Ivory Coast (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1974), p. 141.

31. Ruth Schachter Morgenthau, Political Parties in French-Speaking West Africa (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1964), p. 210.

32. Aristide Zolberg, One-Party Government in the Ivory Coast (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1964), pp. 185-86.

33. Ibid., p. 273.

32. Aristide Zolberg, One-Party Government in the Ivory Coast (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1964), pp. 185-86.

33. Ibid., p. 273.

34. Howard French, "One-Party State at a Crossroads," Africa Report 30, 4 (July-August 1985): 17.

35. Staniland, "Single-Party Regimes and Political Change," p. 168, as well as the author's own research in the 1980s.

36. See the similar conclusion of John Wiseman, Democracy in Black Africa: Survival and Revival (New York: Paragon House, 1990), p. 182.

37. Based on the author's own research in Côte d'Ivoire, 1987-90.

38. Conference on Security, Stability, Development and Cooperation in Africa, Draft Document, Kampala, Uganda, May 22, 1991 (unedited version).

39. Jackton B. Ojwang, Constitutional Development in Kenya: Institutional Adaptation and Social Change (Nairobi: African Centre for Technology Studies (Acts) Press, 1990), p. 65.

40. Weekly Review , April 26, 1991, pp. 20-21.

41. For a fuller discussion of the approach used here, see Robert Dahl, Polyarchy: Participation and Opposition (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1971, 1985).

42. John Lonsdale, "Political Accountability in African History," in Political Domination in Africa: Reflections on the Limits of Power, ed. Patrick Chabal (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), p. 128.

43. V. O. Key, Jr., Southern Politics (New York: Knopf, 1949).

44. Albert O. Hirschman, The Passions and the Interests: Political Arguments for Capitalism before Its Triumph (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1977), p. 82.

45. Jean-François Bayart, "Civil Society in Africa," in Political Domination in Africa: Reflections on the Limits of Power , ed. Patrick Chabal (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), p. 121.

1. See Ng'weno's statement to UNESCO as reprinted in the Weekly Review, May 24, 1991. break