1. The sequence of editions and publications of this novel can be found, for example, in the introduction to the 1973 Oscar Mondadori edition of Vino e pane . For an introduction to the actual language of the area, see Baldelli, Medioevo volgare , 195-209.

2. For postunification brigantaggio along the old border in the area of the diocese of Rieti, see Montagner, "Reazione e brigantaggio nel Cicolano"; Maceroni, ed., Il brigantaqgio . A strong sense of the problems which the boundary caused the early modern diocese and its bishops and their administrators can be got from Maceroni and Tassi, Società religiosa e civile .

3. Rieti, Archivio Capitolare (hereafter Arch. Cap.), VIII.C.4. For the almost exactly contemporary painting, probably three years earlier, of emperor and pope of the "officium stratoris," in the chapel of San Silvestro at the Quattro Coronati in Rome, see Mitchell, "St. Silvester and Constantine," 19 and fig. 14. This does not mean that there are no other archival records from Rainaldo's episcopate: Arch. Cap., IV.A.5 (in which Innocent IV supports the recovery of rights and property lost since the death of Rainaldo's predecessor, Rainaldo); IV.Q.10 (18 September 1249, in which a tenant promises a payment in pepper yearly at Christmas, Easter, and Assumption).

4. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Libri de Introitu et Exitu (hereafter Lib. Int. et Exit.), 1364. The notion of person which informs this book is obviously very different from that offered by Sabean in his Power in the Blood , 35: "There was as yet no notion of the person as a single, integrated center of awareness." I point this out because, in spite of difference in time and place, so many of the ideas and questions in Sabean's powerful work (to which I was introduced by my colleague

Randolph Starn) seem pertinent to, and helpful in considering, the matter of this book.

5. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.P.3. See Baldelli's suggestions of caution about u in substantives ( Medioevo volgare , 204-205), but also note the Latin in these texts, and the names; see Baldelli, too, on ld-ll (206).

6. Gurevich, Medieval Popular Culture , 126. For a light but suggestive exploration of witness memory see Delumeau, ''La mémoire des gens d'Arezzo et de Sienne"; in the same volume are other essays pertinent to the material of this book: Comet, "Le temps agricole"; Paul, "Expressions et perception du temps"; Berlioz, "La mémoire du prédicateur."

7. I think that there is a significant relationship between this kind of communication, of "truth," and much contemporary academic statement connected with new ideas of truth, but that the connection is with what lies beneath the verbal, syntactical surface of academic statement; and I think that the connection is most apparent if it is made through the bridge of belief and statement about proof at law. For an informative and provocative introduction to contemporary purely academic thought and statement see Marrone, William of Auvergne and Robert Grosseteste: New Ideas of Truth in the Early Thirteenth Century .

8. Brooke, ed. and trans., Scripta Leonis , 94-95, no. 5. It will be apparent here, and throughout, that I essentially follow Brooke's understanding and placing of the Perugia Fragment: Scripta Leonis. For Brooke's more recent consideration of sources for the life of Francis and the position of this text within them, as well as the work of other scholars, see her "Recent Work on St. Francis of Assisi"; and of that work see particularly Di Fonzo, "L'Anonimo Perugino."

9. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. Int. et Exit., 1379. The unexceptionable generalization is adapted from De Sandre Gasparini, "Movimenti evangelici," 160.

10. Costantini et al., eds., L'insistenza dello sguardo , 11.

11. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. Int. et Exit., 1379, fo. 61v.

12. I tried to put these changes together in a preliminary paper for the conference "Faire croire" held at the French School in Rome in 1979, published as "Correspondences at Rieti." For the two Christs see Mortari, Il tesoro del duomo di Rieti , 9, 17-18, plates I, XII; for the churches, see chapters in Tosti-Croce, ed., La sabina medievale : Ferri, "Monteleone," plates 89-104; Mortari, "Rieti," 130 and plates 133-137 for S. Agostino, also plate 145 for Canetra and plates 176-177 for Sambuco. The lifetime of work and perception of these and other Reatine monuments by the local art historian Cesare Verani is suggested in his work La provincia . The quotation is from C. N. Brooke, "The Ecclesiastical Geography of Medieval Towns," 22. The measurements are mine.

13. Rieti, Arch. Cap., parchment book of Matteo Barnabei (hereafter Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei), 26-27 (the Liber has modern pagination).

14. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 31-32.

15. The dispute of 1224 is recorded in a roll of witnesses' testimony now preserved in the diocesan archives at Penne. It was called to my attention by a reference in Pellegrini, Abruzzo medioevale , 38, 70; Pellegrini stated that the roll had been transcribed in a tese di laurea at Chieti, of which he was the relatore, by Renata Agostinone, and that the roll was in the archdiocesan archives of

Penne-Pescara, to which the archivist, Don Giuseppe Di Bartolomeo, kindly gave me access.

16. For Santa Maria di Ronzano, see particularly Guglielmo. Matthiae, Pittura medioevale abruzzese , 19, and plate 22.

1. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.N.2, IV.N.3 (and of course there may have been others).

2. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.N.3 "3."

3. Rieti, Arch. Cap., V.E.1.

4. Rieti, Arch. Cap., III.D.1.

5. Rieti, Arch. Cap., "Liber Contractuum, 1344-1347," the letters, unbound, are inserted loose among the pages of the Liber. For an introduction to the Brancaleone family see Kamp on the thirteenth-century Andrea: Dizionario biografico , 13:809-810.

6. Michaeli, Memorie , 4:100.

7. Rieti, Archivio di stato (hereafter A.S.), Riformanze, I, fo. 4r. Giacomo di fu Rondo of Amelia was the notary of those portions of the Riformanze of 1365 that the chapter preserved (in copy) because of their importance to the cult of Saint Barbara (and chapter income); and one of Giacomo's witnesses in this instance was Nicola Jacobucii also of Amelia: Arch. Cap., Lib. IV, fos. 51r-54v.

8. Rieti, A.S., Riformanze, I, fo. 13v, and fos. 8v, 16v, 61v, 64r, and Riformanze, II, fo. 16v.

9. Michaeli, Memorie , 3:189. I suggest the aurally less compelling, I think, reading Sprangono because of the use of Sprangonus and Sprangoni by the notary Matteo Pandulfi in his 1315 copy of Berardo's collection of acts from 1212; Matteo, at his distance in time, may or may not have been copying Berardo's own spelling: Rieti, Arch. Cap., Parchment Book "1212" (now at least temporarily called Lib. Istr. 1 by Suor Anna Maria Tassi), fos. 1r, 5r, 6r (1, 9, 11).

10. See most conveniently, Guidoni, "L'espansione urbanistica," and also Mortari, "Rieti," in La sabina medievale , ed. Righetti Tosti-Croce, 156-187, 104-155; and see Brentano, ''Early Franciscans."

11. Rieti, A.S., fondo San Domenico, 6. The significance and importance of the term miserable (including its use for orphans) is described with particular clarity by Trexler in his "Charity and the Defence of Urban Elites," 74.

12. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.M.1 "22" and "23." Michaeli, Memorie , 3:185-189.

13. For a general introduction to Rieti, particularly for the period before 1200, besides (and perhaps still most important) Michaeli, and La sabina medievale , one should use, with care, Palmegiani's work, which is at its most general in Rieti . But much of the most helpful Reatine work is scattered in a way that may seem odd to historians who have worked on places with different and better, or more thoroughly, organized historiographies; it is to be found not only in periodicals including the local, and in the first case transient, Rieti and Il Territorio , but also in occasional papers published under the auspices of local

financial institutions and in guide books. The Biblioteca Comunale in Rieti has a very useful catalog of this work, and its librarian, Roberto Messina, has done work in local history. I would, however, particularly like to call attention to two very learned local historians-art historians, whose learning has found its way not only into scholarly articles but into guide books: Sacchetti Sassetti has reduced the almost totally unmanageable political history of thirteenth- and particularly fourteenth-century Rieti into the few pages of his "Cenni storici" within his Guida di Rieti , and I am much indebted to his guidance; Verani, for whom there is a helpful, partial bibliography in La sabina medievale (234), and some of whose valuable work has actually found its way into a series of calendars, as well as his own helpful guide, La provincia di Rieti , and who is now the recipient of a festschrift ed. by Andrea Di Nicola. I think that the best and most effective description of a part of medieval Rieti is that by Di Nicola of the sestiere Porta Cintia di sotto in Di Flavio and Di Nicola, Il monastero di S. Lucia , 11-17. But see too the careful descriptions in Leggio, Le fortificazioni di Rieti , particularly 11, 67.

14. See Di Flavio, "Ombre e luci." Palmegiani, an erratic, emotional, and, in 1932, fascist observer, is at his most interesting and perhaps right-minded when (173-174) in Rieti he attacks the destruction of the proper framing of monumental medieval Rieti buildings, through the removal of surrounding buildings and the mindless creation of big piazzas—the "radicale modernizzamento della città," which would create "una Rieti . . . vestita all'Americana!"

15. See particularly Palmegiani, Rieti , 211-232, with very valuable photographs and drawings. Palmegiani himself was responsible for much of the restoration, which has seemed to me unconvincing and romantic, but Gary Radke of the University of Syracuse, who knows most about provincial thirteenth-century papal palaces, has told me that he is favorably impressed by its exactness. Palmegiani's title suggests the separability of episcopal and papal palaces; of this I am unconvinced. See Sacchetti Sassetti, Guida , 30-31; Mortari, "Rieti." Accoramboni should remind the reader of the fifth story of the eighth day of the Decameron .

16. Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale (hereafter B.N.) latin 1556, fos. 18r-26r, 18r-v.

17. See Palmegiani, Rieti , 262, for a photograph of a window in the palazzo Secinari, which Palmegiani dates "sec. xiv-xv"; I should like to thank the local historian and archeologist, Evandro Ricci, for his generosity in talking to me of Secinaro and its neighborhood: he himself has written much about the area, for example, I Peligni Superequani ; Elementi di civiltà ; and Superaequum .

18. Di Flavio, Sinodo reatino . Di Flavio's continued, careful, exhaustive work with early Reatine episcopal visitation records has given him unusual command of early modern Reatine demographic sources: see too his "Visite pastorali."

19. Mattiocco, Struttura urbana , 144-145; Sulmona's fourteenth-century catasto makes its population quantitatively visible in a very unusual way for this part of Italy.

20. The dates for Dodone come from documents within Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.D.10; for his dedication dates at Santa Vittoria Monteleone, see Ferri, "Monteleone," 89 n.9. For the general development of Italian political geography in

the early Middle Ages, see Wickham, Early Medieval Italy ; for a remarkably crisp outline of the development of ecclesiastical institutions, see Violante, "Primo contributo."

21. See particularly, Michaeli, Memorie , 4:89-90.

22. Michaeli, Memorie , 4:62-86.

23. Rieti, A.S., Fondo Comunale, 8 (1251); Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana (hereafter Bib. Apos. Vat.), Vat. Lat. 4029, fo. 367r (1334). A reader might reasonably object that the representativeness of the counselors of 1334 is very thin compared with that of the soldiers of 1251, and strikingly less Reatine. I mean to suggest a continuing summonable group who can represent the community; and I hope that the transition to the chapter clarifies this point.

24. See discussion in chapter 5, and Brentano, "Localism and Longevity."

25. Mortari, "Rieti," 112, 130.

26. Michaeli, Memorie , 4:59-60, 136-137.

27. The statistical material here and much valuable analysis, with, in notes, a comprehensive bibliography of studies pertinent to the mobile thirteenth-century court, is to be found in Paravicini Bagliani, "La mobilità"—for these days 164.

28. Paravicini Bagliani, "La mobilità," 163-165.

29. Paravicini Bagliani, "La mobilità," 174-178, 180-185.

30. Paravicini Bagliani, "La mobilità," 206-216.

31. Paravicini Bagliani, "La mobilità," 202, 208.

32. Stefaneschi is quoted in Michaeli, Memorie , 4:129. Certainly modern Rieti is ideal in summer, but its climate must have been significantly changed by the drying of the water in the basin; it does not seem immediately obvious that shallow, essentially stagnant waters would be overwhelmingly pleasant or healthy.

33. For later medieval regulation of the fountain, see Rieti, A.S., Statuti 1, fo. 30r. Compare the material in Il duomo di Orvieto , ed. Riccetti, particularly "Il duomo e l'attività edilizia" by Rossi Caponeri, 30-32.

34. Paravicini Bagliani underlines the productivity of the period ("La mobilità," 219), particularly basing his remarks on the work of the art historians Julian Gardner and Richard Krautheimer.

35. Michaeli, Memorie , 4:52-53; Paravicini Bagliani, "La mobilità," 242, 253. An entire fascicolo of the Rieti Arch. Cap., IV.C.1-14, is composed of documents (the last of which is from 1363) dealing with Charles II's promise of the annual offering of 20 uncie a year; for difficulties see particularly nos. 8 and 11. For the world at the curia see Brentano, Two Churches , 3-61.

36. For the provenance of the friars, see below chapter 5.

37. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 1-137. Because of the existence of chamberlains' accounts similar to Ballovino's (but in the vernacular) in Cortona, Bornstein has been able appropriately to attribute lost paintings in that city: "Pittori sconosciuti."

38. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. Silvestri domini Johannis: "Liber III, 1336-1351," (modern pagination), 76-81. My caginess about numbers is due to my not being sure exactly where all these unusual names in the genitive divide and exactly which are patronymics.

39. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. Silvestri domini Johannis, 112.

40. Rieti, A.S., Depos. Com., Statuti, I, fo. 126r.

41. Rieti, A.S., Statuti, I, fos. 76r-v.

42. Rieti, A.S., Statuti, I, fos. 9r, 13v-14v, 15v, 30r (and 44r), 39v-40r, 67r-67v, 83v, 39r, 46r, 99r, 115r, 30r, 85r-v, 114v. The continued use of the statute book is further indicated by its having later been printed.

43. Rieti, A.S., Statuti, I, fo. 33r.

44. Rieti, A.S., Statuti, I, fos. 115r, 34r.

45. Rieti, A.S., Statuti, I, fo. 36v.

46. Rieti, A.S., Statuti, I, fo. 42v.

47. Rieti, A.S., Statuti, I, fos. 51v-52r.

48. Rieti, A.S., Statuti, I, fos. 50v-51r; for San Francesco, see for example, fos. 20r-21v, 34r; and for the use of Sant'Agostino's refectory, Rieti, A.S., Riformanze, I, fo. 13v. For San Salvatore and the city, see Di Nicola, "Monasteri, laici," 220-221.

49. Rieti, A.S., Statuti, I, fo. 58r.

50. Rieti, A.S., Statuti, I, fos. 42r-42v. For Monte Calvo (Sabina dioc.), see Rieti, Arch. Cap., III.D.2.

51. Varanini, ed., Gli Scaligeri , particularly De Sandre Gasparini, "Istituzioni ecclesiastiche," 393-396; Varanini, "La chiesa veronese."

52. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. IV perg., fos. 45r-48r. I use the "dompno" because local contemporary sources clearly distinguish between dominus and dompnus, the latter of which is appropriate, for example, for a priest prebendary.

53. The books are listed on fos. 46r-47v.

54. These listed gifts come from fos. 46r and 47r. I have left the listing of the old ( antiqum ) book of miracles not merely to maintain the order of the manuscript, its composer's or scribe's way of thinking, but to make it clear that Giovanni's text was not a new one, or one of which the chapter did not have a copy (although of course there may have been emendations).

55. The paper copy of the inventory, here identified as "Inquest 1225," is to be found in the bundle which holds and is identified as being the Lib. Int. et Exit. of 1358 (that is, of Ballovino) in Rieti, Arch. Cap. I am here using the first gathering, which (in the paper copy) begins in the middle of things. A fuller and better identified copy of the inquest exists at Rieti, in parchment, in the book in the Arch. Cap. identified as "1212," from fo. vii, r (p. 13) to fo. liv, v (88). It begins: "In nomine domini, Amen. Hec est copia siue renouatio cuiusdam registri antiqui reperti in archiuio ecclesie Reatin' de terris, vineis, domibus et aliis possexionibus dicte ecclesie Reatine et de censu, pensione, decima et aliis redditibus qui debentur eidem ecclesie Reatin' de possexionibus supradictis facta tempore et de mandato reuerendi in Xpo patris et domini domini Johannis dei et apostolice sedis gratia episcopi Reatin'."

This copy is attached to, included in the same volume, as the inventory of 1212, which was notarized by the copy's scribe, Matteo Pandulfi, on 17 April 1315. I use here a sample taken from the paper copy rather than the parchment one in spite of its lacking the first thirteen items, since it is a sample and since I think the thirteen would not change the impression I give (and certainly not more than would expanding the sample into the folios of either copy, particularly into the chapter's heavy claimed holdings in the Porta Cintia where the house-lots

cluster); but I use the paper copy particularly so that I can point out one of the jokes of the archival life: during the period in which I was actually writing this chapter the parchment copy had disappeared; it was not moved from the old archives when the general move took place and was lost; it was re-found during repairs to the roof of the old archives. For a discussion of the importance of "1212" see chapter 4 below.

56. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Inquest 1225, particularly fos. 7v, 1r, 1v, 6r. See Brooke, Scripta Leonis , 115 n., for carbonaria as city ditch or boundary.

57. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Inquest 1225, fos. 6r, 4v.

58. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Inquest 1225, fos. 6r, 2r, 8r. Leggio, Le fortificazioni di Rieti , 11: " Carceraria derived its name from the carceri of urban hermits near San Leopardo."

59. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Inquest 1225, fos. 8r, 5v, 8v.

60. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Inquest 1225, fos. 5r, 6v, 3r, 7v.

61. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Inquest 1225, fos. 8r, 3v, 6v.

62. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Inquest 1225, fo. 4v. In the list of possessions of the church of Rieti in Lib. IV, fos. 18v-19r, divided by parish, time of Bishop Biagio, there are only eight items from San Giovenale and four from San Giorgio.

63. See below chapter 3 on the definition of boundaries, and see Maceroni, ed., San Francesco , 43-44.

64. Di Flavio, Sinodo reatino , 19. Fifteenth-century catasti do exist for some of the towns near Rieti, but I, at least, find it impossible to expand them into a convincing estimate of total population; certainly one can learn something, for example, about individuals and groups who held property in Contigliano in 1445, and for the same year in Poggio Fidoni; but these catasti would have to be read by a historian with much more contextual information and much broader experience with their kind of catasto for them to reveal a convincing estimate of population beyond a blank minimal number of households: Rieti, A.S., Catasti, 7, 8.

65. Di Flavio, "Le visite pastorali," 229. In this connection one should also consider an interestingly written fifteenth-century paper copy of a list of San Pastore properties in Rocca Alatri and Terria: Rieti, Arch. Cap., II.G.1: when the archives were in the sacristy tower there was a separate numbering for documents spectantes ad communitatem Reatinam : this is from that group. For an intense study of settlement in a neighboring, related area, for an earlier period, see Wickham, Studi sulla società . For a recent discussion of the new cities of the period, see Friedman, Florentine New Towns , 112 on Cittaducale.

66. Di Flavio, "Le visite pastorali," 229; see Maceroni and Tassi, Società religiosa e civile , passim.

67. This border is visible in the map included within Jamison, ed., Catalogus baronum . For the problem of boundaries, see below chapter 3, where it is dealt with extensively; for a particularly interesting consideration of the idea of boundary, with bibliography, see Sahlins, Boundaries .

68. "Le milieu naturel" is exhaustively treated in Toubert, Les structures , 1:135-149, and the included map "Les milieux naturels du Latium"; see too Verani, La provincia , 4; also see Pesce, "Aspetti geo-paleontologici." For a sparkling, wonderful book about Terminillo: Marinelli, Il Terminillo . See the

pertinent warning—"no two mountain valleys are the same"—in Wickham, The Mountains and the City , 3.

69. For the vicar general and his separateness see below chapter 3; for a sense of this part of the diocese, see D'Andreis, Cittareale . Antrodoco and Borbona are photographed in Verani, La provincia , foto 52, 53.

70. Toubert, introduction to La sabina medievale , 6. Verani's foto no. 3 in La provincia nicely illustrates Toubert's ridente .

71. Toubert, Les structures , 1:169-173, particularly, 169 n.2, 171 n.2, 173 n.1; one should not ignore Toubert's emphasis on transhumant pasturage, 196-197. References to it are almost nonexistent in the Rieti documents I know, but in Rieti, A.S., Fondo Comunale, no. 26, from 11 May 1295, Tommaso Cimini of Rieti receives in Rome for himself and his associates the price of 116 li provisini for 124 sheep and 13 goats ( castrati ). For a recent introduction to southern Italian transhumant pastorage, see Marino, Pastoral Economics . See too, for an understanding of what grows where, with the addition of fauna, Pratesi and Tassi, eds., Guida alla natura , particularly 102-103, 177-190. I should like to thank Doris and Arnold Esch for having brought this guide to my attention. See too Verani, La provincia , 6. For the diet of medieval Italy, what was grown, what was caught and picked, and what was slaughtered, see Montanari, L'alimentazione contadina , particularly: "Il maiale," 232-244; "Il piccolo allevamento domestico," 250-253; "I prodotti della caccia," 271-276; and "I prodotti della pesca,'' 292-295. For a more pictorial presentation by Montanari of pigs and pork, see Porci e porcari . For the memories preserved of traditional production and diet in an Abruzzi town I am indebted to a manuscript by Annino Saltarelli, "Pescasseroli: History of its People" (translated by Eliza R. Wareham, 1982), which is clearly informative about the raising and slaughtering of pigs.

72. Toubert, Les structures , 1:146, 135, 244-245.

73. See the reproduction of a leek from the Fossa Last Supper in Matthiae, Pittura medioevale abruzzese , plate 89.

74. Michaeli, Memorie , 4:57 for the Labro-Luco dispute of 1298; this volume of Michaeli is particularly rich, as are its appendixes, in exposing the baronial (and communal) composition of the Reatine, and the connections between Rieti and the valley of the Canera, Rieti and San Salvatore Maggiore, Rieti and Monte Calvo: see particularly 44-45, 48-49, 65-67, 99, 118-122, 152-153, and for the Labro and Mareri in close conjunction, see 42. The appearance of a major cosmopolitan political figure, or the threatened appearance of one, Frederick II, Manfred, one of the Angevins, Henry VII, Albornoz could stir these normally hidden components of the social structure into visible action.

75. Michaeli, Memorie , 4:51; Rieti, Biblioteca comunale (hereafter Bib. Com.), MS F.3.21: "Genealogia fere omnium familiarum huius civitatis . . . per D. Romualdum Peroctum de Caballis." See Wickham, Early Medieval Italy , 163, for the southern Italian castello in which "peasants lived . . . freely, with binding leases." Actually continued thought about the lords of Labro makes me hesitate about my hesitations. The stemma which Matteo Barnabei placed in the margin at the beginning of his copy of Giacomo de Labro's will (Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 149, see below chapter 8 note 40) of 1319 is not really legible, but very careful scrutiny suggests that it could be an eagle holding a fish in the

top half of the stemma troncata and waves beneath, which would not be inconsistent with later Nobili arms as for example Perotti Cavalli's Nobili Vitelleschi, 3, eagle above, fish below (and see his text: 26-28, alternative numeration 16-18). The manuscript is not dated, but Perotti Cavalli talks of people still living in 1666. The Labro seem worth studying in their own right, although it is not clear to me, as I look at them as part of the Reatine, that the scattered notices of them, assembled, would really he very thick; I feel that much about them could be untangled from references like those in Arch. Cap. (commune side) I.D.1, a document from 5299 which includes a document from 1237 setting out certain Labro relationships (Giacomo and Pandalfo are sons of Tommaso); and I.C.1 (same category) setting out others in 1298; or the reference to the anniversary of Don Gentile Fuctii de Labro who in the fourteenth century held land in Fiume Morto in common with his brother Transarico (Lib. IV, fo. 20v), which shows the continuity of the holdings of the lords of Labro in that area from the time of the thirteenth-century capitular-Cistercian disputes described in chapter 2 below.

76. Paravicini Bagliani, Cardinali di curia , 297; Brentano, "Notarial Cartularies and Religious Personality," 179. For Siena: Siena, A.S., Consiglio Generale, 50, fos. 31v-32r; I would like to thank Daniel Waley for having called this reference to my attention and having sent me a photocopy of it. See Digard et al., eds., Les registres de Boniface VIII , index "Labro."

77. Labro's is a photogenic strikingness, see La sabina medievale , plates 4-7, and 8-9 for Morro, and Palmegiani, Rieti , 386-392 with the plates on those pages, and Verani, La provincia , foto 48.

78. Archivio Segreto Vaticano (hereafter A.S.V.), A. A. Arm. I-XVIII, 3660: Sella, ed., "Statuti del Cicolano," 3:863-899; for the area to which the statutes applied, and the family Mareri, see particularly Storia e tradizioni popolari di Petrella Salto e Cicolano —the relations of Andrea Staffa, Henny Romanin, and Andrea Di Nicola: the last is of particular value in dealing with the statutes, as is Di Nicola's relation, "Monasteri, laici," particularly 221-223. The core of the Mareri holdings, fief, is recorded, as that which Raynaldus Senebaldus held in capite from the Norman king in the mid-twelfth century: Catalogus baronum , no. 1133, 224; Jamison discusses clearly the dating of the list in her introduction xv-xviii. For the Mareri see also chapter 2 and especially chapter 6, below. Di Nicola, 217 (citing Domenico Lugini, Jr.) emphasizes afresh the importance of fortification and defense in the actual siting of the Mareri eastri.

79. Sella, "Statuti del Cicolano," 866: Vat MS, fo. 5v.

80. Sella, "Statuti del Cicolano," 875: Vat MS, fos. 23v, 24r.

81. Sella, "Statuti del Cicolano," 895: Vat MS, fos. 65v, 66r. I would like to thank Don Giovanni Maceroni and Suor Anna Maria Tassi for an unforgettable tour of Stàffoli.

82. Sella, "Statuti del Cicolano," 867-868: Vat MS, fos. 6v-7r. I would like to thank the mayor of Petrella Salto, Augusto Mari, for an equally unforgettable tour through its "mountain" countryside, and to thank the historian Henny Romanin for helping me to understand the place. One of the stimulating qualities of Cicolano historians is their particular attachment to and knowledge of their places of origin: Romanin to and of Petrella; Maceroni to and of Convaro.

83. Sella, "Statuti del Cicolano," 891: Vat MS, to. 57r; Di Nicola, "Monasteri, laici," 221.

84. Sella, "Statuti del Cicolano," 887: Vat MS, fo. 49r; Sella, 887: Vat MS, fo. 48r; Sella, 887: Vat MS, fos. 45r-46v.

85. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.P.3 (in 3 parts); I have moved the testimony around out of order for the use to which I want to put it here; for an understanding of witnesses' testimony before ecclesiastical courts see the very clear description in Helmholz, Marriage Litigation , 19-20. The dating depends of course upon the dates of office or presence of those monks and officials named who are in fact datable. There are superficial elements of confusion about the bishop of Rieti "who now is," but I think it absolutely certain that that bishop is Adenolfo, after his consecration, and so the testimony must come from no earlier than late 1194 and no later than very early 1214 or really 1213; since Innocent III appears the date could not he before 1198. Sansi in his Documenti storici inediti gives (209-210, no. 8) a July 1190 Ferentillo document with Tnanserico as abbot (and a monk "Geronimo") and another (228-230, no. 19) from May 1217 with "T" abbot, an Angelo as provost and a Transarico as monk. Gentili, L'abbazia di S. M. di Chiaravalle di Fiastra , reproduces a document facing 279 from May 1206 in which Transarico is abbot, and the monks listed include Angelo as provost, Transarico, and Iericho; Rome, A.S., Pergamene, Fiastra, Cass. 142, no. 498 from July 1214 has Transarico and Angelo; and Cass. 144, no. 690 from November 1228 has Matteo as abbot and "Jeronimo" as provost. For Ferentillo and Fiastra see Brentano, Two Churches , 270-271. A later copy of Innocent III's approval of a compromise in the case arranged by the cardinal priest of Santa Croce (very interestingly, the local Leone Brancaleone) in 1213 makes almost inescapable the conclusion that the witnesses were heard before May of that year: Paris, B.N. latin 1556, fo. 28v.

86. I have repeatedly translated pertinebat as "belonged" so that the ordinariness of the expression would come through, but I very much do not want to simplify or distort thirteenth-century ideas of possession or to imply in these records a modern sense of ownership. Any reader who is acquainted with the History faculty at Berkeley will guess that my attention was particularly drawn to articulate peasants some years ago by Scheiner's essay, "The Mindful Peasant." It is provocative here to compare the statement of Sabean's Schultheiss who "suggested that people had given false information at various times because 'they did not know how to remember'": Power in the Blood , 182.

87. I have maintained the wavering spelling Transarico/Transerico, to save for the reader the tone it gives the document. I hope the reader will notice in the talk about Santo Stefano the rather nice definition of pieve in action.

88. The reader will understand my hesitance in extending Rayn' or Rain' after observing the difficulties that that extension has caused past historians, see chapter 4 below. For the Amiterno fief see Catalogus baronum , 221 no. 1123: Gentilis Vetulus, because of his holdings, must be one of our Gentili, or a very immediate ancestor. For Latusco, Latusculo, see Di Flavio, Sinodo reatino , 73.

89. For the legal powers of bishops elect, see Benson, The Bishop-Elect , particularly 45-55.

90. For Spedino, see Maceroni and Tassi, Società religiosa e civile , 113, 215.

91. For the count of Albe, Catalogus baronum , 215-216, no. 1110.

92. Although he is identified as a canon, Pietro Cifredi is called dompnus .

93. The document, in its body, talks of both denari provisini and denari papienses . For (at the time of the statutes) "in civitate Rheat' et eius districtu currant omnia genera monetarum": Rieti. A. S., Statuti, I, fo. 30v.

94. For Sarraceno see chapter 5 below.

95. "Letter" in the document's Latin is, of course, normally in the plural, even if (as is sometimes clear) a single letter is meant; here I must shift back to the plural to give the Latin original.

96. In his visitation of the Cicolano in 1564 Cardinal Bishop Amulio visited the old Mareri lands, Santo Stefano Corvaro and San Leopardo; of the last he (or his registrar) says: "ecclesiam S. Leopardi, abbatiam vulgo nuncupatam . . . ecclesia est campestris et fere nunquam ibi celebratur quia deserta est excepto tam in die festivitatis dicti Sancti cui dicata est. Ecclesia est admodum antiqua et egregie constructa et habet cryptam pulcherrimam multis et variis columnis." Of Santo Stefano, the visitation record says, "it is a collegiate church and has six canons": Rieti, Archivio Vescovile (hereafter Arch. Vesc.), X-3, Vis. Amulio, 1563-70; there are two sets of foliation and I quote from old 62v-63r, new 99V-100r, and old 64v, new 101v. Sec Di Flavio, "Le visite pastorali," 232-233. For Amulio's attitude as bishop, see Maceroni and Tassi, Società religiosa e civile , index under "Amulio, Marco Antonio." When I began working on this study the crypt of the ruin of San Leopardo maintained its columns with their remarkable capitals; they have since been stolen. In 1300 Boniface VIII transferred the monastery of Ferentillo to the chapter of St. John, Lateran, because, in part, of disorders which included rebellions of the monastery's "vassalls,'' in which two abbots were killed, according to the letter of transfer; this transfer presumably explains the San Giovanni which becomes attached to San Leopardo's name: Sansi, Documenti storici inediti , 373-375, and 374 n., with Pius IX's transfer of spiritual jurisdiction over Ferentillo to the archbishop of Spoleto in 1852; see too Paris, B.N. latin 1556, fo. 25r, where, in Bishop Tommaso's mid-thirteenth-century list, San Leopando is recorded as pertaining to Ferentillo; ironically the list of Ferentillo churches follows immediately after the list of the Lateran's churches in this document. For the Cicolano, in general, the standard older, and still useful, general history is Lugini, Memorie storiche .

97. Cronica fratris Salimbene de Adam , 329; for the "proliferation of Franciscan bishops and archbishops" see Thomson, Friars in the Cathedral , particularly 20. Translating Salimbene is, of course, delightful, but it has difficulties. In trying to preserve his exact meaning, including tone in one direction, one sometimes errs in another; this passage is more slack and extended than is the original Latin.

98. Cronica fratris Salimbene , 321.

99. Cronica fratris Salimbene , 322-323; I think it is worth noting Salimbene use of de consilio fratrum suorum .

100. Cronica fratris Salimbene , 324-326. Salimbene calls Bertolino a dulcis homo ( dolce ), 324. The reader might note Rainaldo/Salimbene's use of conversationem , 325. The long citation of the decretal certainly does more than suggest that Salimhene refurbished this part of his reported discussion when he wrote.

So the reader may question the validity of his many quoted statements from Rainaldo and other discussants. It is a common problem. I think that Salimbene had a good ear, a good memory, and was anxious to distinguish speakers one from another and have their conversation be representative of the men he was presenting—one should note his repeated giving of penitus to Rainaldo. All one can say surely is that Rainaldo's remarks are the remarks of the Rainaldo whom Salimbene has recreated (possibly as late as 1282), and that with them he has created a believable and surprisingly complicated person. I myself am in the rather peculiar position of having used these passages earlier to make what seemed to me important points in another book. I could not omit them here. I decided to use them as seemed appropriate now, and not to concern myself any more than I could help over whether the present treatment either repeated or contradicted that of twenty years ago: Two Churches , 184-189.

101. Cronica fratris Salimbene , 326-327; the reader will notice Rainaldo's concern with externals.

102. Rieti, Arch. Cap., II.B.1. This is one of a number of documents which at least temporarily disappeared from the old archives, without obvious explanation, when I thought that only I was working there. They seem to have been borrowed by one of the canons. I do not mean to say that there are no other documents in the archives (besides horse and constitutions) which survive from the time of Rainaldo's episcopate.

103. Cronica fratris Salimbene , 326-328. For my belief in Innocent's concern with pastoral care, see "Innocent IV and the Chapter of Rieti"; fun a harsher view, recall Robert Grosseteste.

104. Cronica fratris Salimbene , 328.

105. Rieti, Arch. Cap., II.G.10.

106. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. Silvestri domini Johannis, 241-242. This act of Biagio's would be consistent with a policy of defending the urban elite of Rieti: see Trexler, "Charity and the Defense of Urban Elites" and below chapter 8.

107. Rieti, Arch. Cap., III.D.2: see below chapters 5 and 7.

108. For Bongo San Pietro, see below chapter 6; Rieti, Arch. Cap. V.D.2, and Lib. IV perg., fo. 51, copy of Riform. of 1365: both communal material.

109. The 1372 notice is entered in Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. Int. et Exit., 1371, in a hand with a different appearance from the body of the book; it should be remembered that those accounts go from July to June, so that March 1372 is a natural part of 1371. For a sense of Ballovino see Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. Silvestri domini Johannis, 98-99, 193, 202, 209, 257; Lib. Collationum, fo. 65v; Lib. Int. et Exit., 1364 (fo. 57r), 1371, 1379, 1382; Lib. IV perg., fos. 45r-47r; IV.C.11; and see chapter 3 below. For Ballovino's change of status, see particularly Rieti, Arch. Cap., VII.G.14.

110. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 419.

111. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 129-130.

112. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. IV perg., fo. 47r, for the recorded privilege; for Giovanni more generally: Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.G.4, IV.A.3, III.D.10, II.D.10, IV.F.4, IV.Q.3, IV.N.3, VI.G.11, III.C.4, IV.G.8, IX.F.5, II.C.4; Rieti, A.S., San Domenico, 7 (old 92); Brentano, "Localism and Longevity," 300-301 and notes; see chapter 3 below.

113. Rieti, Arch. Cap., II.C.1 (communal side); for the particular political difficulties of these years: Michaeli, Memorie , 4:66-68: John XXII's absence, King Robert's encroachments, rebellions, exile of Ghibellines. Suor Anna Maria Tassi has shown me some extremely effective and, some, in fact, beautiful, representations of the physical diocese, and holdings of the church, from later times; some plates in Maceroni and Tassi's book illustrate them: plates XXV, XXVII, XXIX, XXX: Inventario dei beni del capitolo della cattedrale di Rieti, 1728; and XXXV, XXXVI: Leonessa illustrated in the argument over the confines of the dioceses of Rieti and Spoleto, 1757.

1. Scripta Leonis, Rufini et Angeli Sociorum S. Francisci: The Writings of Leo, Rufino and Angelo Companions of St. Francis , 87: "striking examples of his discourse" is Brooke's translation but she is careful (n.2) to explain that the normal meaning of conuersatio is "manner of life"; she suggests that this passage may be one in which conuersatio carries both this normal meaning and the narrower one "conversation, discourse.'' My dependence upon Brooke's edition and translation should be obvious to any reader, but I would like explicitly to express my admiration of it and gratitude for it. This seems the more appropriate since I will occasionally suggest an alternate reading on identification; that the Scripta seems to me by fan the most compelling of Franciscan sources, undoubtedly has a great deal to do with Brooke's beautiful English translation. For the composition of the Scripta I depend upon and accept Brooke's introduction; see 4ff. and in the text 86-89.

2. Scripta Leonis , 86-89.

3. See both Scripta Leonis , 24-25 and John R. H. Moorman, The Sources for the Life of S. Francis , particularly here 98-101, on both the quality of the companions' stories and on their emphasis on eye witnesses and specific places. Brooke surely misidentifies the hermitage of San Eleuterio in cap. 85, 234-237; Quintillianus, which it was "near," is the modern Contigliano and not at all in the same direction from Greccio, which Contigliano is quite near, as the (secular, when visible during the period of this study) abbey of San Eleuterio near Rieti "now swallowed up in the cemetery of Rieti" (234 n.1); Contigliano and this San Eleuterio are in different directions from Rieti. See too "ad fontem Sancti Eleutherii" near Contigliano in 1165: Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.L.10. The companion Angelo is usually believed to have been "of Rieti"; it would not seem unlikely that Fra Illuminato de Arce (a quarter and gate of Rieti) an informant of the companions, and himself Francis's companion in the east, as we know from Bonaventura, was also Reatine, although Michaeli ( Memorie , 3:12), following Wadding, thought him from Rocca Accanina (and see Waley, The Papal State , 53-55). I certainly do not mean to imply that all the valuable Franciscan Rieti stories are to be found in the Scripta Leonis , particularly since the companions explicitly avoided the use of stories already in Celano's Vita prima ( Analecta

franciscana , vol. 10), and so, for example, the story of Francis's presepio at Greccio, fist which see the end of this chapter.

4. Scripta Leonis , 130-133. Pacifico seems (as he does in Brooke's index) a probable friar because of the placing of this story after another Pacifico story, 126-131, and because Pacifico is elsewhere (164-167) identified as "the king of verses . . . who had been a really courtly doctor of singers." Although I have been told by experts in medieval musical instruments that guitar is an inexact translation of cythara I have maintained Brooke's "guitar" because I think its either is exact. I think that the companions' (genitive) Tabaldi Sarraceni is almost surely the Teballus Sarracenus of Rieti, Arch. Cap., VI.G.7 who is, unlike the Tabaldus of the Scripta , identified as a canon; it seems important to call Teballus by his surname Sarracenus or Sarraceno (rather than to treat it as a patnonymic as Brooke seems to do, by maintaining the genitive) because the Sarracenus family was an early user of its surname in Rieti (see chapters 4 and 5 below), although some thirteenth-century sources certainly do use, as Brooke does, Sarraceni : and also Sacchetti Sassetti, in his Anecdota franciscana reatina , 38-40, talks of Tebaldo Sarraceni and of the Sarraceni family's flourishing in Rieti between the mid-twelfth and late fourteenth centuries. For "these brothers of mine are knights of the round table": Brooke, 212-213. It is important not to translate camera as "house" (as Brooke does) because the idea of communal living was an accepted ideal for canons at Rieti even after this time (see chapter 5 below), although it seems clean from the story of Gidion, below, that canons in Francis's time did have houses. For the curfew in the fourteenth-century statutes of Rieti, see Rieti, A.S., Statuti, 1, fo. 15v.

5. Scripta Leonis , 146-151. The quotation about "holy will" is from 87. For the meaning of the name Greccio see Toubert, Les structures , 1:172 n.

6. Scripta Leonis , 146-149.

7. Scripta Leonis , 149.

8. Scripta Leonis , 148.

9. Scripta Leonis , 148-149. I believe that Brooke's translation of pueri as "little boys" is probably mistaken and that pueri here is the equivalent of ragazzi and so does not necessarily mean only male children. The record sources that refer to Greccio would not in general make one particularly aware of a great distance between parui and magni ; but the Franciscan sources underline the distinction because of the appearance in them of "dominus Johannes de Greccio" who gave Francis the feather pillow in which Francis thought the devil was hidden; this Don Giovanni "loved the saint with great affection and showed his friendship for him in many ways the whole of his life": Scripta Leonis , 254-257, and especially 257. See also Celano's Vita prima , cap. 84 for Giovanni, whom Francis "loved with a special love," who "had trampled upon the nobility of his birth and pursued nobility of soul,'' and for whom Francis sent "as he often did" to help him with the preparation of the presepio at Greccio (in 1223): Habig, ed., Writings , 299-300—an extraordinarily helpful and convenient collection of Franciscan materials; Analecta franciscana , 10:63-65. The Quaracchi editors of Analecta franciscana remind their readers that Francis's literally reproduced animals do not appear in Luke or any Gospel but rather in fourth-century commentators.

10. Scripta Leonis , 148-149; neither wolves nor hail seem now to be considered particular problems in Greccio, but wolves still do exist in the diocese and until about fifty years ago occasionally invaded farmyards near Greccio, and hail is a danger for crops in fields near Greccio. The importance of covenant in Franciscan thought and writing will be discussed by Arthur L. Fisher in his forthcoming book, The Franciscan Observants in Quattrocento Tuscany . The reference to vomit is from Proverbs 26:11, a favorite text, which compares the dog's returning to his vomit with the fool's returning to his folly.

11. Scripta Leonis , 148-151. Brooke suggests (150 n.2), and in this follows the Quaracchi editors of Analecta franciscana (10:152 no. 20), who are using Riccardo da S. Germano, that the burning of Greccio may have taken place in 1242 when Frederick II is said to have been ravaging the Reatine countryside (see below chapter 3); this is possible but in some ways it seems to me unlikely that the burning of Greccio of which the companions write was the work of Frederick's forces: thirteenth-century towns seem to have burned easily without the help of hostile forces. The position of Greccio does not make it seem a very likely target for Frederick's troops; the companions, who were writing in 1244-46, do not mention Frederick's responsibility; a general ravaging of the countryside could not seem so easily to the companions a specific divine punishment of Greccio as could a limitedly local fire. None of this makes Brooke's date seriously wrong, because Greccio's peculiar prosperity lasted "16 or 20 years" from the time of Francis's blessing.

12. Scripta Leonis , 188-191.

13. I here use the spelling Gidion instead of Scripta Leonis 's Gideon because of the former spelling's prevalence in the available Rieti documents that mention him. Thomas of Celano used the story of Gidion in his second life, and there completed it. In Celano's Vita secunda no. 41 Gidion is specifically called a canon, although he is not called one in the Scripta: Analecta franciscana , 10:156-157 no. 41 Habig, Writings , 398, 591 n.43. No document I have seen at Rieti calls him a canon and, although the position of yconomo for the church, which Gidion repeatedly held, was certainly often given to a canon at the beginning of the thirteenth century; Gidion's appearance in witness lists with the designation priest but not canon would suggest that he was not one. The Quaracchi Analecta editors use Sacchetti Sassetti's search through Rieti documents for Gidion ( Anecdota franciscana reatina , 44-47) and his use of Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.G.3; IV.M.1-4; IV.0.1; IV.P.6; IV.Q.1,8; IX.F.1. From these documents Sacchetti Sassetti was able to give Gidion a spread of dates from January 1201 to August 1236. The Gidion documents I have been able to find within the slightly shifting pergamene in the Arch. Cap. are somewhat different: IV.M.1 from 1201; IV.M.1 from 1208 (as yconomo); IV.M.2 from 1212; IV.Q.8 from 1213 (as yconomo); IV.M.3 from 1214; IV.O.5 from 1216. The last three documents Sacchetti Sassetti used (which I cannot locate), two from 1222 and one from 1236, more than double the time of Gidion's connection with the church of Rieti; they seem to me also to make less likely his having been a canon because with them the argument from silence grows longer and longer.

14. Scripta Leonis , 188.

15. Scripta Leonis , 189.

16. Celano, Vita secunda , no. 41, 10:156-157; Habig, Writings, 398. Proverbs 26:11.

17. Scripta Leonis , 132-135; Potthast, Regesta pontificum romanorum , 1:640-648: Honorius III in Rieti from 23 June 1225 to 31 January 1226; he had been there earlier, 11 June 1219 to 1 October 1219 (532-537), during almost all of which time Francis was out of Italy.

18. Scripta Leonis , 134-135.

19. Scripta Leonis , 134-137; I agree with Father Placid Hermann's translation in Habig, Writings, 401, of this story as incorporated by Thomas of Celano, and not with Brooke's translation of uuis quasi recentibus (136-137) as "eggs seemingly straight from the nest" because I believe "fresh grapes" is a more natural translation. I also disagree with Brooke's translation of mastillis gymarorum as "crab patties": the actual word gymarorum together with the crustacean produce of the Rieti area demand Italian gamberi , that is, English crayfish, American colloquial crawdad; mastillis is, I believe, essentially Italian mastelli , here pails or pots. The Quaracchi Analecta editors (158 no. 9) gloss, I believe incorrectly: ''id est pastilli e gammaris seu cammaris, i. e. cancris, contritis confecti." See Leo Sherley Price's translation of Speculum perfectionis , no. 111, Habig, Writings , 1249. The Analecta editors (158 no. 1) suggest the possibility of the doctor's being Magister Nicolaus, a point that Sacchetti Sassetti thought himself really to have proved in Anecdota franciscana reatina , 40-43. The distance of the place from which the food came perhaps suggests the castro of Monte San Giovanni.

20. Scripta Leonis , 180-183; in Vita secunda no. 92 Celano puts Francis in the palace of the bishop of Rieti for this story: Habig, Writings, 437-438; Analecta franciscana , 10:184 no. 11. Machilone, "Vico, uti conicimus, olim prope Reate exstante"; Verani, among others, has located Machilone more precisely, at the site of the present Posta.

21. Scripta Leonis , 180-181; Matthew 25:34-40; Sulpicius Severus, Vita Sancti Martini , cap. 3.

22. "Greccio was made a new Bethlehem: et quasi nova Bethlehem de Graecio facta est ": Celano, Vita prima , no. 85, Analecta franciscana , 10:64; Habig, Writings, 300—from the story of the presepio , for which see below. To the chronicler Salimbene, Greccio connoted the presepio as is clear in the two references he makes to it and the "representationem pueri Bethleemite cum presepio et feno et puero" in connection with John of Parma's seclusion there: Cronica fratris Salimbene , 303-304, 510. For John, see Lambert, Franciscan Poverty , 103-123, and for Ubertino's visit, 159. For Angelo of Clareno's account see Ehrle, "Die Spiritualen," 286. Ubertino talks of himself in the prologus primus of the Arbor vitae , reprinted with an introduction by Davis his life and works are concisely described by Godefroy, in Dictionnaire de théologie catholique , vol. 15, cols. 2021-2034, see particularly col. 2021. For John's 1248 visit to Italy, John R. H. Moorman, A History of the Franciscan Order , 191. Greccio, because of its position near the (drying) lake, was also reminiscent of Galilee. Since I read and listened to Steven Justice, the connection between these Franciscans and Joachimism has gained more meaning for me, as it will for readers of Justice's forthcoming book. My reading of the friar's trip to and from Rieti

depends upon my interpretation of two phrases "morabatur in loco" and "ad locum suum" (twice): I think, but I am not sure, that locum suum means the friary at Rieti.

23. Scripta Leonis , 142-143. From conversation with Marchesa Luigina Canali de Rossi, who well remembers the area around Rieti before it was reshaped by modern roads convenient to tourism, I have learned that in the early twentieth century Greccio did not seem a close neighbor to Rieti in the way that it now does; the roads, as well as the earlier drying of watery lands, have clearly changed the geography of the area.

24. For the places around Greccio, San Pastore, and Montecchio, see Istituto geografico militare, Carta d'Italia, fo. 138: particularly II N. O. "Greccio," but also II S. O. "Contigliano," and II S. E. "Rieti." I gauge the rough height of Montecchio above the alluvial plain from the first of these three, trying to take into account the difference in land level produced by fill and solidification. See, too, for a general history of the lake that has disappeared, Duprè Theseider, Il lago Velino ; most recently, for a geological study of the area with bibliography, see Pesce, "Aspetti geo-paleontologici.''

25. In fact the "isola" of Montecchio, with its Vecchiarelli villa, seems to dominate the Agro Reatino as one looks across it from the slopes of the Monti Sabini; it is an imposing wooded outcropping, looming over the fertile flatland, and something of its internal construction is immediately visible because of the cut made in it by the quarry on its southern flank. For San Matteo and San Pastore see Duprè Theseider, L'abbazia di San Pastore . As Duprè Theseider wrote, this was "mio primo lavoro" (3 n.2); his expressed gratitude to Sacchetti Sassetti and the inscription in the Rieti Biblioteca Comunale copy of the book, from the Palmegiani collection, "offre ai cari zii Palmegiani," make clear the local connections of this man who would become a medievalist known throughout and beyond Italy.

The work shows the charming avidity of a young historian looking at monuments and searching for records, and it is remarkably inclusive, for example in using material from episcopal visitations in 1566 and 1832 as well as a full range of medieval sources. The short work also shows some of the natural flaws of a first effort, not uncharming in themselves; for example, in interpreting a carefully transcribed 1255 inscription that remained at the abbey and gave the day and month date as mense Madii die Vintrante , Duprè Theseider translated "al mattino del 5 Maggio." If the grand old historian, fifty years of experience later, ever noticed this error it must have amused him. Duprè Theseider used an earlier essay on San Pastore by "M. M." (Michele Michaeli), Notizie dell'antico monastero . This elegant little piece of research, interpretation, and writing justifies Michaeli's maintained high reputation; it is particularly impressive in its creative doubt about the twelfth-century history of the abbey, and it is in no way parochial. Duprè Theseider's continued attachment to Rieti is exposed in a recently published, moving letter (Vasina, "Ricordo di Eugenio Duprè Theseider," no. 5, to Muriella Lanzoni, 24 April 1969, 141-142): "In questi ultimi mesi ho dovuto superare una dolorosa prova. Nella mia cittadina di nascita, Rieti, avevo la vecchia casa, ormai quasi disabita e abbandonata . . . mi sono deciso a venderla ed e stata una ben dolorosa decisione, perche vi era connesso tutto un tesoro di

ricordi. . . .Quante volte ho pensato alle parole del Signore: 'dimitte mortuos sepelire mortuos suos.'"

One should see too, for San Matteo-San Pastore, Janauschek, Originum cisterciensium , 222, no. 576; Cottineau, Répertoire topo-bibliographique , vol. 2, col. 2836; Canivez, Statuta capitulorum , 2:8, 19, 384, and particularly 17 where, in 1222, the abbot, cabled of San Martino, is among those condemned to three days of light punishment, including one day on bread and water, for not having carried back to the chapter general their commissa . The connection between San Matteo and its mother house, Santa Maria de Casa Nova, is underlined by the consent by Gentile, abbot of Casa Nova, to a San Matteo sale of land on 28 June 1235, as well as by Abbot Bantolomeo's involvement in the compromise of 6 December 1222: Rieti, Arch. Cap., IX.A.2 and IV.Q.11. See, too, Caraffa, ed., Monasticon Italiae , 1:138-139 no. 96: "Contigliano (RI) S. Pastore."

26. Bernard of Clairvaux, "Lettere," ed. Migne, vol. 182, no. 201, col. 369. The accepted version of this story, which I repeat here with some hesitation, is completely endorsed by Bedini in Bibliotheca sanctorum , vol. 2, cols. 729-730, and it seems also to be accepted by Toubert, Les structures , a:902 n.3 My hesitation is based on the fragility of the documentary connection between the recipient of the letter and San Matteo; Michaeli did not believe that Balduino was at San Matteo, and certainly Duprè Theseider was very hesitant about the connection. And yet it seems likely to me that the petition of the abbot of San Pastore to the chapter general, in 1264, asking to celebrate in his house the feasts of the founders and of San Pastore, was talking of the feast of San Balduino: Canivez, Statuta capitulorum , 3:19. In the other direction the testimony from the dispute between San Matteo and the cathedral church discussed below could be seen to suggest a very short history for San Matteo, certainly not one stretching back to the mid-twelfth century.

27. Acta sanctorum , August, for 21 August, 451. For Babduino's head, see Mortari, Il tesoro del duomo di Rieti , 43-44, no. 34, and plate XLVII; the reliquary bust was made in 1496 by Bernardino da Foligno.

28. Auvray, ed., Les registres de Grégoire IX , nos. 1171, 1172 (the union of 5 October 1232), 1260-1261 1820-182 (John and Numbers), 2092, 2093 ( . . . propter aeris intemperiem . . . ), 3338-3339.

29. For a rather lengthy discussion of attachments of this sort to the Cistercian abbey of Fiastra in the Marche see my Two Churches , 261-281; Grégoire IX , nos. 2092-2093, 3338-3339. The San Pastore compromise seems, like much of this affair, to have been arranged, or at least supervised by Goffredo Castiglioni, cardinal priest of San Marco (1227-38), later (1238-41) cardinal bishop of Sabina.

30. The large and beautiful ruin of the Cistercian abbey of San Pastore remains on the slope of its hill, prey to time, the weather, and a rather startling vandalism. One hundred years ago Mass was being said and heard there (and still was heard, on feasts, by the parents of the senior generation now living in the neighborhood); the major bell is said still to have been there, and able to ring, thirty years ago; the two major thirteenth-century inscriptions (and much else that is now missing, like jambs) were there twenty years ago. The ruin is picturesque and can be seen, shrouded in ivy, from a great distance to the east. The nave and apse are full of ivy and wild cyclamen; the cloister and the close

are full of blackberries, wild anemones, and, again, cyclamen. The buildings were measured by Duprè Theseider (facing 48); the cloister is a square with sides 35 meters in length, the total length of nave and apse is about 47 meters; the transepts that extend about 7 meters from the nave are about 10 meters broad; the nave is about 28 meters wide. The best preserved of the medieval rooms around the cloister, the chapterhouse, is about 12 meters broad and 20 meters deep; it still contains, on the two sides of the external eastern door (originally a window), disintegrating fourteenth-century frescoes of St. John the Baptist and the Virgin and Child. Both Duprè Theseider and Michaeli transcribed the two thirteenth-century inscriptions, and a legible photograph of the longer one is preserved in the Biblioteca Hertziana in Rome, so that both can be reconstructed, copied, or extended: "Anno domini MCCLV, tempore Alexandri IIII pape, in / perio uacante, mense Madii, die V intrante / fundata fuit domus ista sub abba/te Andrea et Roberto priore et s / uppriore Palmerio, et domino Anselmo / magistro opere, qui primus cepit fundamenta / predicte domus. Anime quorum requiescant in pace"; and "Anno MCCLV frater Iohannes de Coruara cum discipulis suis, silicet fratre Berardo et fratre Iohanne, fecit hoc opus" (see particularly Duprè Theseider, L'abbazia di San Pastore, 19, 18).

Duprè Theseider also transcribed the inscription on the major bell: " Ave Maria gratia plena Dominus tecum mentem sanctam spontaneam honorem Deo et patrie liberationem adde nouem decies sic en duo mille ducentis tempore Natalis Domini tunc Angelus abbas Saluatus prior Dominicus Urbeuetanus fecit campanam de mille quater fore [ sic ] libris" (Michaeli, Notizie dell'antico monastero, 14 "ho letto"; Duprè Theseider records another of Domenico of Orvieto's bells, from 1288, at San Francesco, Rieti, that is, four years earlier than his 1292 bell here at San Pastore: see 29). For San Pastore, still somewhat active in 1829, see Rieti, Arch. Vesc., Visita Ferretti, 100.

31. Rome, Arch. Cap. (Vallicella), Archivio Orsini, II.A.I.26 (olim 25). The papal letter of 11 March 1244 imposes silence on San Basilio, which has appealed the recent investiture of San Matteo with, in and at San Damiano in Poggio "Arnulforum" in the duchy of Spoleto through Fra Synebaldo, abbot, and Riccardo, prior of San Matteo. The investiture followed a series of processes held at least in part (see also Grégoire IX, no. 456, 11 May 1230) before Pietro Capuano, cardinal deacon of San Giorgio in Velabro (died 1241 or 1242), and the papal subdeacon Giovanni Spata (for whom see below chapter 3), before whom the case was diutius litigatum and then referred to Rinaldo da Jenne, cardinal deacon of Sant'Eustachio (translated to Ostia in 1231), chamberlain and chaplain of the pope, who acted under a special papal mandate. The Hospitallers appealed his action, through the prior and a brother of San Basilio, because of the Grand Master's being overseas. On the dorse of the letter: "A." For Cardinal Rinaldo, see Paravicini Bagliani, Cardinali di curia , 1:41-53; and for Pietro Capuano, 1:16.

32. Rieti, Arch. Cap., VII.E.1. Innocent responds in this letter to a petition of the bishop and chapter who have asked for protection from the harassment of Donato and Benedetto clerks of the diocese. The procuring proctor, recorded on the dorse of the letter, was "N de Reat." In the Cistercian Concilia records of 1252 the monastery is called San Pastore: Canivez, Statuta capitulorum , 2:384.

33. San Pastore's is the first of the five lives of desert fathers in which, at the

end of the Golden Legend, Jacobus da Voragine exemplifies regular virtue. San Pastore is he who convinces his mother that she would as willingly next see her sons in another world and who preaches poverty and pain.

34. The fate of San Matteo has been traced by Duprè Theseider; see L'abbazia di San Pastore, particularly 48 and 71 (for the miserable condition of San Matteo di Montecchio recorded in the Ferretti visitation of 1832); see the work for references to San Matteo, Rieti, particularly 14 (1266), but also 81, where, in the sixteenth century, it is linked with the Cistercian nunnery of San Tommaso. From 29 March 1278 there is a record of the Cistercian Fra Filippo da Poggio from San Pastore then acting in the cloister of San Matteo, Rieti: Rieti, Arch. Cap., IX.A.2. Palmegiani discussed San Matteo in Rieti in La cattedrale and in Rieti , 310, in both cases under "S. Pietro Martire" and in both cases with helpful material, particularly in the batter book from the Ferretti visitation of 1827. The longer treatment in the earlier book is made difficult by Palmegiani's seeming to have confused the original San Matteo all'isola with San Matteo, the hospice in Rieti, and treating them as one. Their actual distinctness is perfectly clear, and recorded, as for example in Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. Int. et Exit., 1364, fo. 9r: "Cera recepta ab ecclesiis, inprimis: Recepi a frate Nicola de Sancta Rufina abati Sancti Pastoris pro Sancto Matheo de Reate et pro Sancto Matheo de lacu. . . . 2 li cere"; and see other years (e.g., 1360, 1363, 1368) on fo. 9r or, when a flyleaf has been added, fo. 10r (e.g., 1371).

35. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IX.A.2, 1 July 1235: Guilielmus, abbot; Robertus, prior; Munallus, cellarer; Dompni Benuenutus, Ber', Jacobus, Raynall', Petrus, Deodatus, Gratianus, Bartholomeus, another Bartholomeus (explicitly called alius ), another Petrus ( alius ), another Raynall' ( alius ), monks; frames Raynerius, Johannes Verlandi, Reatinus, Adenulfus, Benuenutus, Ber', Matheus Simeonis, Johannes Moranus(?), Johannes Jouanni, Maxeus', Petrus, Marinus, Andreas, Stefanus, Angelus, conversi . On 24 March 1283 Frater Paulus, a conversus of the monastery, acts, in buying, as proctor and yconomo of the monastery of San Pastore at the convent of San Tommaso: IX.A.2.

36. Rieti, Arch. Cap., VI.E.3: on 6 March 1342, summoned by bell to chapter in the accustomed place were: Frater Gentilis, abbot; Dominus Johannes Sonantis [genitive], prior; Dompnus Petrus de Narnia, major cellarer (listed before the prior); dompni Johannes Guidi, Nicholaus de Greccia, Johannes Thodinucii de Reate, Thomaxius de Monte S. Johannis, Vandis [genitive] de Greccia, Pastor de Interampne, Nicolaus Carluctii de Greccia (the last two of whom are being made proctors); frames Nicolaus notarii (or possibly notarius) Berardi de Reate, Petrus Berardesche de Reate, Stefanus Raynallicti de Greccia, Nicolaus Bonagure de Reate, Matheus Marchoni de Reate, Johannes de Quintiliano, Petrus de Quintiliano, Franciscus de Greccia, Franciscus de Quintiliano, Andreas de Rocha Alatri, Jacobus de Reate, fratres ( conversi ): in some cases the reconstruction of these names is complicated by their being, for the most part, in the genitive. On 23 January 1339, the monk "Dompnus Gentilis" had acted as yconomo and proctor for the monastery in the granting away of a casalinum in the castro of Greccio: VI.E.2. See A.S.V., Obligationes et Solutiones (OS), 22, fo. 213r, 14 November 1357, for Master Paolo da Viterbo, magister in medicina , who promises in the name of the monastery of San Pastore and Fra Pietro, its (ob-

viously new) abbot, to pay the abbots "common service" of 36 1/2 flor. aur. within term; for an explanation of Obligationes et Solutiones and their importance, see Boyle, A Survey of the Vatican Archives , 157-164. There exists in the capitular archives of Rieti (II.G.1, numbering for communal documents), on two folded sheets of paper, a list written, by the notary Giovanni "Hycremie," of the possessions of the monastery of San Pasture in the tenement and appurtenances of Rocca Alatri, "in uuto Alatrense," "de quibus instrumentis et registro dicti monasterii summatim extracta . . . pro breuiori informatione legentium''; the list seems, from the hand, to be fifteenth-century. It contains twenty-seven items, in which there is repeated talk of canals (or a canal) and of swamps; one item (fo. lr, no. 9) describes the property's neighbors on two sides: "rem Sancte Marie de Reat' et rem Greccensium"; another item (fo. 2r, no. 24) "in Terria in Uto Alatrensi" speaks of "rem Gallonis," and so touches the present and the Case Galloni; another (fo. 2r, no. 21) talks of land "in contrata Terrie" next to "rem Johannis Ursini" and near the present land and house of the local family Orsini; another (fo. lv, no. 13) has as a neighbor "rem Angeli Carsedonii." Most noticeable, however, is the concentration of adjacent monastery properties.

37. Rieti, Arch. Cap., VII.E.1.

38. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.A.3. Copies both of Clement's letter and of the closely related one (IV.A.2) dated the same day, which was sent to the Capitaneo regni Sicilie and which exhorted him to do everything in his power to prevent "nonnulli homines ciuitatis Aquilen' habitatores" from harassing bishop, chapter, rectors, and clerks of the churches in the diocese of Rieti, are preserved in the capitular archives. Both letters are in good condition; and on both the curial notations are particularly clearly visible. On the dorse of each, at the place where it becomes customary for curial proctors to place their names, is written: "Dns Jordanus Card": presumably the letters, and probably the action, had been procured for Rieti through the intercession or aid of Giordano da Terracina cardinal deacon of Santi Cosma e Damiano, although the vice-chancellorship of the former notary cardinal perhaps permits a more formal explanation. Both letters are included in the 1353 inventory that Bishop Biagio ordered to be made of the church's privileges (21 in all), books, and other possessions preserved in the cathedral sacristy: Rieti, Arch. Cap., Parchment Book IV, fo. 47r, nos. 16 and 20. Urban's letter is IV.D.6. It and its proctor, Master Andrea, are cited in my "Innocent IV and the Chapter of Rieti," 389.

39. Rieti, Arch. Cap., VI.E.1, for 13 November 1280. This document in letter firm with a flap and holes for three seals, and with white silk string remaining, is 38.5 cm × 32.5 cm. It begins:

Petrus permissione diuina minister et .. capitulum Ecclesie Reatin', religiosis uiris amicis in Xpo dilectis . . abbati et conuentui monasterii Sancti Pastoris, Reatin' diocesis, Cisterciensis ordinis. Salutem in domino. Inter sollicitudines uarias seu diuersas que prelatis et capitulis cathedralium ecclesiarum incumbunt . . . [It concludes:] Insuper ad utriusque partis cautelam presencium litterarum chirographum nostro et capituli nostri et monasterii uestri sigillis munitum de communi concordia fecimus duplicari, ut unus penes nos in sacristia nostra remaneat, reliqus [ sic ] uero penes dictum monasterium conseruetur. Dat' in ecclesia Reatin' presentibus uolentibus et consentientibus episcopo et capitulo, abbate

ac Fratre Raynaldo de Arcestianula monacho et yconomo dicti monasterii ad hoc specialiter constituto. Anno domini Mo. CCo. lxxxo. mens' Novembr' die xiiio. apostolica sede vacante.

40. Rieti, Arch. Cap., VII.C.6; the letter preserves its seal (of white or brown wax) on a seal strip. An illuminating statement that helps explain the reasons why monasteries admitted important people into confraternity is quoted in John W. Elston's unpublished doctoral dissertation "William Curteys, Abbot of Bury St. Edmunds, 1429-1446" (University of California, Berkeley, 1979), ch. 1 n.112: "We make you one of us, not as with others, in order to put pressure on you to be our friend," quoted with Mr. Elston's permission.

41. Rieti, A.S., San Domenico, 8 (ol. 47): 24 December 1295; and particularly Arch. Cap., IV.G.4: 26 November 1294, in which Bishop Nicola acts in Rieti "in camera domini Episcopi supradicti coram religioso uiro domino fratre Angelo Abbate Monasterii Sancti Pastoris de Reat', fratre Symone de Fulgineo, Fratre Jacobo de Butro, monachis eiusdem monasterii." Finding a monk of San Pastore from a place even as far away as Foligno is worth noting; "Butro," on the other hand, was close to Rieti, southwest of the city walls. In both of these documents the bishop is called "Frater Nicolaus miseratione diuina Reatinus [in IV.G.4: Reatin'] episcopus,'' but in the once sealed letter form, San Domenico, 8, a grant of 40 days' indulgence to those who give aid to the opere of San Domenico, or of the convent buildings, or help the friars in their other needs, the capital "F" of Frater was never written. Perhaps Bishop Nicola resigned before the letter received its final touches; Berardo was translated to Rieti from Ancona to replace him on 4 February 1296. One should also know that Ughelli wrote that Bishop Tommaso of Rieti (see below, chapter 4), who was bishop in 1255, was a benefactor of San Matteo-San Pastore (Ughelli, Italia sacra, vol. 1, col. 1204) and that in 1292 a letter patent from Bishop Tommaso and the chapter of Rieti, which freed San Tommaso, the local Cistercian convent of nuns, from ordinary jurisdiction, and which had been dated Rieti, 3 May 1265, seemed worth restating and having confirmed, so that it obviously seemed more than a mere formality to the nuns (Langlois, ed., Les registres de Nicholas IV , no. 6600). The Rieti letter is fully transcribed in Nicholas IV's register (A.S.V., Reg. Vat. 46, fo. 148r, no. 740). The letter that had been sealed with the seals of the bishop and chapter spoke of the bishop's and chapter's laying the cornerstone of the monastery that had been founded with the aid of the cardinal bishop of Porto (John of Toledo). This suggested sense of general harmony should not obscure the fact that any contested property or right would naturally project Santa Maria and San Pastore into litigation again: see, for example, the matter of the house in the parish of San Donato in 1371: Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. Int. et Exit., 1371, in a list of chapter expenses, eight folios before the end of the book, and just before a listed payment to Frater Stefano monk of the monastery of San Pastore and Collector.

42. Rieti, Arch. Cap., II.G.1; see above note 36 for a fuller description of the San Pastore inventory. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Parchment Book "7" contains the redistribution of properties in 1307.

43. A witness who is particularly clear about the produce of this area is Ratino

Taliatanus in 1241: Rieti, Arch. Cap., VIII.A.2, first piece of parchment, second of fully recorded witnesses. Ratino saw the return of crayfish, fish, and money and talks also of receipt of fish, crayfish, and cuppis (?); from the dry land he notes "postea granum, fabas, milium, speltam, adque candavitium." Bartolomeo de Grumo, on the second piece of parchment, thirteenth of the fully recorded witnesses, says: "uidit eos percipere in blada uidelicet granum, milium et fabas et saginum." In the Lib. Int. et Exit. of 1364 a noticeable part of the land in the area is recorded as having been left, for the year, unworked (fo. 13r): for "terra monticuli,'' after itemizing the use of 11 1/2 giunte, the book records, "residuum dicte terre non laborantur"; the following item is "de terra reliquid domnini Gentilis Futii posita in contrada Fluminis Mortui que est xi junte nichil recepi quia non fuit laborata"; the next item, "de terra casamascara," is 15 giunte of land of which 12 1/4 are worked; land elsewhere is also not worked (for instance, 12 giunte left by Donna Margherita Corradi in nearby pratu longu : fo. 12v); and the land of Casamascara, at least, gave a good annual return to the church, 10 soldi per giunta.

44. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.Q.11. The twelve granting consuls of 8 May 1205 are named and include Matteo Synibaldi Dodonis, Matteo Sarracenus, and Beraldo Galganus; the land is "in ducatu Spoletan' in Monticulo Cervaliolo" near Casamascara and has as neighbors property of the church of Rieti, of the lords of Labro, of Rayn' Leonis, as well as the swamp. For Berardo Sprangone see chapter 4, below, but also Michaeli, Memorie , 2:189.

45. Rieti, Arch. Cap., VIII.A.2. For the notary Giovanni Egidii the indiction has changed by 2 September; but for the Rieti copying notary of 1304, it has not changed by 23 September, nor has it for Giovanni Dati on 1 September. The 1253 sentence is dated 3 stante July, and one of its witnesses is Matteo Infantis.

46. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.Q.1: 11 December 1229 (one of six parchments and documents stitched together, which group is only one of the members of IV.Q.1).

47. There is some inconsistency in naming and spelling with these records. The interchangeable "c" and "t" of "Mercones" (the former seemingly more frequent) is a particular problem.

48. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.P.5: "consuetudo est quod quicumque tenet iuxta paludes si dissicatur terra remanet sibi." This date answers a question asked by Waley in his biography of Giovanni Colonna in the Dizionario biografico degli italiani .

49. IV.P.5: "est consuetudo Reatin' quod siquis faceret mandrias uel cappannas in rebus alienis si uellet eas tenere per illum cuius est tenet, si uero tenere nollet ille cuius est eas deuastat."

50. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.P.5, which has seven pieces which have been numbered by a later hand. See Sayers, Papal Judges Delegate , 88-89, for numbers of witnesses and the attempt to limit them.

51. Duprè Theseider, L'abbazia di San Pastore, 47 and no. 4.

52. The monk and priest Filippo: IV.P.5. For an unusually clear definition and description of "depositions and attestations," see Helmholz, Marriage Litigation , 19-20.

53. The witness conversi are Stefano, Benencasa, Rainaldo, Pietro, Jai di Pie-

tro, Rain', Girardo, Giovanni, Giovanni Ber', Rustico, Ber', Giovanni Caputostu, Paulo, Caniato, Angelo, and Giovanni Martini: IV.P.5.

54. The protagonist priest is Filippo: IV.P.5; the monk witness is fr. Johannes de Sancto Giorgio.

55. Called in his own testimony "Sin' Mareri" but also elsewhere "Sen'": Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.P.5. For other references to him see Arch. Cap., Book IV (parchment), fo. 21; IV.O.5; IV.G.3; IV.D.1; IV.Q.2; IV.O.4; IV.Q.3 "14"; III.D.2; IV.O.1; IV.M.1 "16": Sinibaldus, Siniballus, Syn', Senebaldus .

56. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.Q.1; IV.G.3; IV.D.1; IV.Q.3 "14"; IV.I.1; II.D.3. Berardo's name does not always include the Sinibaldi (variously spelled); it does not in IV.P.5.

57. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.M.1 "11"; IV.Q.6 "1"; IV.G.5: in the last of these, from 1223, Henricus is called a priest.

58. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.G.3; IV.D.1; IV.Q.2; IV.O.1. Grégoire IX , nos. 1820-1821.

59. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.M.1 "17"; IV.G.3; IV.D.1; IV.O.1; IV.P.6 "1,2,7."

60. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.G.3; IV.D.1; IV.Q.2; IV.O.4; IV.O.1; IV.I.1; II.O.2; II.D.3; II.D.5; III.D.2; IV.O.5; IV.D.4. The statements of long memory are within IV.O.1.

61. These depositions are to be found in Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.P.5, which is composed of seven parts, of which "2," "3," and "4" are the pertinent testimonies of witnesses; "1" is a single parchment, a 1244 copy of Berardo Sprangone's act of 17 May 1209, in which Matteo de Necto is ordered to invest the monks of San Matteo; "5,'' "6," and "7," are notations concerning the witnesses—"5" and "6" concern Santa Maria witnesses, and "7" concerns San Matteo witnesses; "2" is a roll of three parchments stitched together to form a whole about 112 cm long and contains testes monasterii Sancti Mathei de Monticulo , and its first witness is the monk Filippo. Essentially identical in content and contemporary in script, "3" and "4" are testes Sancte Marie contra monasterium ; "3" is four pieces of stitched parchment about 168 cm in total length, and "4" is also four pieces of parchment and about 170 cm long; both begin with the witness Jai de Dodo. (In "4" the testimony of the witness Mgr. Guillielmus is written in a hand different from that of the testimony of the other witnesses.) For the sake of convenience, IV.P.5 "2," the roll of San Matteo witnesses, is called here IV.P.5:I (the first group of witnesses); and IV.P.5 "3" and "4" are, together, called IV.P.5:II (the second group of witnesses)—thus Jai de Dodo, the first Santa Maria witness, is IV.P.5:II, 1. The way in which the witnesses were divided into two groups was obviously dictated by the way in which the depositions were taken, not necessarily by the sympathies of the witnesses, so that the two testifying canons of Rieti fall within the first group. For an explanation of the process of taking depositions see Helmholz, Marriage Litigation , 19-20.

62. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.P.5 "1"; see also IV.Q.11, and, above, note 44.

63. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.P.5:I, 8.

64. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.P.5:II, 11.

65. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.P.5:II, 30.

66. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.P.5:II, 20.

67. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.P.5:II,32.

68. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.P.5:II, 33. Dodati in "3."

69. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.P.5:II, 14.

70. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.P.5:II, 16, 22, 21. Adinulfum in "4"; Adenulfum in "3."

71. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.P.5:II, 3. Vonezo in "4"; "uergagam" in "3," ''uergarzam" in "4" I take to be a trap like la nassa , le nasse ( martaelli in Cicollano dialect), or il cogolo (which is used for gamberi ), or possibly il parangal , la passelera , or simply la bilancia .

72. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.P.5:II, 4. Morice in "4."

73. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.P.5:II, 5. Ratino in "3."

74. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.P.5:II, 6.

75. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.P.5:II, 12. Rainucellus in "4."

76. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.P.5:II, 13, 10.

77. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.P.5:II, 31.

78. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.P.5:II, 26, 4 (the Mercones' neighbor Vetulo Morici, presumably a well-informed witness). Jai de Mercone also uses feudum . For a concise and very enlightening discussion of the terms feudum and vassallus in Lazio, see Toubert, Les structures , 1:513 n.1. "Jai" does not seem now to be a nickname for Giovanni, as "Jua" and "Juanitu" are, in the area around San Pastore.

79. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.P.5:II, 18.

80. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.P.5:II, 9.

81. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.P.5:II, 15.

82. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.P.5:II, 25.

83. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.P.5:II, 27. Sin, in "4."

84. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.P.5:I, 3.

85. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.P.5:I, 7.

86. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.P.5:II, 27.

87. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.P.5:I, 15; una sargia , I gather, most commonly denotes the flexible willow branch used for tying, as vines to elms, but also the stakes used to hold together fodder piled on the ground. It is now sometimes the practice in Lazio and, for example, the Romagna near Imola to plant a willow at the end of a row of vines; it presumably adds stability to the bank of soil, and protection, as well as conveniently providing sargie . The actual struggle is hard for me to follow exactly but the "per capam" and "cecidisset nisi habuisset fortia crura" are quite clear.

88. Riete, Arch. Cap., IV.P.5:I, 16.

89. Riete, Arch. Cap., IV.P.5:I, 1. I have left the names in the form in which they appear in Filippo's testimony, to give some sense of the irregularity of the spelling of personal names.

90. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.P.5:I, 7.

91. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.P.5:II, 5.

92. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.P.5:II, 2, 6. Compare the testimony of the Santa Maria witness in 1229, note 47 above.

93. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.P.5:I, 1, 26, 27.

94. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.P.5:I, 5.

95. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.P.5:II, 12, 26.

96. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.P.5:II, 18.

97. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.P.5:II, 31, 11, 2, 5, 33. The notations about Santa Maria witnesses in IV.P.5 "5" make a particular point of listing lengths of memory: forty, thirty, thirty-two twenty-four, twenty years.

98. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.P.5:II, 18.

99. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.P.5:I, 3, 19, 7, 20, 4, 18, 5, 17.

100. Scripta Leonis , 140-141. A freshwater squalus may seem inconceivable, but within living memory the squau ( cavèdano , fam. Cyprinidae) were thick in the Salto and frequently eaten, although perhaps seldom, if ever, on restaurant menus or sold in urban pescherie . I owe my knowledge of the squau, like much else, to my friend Alberto Sestili of Sant'Ippolito and Rieti. More recently my Berkeley colleague Don C. Erman, professor of forestry and director of the Wildland Resources Center, has explained to me much more about the cavèdano , which he says is common in Italy and distributed widely in Europe. It is commonly called "chub" in English; and, although it is a member of the minnow family, it is capable of reaching weights often pounds or more. The generic name of the chub was once squalius . For the gamberi of the Rieti region see Truini Palomba, La cucina sabina , 111 "li ammari."

101. Lawrence, St. Edmund of Abingdon , 11; Lawrence's entire chapter, "The Quadrilogus and the Canonization Process," is extremely helpful and interesting in this connection.

102. Baldwin, Masters, Princes, and Merchants , 1:55; this chapter, "Theological Doctrine," is also very helpful and repeatedly suggestive, as it is in its penultimate sentence, 1:59: "What their theories lacked in consistency and unity, was compensated by richness of detail."

103. Scripta Leonis , 186-189. For the stigmata in the Vita prima , see nos. 94-96, 112-114: Analecta franciscana , 10:72-74. To describe, now, Fonte Colombo as on the road to Sant'Elia is somewhat misleading; the importance of the two places has clearly been reversed. The terrain of Sant'Elia suggests that it was never rich and was always, as the story suggests, pastoral.

104. Vita prima , nos. 84-87: Analecta franciscana , 10:63-65. No reader should fail to notice Francis's choosing to make real the New Testament birth of Christ by emphasizing the ass and the ox, which, although they were assumed to have been in the scene by the fourth century, were not, of course, in any New Testament account; this is a helpful clue to understanding Francis's sense of the literal interpretation that was so important to him. For the ox and the ass, see Analecta franciscana , 10:84 no. 9.

105. Scripta Leonis , 144-147.

106. Rieti, Arch. Cap., VI.F.5. The letter, the original of which survives, was dated from Farfa on 4 April 1312, with, in addition, indiction and papal year dates. It records the names of three witnesses, at least one of whom, "Fratre Jacobo de Putealea," was a monk of Farfa. The letter was once sealed with the abbot's seal, and it maintains its red silk string. San Michele Greccio is now served by the Franciscans of Greccio.

107. Mascetta Caracci, "II latino della Chiesa," 273 but also 270. The word

minestrone itself, of course, is a figurative way of describing a miscellany of things.

1. I think that the best introduction to thirteenth-century curial clerks and their work is to be found in the studies of them by Herde, particularly Beiträge and Audientia litterarum contradictarum . To the works of Herde, Paravicini Bagliani's Cardinali di curia is a very helpful addition concerning a specific category of clerks. The quickest way to get a sense of curial work is to peruse the published register of one of the thirteenth-century popes; in the register of Boniface VIII (Digard et al., eds., Les registres de Boniface VIII , 4:xxxiii-xxxviii) is Fawtier's excellent discussion of papal scribes. I wrote what I then thought of Italian dioceses in Two Churches , ch. 2.

2. Bib. Apos. Vat., Cod. Barb. Lat., no. 2406 (olim XXXII, 197), cap. 146-149 (seventeenth-century copy); Michaeli, Memorie , 2:268-272, no. iv. (The privilege, or a privilege, of Lucius's was in the sacristy in 1353: Rieti, Arch. Cap., Parchment Book IV, fos. 46v-47r, no. 9.) The Rieti evidence which Toubert found unusual in some ways, Les structures , 2:798 n.2, does not seem to me really to add much support to his belief in "la réalité territoriale du diocèse comme ensemble de castra" (2:797 n.2) and, in fact, leads me to suspect a certain circularity in his thesis of incastellamento when it is applied to les structures religieuses . Although some of Lucius's names are very hard (impossible for me) to locate or to place exactly, some of them particularly near Tanzia and Orvinio suggest a boundary that wanders into other dioceses. The thirteenth-century evidence certainly makes the reader believe that some of the monasteria and oratoria would have fit their category oddly even in the twelfth century. See Kehr, Italia pontificia , 4:23-24, no. 10; Jaffe and Loewenfeld, Regesta pontificum , 2:442, no. 14675. On the other hand it should be noted that for some reason the Lucius privilege was copied, I think in the 1370s, into what is now Paris B.N. latin 1556, fos. 27r-28r, and that at some time parts of that copy were, but not for immediately ascertainable reasons, underlined.

3. Rieti, Arch. Cap., II.A.1, which is printed in Michaeli, Memorie , 2:265-268, no. 3; see too Kehr, Italia pontificia , 4:23, no. 7, and Toubert, Les structures , 2:797 n.2, and 798 n.1; and Jaffe and Loewenfeld, Regesta pontificum , 2:95, no. 9821 (incorrectly placed as Kehr noted).

4. I should say that the Rieti historian, Cesare Verani, a man whose learning and understanding I very much respect, wrote to me that he did not think that the privileges' boundaries were in any way fictitious. The activity of Dodone and Benedetto is particularly clearly revealed in the San Leopardo, San Silvestro, and Santa Croce cases, but see too Ferri, "Monteleone," 76.

5. Actual tithing in this period and contemporary opinion about it have been studied carefully and explained lucidly by Boyd in Tithes and Parishes ; her explanations reenforce, in my opinion, the lack of importance of exact Reatine boundaries. Tithe disputes are less noticeable in surviving early thirteenth-

century Reatine documents, I think, than an outside observer, particularly from northern Italy, might have expected.

6. In naming these dioceses I am, with some trepidation, following Sella's map "Umbria (sec. XIV)" from Rationes decimarum . . . Umbria , except of course for the Forcone-L'Aquila border. The case of Paolo Zoppo, below, suggests problems with the Spoleto boundary near Leonessa, as do early modern disputes between the two dioceses, for which see particularly Maceroni and Tassi, Società religiosa , 206-213. Bishop Tommaso's placing of Piediluco suggests a further problem, see below. For the reconstruction of Terni, see Manassei, "Alcuni documenti," 414, nos. 5, 7, 8 (Honorius III in the years 1217-19). See too, Coste, "I confini occidentale della diocesi di Tivoli." The work of Di Flavio on early modern Reatine visitations and synods is constantly helpful in understanding the earlier extension of Rieti, see for example his Sinodo reatino .

7. See Guidoni, "L'espansione urbanistica," 163-187; Gizzi, "La città dell'Aquila" (a richly annotated article). See too Ludovisi, "L'organismo del comune," part 19, 1-41. For the new towns more generally and particularly Florentine ones, see Friedman, Florentine New Towns .

8. For an excellent bibliography of work on and sources for Forcone/Furcone-L'Aquila, see Kamp, Kirche und Monarchie: Abruzzen und Kampanien , 1:21. For the foundation of L'Aquila and the transfer of the see: De Stefano, "Le origini di Aquila," 7-26, and particularly 21; De Nino, "Nuove congetture sull'origine dell'Aquila," with the nice disclaimer, 83, "Ahimè! Congetture troviamo, e congetture lasciamo!"; Chiappini, ''Intorno alla fondazione"; Alinari, "L'antica chiesa di S. Massimo"; Pansa, "Catalogo descrittivo e analitico"; Sabatini, "Saggio bibliografico"; de Bartholomaeis, "Federico II e l'Aquila"; Chiappini, "Fondazione, distruzione"; Palatini, "Cenni storici," and his "La signoria nell'Aquila," particularly 199: "l'Aquila guelfa e Rieti ghibellina" for conflict; and Ludovisi, "Corografia storica," particularly 7 (1917), 224, for a discussion of the quasi-episcopal rights of the archpriest of San Vittorino under the bishops of Rieti; and also his "Storia dei contadi di Amiterno." And see Ughelli, Italia sacra , cols. 373, 381-384. It seems to me that Duprè Theseider's use of the foundation of L'Aquila ("Vescovi e città," 64 and n.1), which Toubert seems to accept ( Les structures , 2:802 n.1) is misleading in suggesting that L'Aquila's creation was an example of the movement of diocesan sees from depopulated places to city-like towns; the Forcone-L'Aquila move is surely a much more complicated motion than that, and, I think, essentially different from it. For the residence of the first bishop, Berardo de Padula, see Kamp, Kirche und Monarchie: Abruzzen und Kampanien , 1:23-25.

9. Bib. Apos. Vat., MS Barb. Lat. 4539, "Istoria sacra delle cose notibili della Città dell'Aquila scritta dal Sig. Gio. Gioseppe Alferi," a not disinterested work (fo. 3v: "O felici, et veri Aquilotti, / o voi felici, et Beati in vero, / . . ."), fo. 16v-17: "Il privilegio della translatione," of 20 February 1257; Alferi says that the actual translatione occurred in Alexander IV's first year (20 December 1254-19 December 1255). There is an informed, extended discussion of the transfer of Amiterno diocesan rights to and from Rieti in Maroni, Commentarius de ecclesia , 51-58. The Anastasius-Dodone 1153 privilege is thick with the names of Amiterno

pievi and towns, like: Amiterno, Corno, San Vito, San Vittorino, Popleto, Preturo, Collettara, San Marco, Foce, Cagnano, Cascina, Vigliano.

10. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.A.3., IV.A.2; see above chapter 2 note 38.

11. Sella, Rationes decimarum . . . Aprutium, Molisium . Readers should know that the history of the Abruzzi is becoming much more readily accessible due to production of increasingly fine work at centers like the Istituto di storia medioevale e moderna at the Università degli studi "G. D'Annunzio" Chieti, for example, Ricerche di storia abruzzese . Place-name searches, among much else, are facilitated by, for example, Clementi and Berardi, eds., Regesto delle fonti archivistiche .

12. Rieti, Arch. Cap., II.E.3.

13. Regestum Clementis Papae V , no. 6925; the churches of the two homicidal priests will be found in the diocese of L'Aquila in the Rationes list. It is possible that "Rieti" is an error.

14. Rome, Vallicelliana, Archivio capitolino, Pergamene Orsini, II.A.IV no. 51 (olim 50): Tomassetti and Biasiotti, La diocesi di Sabina , 63-95. Kehr, Italia pontificia , 2:54 n.3; Toubert, Les structures , 2:798 n.2. The registrum is a piece of evidence which seems strongly to support Toubert's concept of the new diocese as a collection of castra /castri; but it should be read with two qualifications constantly in mind: (1) castrum has become the word used to describe a particle of the diocese, but the word does not necessarily control the nature and meaning of the diocesan particle/division; (2) the structure described within the particle is clearly more conventionally ecclesiastical than castrum might suggest to the casual reader.

15. Berger, ed., Les registres d'Innocent IV , no. 5614; Rieti, Arch. Cap., II.D.1 (two original copies of Innocent's letter to the chapter of Rieti announcing Tommaso's appointment); Herde, Beiträge , 19, 21-22. It should be noted that Innocent did not withhold helpful letters from Rainaldo da Arezzo; one survives at Rieti: Arch. Cap., IV.A.5 (procured by proctor "N de Reat" as the dorse of the letter shows). For the campanile, see Montari, "Rieti," 104-112 and plates 119-121; and Brentano, Two Churches , 108 and n.131. See Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.A.6, 7, 8 for Innocent and Tommaso's job at Rieti; and also Brentano, "Innocent IV."

16. Paris, B.N. latin 1556, fos. 18r-26r. I want again to thank Pierre Toubert for first having informed me of the existence of this manuscript in connection with its synodal constitutions, see chapter 4 below, and again to thank Anthony Luttrell who looked at the manuscript for me and had it photographed and from the beginning insisted upon the unusual importance of Tommaso's list; there is a copy of its beginning parts preserved at Rieti: Rieti, Arch. Cap., III.B.1, 22.

17. See particularly, Paris, B.N. latin 1556, fos. 24v-25r.

18. Innocent IV , no. 5614.

19. Rieti, Arch. Cap., III.D.3.

20. Rieti, Arch. Cap., II.D.6.

21. See, for example, Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.F.1 and II.D.4.

22. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.P.1 "3".

23. It was the use of documents from the San Salvatore case by Desanctis,

Notizie storiche , which I wanted to check, which, in writing an earlier book, first drew me to Rieti and its archives; the documents from the case (IV.P.1) obviously fascinate me still. IV.P.1 is a collection of five documents of which the most informative contains the bishop's positions and the responses of the abbot and clergy of the subject churches, and which was absent from the archivio for some years but then returned; the minor documents are particularly interesting because of their suggestions about the preparation of witnesses: Desanctis edited the major document: appendix, xv-xx. See, too, Schuster, "Il monastero imperiale," and "Il monastero del Salvatore." For Santa Cecilia in 1265, see Guirard and Clémencet, eds., Les registres d'Urbain IV , no. 1345: the pope with the assent of the abbot and convent of San Salvatore Maggiore provided to a canonry of Santa Cecilia a clerk and familiar of John of Toledo, cardinal bishop of Porto, a clerk named Pietro Jacobi or di Giacomo, which makes clear San Salvatore's continued interest in Santa Cecilia Rieti—for John of Toledo's familia see Paravicini Bagliani, Cardinali di curia , 1:228-255, where Pietro is no. 36. Records of San Salvatore Maggiore's partial patronage of the church of Santa Maria della Valle, Rieti diocese, are preserved from 1319 and 1337: Rieti, Arch. Cap., VI.F.6 and VI.F.8. On 26 July 1319 "venerabilis pater dominus frater Bonusjohannes permissione diuina abbas monasterii Sancti Saluatoris Maioris Reatin tamquam patronus ecclesie Sancte Marie de Vallibus pro ea parte que pertinuit ad dictum monasterium infra Reatin' dyoc'," at the time vacant through the death of dompnum Oddonem once archpriest and rector, made as his proctor, to appear before the bishop and chapter of the church of Rieti, the man of religion fratrem Jannem Oddonis , monk of the monastery, to present to the living Don Giacomo di Don Tommaso ( domini Thomasii ) canon of Rieti: and one should observe the buttressing of interests. On 15 June 1337 during the vacancy of the see of Rieti, the abbot Filippo, using the same style as Bongiovanni with the consent of the assembled monastery, chose his own brother the clerk Mattia, son of Filippo de Collibus, knight, to rule as rector of the church of Santa Maria de Vallibus, vacant through the death of the former archpriest and rector, Pietro di Transarico, through the right of patronage which the abbot and convent shared with certain noblemen and which the abbey had exercised within the prescribed term. The abbot's request to the chapter of Rieti and its vicar general canonically to institute his brother was made at the monastery in chapter before Giacomo da Sabina, Astallo da Urbe, and Farrato da Rocca Sinibalda, the abbot's familiares . The action and appeal were described and written by the abbot's scriba et officialis , the notary by imperial authority Pietro di don Gentile of Rieti. The relation of the abbey to the church of Rieti is suggested by the will, dated 25 March 1382 of Matteo Jannis Georgii de Castro Purciglani districtus abacie Sancti Saluatoris maioris de Reate et reatine diocesis : VI.F.9. The Reatine statutes make clear, what would be perhaps obvious in any case, the importance to the city of Rieti of San Salvatore's controlled and contributing loyalty; see Rieti, Arch. Stat., Statuti 1, fo. 41r. For the case with the Cistercians and drying marshlands see chapter 2 above, for San Leopardo see chapter 1 above.

24. For Capocci see Waley, The Papal State , particularly 149-150, 153-154,

and "Constitutions of the Cardinal-legate Peter Capocci," 660-664; and at greater length, Reh, Kardinal Peter Capocci .

25. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.P.1. The actions of the Rieti proctor at Rome in the case of San Silvestro, below, on 21 February 1234, certainly suggest that Rainaldo de Labro was alive, or believed to be alive—and so alive within the last few days: Rieti, Arch. Cap., II.C.1, h. For Corrado, Rainaldo and Bertuldo, and the Urslingen in general, see Sacchetti Sassetti, "Rieti e gli Urslingen," particularly 1-5, and also Waley, The Papal State , 126-127, 129-130, 132, and index. See too, below, note 40.

26. Rieti, Arch. Cap., II.C.1, a, b, d, e, f, g, h, i, k, l, m, p, r, s, t, u, x, y, z; II.C.2r; IV.P.4 (in five parts).

27. Petrabattuta, Petrauattuta, Petrauactuta, Petrauactita, Petrabacteta, Petrauaccita, Petrapattuta, Petra vattuta, Petra Vactuta, Petra Bacteta, Petra Vaccuta, Preta Bactita, Pretabatt', Petra cacc. The reader will be aware of the easy and normal exchange of c for t in thirteenth-century hands, although in a number of cases the scribe seems clearly to have one or the other in mind. Capital letters are unstable. The initial pre , when used, is generally not extended. Naturally these variations in spelling tell more about the practices of thirteenth-century scribes than about the specific place; but they do make physical the mystery of its location. It is worth noting, however, that the location of the abbey's subject churches make a location near Monte San Silvestro not unlikely. The fact that Lugini, the historian of the Cicolano, in his Memorie storiche , 152-153, in his discussion of Anastasius IV's privilege, did not mention San Silvestro suggests that he did not know where it was or had been. Anastasius IV has "Petra Battuta"; Lucius III has "petrabattida"; Sella, Rationes decimarum . . . Aprutium, Molisium , nos. 214, 238: Pretavactita.

28. San Tommaso and San Pietro are listed among the pievi in the Anastasius IV privilege, and next to each other; San Silvestro is listed among the oratoria, que monasteria dicuntur . They are similarly listed by Lucius III, but San Tommaso is called "in Villato." See Sella, Rationes decimarum . . . Aprutium, Molisium , nos. 163, 164, 235 (San Tommaso and San Pietro); Battelli, Latium (Sant'Ippolito).

29. Lugini, Memorie storiche , 159, said it then (1907) existed.

30. Rieti, Arch. Cap., II.C.1, h.

31. Rieti, Arch. Cap., II.C.1, p.

32. Rieti, Arch. Cap., II.C.2, r. See Sayers, Papal Judges Delegate , for the use of assessors (103-104) and for confessions (89-90, 237-238).

33. Rieti, Arch. Cap., II.C.1, p. Both Bazzano and Bominaco preserve major artistic treasures from the thirteenth century: for Santa Giusta, Bazzano see Matthiae, Pittura medioevale abruzzese , 28-29, 70, 77, plates 42, 43; for San Pellegrino, Bominaco (with references also to Santa Maria itself) see particularly, 31-44, but throughout, and plates IV-X, XII, 45-76.

34. Rieti, Arch. Cap., II.C.1, d. In 1328, San Pietro di Sinizzo had a provost: Sella, Rationes decimarum . . . Aprutium, Molisium , no. 1936 (in the diocese of Sulmona).

35. Rieti, Arch. Cap., II.C.1, e, x, y; see Sella, Rationes decimarum . . . Aprutium, Molisium , nos. 173, 174, 304, 310. This cautionem is pretty surely a surety,

but for the documents cautiones , see Sayers, Papal Judges Delegate , 58. For uncie and other currencies see below, chapter 8 note 4, and above, xx, xxi.

36. Rieti, Arch. Cap., II.C.1, x, y.

37. Rieti, Arch. Cap., II.C.1, z.

38. Rieti, Arch. Cap., II.C.1, l, g, i, s, b, m, a, and see II.D.6. See, too, for Pietro and the restoration of Terni, Pressutti, ed., Regesta Honorii Papae III , 1:171, no. 1004, 2:493, app. 2, no. 2208.

39. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.P.4; for papal chaplains in the period see Elze, "Die päpstliche Kapelle," particularly 147, 182-189.

40. Rieti, Arch. Cap., II.C.1, k. The wars in the Reatine for this period are covered with almost unbelievable smoothness, but with considerable conviction by Michaeli ( Memorie , 3:5-106). His account is based largely on the chronicle of Riccardo da San Germano: Riccardo da San Germano, Chronicon regni Siciliae : for Bertuldo's withdrawal to Antrodoco in or after May 1231, 364; for the withdrawal of the imperial army from Antrodoco, still in 1231, 365; for the surrender of Antrodoco by Bertuldo to the imperial justiciar Enrico de Morro in July 1233, after Rainaldo duke of Spoleto, Bertuldo's brother, had been brought to Antrodoco to induce his brother to surrender, and for the withdrawal of the two brothers from the realm, 370; for the affairs that led to the brothers' alienation from Frederick II, 350, 357, 359, and particularly 364; finally, for the revolt of the lords of Popleto, the destruction of Popleto, and the siege of Capitignano by Duke Rainaldo and the imperial forces in 1228—an event which may have disturbed, or seemed to disturb, boundaries in the northeastern corner of the diocese, 350. For legal points at issue, in the Decretals of which Raymond of Penaforte was in the concluding phases of preparation when this part of this case occurred, see cap. 28, X.I.3 and cap. 2, X.II.8; the former of these which limits the distance to which a party may be summoned to two days beyond the boundaries of the diocese, and which is from canon 37 of the Fourth Lateran Council, could hardly be applicable here, since Terni is about 20 kilometers of relatively easy road from the border of the diocese of Rieti, fewer and certainly less arduous seeming kilometers than the way of the friar from Rieti to Greccio and back. Ironically, Rieti's claim to a fourth of tithes which would earlier have seemed reasonable enough, represents a position just then being overruled in the new law, see Boyd, Tithes and Parishes , 141-142.

41. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.P.4.

42. Rieti, Arch. Cap., II.C.1, f, v, h, t; IV.P.4.

43. Rieti, Arch. Cap., II.E.5. Counting precisely is difficult because of the indecisive endings of names.

44. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.P.6, 1-11 (which include copies and repetitions); VI.G.6; IV.G.3 (2 of its members).

45. Boniface VIII , no. 5325, and see Rome, Archivio di San Giovanni in Laterano, Q.5.A1 (indexed as containing this material); Lauer, Le palais de Latran , 557-558. The Lateran attachment followed an attempted reformation of Ferentillo by the Cistercian house at Fiastra for which see Brentano, Two Churches , 270-271 and Gentili, L'abbazia di S.M. di Chiaravalle di Fiastra , 100-103. In Tommaso's list (Paris, B.N. latin 1556) "S. Leopardus de Colle Fecato" is listed under "Mon de Florentill'" (fo. 25r) and not under Santo Stefano di Corvaro

(fo. 22v); under itself (fo. 23r) it is listed as owing a half procuration (and so rationalizing all the talk of its witnesses about pranzo or cena ) and belonging to Ferentillo). In March 1574 a papal visitor found an abbot and six canons at San Giovanni Leopardi: Rieti, Arch. Vesc., Visitatio 1573-74 (for episcopal and related visitations at Rieti, see Di Flavio, "Le visite pastorali," particularly 232); and the later history of San Leopardo is surely properly made to seem less neat by the episcopal nephew and canon of Rieti, Hercules Pasquali, who in 1614 holds among his benefices a canonry at "S. Joannis Leopardi de Collefegato" (Di Flavio, Sinodo reatino , 59-60, 74). During the time I have been working at Rieti, the quite remarkable capitals of the supporting columns in the crypt at San Leopardo have disappeared, one of a continuing series of similar thefts in that part of Italy. Santa Croce is in Tommaso's list, by itself, immediately followed by San Massimo, which is preceded, as are independent churches, by an item/paragraph mark; San Massimo is followed by five other churches, of these churches two are identified as being in Lugnano (Paris, 1556, fo. 21v). The Hospitallers' list of churches does not include Santa Croce (fo. 25r). Neither is it included in the "Book" of all houses of the priorate of Rome in the 1330s (Bib. Apos. Vat., Vat. Lat., 10372—for which references I should like to thank Anthony Luttrell), although a section of the book is given to the "Status domorum sancti Baxilii de Reate, sancti Johannis de Ponte, et sancti Angeli de Vallibus'' under the preceptor Enrico "de Murro," following fo. 22v. More conclusive is the fact that in September 1341 the canon of Rieti and subdeacon Berardo Secenari, was "abbas secularis" of the church of Santa Croce, Lugnano (Rieti, Arch. Cap., Liber Collationum "3", "1340-1343" list of electors, fos. 66v-67v); and also see the witnessing Abbot Giovanni at Rieti in August 1318 (Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 129). For an introduction to the Hospitallers and their bibliography, see Luttrell, The Hospitallers , particularly valuable for the area near Rome is "Two Templar-Hospitaller Preceptories North of Tuscania"; see too Silvistrelli, "Le chiese e feudi" 174-176; Delaville Le Roulx, Cartulaire général ; Brundage, "A Twelfth-Century Oxford Disputation." Santa Croce no longer exists; I have been shown a terrace of land beneath the town where, according to local tradition, Santa Croce was.

46. Both: Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.G.3.

47. See particularly, Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.P.6, 7, and for the bishops, chapter 5 below. All of the IV.P.6 documents are attestations.

48. Rieti, Arch. Cap., TV.P.6: 1, 2, 6 and 7, 9 and 10; for the destruction see, Michaeli, Memorie , 2:171.

49. Rieti, Arch. Cap., VI.G.6.

50. Particularly Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.P.6, 3, 6, 7, 8.

51. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.P.6, 3, 6, 7, 11. (The books were two missals, two antiphonaries, a flores evangelii , a collectaneum , and a Boccardum .) San Giovenale is said by local historians then to have been in a part of Rieti close to San Basilio Rieti (and its tower), near what is now the corner of the Via Garibaldi and the Via Centuroni, to the northeast of that intersection in what became the garden of the family Blasetti. San Basilio Rieti, which is included in Bishop Tommaso's list (Paris, 1556, fos. 18r, 25r, and Rieti, Arch. Cap., III.B.1, 22), almost surely did not exist at the time of the action which the depositions rec-

ord—if it had, why would the food and treasure be stored elsewhere?—but the house of the Tedemarii may well have been near or on San Basilio's future site.

52. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.P.6, 1, 2, 4, 9, 10.

53. See particularly Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.P.6, 1, but also 4, 6, 7, 9, 10. I am disinclined to give quick translations for the names of some imposts and think that the maintained original Latin names, as they are used in Rieti examples, will prove more helpful to readers than a conventional translation; my attitude has been encouraged by a thoughtful, defining passage in Trexler's powerful recent paper-essay, "Diocesan Synods," particularly 301-304.

54. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.P.6, 1.

55. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.P.6, 6, 7.

56. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.P.6, 6, 7; VI.G.6.

57. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.P.6, 10 (reference to what will become cap. 7, X.II.26 (as decretal of Alexander III)); the Rieti testimony makes repeated references to canon law: whether or not members of the cathedral clergy or their consultants were learned or trained in the law, they obviously thought that it was important to seem learned in and knowing of it.

58. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.N.1 (1381).

59. Catalogus baronum , nos. 1143, 1147. In the documents connected with the diocese of Rieti the reader is aware of repetition of person and group: a 1244 document in the Orsini archives in Rome at the Vallicelliana, Archivio storico capitolino, Archivio Orsini, II.A.I.26 (olim 25), is a papal letter of Innocent IV concerning a dispute between the Cistercians of San Matteo, Rieti, and the brothers of the Hospital of San Basilio, Rome, in which Giovanni Spata had been given as auditor and two monks from Tre Fontane had acted as witnesses at the papal chapel at the Lateran—members of a repertory cast seem reassembled.

60. D'Achille et al., eds., La sabina , 210; for a photograph see Verani, La provincia , 92.

61. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.P.6, 4.

62. I would suggest a now convenient and authoritative edition of the canons of the Fourth Lateran, which are of course widely available: García y García, ed., Constitutiones concilii quarti Lateranensis , sicut olim is on 53.

1. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 2-4.

2. Paris, B.N. latin 1556, fo. 17v: Martène and Durand, eds., Veterum scriptorum , vol. 8 (hereafter Martène and Durand, 8), col. 1529. Our understanding of the nature of synods has been much enriched by Trexler's recent paper-essay "Diocesan Synods in Late Medieval Italy," see particularly, 298-300, 334.

3. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 122.

4. Paris, B.N. latin 1556, fo. 8v: Martène and Durand, 8, col. 1513—the editor in Martène and Durand silently corrects pleno to plena .

5. They are Paris, B.N. latin 1556, fos. 1r-17v (with fos. 11, 12 missing); Mar-

tène and Durand, 8, cols. 1494-1529, the missing fos. were already gone and are noted as missing, col. 1517.

6. Paris, B.N. latin 1556, fos. 5v, 8v, 9r, 17v: Martène and Durand, 8, cols. 1494, 1513, 1529. (It should be noted that the distortions of Reatine witnesses' names, "Tenibrale," "Capuano," are the editor's not the scribes: col. 1529, fo. 17v.)

7. Paris, B.N. latin 1556, fos. 7r-8r, 10r-10v, 5v-6r: Martène and Durand, 8, cols. 1509-1512, 1515-1517, 1505 (the Martène and Durand editor has, col. 1505, fo. 5v, changed Blaxius to Blazius ).

8. Paris, B.N. latin 1556, fos. 6r, 4r, 1v: Martène and Durand, 8, cols. 1506, 1502, 1495 (in fact of course dating from reference to much earlier promulgations depends upon the sharpness of the reference).

9. Paris, B.N. latin 1556, fo. 15v: Martène and Durand, 8, col. 1524.

10. Paris, B.N. latin 1556, fos. 1r, 5r: Martène and Durand, 8, cols. 1494, 1504—the quotation is from the first reference.

11. See Brentano, "Vescovi e collocazione," 253-254 with nn.31-33, for exact references to Italian synods. See Cheney, English Synodalia , an exquisite description of synodal relations based on his own editorial work for which see the collection, Powicke and Cheney, eds., Councils and Synods : see in English Synodalia particularly "Introduction to the New Impression," (v-x), and for Durandus's important synodal instructions, see 40-41. The Italian edition most helpful here is, I think, Briacca, Gli statuti sinodali novaresi , for Papiniano's interests, methods, for influences on him and sources for him as well as for general structure, and for Durandus see his 73-78. (For Papiniano see also Herde, Audientia litterarum contradictarum , 171.) The Amalfi reference is to Caiazza, "Sinodi pre-tridentini," where Caiazza works delicately with extremely fragile and difficult materials. There is one very helpful edition with an English introduction and apparatus: Trexler, Synodal Law . The Rieti constitutions show close relations with constitutions from Ferrara, Perugia, Benevento, Aquileia, Fiesole, Padua, and Milan.

12. Paris, B.N. latin 1556, fo. 1r: Martène and Durand, 8, col. 1494.

13. Paris, B.N. latin 1556, fos. 4v, 9v: Martène and Durand, 8, cols. 1502, 1514; Fourth Lateran, canon 27, García y García, 72.

14. Paris, B.N. latin 1556, fo. 1r: Martène and Durand, 8, col. 1494.

15. Paris, B.N. latin 1556, fo. 3r: Martène and Durand, 8, col. 1498.

16. Paris, B.N. latin 1556, fo. 16r: Martène and Durand, 8, col. 1526.

17. Paris, B.N. latin 1556, fo. 13r: Martène and Durand, 8, cols. 1517-1518.

18. Paris, B.N. latin 1556, fos. 8v, 16v: Martène and Durand, 8, cols. 1512-1513, 1526.

19. Paris, B.N. latin 1556, fo. 14r: Martène and Durand, 8, col. 1521.

20. Paris, B.N. latin 1556, fos. 14v-15r: Martène and Durand, 8, col. 1522.

21. Paris, B.N. latin 1556, fos. 7r, 8r-8v, 7v: Martène and Durand, 8, cols. 1509, 1512, 1510.

22. Paris, B.N. latin 1556, fo. 16r: Martène and Durand, 8, col. 1525.

23. Paris, B.N. latin 1556, fo. 13v: Martène and Durand, 8, col. 1519; Cheney, English Synodalia , 52.

24. See particularly Paris, B.N. latin 1556, fos. 9r, 15v, 8r, 17r: Martène and Durand, 8, cols. 1513-1514, 1523-1524, 1511-1512, 1527-1528.

25. Paris, B.N. latin 1556, fos. 4v-5r, 17r: Martène and Durand, 8, cols. 1503, 1528.

26. Paris, B.N. latin 1556, fo. 14r: Martène and Durand, 8, col. 1520.

27. Unfortunately no visitation records seem to survive from fourteenth-century Rieti so that one cannot see, in the way that they could show us, the carrying of the message of the constitutions into the diocese's parishes, and the questioning there of the constitutions' application, although such evidence is available for the close and rather closely related diocese of Valva-Sulmona for 1356, and it certainly shows close attention being paid to some of the constitutions' preoccupations, like the decent care of the conserved Eucharist and basic teachable knowledge, in the clergy, of simple fundamentals of the faith: Celidonio, "Una visita pastorale": I should like to thank Vincenzo di Flavio for first having brought this visitation to my attention and Don Antonino Chiaverini for allowing me to sit in his house and read the manuscript record of the visitation which he had brought there for me. In it, see for example 172 (fo. 7r) Squintrono, which had an archpriest who ( domp' ) presumably was a priest, another priest ( domp' ) and a deacon, as well as two external "abbots" who held local churches; it was said that the archpriest did not know the articles of faith or the sacraments, nor it was said did the priest know them or the precepts of the law, and the deacon was ordered for an entire year to learn ( discat ) well and with understanding the divine office or lose his benefice. In Canzano 173 (fo. 8v) which had an archpriest and six (seeming) priests, one, Dompno Canzano, was said not to know how to explain the articles of faith and not completely to know the deadly sins; and it was said of Canzano, the place (Cansano), that the synodal constitutions were not published or proclaimed there once a month. The related evidence for regular preaching of instructional, or inspirational, sermons is sadly lacking in the diocese of Rieti (but see below, chapter 8); some preaching of sermons is visible; in the 1360s and 1370s on Saint Mark's day, 25 April, a friar preached a sermon, presumably particularly to the cathedral community, and the preacher's name or office was recorded by Canon Ballovino, when he was keeping books, on the fly-leaf of the year's book of accounts (which went from July to June), so for 1365 in Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. Int. et Exit., 1364: "Hoc anno predicauit in festo Sancti Marci Frater Nicolaus de Villa Conconate de ordine Heremitarum"; and similarly, for example, in 1369, the prior of San Domenico preached: Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. Int. et Exit., 1368 (unless, of course, in both years Ballovino is remembering the April sermon of that year as he begins preparing his first quaternus of the new year with its material for that year's July and August—in which case we have here the preachers for 1364 and 1368).

28. For Rainaldus: Rieti, Arch. Cap., II.B.1 and above chapter 1 note 102; Giovanni's act with the same archival identification, "warnings and sentences of excommunication" which attack subversion and disloyalty among the canons, was read by him before eleven of the canons, in his chamber in the episcopal palace on 8 January 1303 and written in the "protocol" of the notary, Nicola "de Palatio," then notary of the bishop; it was extended by Giovanni di Pietro, episcopal notary and scribe, at the bishop's order, 17 January 1306. (The notary

Nicola's name is more fully extended, Nicola di Pietro de Palatio, citizen of Rieti, notary by imperial authority, in a 1297 document: II.E.2.) For Bishop Giovanni's constitution restraining chapter members: Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.F.4.

29. Paravicini Bagliani, Cardinali di curia , 300 (Paravicini modifies this description of his list of families with "di quell'epoca"); Lombardo, "Nobili, mercanti e popolo minuto," see particularly 300, but also 292 (for families not like the Orsini and Colonna but "che già da tempo avevano) accumulato ingenti fortune") and 298.

30. Amayden, La storia delle famiglie romane , 2:128-130, where it is firmly stated of Giovanni (128 n.1) "Era figlio del Nicolo," and where there is talk of the stemma and of the crowning of Petrarch. For Nicola's tomb effigy at Santi Apostoli and other useful notes, see Garms, Juffinger, and Ward-Perkins, eds., Die mittelalterlichen Grabmäler 1:72-73, and plate 35. See too Oliger, "Due musaici," 244. The property and business sewn through Rome is also sewn through the records of Rome's late fourteenth-century notaries, as Anna Maria Lombardo, who had charge of and was working with their documents at the A.S. in Rome, graciously informed and showed me particularly in the protocols of Francesco Stephani de Capudgalis nos. 475-477, so 475 fos. 60r-60v, 341r-341v, 343v-344r, 359r-360r, 362r-363r, 367r, 368r-369r, 453r-453v; 476, fos. 38v, 69r, 325r-325v, 327r-327v; 477, fos. 34v-35v, 37r, 38v, 39v, 48r, 127v-129v, 318r-320v, 358v-361v—and this is only a short and random (except for examples pointed out by Dr. Lombardo) selection. For the area of Ferentino, see for example, A.S.V., Fondo Celestini, 7, for a raft of Papazurri and Muti neighbors—the connection of Muti and Papazurri is suggested for example in Amayden-Bertini; Muti seems not to have been used normally by Giovanni. For the connection with Bridget, see for example Collijn, ed., Acta et processus canonizacionis beate Birgitte , particularly 436-447, 442; I am very grateful to Mary Ann Rossi, who has worked with Bridget, for her suggestions and citations in this regard and for her notes on Francesca Papazurri's donation of her house to Bridget in January 1383. For reference to the regio Pappazuris in Rome, see Hubert, Espace urbain et habitat à Rome , 291.

31. Boniface VIII , nos. 926, 2164, 2221, 2498, 3465, 4729. For papal chaplains again see Elze, "Die päpstliche Kapelle."

32. Rieti, Arch. Cap., II.B.2, VI.G.11, IV.G.8 (one member), III.C.4, IV.F.4, IV.K.13, IV.G.7, IV.G.8 (another member), IV.Q.3. Giovanni's predecessors, Pietro, Andrea, Nicola, and Berardo, in preserved letter forms, had used "permissione diuina," "dei gratia," and "miseratione diuina": Rieti, Arch. Cap., II.E.3, VIII.B.9, II.E.6, VII.F.3, IV.G.4, VII.F.5; Rieti, A.S., San Domenico, 8.

33. Boniface VIII , no. 5038.

34. My friend Don Giorgio Fedalto has found no traces of Giovanni in or from Olema; and I have found nothing in a search at Ìmola, where I was aided by Canon Pietro Bedeschi, the capitular archivist, whom I would like to thank, and also to thank Dottoressa Rosaria Campioni of the Archivio storico comunale for her advice.

35. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 95, 129 (for the Papazurri stemma ); see 205 for an example of the miter alone. In introducing the codicil of canon Giacomo (or Jacopo) de Labro, for October 1319, Matteo also

uses a stemma , presumably that of the Labro; this suggests that the idea of stemma may have been in Matteo's mind when he was thinking of family chapels.

36. Papazurri, Muti, and men of the city (Rome) are very noticeable around Giovanni. Giovanni's nephew, Francesco, who was made a canon of Rieti, is the most visible, particularly in the parchment book of Matteo Barnabei, but see him as clerk of the church of San Pietro in Campo on 1 December 1313, where he is called in a letter from Bishop Giovanni, written in the third person, "Francisco de Papazurris de Urbe, nepoti suo," and where one of the witnesses is "Petro Herami de Urbe, domicello nostro": Rieti, Arch. Cap., VII.G.3. On two days in May 1306 two different sons of Pietro Muti de Urbe act as witnesses, and with one of them a man named Pietro di Nicola Egidii de Urbe: VI.G.10. Two other men, Papazurri of the city, are Giovanni di don Bartolomeo and Paolo Nicolutii: VII.G.4, III.B.4; see too VI.G.11. On 7 July 1326 when Bishop Giovanni was staying at Montereale, and living in the house of the notary Nicola Petroni, his witnesses included both Paolo Nicolutii de Pappazur' and a man identified as Lucio di Nicola Phylippi de Urbe; and in 1316 Paolo had been specifically identified as Giovanni's nephew: Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 205, 52-53.

37. Borgo San Pietro, Archivio del Monastero di Santa Filippa Mareri, nos. 34, 22: Chiappini, "Santa Filippa Mareri," 110 no. 34, 104-105 no. 22. For the episcopal progressions see above chapter 3.

38. For Tommaso see Rieti, Arch. Cap., II.D.1-10; III.D.3, 10; IV.D.4, 5; IV.H.4; IV.O.1, 4. For Salimbene's Rainaldo see above chapter 1.

39. Rieti, Arch. Cap., VII.G.1; for the roughly contemporary Madonna of Torano (now in Rieti) see Mortari, "Rieti," 142 and plate 175.

40. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 181; IV.G.7.

41. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 205; II.G.4.

42. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 345.

43. See the not very full coverage in Michaeli, Memorie , 3:62-84; see Bowsky, Henry VII in Italy , 159-177.

44. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 415; III.C.4.

45. Rieti, Arch. Cap., III.B.1; IV.G.8.

46. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 415, 454.

47. See the discussion of Giovanni and chapels, tribune, and burial below, chapter 8. For Giovanni in the diocese of Rieti outside of Matteo's book, see for example, Rieti, Arch. Cap., III.B.1, 4; III.D.5; IV.C.8; IV.F.4; IV.G.1, 3, 4, 5, 7, 8, 11; IV.K.13; IV.N.3 "1"; VI.G.11, 14; VII.G.1, 3, 4, 5.

48. For a suggestion of conventionality compare Giovanni's wording with that of Giacomo de Labro: Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 133, 149—and consider the importance of the notary's mouth, mind, pen, and formulary.

49. Paris, B.N. latin 1556, fo. 10r: Martène and Durand, 8, col. 1515. For Santa Caterina, Van Heteren, "Due monasteri," particularly 67.

50. Rieti, Arch. Cap., III.B.8—and see "Liber contractuum et collationum" (hereafter Lib. con. et col.), I, fos. 40r, 43v, 79r, 133r (where Saverio appears as a witness in Matteo's documents in 1341 and 1342); Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 341.

51. Rieti, Arch. Cap., "Liber processuum causarum ciuilium, sede vacante, 1346-1347" (hereafter Lib. proc. civ.), fo. 26r (actually for 8 January 1348), and see the very end of Lib. perg., which grows quite illegible, but which goes through 27 January 1348, and also see VI.G.16 from 27 January 1349 when another notary, Mannus Angeli de Cornibus, imperial authority and Reatine citizen, redacts by mandate of the bishop and perhaps suggests that Matteo is dead (1348 is of course, in Rieti, an obvious death date); VI.B.4 (1308); IV.I.5 (1314); IV.M.6 (1315).

52. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 396-397 ( feudum , in Villagralli etc.) granted in house of Berardo Secinari; citizen comes from its repetition in his subscript.

53. Rieti, Arch. Cap., II.D.6, 7, 9, 10; III.B.3, 6; IV.Q.3 "15," 6 "3."

54. See, for example, Rieti, Arch. Cap., II.D.2, 3, 4, 5; III.D.2.

55. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.Q.3 "4"; IV.D.1; IV.G.3 (1 of 6).

56. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.G.3 (1 of 6).

57. Rieti, Arch. Cap., II.C.4.

58. See, for example, Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.G.3 (another of 6); IV.G.5.

59. Rieti, Arch. Cap., VI.A.3; but it should be noted that a 25 July 1233 document of Bishop Rainaldo de Labro, a bishop who repeatedly surprises, lists among its witnesses, in the genitive, "Alibrandi notarii episcopi": IV.G.3; and see below chapter 5 note 22.

60. See above chapter 1.

61. Rieti, Arch. Cap., III.D.10; II.D.10.

62. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.F.4.

63. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.F.4.

64. See above chapter 1 note 112. At least one original notarial license and record of investiture does survive at Rieti: Arch. Cap., Lib. Int. et Exit., 1368, binding, license 3 February 1312, from Albert de Allyate count palatine to Ypolito quondam Thome de Quarto Aymonis, investiture through pennam, calamanum et cartam ; see Cheney, Notaries Public , 83 and n.1, 156-158, for the Allyate (Alliate) counts palatine and further references, and for Alberto as Albertino witnessing his father's grant (158); for a Rieti copy of a papal license for P. Stabile in 1207 see Rieti, Arch. Cap., VII.A.1; and for Pietro Stabile's work, in 1216 where he is called scriniarius sacre romane ecclesie , IV.O.5.

65. See Brentano, "Localism and Longevity," 300-301. Giovanni could have been related to the Tommaso Tedemarii who is recorded as selling for seven lire property in the borgo in 1217, or to Bartolomeo Tedemarii who is neighbor in the Porta Carceraria in 1226: Rieti, A.S., San Domenico, 7 (olim 92)—date on document is 1218 because it was written on 28 December after the beginning of the new year; Arch. Cap., II.C.4. But the status of the name in these cases is insecure as it is in the Inquest 1231, see above chapter 1 note 60.

66. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 419.

67. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IX.F.5 (1 of 19).

68. Rieti, Arch. Cap., VII.F.5.

69. Rieti, Arch. Cap., VII.F.3.

70. Rieti, Arch. Cap., II.E.6; VII.E.5; II.B.2; II.C.4; IV.F.4; Rome, A.S., Sant'Agostino di Terni, 5.

71. Rieti, A.S., San Domenico, 5 (olim 2); Rieti, Arch. Cap., VII.F.4. For two witnessing notarial prebendaries Mathiucio Pandulphoni and Berardo Mathei, IV.F.4 (1313), see too IV.G.8.

72. Rieti, Arch. Cap., III.B.1.

73. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.G.4 (two members). At this time the approximate normal nucleus of a canon's prebend seems to have been 30 giunte.

74. See for example Rieti, Arch. Cap., VII.B.4 (a beautiful little 1290 letter of Matthew of Aquasparta, cardinal priest of San Lorenzo in Damaso, red pointed oval ( vesica ) seal on green string); VII.C.6 (1314 letter from abbot of Citeaux with white/brown seal on strip) and IV.G.6 (transcription of letter of abbot of San Pastore, 1251, seal described); III.D.10 (1266 exact description of seal of archdeacon of Siena); for the abbot of Bominaco see above chapter 3 and for the bishop of Narni chapter 1.

75. Rieti, Arch. Cap., II.B.1 (Rainaldo da Arezzo, white wax, pointed oval, 5.2 × 3.2 cm, remnant of legend Eatini Epi Rainal over and around bishop in pontificals standing; on tag 32 cm wide, 5.2 cm long); II.D.8 (Tommaso, seal lost; 1 cm fold carries seal tag, .4 cm wide); III.C.3 (chapter, pinkish white wax which seems to have left reddish stain, pointed oval-broken, ca. 5 × 3 cm, legend Sigillum Capi / Tuli Reatini in two parts on seal's face around a seated Virgin in gothic draperies holding a Child on her left arm and what would appear to be a lily or liliated scepter in her right hand; style of lettering and, with less sureness, image of Virgin suggest that the matrix cannot have been very old in 1280); III.C.3 (Pietro, actually acting as collector, seal described as green); VII.F.5 (Berardo, seal missing, flap, 3 cm, and slots .5 cm); IV.G.7 (Giovanni, description: red wax, image of bishop with crozier and legend: sigillum d. Johis dei gra Epi Reatin'); II.D.10 (Biagio). Rieti, A.S., San Domenico, 8 (olim 47) (Nicola, strip now torn away).

76. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 1.

77. Rieti, Arch. Cap., III.B.1, fo. 2v (the common seal).

78. For some of Matteo's work: Rieti, Arch. Cap., III.B.3, 5, 6, 7; IV.H.4; IV.I.2, 3, 7; IV.K.13; IV.Q.3, 10; VI.B.4; VI.D.5

79. See Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 399, for a reference in 1337 to "sol. provis.," money of the Roman senate, as "olim usualis monete."

80. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. con. et col., I, to 1343 has five paper gatherings, and 261 numbered folios, but begins with fo. 2; Lib. con. et col., II, three gatherings and 308 pages; Lib. proc. civ., five thick gatherings which are not numbered, first has 52 fos.; "Liber processuum maleficiorum, sede vacante, 1346-1346" (hereafter Lib. proc. malef.), three large irregular gatherings of ca. 55, 23, and 58 fos. For Sulmona watermarks see Mattiocco, Struttura urbana , 131 fig. 11; for the 1334 note see Lib. perg., 333.

81. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. con. et col., I, fos. 18v-19r.

82. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. con. et col., I. fo. 113r.

83. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. con. et col., I, fos. 116v-117.

84. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. con. et col., I, fos. 132v-133v (and see for regulation of absences for study, fos. 47v-48r).

85. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. proc. civ., first gathering, fos. 1r, 8v.

86. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. proc. civ., first gathering, fo. 9v.

87. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. proc. civ., first gathering, fos. 10r, 14r.

88. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. proc. civ., first gathering, fos. 16r-20v, 25r-26r. The final date seems unlikely but the sequence of indiction dates seems to make it inescapable.

89. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. proc. civ., first gathering, fo. 21v.

90. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. proc. civ., first gathering, fos. 27r, 32r, 34r, 38r, 41r, 47r.

91. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. proc. civ., second gathering, fo. 48r.

92. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. proc. civ., third gathering, fo. 3v.

93. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. proc. civ., third gathering, fo. 7v.

94. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. proc. civ., third gathering, between fos. 28 and 29, but of course it is mobile.

95. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. proc. civ., second gathering, fos. 1r-3r.

96. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. proc. civ., third gathering, fo. 48r.

97. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. proc. malef., first gathering, fos. 2r-5r.

98. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. proc. malef., first gathering, fo. 18r.

99. Rieti, Arch Cap., Lib. proc. malef, first gathering, fo. 20r.

100. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. proc. malef., first gathering, fos. 29r-32r.

101. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. proc. malef., first gathering, fos. 33r-34v.

102. Rieti, Arch. Cap., "1212," fo. vii r (13), the manuscript has an old (roman numeral) foliation and a more modern arabic pagination.

103. Reiti, Arch. Cap., "1212," fo. i r (1).

104. Rieti, Arch. Cap., "1212" fos. v r-vi r (13-15). These activities should probably be seen against, after, the compilation of the Liber Censuum of the church of Rome, two decades before Berardo's work, by Cencius (later Honorius III), which is described in Morris, The Papal Monarchy , 214-217, in a way that suggests connection; see, too, 534. For the Porta Cintia holding see 49 of "1212."

105. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Libro VI, fo. 20r.

106. Rieti, Arch. Cap., "Cartolario di Silvestro di don Giovanni" (hereafter Cart. Silv.; the book is called by a much later hand "Liber III," but that is a name repeatedly given to books in the archivio, and it no longer seems to me a helpful designation).

107. Rieti, Arch. Cap., VII.G.12; VI.G.17; VII.D.3.

108. Rieti, Arch. Cap., VII.G.15.

109. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. Int. et Exit., 1382.

110. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.C.11; Lib. IV fos. 25-37v; Lib. "6", fos. 5r-6r; Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, particularly from 282 on, specifically 399; Lib. con. et col., I, for example, fos. 82v-83r; VII.G.14 (the 2 December 1348 document, in which the recorded action gives a quick sense of the effect of the Death upon administrative procedure); Cart. Silv., for example, 98-99. Bib. Apos. Vat., Vat. Lat., 4029, fo. 11r.

111. The nature of Ballovino's work, as well as, less thoroughly, Silvestro's, will be made clear in chapters below, which deal with cathedral chapter and prebendaries and with the sort of piety observable in recorded wills and donations.

112. In a paper "Vescovi e vicari generali," 547-567, which I gave to a con-

ference of church historians at Brescia, I tried to explain (and from audience reaction I think pretty clearly failed) my belief in the potential importance of vicars general not only to the development of diocesan government but also to the freeing of bishops to be what they would and could be, not only lazy and greedy absentees, but personal bishops of the sort who had existed before the revolution in bureaucratic government, and even, optimally, to form a new breed of, admittedly rather tame, "holy men." The idea had been particularly thrust upon me by my constant reading of and teaching of The Book of Margery Kempe , in which, for me, one of the great surprises is the freedom of bishops and archbishops to speak with Margery and also their serious interest in her religious experience (at least as she describes that interest); by inference, at least, Margery suggested to me that that freedom and interest had been made possible by the presence at the bishops' courts of professional clerks who dealt with the tedious tangles of administration—clerks like Philip Repingdon's functionary in a fur hat, who helped Margery but whom she later failed to recognize.

113. Rieti, Arch. Cap., II.D.9.

114. I have tried to give a quick summary, or at least suggestion, of the Italian development, with some comparative reference to English development, in "Vescovi e vicari generali" and its notes. Historians of English royal government between the reigns of Henry III and Edward III will I think notice an interesting correspondence between the development of specifically designated officials in the great kingdom and this little diocese.

115. It should be remembered, however, that Giovanni di Pietro first appears, in 1265, as episcopal notary for Gottifredo, see above note 59, and that there is, at Mareri-Borgo San Pietro, a reference to the canon Angelo Mathei's acting as the bishop's (Gottifredo's) vicar in 1269; Borgo San Pietro, Archivio di Monastero di Santa Filippa Mareri, no. 31.

116. Both of these bishops are treated at some length, below, in chapter 5. Their careers and connections are examined; and, in fact, Pietro is intended to be one of the chapter's central figures.

117. Rieti, Arch. Cap., II.E.5; III.B.1, fos. 4v-5r.

118. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.O.5.

119. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.O.5.

120. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 165, 168, 169, 171, 172, 173, 174, 175, 176, 177, 178, 179, 181, 205 (for vicarii generales , 173, 174); IV.G.5. (Matteo is back in January and February 1330 [Lib. perg., 378-381]; at this point he is called archpriest of San Sebastiano in Poggio Fidoni.)

121. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 189-305, 306-307 (change in November 1332), 308-348, 391-408, 411 and 413 (change in March/May 1338), 415-446 (see also 472-473); III.B.7; IV.G.8; IV.N.3. In the period between his becoming vicar general on or by as June 1325 and 28 September 1334, Matteo Barnabei's last entry recording his presence as vicar general (he went on being present) in this tour of duty, there are well over 50 references to his presence and action in Matteo's book; see too the continuous accounts of Lib. proc. civ. and Lib. proc. malef. for his work for the chapter during the second of the two vacancies.

122. Bib. Apos. Vat., Vat. Lat. 4029, particularly fo. 44r.

123. For Andrea: Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 348-377, multiple entries; Matteo's unsure spelling of Andrea's identifying name suggests to me that he was not sure exactly how to spell or pronounce it—unlikely that may seem.

124. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. con. et col., I, 15v, 33v-34r; he had been in camera sua in the house of the heirs of Andrea da Apoleggia.

125. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 6, 8, 22; IV.M.6.

126. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 157; Lib. con. et col., I., fo. 58r (Nicola); Lib. proc. civ., third gathering, fo. 7v, fifth gathering (Pietro). Bib. Apos. Vat., Vat. Lat. 4029, for example, fos. 38r, 44r: in order to ensure publicity and authority for his acts denouncing Reatine resistance the inquisitor acted with and through an impressively substantial group of resident and active archpriests and priests of the diocese of Rieti in the terra of Leonessa, fos. 38r-41v. The inquisitorial record establishes the existence of a community of clergy in Reatine Leonessa. There are other interesting examples of, roughly contemporary, geographically divided dioceses and local vicars general and vicars in other parts of Italy: a local vicar at Gualdo Tadino in the diocese of Nocera Umbra in 1326 (Brentano, ''Death in Gualdo Tadino," 93); a locally elected vicar at Corneto-Tarquinia within the diocese of Viterbo (Petrucci, "Pievi e parrocchie," 2:947-948).

127. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 446 (Giacomo di don Tommaso, canon); 534-535 (Francesco di Giovanni Bussata: see also Lib. con. et col., I, fos. 75r-76r, an example of his nickname, here, in October 1341, he is a canon of Sant'Eleuterio and a prebendary of the cathedral church; and Lib. proc. civ., second gathering, fos. 3r, 48r; he is archpriest of San Sebastiano of Poggio Fidoni; for the condemnation of his father as a protector of heretics, see Bib. Apos. Vat., Vat. Lat. 4029, fo. 28r); Lib. con. et col., I, fos. 58r, 79r (Nicola), 135v-136r (Francesco Ofagnano), 167r-169v, 172r (Guillelmus). For an extreme case of multiple vicars general, see Sambin, "La 'famiglia' di un vescovo," 241: twenty-one known vicars, three or four or even five at a time.

128. Rieti, Arch Cap., Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 189-348. There is a relatively small group of clerks, prebendaries, and one canon continually at work for the church in these years: Giovanni Ratigoni, Petraga Ambrosicti, Gentile de Puntigliano, the canon Corrado de Murro.

129. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 449.

130. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. con. et col., I, 58r-58v.

131. Rieti, Arch. Cap., VII.G.11; II.G.9.

132. For October 1293, see above note 73.

133. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. proc. civ., fourth gathering, fo. 2r.

134. I must apologize to Victoria Morse for the twice repeated use of protoportolan in talking of Bishop Tommaso the Corrector's verbal map; she will no doubt find it disturbingly inexact. But it is her fascinating discussion of Opecino de Canistris and of portolans in relation to his work that has brought them to my mind, given me what understanding of them I have, and made it impossible for me not to think of them.

135. I have borrowed the phrase from Cornelisen's recent book, Where It All Began: Italy 1954, 168: "and our requests for direction as we sidled by, did not

stir any recollection valid for more than a kilometer." The extended passage, it seems to me, gives an unusually sharp sense of the difficulty of geography without maps particularly in certain sorts of terrain and human settlement. Cornelisen's Abruzzo is not in time, of course, or place that of this book, but it is relatively close, in place, and helpful through time.

136. The quotation is from Friedman, Florentine New Towns , 208. The book is broader in many ways, including in its discussion of geometry, than its major, first, title might suggest, and it even touches Cittaducale. Readers of my notes will know that I have found it very involving. The question of chronology of change is always a difficult one, and although my first object here has been to make my reader see my point, against which I will in a way argue later, I do not want to oversimplify, or to avoid making the reader know that I know that all historians tend to see the really crucial period of change in almost anything exactly in the middle of the period on which they are at the time concentrating. I would suggest as a useful antidote an essay which happens also to be, partly because I always find its author a particularly powerfully stimulating historian, one of the things that first made me think, insofar as I have, seriously about boundary: Sambin, L'ordinamento parrocchiale di Padova . Sambin shows a mapping and defining of parish boundary in Padua in the late twelfth and early thirteenth centuries certainly as exact and sophisticated as Francesco's work in Poggio Fidoni in 1346. Bowsky's inclusion of and discussion of Talamone and its 1306 map in The Finance of the Commune of Siena , 24-25, 17, and plate 2, also proved for me very provocative in trying to make myself think about how thirteenth- and fourteenth-century Reatines viewed the place in which they were acting. Now, see also Scoppola, "La rocca di Talamone."

1. The quotation is from Benson, The Bishop-Elect , 3. For a recent, very helpful and sensible description of the bishop's position in the Western church, see Morris, The Papal Monarchy , 219-226, 527-535.

2. I would suggest that the reader approach the canon law in connection with this subject, see what sort off substance it has, through two works which would seem to come at the actual definition of bishop tangentially: Benson's Bishop-Elect , and Tierney, Foundations of the Conciliar Theory . I myself was introduced to the problem through the unpublished manuscript of Gerard Caspary, "The King and the Two Laws: A Study of the Influence of Roman and Canon Law on the Development of Ideas on Kingship in Fourteenth-Century England," which made clear to me as it would to any reader the deep interest and importance of academic, theoretical discussions by canonists of relations of bishop, chapter, and clergy to each other and to their dioceses. Caspary's manuscript not only revealed the intense interest of the subject but also at the same time revealed the kind of mind necessary to make that interest apparent—one like his, not like mine. The reader of this hook will notice immediately that it deals with practice in the diocese, not with academic or legal thought about the

diocese. This is a statement of fact, but also an apology from a student who, like Benson, Tierney, and Caspary, has had the advantage of the generously shared wisdom and knowledge, the teaching in the best sense, of the dean of American medievalists in our time, Stephan Kuttner. Although I seem to use so little what he has taught me, I trust that he will accept my thanks; I know that he will generously act as if he finds interesting canons and crayfish.

3. In order to make the reader accept and think about the dappled quality of these men, I have drawn on big and seemingly distant guns, besides Issa, Austen, Hopkins, and would here draw on Woolf's Dalloway: one cannot say "that they were this or that." The most remarkable revelation that I know of seeming contradiction in a bishop is Cheney's treatment of Hubert Walter in From Becket to Langton , 32-41, of which I have written earlier ( Two Churches , 220-221 and n. 106). Recent work has been particularly effective in revealing the complexity of fourteenth-century English bishops, see particularly: Haines, The Church and Politics in Fourteenth-Century England , especially 199-207; Wright, The Church and the English Crown , especially 243-274. Compare my "unturned" Bishop Pietro da Ferentino in Two Churches , 183.

4. For Biagio's compromise with the commune: Rieti, A.S., Statuti, I, part III, fos. 125r-125v. For the synodal constitutions see above chapter 4; the pertinent constitution, Licet ad compescendum : Paris, B.N. latin 1556, fos. 5v-6r: Martène and Durand, 8, cols. 1505-1506. The vicar general's statement: Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. proc. malef., first gathering, fo. 11v. San Benedetto Liber IV, fos. 41v-42r, and see below note 92.

5. See for example Rieti, Arch. Cap., VII.G.15 (14 July 1349: Dat' et act' Goness' in palatio nostro ); Cart. Silv., 297; a more exact location ( ad siluam planam ) is given in a 10 August 1349 letter copied in Paris, B.N. latin 1556, fo. 33r. VI.M.2 includes a number of Berardo Sprangone documents for Adenolfo's electus/cpiscopus years, some of which would seem to question this dating (for example, IV.M.2 "1183" and "23 July 1197"), but Berardo's nicely written documents are surprisingly careless of dating, which is sometimes corrected and sometimes (as in the examples cited) offers conflicting incarnation and indiction dates.

6. Rieti, Arch. Cap., II.G.4 (Clement VI letter).

7. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.K.10 (March 1188, electus ); IV.M.2 "1188"; IV.K.9 (1185, Benedetto still bishop).

8. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.Q.3 (12 August 1194, electus ); IV.M.2 "1194" (9 November 1194, electus ); IV.Q.4 (4 February 1195, no electus )

9. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.Q.1; IV.M.1; IV.B.2; IV.Q.3; IV.Q.4, IV.M.2; Parchment Book IV for 1212. For San Salvatore Maggiore (IV.P.1) see chapter 3, above, and note 11 below.

10. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.P.3, although the testimony in this the San Leopardo case in general argues for the clear distinction between episcopus and electus and the careful observation of the limited sacramental powers of the elect (particularly here by the archpriest of Corvaro). For a clear and extended discussion of contemporary canonists' opinions of the powers of an electus , see Benson, The Bishop-Elect.

11. For Abbot Giovanni (Arch. Cap., IV.P.6), see above chapter 3 note 56,

and for family and Rainaldo, notes 56 to 63, and for Tommaso (Arch. Cap., IV.P.1) see chapter 3 note 22 and see Two Churches , 109-114. For the Norman barons, see Catalogus baronum , 227-230, nos. 1143-1152. For a discussion of the family, see Sacchetti Sassetti, "Rieti e gli Urslingen," 2-3; Ughelli, Italia sacra, vol. 1, col. 1201, who had access to some Adenolfo material, some at least at Tre Fontane, called Adenolfo "de Secenariis, nobilis Reatinus," but I have found no evidence that would make this seem a proper identification; an 1188 document within the group of Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.M.2, calls the elect (in the dative) "Domino Adinulfo de la varite." See Rieti, Arch. Cap., VI.G.9 for the tenementum of Lavareta in 1192. A witness, Rainaldo Pinzon', in the San Leopardo case (Arch. Cap., IV.P.3), see above chapters 1 and 3, talks of an electum de Fortisbrachia , after Benedetto. For a 1213 dispute between the chapter and Dominus Fortib' see Arch. Cap., IV.Q.8. Fortisbrachia is a name particularly connected with the Brancaleone of Romagnia, a very potent family when it is observable within the diocese, but it is not clear in what way it would be connected with Adenolfo. Rainaldo Pinzon's evidence thus may suggest another electus after Benedetto, but before Adenolfo.

12. Ughelli, Italia sacra, vol. 1, col. 1201, says "Hic cum Episcopatum abdicasset, factus est Monachus Cisterciensis in monasterium Trium Fontium de Vrbe, ut in monumentis eiusdem Coenobii habetur"; because of Ughelli's own position at Tre Fontane, it seemed to me that he might well be right about this, and in fact his statement is confirmed by a contemporary reference in a Rieti document (Arch. Cap., IV.P.6 (7)), in which a witness in the Santa Croce Lugnano case, the ex-abbot Giovanni by then a brother of San Basilio, speaks of the former bishop of Rieti "iam factus erat monachus apud Sanctum Anastasium." For recent work on Tre Fontane, with excellent pictures of its late thirteenth-century painting, see Mihályi, "I Cistercensi a Roma."

13. Rieti, Arch. Cap., II.D.1; Innocent IV , no. 5614. For Tommaso see also Herde, Beiträge , 23, 24-25. For a neat recent description of canon law and the theory of provisions, see Wright, The Church and the English Crown , particularly 5-14. For the manner of electing bishops and for the sort of bishops who were desired and selected in the early thirteenth century, two works of Cheney are particularly helpful, although he is, of course, primarily concerned with English bishops: From Becket to Langton (above, note 1), particularly ch. 2, and within it particularly 20-21; and Innocent III and England , particularly ch. 4, 121-178. The best general introduction to episcopal election is probably still Barraclough, "The Making of a Bishop"; Benson's Bishop-Elect offers a very full and extended gloss on election and a rich supporting bibliography. For Italy see particularly Giusti, "Le elezioni dei vescovi"; Vasina, "L'elezione degli arcivescovi"; Two Churches , 213-218; and particularly Rigon, ''Le elezioni vescovili."

14. For Rainaldo da Arezzo's behavior see chapter 1, above.

15. For Nicola see Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.C.4, in which the witnesses in the bishop's camera at Rieti include the abbot and two monks of San Pastore (on 26 November 1294). Another Nicola document from 24 December 1295 is preserved in the A.S. at Rieti (Fondo San Domenico, no. 8, old 47); it is a letter of indulgence (40 days) "omnibus uere penitentibus et confessis qui deuote accesserint et beneficerint siue pro opere loci ecclesie Sancti Dominici de Reate

siue pro opere hedeficiorum conuentus siue pro necessitatibus quibuscumque fratrum loci eiusdem"; it is a formal open letter formerly sealed, dated on the vigil of Christmas, with incarnation, indiction, and papal year dates; it uses the style Frater Nicolaus miseratione diuina Reatin' episcopus , but the initial F of Frater was not written, that is, presumably, not completed by the scribe for whom it was reserved (although it may not have been completed because of a scribal error: omission/interlineation; but this explanation would seem to make its retention in San Domenico's archives seem rather strange—and, of course, the retention there of the document without its F may suggest that a San Domenico scribe was supposed to write it). Nicola's resignation is mentioned in the letter of translation of his successor Berardo from Ancona, Boniface VIII , no. 987. Since the date of translation is 4 February 1296, it is possible that Nicola's letter was not completed because of his resignation; it is conceivable that his resignation was prompted by the sentiments aroused in him by the Christmas season of 1295. In connection with this indulgence, these possible sentiments, and San Domenico, the reader should keep in mind San Domenico's most noted "dugentesca" painting, the Madonna enthroned, with Child, angels, and donors, now kept in the Palazzo Vescovile.

16. Gottifredo: Clément IV , no. 139; see too Cascioli, "Nuova serie dei vescovi"; for evidence of Gottifredo within the diocese: Rieti, Arch. Cap., VI.A.3 (October 1265); IV.Q.6 "3" (8 December 1265); IV.K.13 (12 October 1266); Borgo San Pietro, Archivio di Monastero di Santa Filippa, 30 (5 October 1268), 34 (1276). Gottifredo was admonished by the pope not to allow the chapter of Tivoli to proceed to the election of his successor without mandate of the apostolic see, Clément IV , no. 189, an act which intensifies the historian's awareness of the significance of this point in time in the changing manner of selecting bishops. Pietro: Nicholas III , no. 105 and see below. Andrea: Honorius IV, no. 566 and see below. Berardo: Boniface VIII, no. 987; in 1281 Berardo had been a papal chamberlain (Battelli, Latium , x, 423-424); and see Honorius IV , nos. 104, 172, 601, 669; on 19 November 1296, Berardus miseratione diuina episcopus R acted in the episcopal palace at Rieti: Rieti, Arch. Cap., VII.F.5; on 24 May 1298, his nephew Berardo, canon of Ancona, was his vicar general at Rieti: IV.O.5; Paravicini Bagliani notes that a Berardo da Poggio Bustone, canon of Rieti, was at Lyons with Ottobono Fieschi, cardinal deacon of Sant'Adriano (and later Pope Hadrian V, 1276) in 1274, and had been his chaplain in 1263: Paravicini Bagliani, Cardinali di curia , 1:309; but in spite of the coincidence of names this Berardo continues to be a canon after the episcopal election and even death of Bishop Berardo: Rieti, Arch. Cap., III.B.1, 2;III.C.3, 4.See too Pasztor, ''Per la storia dell'amministrazione," 183 (for Berardo as papal chaplain and rector of the Massa Trabaria in 5283; his short rectorship ended in his violent expulsion, the description of which is published by Pasztor); see below chapter 6. Angelo): Boniface VIII , no. 4698; of Angelo there are sharply descriptive phrases in Mariano d'Alatri, "Un mastodontico processo," particularly 305. Giovanni: Boniface VIII , no. 4836, and see above in chapter 3; on 5 August 1302 Boniface named the Franciscan Matteo bishop of Ìmola to replace Giovanni who had been translated to Rieti to replace the dead Angelo, so in fact the Franciscans did not lose a bishopric in the death and exchange: Boniface VIII ,

no. 4729; rather they gained a bishopric because Boniface also gave Nepi to a Franciscan, Paolo, on 31 August 1302: Boniface VIII , no. 4741 (and see nos. 4334 and 4684). These translations were not regularly translations of bishops from sees with a lower to a higher official value. According to Boyle, A Survey , 157, servitia communia were "normally reckoned as one-third of the income of any one year" (although these evaluations seem quite formal). In the early fourteenth century the following sees had, in these terms, the following evaluations: Rieti, 900 florins; Tivoli, 300 florins; Ancona, 900 forms; Ìmola, 1,050 florins; Orvieto, 900 florins; Olema, 750 florins; Sora, 300 florins; Nepi, 210 florins; Vicenza, 3,000 florins; Monreale, 6,ooo florins; Capua, 4,800 florins; Aquileia, 30,000 florins (and for contrast: Canterbury, 30,000 florins; Lincoln, 15,000 florins; Ravenna, 12,000 florins; Narni, 600 and 900 florins; Sutri, 150 florins; Segni, 120 florins)—figures taken from Hoberg, Taxae pro communibus servitiis . To the extent that the figures were thought to represent real income that cannot have been the reason for the translation, for instance, from Ancona to Rieti or Rieti to Orvieto; in both of these cases official convenience seems a likely reason (for an example of Raimond's being active at Orvieto while still miseratione diuina Episcopus Reatinus , on 13 August 1344, see Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. con. et col., I, fo. 261r). The succession list of these bishops in Eubel's Hierarchia is correct and impressive because of his (or its) common-sense correction of the much less reliable Gams ( Series episcoporum ecclesiae catholicae ): Eubel, I. 416 and particularly n.5 Ughelli ( Italia sacra , vol. 1, cols. 1205-1208) breaks Giovanni's episcopate in two but is otherwise correct in succession; Palmegiani in La cattedrale (63-64) also breaks Giovanni in two and makes Berardo Bernardo but is otherwise correct in this part of his succession; Michaeli ( Memorie , 4:225) has two Giovannis and gives his reader the choice of Berardo or Bernardo.

17. Jacopo: Boniface VIII , no. 3183;A.S.V., AA, Arm. I-XVIII, 3895, contains a 4 April 1302 letter from Charles of Valois to Jacopo bishop of Rieti his vicar general; its reference to (genitive) "nobilis uiri Maghinardi Pagani de Susenana" is suggestive: for Mainardo da Susinana, see Waley, The Papal State , index references under Susinana and Pagani, and particularly 193-194; would it not make sense for the bishop to have been a Romagnol from near Faenza? For Charles of Valois as rector of four provinces and for his vicars, see Waley, The Papal State index under Valois, and particularly 104 and 316.

18. Rieti, Arch. Cap., II.F.1 (collation); see Clément VI , no. 147, and nos. 195, 439, 440, 473, 494, 682, 716, 893, 1066. Also Rieti, Arch. Cap., III.B.6 (vacant through translation) and III.B.8, and also II.E.1, II.F.3 (use of vicar general Philip' de Sen') and also Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 507, present in Rieti, 20 October 1345; see Eubel, Hierarchia , Supplementum. For Raimondo and Cola, Anonimo romano, see Porta, ed., Cronica , 131, 138. The anonymous author calls the vicar "uno oitramontano, granne decretalista e vescovo de Vitervo" (131) and the editor corrects the Viterbo to Orvieto (n. 268). (For these passages in English translation, see Wright, The Life of Cola di Rienzo , 64, 73, 74.) For the climbing of the Campidoglio see Porta, Cronica , 113 and Wright, Cola di Rienzo , 41. The chronicler's confusion of Viterbo and Orvieto is amusingly echoed by the eminent French editors of Clément VI in referring to a letter (no. 3954) in which monies earlier collected by the dead bishop from offerings

at the altars of St. Peter's are being sought for return to the papal camera; the mistake was not made by the compiler of the papal register: Reg. Vat. 142, fo. 52. A nice introduction to Raimond's confusion and/or horror over Cola's behavior is to be found in Cosenza's ed. of Petrarch, The Revolution of Cola di Rienzo ; see index under Raymond of Chameyrac.

19. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.P.1, see above chapter 3. The following are the succession lists of significant modern historians. Ughelli: Adenulphus; Fr. Raynaldus (O.S.B. Sacrae Theologiae Magister); Odo (1227); Raynerius; another Raynerius; Fr. Dominicus; Raynaldus; Thomas. Michaehi (beginning in 1215): Rainaldo I; Rainerio II; Giovanni II; Rainerio III; Rainaldo II; Thomas I. Palmegiani: Adinolfo Secenari; Rainaldo I; Rainerio II; Giovanni II; Rainerio III; Rainaldo II; Tommaso I. Eubel (beginning between 1209 and 1215): Rainaldus O.S.B.; Odo "(sed. 1227?)"; Rainerius; Joannes "(sed. 1236?)"; Rainaldus de Aretio O. Min; Thomas. Eubel's list is very faulty but obviously, unlike the others, presented with considerable hesitation. The presence of all these phantom Rainerios is the result of faulty extension. The two names Rainaldo and Rainerio are, of course, easily confused; and both are frequently and similarly abbreviated. It seems to have been possible for thirteenth- and early fourteenth-century Reatines themselves to have made mistaken extensions (but not of episcopal names); so that the canon Ventura who did not often use his patronymic or surname is sometimes called Ventura Raynaldi and sometimes Ventura Rainerii: Rieti, Arch. Cap., III.B.n; II.B.2; III.D.2; IV.F.4; IV.O.5. That the name of all three bishops Rain' was Rainaldo is perfectly clear in the documents preserved at Rieti and Borgo San Pietro and in Cronica fratris Salimbene (never, I believe, is Rainerio used). For Rainaldo de Labro: II.C.1; IV.G.3 (1215, 1230); IV.Q.3 "l3" (1215); IV.Q.1 (1220); VI.G.7 (1220); IV.M.4 (1216, 1226); and also Borgo San Pietro, Archivio del Monastero di Santa Filippa, 14 (1231); for 21 February 1234 see IV.P.4 and above chapter 3 note 41; for Rainaldo Bennecelli: Borgo San Pietro, Archivio del Monastero di Santa Filippa, 19. Rainaldo da Arezzo's name is clear in Sahimbene. For an example of a gratuitous and misleadingly mistaken extension by the editors of Gregory IX's register, see Gregory IX , no. 2927.

20. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.M.2; IV.M.3. For Adenolfo at Rieti, see for example: IV.B.2; IV.K.10; IV.M.1; IV.Q 3, IV.Q.4, IV.Q.5; Parchment Book IV, fo. 1.

21. For Gentile de Pretorio at Rieti (besides Tommaso's account in IV.P.1): Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.M.3 (3 March 1214); Borgo San Pietro, Archivio di Monastero di Santa Filippa, 20. The dorse notation on the IV.M.3 document says 1213, and the papal year date of Innocent III seems to say "xiiij" (1211), but the indiction year is clearly "ij," and, although the year date is not entirely legible, it concludes with for minims. The papal year date must have been written carelessly so that its "v" looks like "ij."

22. Rieti, Arch Cap., IV.G.3 (for both the 1215 and the 1233 documents—a witness in 1233 is, in the genitive, Ahibrandi notarii episcopi); II.C.1; II.C.3; II.C.4; IV.M.4; IV.Q.1; IV.Q.3; VI.G.7; VIII.B.1; VIII.B.3; VIII.B.4; Parchment book IV, fo. 13; Borgo San Pietro, Archivio del Monastero di Santa Filippa, 14; Gregory IX , nos. 2927, 4491.

23. Rieti, Arch Cap , IV.Q.1; IV.Q.2, IV.O.1, IV.G.8; and Parchment Book IV, fos. 44r-44v.

24. Borgo San Pietro, Archivio del Monastero di Santa Filippa, 19; Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.O.4, and of course IV.P.1. For reference to death: IV.A.5 and Salimbene, 322.

25. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.A.5, II.B.1; also see documents in IV.Q.3 and IV.Q.10.

26. Riett, Arch. Cap., IV.M.2 (18 September 1198); IV.M.2 (16 December 1206); IV.M.1 "30" (July 1212).

27. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.M.1 (20 February 1204).

28. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.M.1 "20" (1206, but inconsistency in dating), IV.M.1 (1207) with a witness Sinballo Benetelli (or Benecelli). In the printed version of IV.P.1 (Desanctis, Notizie storiche , app. n.2, xv-xix), the bishop is twice given the name benecelli without capital and in italics (and it should be noted that in both cases the genitive "Rainaldi" is printed); the manuscript says (1) "Rain' Bnneccell'"; and (2) "R. beneccell," at least as I read it. The names "Senebaldus Bennecellus (or Benetellus)'' and "Petrus judex Benectelli" appear in the "1225" survey: Arch. Cap., "1212," fo. xxii r (43).

29. It would seem possible that Rainaldus the bishop is identical with the canon Pbr. Rainaldus, who appears at Rieti between 1200 and 1240 (when he is also called prepositus , which, if later usage can be a guide, means prepositus of Santa Cecilia, or Sant'Angelo):IV.M.1; IV.G.3; IV.O.1; IV.D.11; IV.P.6; IV.Q.2. But the presence of both Rainaldus Bennecelli and Presbiter Rainaldus Berardi Dodonis in a 1207 document (IV.M.1 "1207") makes identification difficult.

30. Rieti, Arch. Cap., VI.G.8: "in nomine domini, amen. Anno eiusdem mill' cc xxxviii, temporibus domini Gregorii viiii pape anno pontificatus eius xi, indictione xi, mens' martii, die x, in presenctia dompni Johannis Arlocti et Oddonis Alfan' ac aliorum testium (?). Ego quidem dompnus Sinibaldus de Baluiano titulo donationis inter uiuos, pro magno amore quem in te habeo, do, dono, trado atque concedo tibi Johanni Leonis nepoti domini Johannis Episcopi Reatin' irreuocabiliter largiendo id est omnia iura que habeo et mihi competent uel competere possunt quocumque et qualitercumque in ecclesia Sancti Angeli de Arpaniano et te in locum meum eiusdem ecclesie substituo ad honorem et reuerentiam domini episcopi memorati." Gentile's Pretorio may, of course, have been a local place, see Michaeli, Memorie , 2:190.

31. Cronica fratris Salimbene , 205-207; above chapter 1; see the comprehensive article by Mariano d'Alatri, "II vescovo nella cronica di Salimbene," particularly 11, 12-16, but also in general both for the article's acute observations and for its bibliography.

32. Cronica fratris Salimbene , 322-329, particularly here 322.

33. Sbaralea, Bullarium franciscanum , 3:330-331, no. 48 (2 August 1278); the letter is only calendared in Nicholas III , no. 105.

34. Because Pietro was a bishop of Sora at the end of the Hohenstaufen period he is fortunate enough to be included in one of the most elegantly scholarly historical works that has been written about medieval Italy in this century, Kamp, Kirche und Monarchie , 1:105. In this work Pietro's official career, particularly as it is visible in papal registers, is traced with careful exactness; my de-

scription of that career follows Kamp closely. Another detailed account of the career (in this case because Pietro ended his life as patriarch of Aquileia) is to be found in Paschini, "Il patriarcato di Pietro Gera." For the Spanish mission, see Linehan, The Spanish Church , 218-220; Nicholas III , nos. 739, 742-743. For Clement IV's collation of his educated chaplain rather than the abbot of Casamari to Sora: Clément IV , no. 442: "Petrum Romani seu de Ferentino capellanum nostrum," and see no. 192: "magistrum Petrum dictum Romanum de Ferentino capellanum nostrum"; and nos 268, 934, 1947, 1949, 2014. Carlo F. Polizzi of Padua has discovered and is publishing a document which lists books (more than 25) and other belongings which Patriarch Pietro had deposited with the Dominicans of Venice. The list of books, which Polizzi will explicate fully, includes historical, legal, theological, and liturgical works, and "Seneca" and ''Avicenna" as well as Thomas and Bonaventura. I am deeply grateful to Dr. Polizzi for his having told me of the document, shown it to me, and sent me a copy. Although it is difficult to know what books in a prelate's library he knew well or had read, these books suggest an even richer Pietro than was earlier visible, and make seem more serious his title magister .

35. Sbaralea, Bullarium franciscanum , vol. 3, no. 48.

36. For Giacomo Sarraceno: Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.Q.2; IV.N.2; VI.G.7; II.C.1 (e, x, y: acts in 1233 as proctor for Bishop Rainaldo de Labro); III.D.2; II.D.3; II.D.4 (absent, infirmus , 1253); II.D.5; IV.D.4 (again ill, 1259); III.B.3; III.B.6; IV.H.4.; III.B.1; and also Rieti, A.S., San Domenico, 6; see too below chapter 6 and Palmegiani, Rieti , 311 (for a remembered bishop Giacomo and S. Lucia, Rieti); sometimes the canon placed first in lists of canons seems quite clearly to be he who is oldest in tenure; Giacomo is so placed, for example, in Rieti, Arch. Cap., III.B.3, 6 (1261); IV.H.4 (4 June 1278); II.C.3 (1280). For Teballo, VI.G.7, and chapter 2 above. For Rainaldo's gift, IV.L.10. It is clearly unlikely that the Giacomo of 1280 is the canon "Jacobbus" of 1181 (IV.Q.2). There clearly seem to have been at least two canons Giacomo, and I have thought that the division between them probably came in the 1220s or 1230s, probably between 1233 and 1238, see "Localism and Longevity," 298. J[erome] P[oulenc] in noticing Sacchetti Sassetti's Un ospite (in Archivum franciscanum historicum , 59 [1966]:502) quickly summarized opinions on the connection between the bishop-elect and the early thirteenth-century canons from the family. Poulenc was mistaken, I obviously believe, in his negative reaction to the possibility of a canon's being nearly eighty-five years old, even though I think that it is probable that the Jacobbus of 1220 is not the Jacobus of 1278. Jacobus, who Nicholas III said had voluntarily resigned the see, is not included in a list of canons from 20 March 1286 (IV.H.4), and was probably dead by then.

37. Cronica fratris Salimbene , 297; see Mariano d'Alatri, "Il vescovo nella cronica di Salimbene," 9-11 for Salimbene's way of describing and praising men.

38. Linehan, The Spanish Church , 255.

39. Palmegiani, La cattedrale , 62.

40. Although it is tempting to connect Pietro's Romanus with his curial youth or his curial relatives, the curial connection is not at all a sure reason why he was, when he was, called Romanus rather than, or as well as, Egiptius , the question is sharpened by the association with Pietro of his vicar general at Rieti,

another Petrus Romanus, or Petrus de Roma. The problem of what Pietro was called by his contemporaries and why he was called what he was called is a surprisingly difficult one.

41. For these Egiptius benefices and for the uncle Pietro Egiptius, see Kamp, Kirche und Monarchie, 1:104 and nn.63, 64, and 65; Innocent IV , nos. 331, 1471, 4453, 7665 and Urban IV , nos. 934, 1947, 1949, 2014. As Kamp points out there is a short biographical sketch of Pietro in Dictionnaire d'histoire et de géographie ecclésiastiques , vol. 11 (1949), coll. 898-899 (by L. Jadin, under "Capoue," coll. 888-907).

42. Cheney, "Cardinal John of Ferentino"; not only for Giovanni but also for a Pietro and his prebend of North Newbald (and a scathing comment of William Prynne's), see Cheney, Innocent III and England , 38-39, 87, 155, 224, 226, 230-231, 296, 94 (and also) Clay, ed., York Minster Fasti , 57, for the nephew Cardinal Stefano of Fossanova). For other Ferentino clerks in England, see Sayers, Papal Judges Delegate , 136 (Giovanni, Andrea), 328 (Giovanni da Fumone, canon of Sant'Angelo Ferentino) and my York Metropolitan Jurisdiction , 126, 132, 186 (Bartolomeo); for Ferentino clerks in Italy, see Waley, The Papal State , 104, 316 (Davide, Caetani connection), 236, 241-242 (Riccardo and a nephew), 312, 313, 320 (Orlando, cousin of Alexander IV).

43. Register of Walter Giffard , 170 no. 2; Guiraud, Cadier, and Mollat, eds., Les reqistres de Grégoire X et de Jean XXI , no. 81 (Gregory X): concerning a dispute between Cardinal Anchier and William Wickwane, chancellor of York, over a prebend in York minster formerly held by Mgr Pietro "de Egiptii" da Ferentino (by then, 25 October 1272, dead). For "Bartholomeus Giptius" in the circle of Gregorio da Montelongo, patriarch of Aquileia in 1269, Kamp, Kirche und Monarchie, 1:104 n. 65, and Marchetti-Longhi, Gregorio da Montelongo , 357 and 422.

44. Kemp, Kirche und Monarchie, 1:104-105 nn.60-75; Urban IV , nos. 192 and 268; Clément IV , no. 442; John XXI (and Gregory X ), no. 84; Martin IV , nos. 26-28, 87; Honorius IV , nos. 560, 592; Boniface VIII , nos. 942, 1217, 1569-70, 2541; Honorius IV , nos. 818-819, 950-952; Nicholas IV , nos. 560-562, 566-567, 570, 698; Boniface VIII , nos. 2215, 3131. See Waley, The Papal State , 241, where as archbishop of Monreale he is seen active with Riccardo of Ferentino, who has a troublesome nephew (and too conciliatory in the Romagna ? because of bribery), and 318. For the difficulty with Aquileia see for example Paschini, "Il patriarcato di Pietro Gera"; or Traversa, Quellenkritik .

45. Not too much should be made of this knightly/baronial distinction: the title knight is applied to extremely elevated central Italian nobles; without a real knowledge of local and extended Egiptius holdings and power it is impossible to gauge the strength of their position in and around Ferentino. The evidence suggests to me, however, a family of some local significance and by the generation after Pietro specifically knightly, but particularly dependent on office, and specifically curial office.

46. Rieti, Arch. Cap., VIII.B.9.

47. Rieti, Arch. Cap., VI.E.1.

48. Rieti, Arch. Cap., II.E.4; "contra generalem libertatem ecclesiasticam" is from VIII.B.9.

49. Rieti, Arch. Cap., III.C.2.

50. Rieti, Arch. Cap., II.E.2. For the copy of a Florentine statute: II.F.1.

51. Rieti, Arch. Cap., II.E.3. Pietro styles himself: "Petrus permissione diuina Episcopus Reatin' in regno Sicilie citra Calabriam super recolligendis decimis et legatis deputatis ad terre sancte subsidium per sedem apostolicam delegatus" and the letter sent from him was described by the notary Andrea da Popleto as having been sealed with a pendant seal of green wax. Although Pietro is here acting as collector, he is securing the archpriest of San Pietro di Popleto to himself and his successors as bishops of Rieti.

52. Mazzoleni, ed., Le pergamene di Capua , 2:45-47, no. 145, dated in Capua, notarized, subscribed: "presens scriptum . . . fieri fecimus subscriptione nostra propria subsignatum." There is a brief notice in Ughelli, Italia sacra , vol. 6, col. 341.

53. Bianchi, Documenta historiae forojuliensis , 245, 249; and for the Cremonese, see Traversa, Quellenkritik , 30.

54. Garufi, Catalogo illustrato , 61-63, nos. 134, 135 (and one should note that Giacomo has a seal).

55. Rieti, Arch. Cap., III.B.1; 11.E.5; IV.M.5; III.B.2. There is a conceivable connection between this Pietro Romano canon of Ferentillo, and that Pietro Romano, canon of Sant'Angelo Rieti, who made his will in his house on 23 July 1309, chose burial at Sant'Angelo, and made his nephews his heirs (Rieti, A.S., pergamene, comune, 23 July 1309: Bellucci, no. 82); although Giovanni Papazurri's Rieti is noticeably full of Romans (normally called "de Urbe").

56. A.S.V., Fondo Celestini, 19, 20. Pietro uses the style "dei gratia," and Fondo Celestini, 27, 28, 29. Again Pietro, or the second of his Ferentine notaries, uses the style "dei gratia."

57. For the death and burial of Celestine, see Herde, Cölestin V , particularly 160. For Tommaso da Ocre's gift, see Panavicini Bagliani, I testamenti , 324. For Celestinian monasteries, see Moscati, "I monasteri di Pietro Celestino," and for Sant'Antonio, 114.

58. Marsella, I vescovi di Sora , 82. Marsella also called Pietro (81) a "uomo di vasta cultura, cappellano pontificio, esperto conoscitore delle anime." Marsella does not really at all suggest the sort of evidence that led him to arrive at this description, but he doles say "era stato anche arcidiacono di York in Inghilterra ed aveva acquistata una meravigliosa pratica della vita pastorale." It would have been marvelous indeed if Pietro had gained experience of the pastoral life from the sort of archidiaconate he had been thought to have held at York, but in fact Kamp ( Kirche und Monarchie, 1:104 n. 63) has shown that the source in which Ughelli thought he found Pietro's archdeaconry does not contain it. Ruocco, Storia di Sarno , 1:207-208, talks of the extent of the diocese of Sarno in the later thirteenth century.

59. This point is made by Kamp, Kirche und Monarchie , 1:104 n. 59; and he avoids using the names Gera, Gerra, Guerra by which Pietro has commonly been identified. Although I follow him in this avoidance it doles seem to me unlikely that such a long and general usage should have been built on nothing. It is conceivably of some significance that Bishop Pietro's marshal at Rieti on 26 September 1278 was called Guerro (or thus I interpret the oblique Guerro

melescalco of Rieti, Arch. Cap., III.B.1). Given my belief that mistakes like the name Guerra are unlikely to have come out of thin air, it is at least ironic that I have created a mistaken name for Bishop Pietro out of pretty thin air, a name which I hope will deceive no one: in writing of Bishop Pietro in my "Localism and Longevity" I inadvertently typed Véroli for Ferentino. I did not notice the error in proofreading, and it has generally gone unnoticed. I found it in reading the passage (296) in preparing this chapter. The name Gerra is firmly used by Traversa, for Pietro and his family, who thinks he sees it in the chronicler "Juhan": see particularly Traversa, Quellenkritik , 33 n. 1 and 47 n. 4, See too 34. I myself have not found the name in "Julian," but ''Julian" is a rather difficult source for a historian not from Friuli.

60. Cronica fratris Salimbene , 281-282.

61. Scalon, La biblioteca arcivescovile di Ùdine , 161-163, no. 92. The codicil, which was written in an interesting manuscript which Scalon describes, is transcribed by Scalon on 162. The 18 line text of the codicil (fo. 58v of MS F.33.III.18, but now called by its Scalon number) is surprisingly difficult to read exactly, and my own transcription differs slightly from Scalon's, but the difference does not affect materially the meaning of the text. (I believe that Scalon has omitted from line 9 of the text the words quolibet anno in die anniversarii sui and has replaced them with quolibet tempore in die depositionis sue , and we show other minor differences; but, again, the text is in parts very difficult to read.) One should also consult Scalon, Necrologium aquileiense , 1:145. For the deposition in Santa Maria, see Dalla Barba Brusin and Lorenzoni, L'arte del patriarcato , plate 187. For their help in Ùdine I should particularly like to thank Dottoressa Ivonne Zenarola Pastore, director of the Archivio di stato, Professor Luigi De Biasio, in whose care is the Biblioteca Arcivescovile, Dottor Aldo Rizzi, director of the Museo Civico, and Dottoressa Lelia Sereni, director of the Biblioteca Comunale "Vincenzo Joppi."

62. Tambara, ed., Juliani canonici , 31; see the Milan 1738 edition of vol. 14 at cols. 1206-1207. Compare Nicoletti, Patriarcato d'Aquileia , 39: "nella chiesa principale fu pomposamente sepolto, avendo con gran gloria governato la sedia un anno sette mesi ventisei giorni" and for Pietro's actual marble tomb, once on the left of the main door, see Paschini, "Il patriarcato di Pietro Gera," 104.

63. F. Jo. Fran. Bernardo Maria de Rubeis, "Dissertationes variae eruditionis": Venice, Biblioteca Marciana, MSS Latin, Clas. XIV, Cod. 133 (Coll. 4284), particularly fo. 308v (a copy of the antiquarian's Venetian manuscript is in the Biblioteca Comunale of Ùdine: Man. Coin. 648, see gatherings 328 and 329). See Bianchi, Documenta historiae forojuliensis , 10-11. Obviously Pietro was not the first patriarch to include Franciscans in his familia, see Ùdine, A.S., Archivio notarile, Busta 5118, 1296, 1 for a Franciscan chaplain.

64. See above, chapter 2.

65. For the growing number of Franciscan bishops, see Thomson, Friars in the Cathedral . It is helpful to recall that Benvenuto's candidacy falls at the midpoint between the death of the first Franciscan bishop of Rieti, Rainaldo, and the translation to Rieti of the second, Angelo. For Benvenuto da Orvieto see Mariano d'Alatri, L'inquisizione francescana nell'Italia centrale , 144.

66. Honorius IV , nos. 566 (27 July 1286), 592 (20 August 1286).

67. Nicholas III , no. 600; see Innocent IV , 110. 4453 and Kamp, Kirche und Monarchie , 1:104.

68. Ughelli, Italia sacra , vol. 1, cols. 1205-1207.

69. Cassino, Aula 2, caps. LXXIII, fasc. 1, no. 11: the document is written, in a good hand with fixed margins, in 13 lines on a parchment 20 cm wide and 13.7 cm high; it has a flap, with three holes on flap and body for affixing the seal. I should like to thank Dom Tommaso Leccisotti for admitting me to the archives and allowing me to transcribe the document. For an introduction to Marsi, see Kamp, Kirche und Monarchie , 1:28-33; although Kamp stops before the time of Andrea's administration, he includes, as he does for each diocese with which he deals, a concise description of the diocese and a full bibliography for it.

70. For this tenure at Ferentino I follow Eubel, Hierarchia . For Cosma e Damiano at Tagliacozzo see Inguanez, "Le pergamene del monastero."

71. Rieti, Arch. Cap., II.E.6 and VII.F.3.

72. Rieti, Arch. Cap., VII.E.2.

73. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.D.5; III.B.3; III.B.6; III.D.10; IV.K.13; A.S., San Domenico, 6 (old 99); his real connection with Sant'Eleuterio is suggested by the presence of a Sant'Eleuterio witness on 31 October 1261: III.B.6.

74. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.D.5; II.D.10; and IV.O.5.

75. Rieti, Arch. Cap., III.D.10; IV.A.3; Urban IV , no. 1186.

76. Rieti, Arch. Cap., III.B.1, 3, 5-6.

77. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.O.5 "9."

78. Rieti, Arch. Cap., II.B.2. Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 7, 15, 16. See too "Vescovi e vicari generali," n. 30: it is extremely strange that a scribe who knew Ventura as well as Matteo Barnabei must have known him would use the wrong patronymic; perhaps he was Ventura Rainaldi Rainerii or Rainerii Rainaldi. See above chapter 4 note 114.

79. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.H.4; III.C.2; VII.F.3; IV.O.5 "9"; II.B.2; IV.C.8; IV.F.4; III.B.1, 8, 9, 13-14 (on 8 he objects to a chapter action of transfer on 10 October 1278); Book "6," Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 2-4, 5, 6, 15-16; in "6" in a reassignment of prebendal holdings in 1307, and in Matteo Barnabei in Bishop Giovanni's synodal acts of 5 February 1315, Ventura's is the second name listed, probably a reference to his seniority. See Brentano, ''Who was Bishop Andrea?"

80. Rieti, Arch. Cap., VII.E.8, copy of 23 October; Mazzatinti, in an uncharacteristic mistake, says that Ventura is being provided as bishop: Gli archivi , 251.

81. Lib. perg di Matteo Barnabei, 15: 1 March 1315. The reader should be aware of the presence of the canon Ranaldo presbiteri Rinaldi from 1252 to 1260: Rieti, Arch. Cap., II.D.2; II.D.3; IV.D.5; and of the earlier canon the priest Rainaldo from 1200 to 1249: IV.M.2; IV.M.1 "17" and "3"; TV.O.1; IV.P.6 "1," "2," and "7"; IV.G.3; IV.Q.2 (where he is also called, in 1239 and 1240, prepositus , that is, probably of a local collegiate chapter like Sant'Angelo.

82. See above chapter 2 and Two Churches , 259-260.

83. Gregorovius, History of the City of Rome , 6:412; for the exiles see above chapter 4.

84. I mean faintly to echo the joke which Gregorovius repeats ( History of the City of Rome , 6:476): "It is said that one day he [Gregory XI] asked a prelate, 'Lord Bishop, why do you not go to your see?' To which the bishop answered, 'And you, Holly Father, why do you not go to yours?'" Gregorovius's central Italy in the later fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries is perhaps too disturbed to be credible. See, too, Partner, The Lands of St. Peter , particularly 361 for the attack on the "bad shepherds" in the 1370s.

85. These documents have been collected and calendared by Lippens, "Fra Biagio da Leonessa," particularly for the catalog, 6:115-129; Rieti, Arch. Cap., VIII.G.14 IX.F.9; VI.G.15; II.G.6; IV.G.3; VIII.D.11; VII.D.3 VII.G.10; VII.G.17; II.G.7; VII.G.11; VII.G.12; V.D.1; VI.G.17; II.G.9; IV.K.14; and presumably VIII.G.3 and V.B.1 which show Gregory XI responding to episcopal petitions concerning Rieti. See too A.S., Statuti, I, fos. 125r-v.

86. Pastoral examples: Lippens, "Fra Biagio da Leonessa," 6:117, 118, 123, 124, 125, 126, 127, 128, 129; Arch. Cap., VIII.G.14; VI.G.16; VII.G.15; II.G.6; VII.D.3; VII.G.10; VII.G.17; VII.G.11; VII.G.12; VII.G.7; V.D.1; VI.G.17; II.G.9; V.B.1; II.G.10. Papal imposts: Lippens, "Fra Biagio," 6:117-118, 119, [20, 122-123, 126, 128; Arch. Cap., IV.E.4; IV.G.3; II.G.5; IV.G.1; IV.G.2. Albornoz and Naples: Lippens, "Fra Biagio,'' 6:121, 122, 124-125; Arch. Cap., IV.E.5; VIII.D.10; VIII.D.11; IV.E.6; II.G.7. For Clement VI's commission to Biagio to visit his diocese, and its implications for the definition of episcopal office: Lippens, "Fra Biagio," 6:120; Arch. Cap., I.B.2. For Biagio as one of the conservators of San Silvestro in Capite in Rome, in 1364, see Lippens, "Fra Biagio," 6:125, from Bullarium franciscanum , 6:376, no. 911.

87. Michaeli, Memorie , 3:86; Ughelli, Italia sacra , vol. 1, col. 1208.

88. Rieti, Arch. Cap., II.G.1 (and II.G.2, 3, 4); A.S.V., OS , 22, fo. 34r, Mgr. Neapoleone de Fonterolis da Forlì promises 300 florins, plus 5, on 16 February 1348 (24 cardinals present).

89. Pagliarini, Croniche di Vicenza , 105. Modern Vicentine historians have treated Pagliarini's text and sources with cautious doubt. Mantese (below, note 91) uses the Latin text preserved in the Archivio di stato at Vicenza; note that the name is also spelled Paglierini. Pagliarini should now be approached through Grubb's edition of the earliest known Latin edition. Grubb, who establishes very close dating for the core of the Cronicae (1497-98), speaks in his introduction of the Biagio passages and of Mantese's reaction to them (xxv). Grubb's Cronicae include the Latin texts of the supposed appeals by the civil authorities and people of Vicenza and also by the clergy against Biagio and to Clement VI, upon which texts Pagliarini's own narrative seems to be based. That narrative with "Proh dolore!" in place of "Deh, o dolore!" is also harshly effective in Latin (146-150).

90. Riccardi, Storia dei vescovi vicentini , 135.

91. Mantese, Memorie storiche , 3:150-158, from which the material in this paragraph is taken; Biagio's relations with the Scaligeri and the Vicentine accusations against him are treated in a fuller political perspective by Mantese on 3:65-70, 74-80. I should like to thank Professor Mantese for his kind advice and help, and also to thank Howard Burns who suggested that I ask Professor Mantese for help.

92. For Biagio's household and officials, see for example Riccardi, Storia dei vescovi vicentini , 132-133, including Nicolo da Lionessa, Andrea da Lionessa, Gelucio da Lionessa, and Albert de Clamp', OFM; some of these men were clearly learned in the law and Mantese ( Memorie storiche , 580) talks of the use by bishops of Vicenza, including Biagio, of vicars general who were canonists; see Mantese (154-158) for additional members of Biagio's familia, and for Nicolo and Matteo again (as nephews), but also a monk from Vicenza and a canon of Treviso, for example. Napoleone of Forlì's connection with Biagio and Rieti is complicated by the fact that although he was used by Biagio before Rieti he had other Rieti connections (Raimond: Rieti, Arch. Cap., II.G.4); the connection with the Florentine merchant Andrea Gethi should be noted, and it should be noted that the copied Florentine statute was copied in 1353, see note 50 above. For San Benedetto (Libro IV, fos. 41v-42r) see note 4 above; three of Biagio's familiares are present for the action in the cloister (Angeluctio de Cassia, Gualterio Jahanuctii, and Raynallo Jannis de Campania); a notary and scribe of the bishop and chapter redacted the document: Giovanni Nutii Riccardelli da Rieti, notary by imperial authority; the canons are Giovanni de Montegambaro, Ballovino, Lauriano Gilioni, Matteo Maglano, Tommaso Petri, Ludovico Cole, Gianandrea Cecchi, Gianandrea Cole, Nutio Vannis, Therio Lalli, Liberato Berallutii, Pietro Johannutii; the nuns, Donna Nicholasia, Donna Stefanuctia di don Giovanni, Sour Bonarda di Symone, Sour Mariola di don Giovanni, Suor Agostina, Suor Angete di don Oddone, Sour Caterina, Suor Cecilia, Suor Madalena, Suor Benedetta, Suor Ceccharella, Suor Vanna, Suor Paulucia, Suor Lippa, Suor Caritia, Suor Lucia, Suor Jocabutia, Suor Amedeo, Suor Appollonia, Suor Andreoccia, Suor Antonia. Biagio's gift is Libro IV, fo. 49r.

93. See above chapter 3.

94. Boniface VIII , no. 4698; and no. 4684 license for loan, no. 4729 Matteo OFM to Ìmola because Giovanni to Rieti, no. 4741 Paulo OFM to Nepi because Angelo (dead) had been translated to Rieti, no. 4836 Giovanni to Rieti because Angelo dead. Angelo had been given Nepi on 1 June 1298, no. 2601. Angelo's services, A.S.V., OS , 1, fo. 17v, 300 florins and two; 17 cardinals; promise, dated 15 June 1302, is marked "solut."

95. Mariano D'Alatri, "Un mastodontico processo," 299. See for Angelo also Mariano D'Alatri, L'inquisizione francescana nell'Italia , 99-100, 144.

96. Mariano D'Alatri, "Un mastodontico processo," particularly 300-301.

97. Mariano D'Alatri, "Un mastodontico processo," 301, 305.

98. Mariano D'Alatri, "Un mastodontico processo," 305.

99. Mariano D'Alatri, "Un mastodontico processo," 302.

100. Rieti, Arch. Cap., III.D.10; Mariano D'Alatri, L'inquisizione francescana nell'Italia , app. 8, 120-121.

101. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.M.5.

102. Mariano D'Alatri, "Un mastodontico processo," 305.

103. Rieti, A.S., II.F.1. A.S.V., OS , 6, fo. 184r (old 182r), promise of services of 300 florins plus five, 18 cardinals.

104. Lippens, "Fra Biagio da Leonessa," 6:116, n. 4.

105. Clément VI , nos. 147, 195, 439, and see through nos. 440, 473, 494, 682, 716, 893, and to 1066 and 1633 (13 April 1348), but no. 1933 (8 February 1349,

another urban vicar and elect of Orvieto): if his anniversary day (see note 109 below), 5 April, is the day of his death, had he died on 5 April 1348 without the curia's being aware of it by 13 April?

106. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. con. et col., II (variously marked: "Sextus Liber Contractuum"; "Liber IV"; "1347"; "Libro Terzo''; "1344-1347") is a paginated paper book with various episcopal and capitular acts which is particularly rich in material from the episcopate of Bishop Raimond. It does not establish the fact that he failed to take his diocesan tasks seriously or that he was never in his diocese, but it does give the names of various vicars general, vicars, and proctors who represented him in Rieti: for example, 22, 13 November 1345, Cicchus Johannis de Bussata, vicarius et procurator generalis (and on 13, 25 October 1344, Cicchus is identified as a prebendary, and on 45-46 in March 1345 as archpriest of San Sebastiano of Poggio Fidoni and on 44 in the same month the church of Rieti grants to him (called here "de Bussata") and his brother Cola right and actions in a piece of land in Torrente). For Ciccho as vicar general see too Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 534, and see above chapter 4. In the Lib. con. et col., II, 22, on 10 November 1345, Don Francesco da Ofagnano di L'Aquila (de Ofaniano de Aquila) is acting as Raimond's vicar general, he is called a canon, and in fact he was possessed of an expectancy in Rieti on 7 August 1337 when he was a canon of the church of Ofagnano, with benefice, and held a benefice in the church of Santa Maria Ofagnano, L'Aquila and Sulmona dioceses (Vidal, ed., Benoît XII , no. 4596): on 28 September 1341 he was listed thirteenth among the canons, was chosen a scrutator for electing, and was a subdeacon (Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. con. et col., I, fos. 65r, 65v). On 10 March and 9 July 1345, the vicar general is Filippo "de Senis" (Lib. con. et col., II, 66, 44), who on 21 December 1344 (32-33) could be seen as a prebendary of the church of Rieti involved in the exchange of prebendal benefices. He can be seen acting as vicar general in 1345: Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 537, 539; and in the acts preserved in II.F.3.

107. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. con. et col., II, 29, 38.

108. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 507.; Lib. con. et col., II, 22.

109. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. con. et col., II, 31. Liber Int. et exit., 1363. Parchment Liber IV, in a section of this book written by the notary by imperial authority, Johannes q. Raynalluctii, Anniversaries, fo. 20r. Ughelli, Italia sacra , vol. 1, col. 1208, includes an inscription from old St. Peter's which records the consecration by Raimond, when he was bishop of Rieti and urban vicar, of the altar of Saint Anthony Abbot, which had been built by Nicola degli Astalli, canon of St. Peter's with a conceded indulgence, on 23 March 1344, Clément VI , no. 3954 (calendar with mistaken bishopric): A.S.V., Reg. Vat. 142, fo. 52r-v (no. 222) records on 13 September 1348 the effort of the papal camera in Avignon through the treasurer of the Tuscan patrimony to recover monies from offerings at altars of St. Peter's gathered earlier in Raimond's career and not returned to the camera—this memorial to Raimond in papal records makes nice contrast with his memorial at Rieti.

110. Ughelli, Italia sacra , vol. 1, col. 1208. Palmegiani ( La cattedrale , 64) says, "Tommaso II (a. 1339)." A nice example of Tommaso's diplomatic, on

paper, from 1340, is interleaved in Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. con. et col., I at present between fos. 64 and 65: It seems to be in the hand of Matteo Barnabei, was sealed, with the seal "nostre curie," is 29 cm wide by 15.5 high, uses the style dei et apostolice sedis gratia, Episcopus Reatin' , and enjoins registration. (The use here of the style apostolice sedis gratia for a bishop who had been elected by his chapter, should be noted.)

111. A.S.V., Reg. Vat. 175, fo 325r. It is just possible that "Marterio" should be read "Marerio."

112. A.S.V., Reg. Vat. 175, fos. 325r-v.

113. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 415, 454; see above chapter 4 note 46.

114. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 475-476.

115. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. con. et col., I, fo. 65r.

116. Eubel, "Der Registerband," 123-212, nos. 38, 39, 41, 43, 53, 87, 101, 125, 126, 134, 154, 161, 166. For the antipope see Maceroni, L'antipapa Niccolo V .

117. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. con. et col., I, fos. 74-75.

118. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. con. et col., II, 17.

119. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Cart. Silv. See above chapter 4 note 103.

120. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Cart. Silv., for example 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 66, 68, 71-72, 74, 81, 82-84, 85, 88, 91-92, 95.

121. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Cart. Silv., 69.

122. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Cart. Silv., 11-12.

123. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Cart. Silv., 70, 102-103, 90.

124. For Padua, I am, of course, following Rigon, see above note 13.

125. This question has received an extended answer for twelfth-century Auxerre: Bouchard, Spirituality and Administration .

126. See above note 34.

127. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.O.5.

128. Cavell, "Epistemology and Tragedy," 43.

1. The chapter's position and attitude during this vacancy is primarily apparent in the three paper Matteo Barnabei books which cover the period: Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. con. et col., I; Lib. proc. civ.; Lib. proc. malef.; for all of which see above chapter 4. In his Papal Monarchy , 545-549, Morris offers a very sane introduction to the chapter in the thirteenth century.

2. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. con. et col., I, fos. 45r-48r.

3. For cum ex eo , see Boyle, "The Constitution " Cum ex eo .'"

4. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. con. et col., I, fos. 132v-134v, and above chapter 4.

5. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. con. et col., I, fos. 65r-70v: the whole business of the election.

6. For 1307, see Rieti, Arch. Cap., Libr. or Reg. VI, fos. 1r-15r; for August 1347 see Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 233; for Tommaso's prebend, Lib. con. et col., 114 (and for his anniversary, which suggests the day of his death, 16

February, Lib. IV); for Tommaso Cimini, Arch. Cap., III.B.1; III.B.5; IV.F.4; IV.H.4 IV.I.2; IV.I.3; IV.M.6; VI.D.5; Lib. con. et col., I, fos. 1r, 34r, 39r; Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 309, 328, 448 (neither this list of citations for those for other long-lived canons are meant to be exhaustive); for Giacomo di don Tommaso, Arch. Cap., IV.H.4 IV.M.6; IV.N.3 "3"; VI.C.3 VI.C.8; VI.F.6; VI.F.8; Lib. con. et col., I, fo. 21r; Lib. con. et col., II, 31, 47-48, 179; Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 4, 212-213, 233, 300, 307, 481, 507.

7. For Matteo: Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.F.4 (1313); III.B.4 III.B.5; IV.H.4; IV.N.3; VI.F.7 Lib. con. et col., II, 31; Lib. perg di Matteo Barnabei, 2-4, 5, 6, 214, 448, 507, 525 (in November 1336, both Matteo and his brother Claudio were canons of Sant'Eleuterio: VI.D.4). For Rainaldo (Rainaldus Matthei Malicoli de Plagis; Jean XXII no. 9987): Arch. Cap.; Lib. con. et col., I, fos. 9v, 34r; Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 213, 338-339, 363-364, 393, 407, 448, 468, 507, 564. For Giovanni ( Jean XXII , no. 13215): Arch. Cap., III.B.6; Lib. con. et col., I, fo. 34r; Lib. con. et col., II, 31; Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 448.

8. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. IV, fos. 25r-37v. (Giovanni di don Capi or Caputosti's stall and prebend were vacant through his death in 1363: VII.G.11.)

9. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 233; Lib. int. et exit 1379, fo. 43r (for the months of July, August, and September).

10. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.N.3 "6", the will; IV.Q.3 "14", 27 October 1249; II.B.2; II.D.10; III.B.1; III.B.3; III.B.6; III.C.3; III.D.10; IV.D.4 IV.D.5; IV.F.4; IV.K.13 IV.O.4 IV.O.5; VI.A.3; VI.D.2; Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 2, 4, 5, 6, 22; Lib. int. et exit., 1537, binding; AS., San Domenico, 6 (olim 99). If the Bartolomeo identified as Bartolomeo domini Tadei, by the notary Ranaldo da Perugia, in 1252 and 1253 (II.D.3, 5) is the Bartolomeo Alfani of 1249, then he is presumably not the Bartolomeo di Oddone Alfani of 1318 (in 1289, in connection with the reception as canon of Bartolomeo de Rocca, VII.F.4, he is identified as Bartolomeo "domini Odonis"); Bartolomeo Alfani is again present in 1259 (IV.D.4). For the canon Oddone Alfani (canon by 1225 until 1253, when he was infirmus and represented by Mgr. Nicola on 7 June: III.D.2): II.D.3; II.D.5; IV.G.3; IV.O.4 IV.Q.1; IV.Q.2; IV.Q.3; VI.G.8; for Rainaldo (canon by 1282, dead by 1 December 1313: VII.G.;): II.B.2; III.B.1; III.B.4; IV.C.3; IV.F.4; IV.G.4; IV.H.4 IV.Q.7 VII.F.3; VII.F.4 Lib. int. et exit., 1537, binding. Another Rainaldus Alfani is listed in 1349: Book IV. For Rainallo Alfani see below note 104.

11. The length of Bartolomeo Bontempi's tenure is very securely attested, partly because his distinctive name is normally recorded, although not always in quite the same latinized form. Rieti, Arch. Cap., X.A.4 (Innocent IV to: Bartholomeo canonico Legionen' nato Bontempi familiaris nostri , concerning an income from Majorca, 25 July 1254; presumably Bartolomeo brought the papal letter to Rieti; the original with silk and bulla remains there);? IV.D.5 (in 1260 an unidentified Bartolomeo in addition to Bartolomeo Alfani); II.C.10 (4 February 1261); on 12 April 1324 he is absent from chapter and has given his voice to Corrado de Murro (Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 182) but he had been present on 23 October 1333 (177); on 11 August 1326 a benefice is spoken of as once his (IV.I.3); his anniversary was celebrated on 5 August (Lib. IV, fo. 19v), he presumably died on 5 August 1324 or 1325, possibly 1326 but a list from 25

June 1325 (Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 189-190) suggests 5 August 1324; Lib. IV, in the list of books of the cathedral church in 1353, fos. 46r-47v, the book of the sermons he had made, and in Lib. int. et exit., 1392, fo. 19v, land left by him; II.B.2; III.B.1, III.D.10, IV.C.3; IV.C.8; IV.F.4; IV.H.4; IV.I.2; IV.K.13; IV.N.3 "3" V.E.2 VI.G.12 (where he is canon and co-rector (of S. Marone), Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 2-4.

12. In this list I have in general avoided those long-lived canons of whom I speak in the text, like the priest Paolo, the Sarraceno canons, Tommaso Cimini and the rest, but I have included some, like Sinibaldo Mareri, whose importance to the text is of quite another kind. For purposes of this list I will cite only references which establish the external dates or seem of particular significance: Sinibaldo Mareri , 51 years, 1202-1253: IV.M.1, III.D.2; Tommaso Judicis (del Giudice), 40 years, 1249-1289: IV.Q.3, VII.F.3; Matteo Laurentii (di Lorenzo), 38 years, 1233-1271: IV.G.3, (A.S.) San Domenico, 6; Bartolomeo di don Rainallo de Rocca , 30 years, 1289-1319: VII.F.3 (5 August 1289 given kiss of peace and received into his canonry), V.E.2 and Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 149 (both 7 October 1319)—Bartolomeo had been provided to a canonry at Santa Cecilia, Rieti, by Alexander IV as early as 11 May 1259 (VI.C.1) and is then called a scholar-student and a Reatine—he was patronized by Giacomo Colonna (VII.A.4) and sought and found Cistercian connections (VII.C.6), see below; Giacomo Pasinelli , at least 30 years, 1252-1280: II.D.2, 4, 5, III.C.3, and compare IV.Q.7—1242, Giacomo had already been a canon of Sant'Eleuterio, Rieti, for this important family see below; Rainaldo Beraldi (Beralli, Veralli), 30 years, 1233-1263: IV.G.3, III.D.10; Berardo Rainaldi Sinibaldi (Sinnibaldi, Senebaldi) Dodonis , 27 years, 1225-1252: IV.Q.1, 2, II.D.3; Berardo de Podio (Poggio Bustone), 25 years, 1278-1303: III.B.1, II.B.2; Pandulfo Carsidonei (Carsidonii), 25 years, 1238-1263: IV.D.1, III.D.10; Berardo Pasinelli , 23 years, 1230-1253: IV.G.3; Giovanni Egidii (di Egidio), 23 years, 1303-1326: II.B.2, Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 4; Arecabene (Arrekabene, Arrekhabene, Arricabeni, Arrecabone, Arrichabene, Arrecabene, Arekabene) Nicolai (di Nicola, but normally distinguished by not having a patronymic—but at least once, in 1317, in a document written by Matteo Barnabei, his name is revealingly extended to Arrecabene Nicolai de Ponte: IV.I.8), 23 years, 1303-1326: II.B.2, IV.I.3, Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei—Arecabene's name is fifth in the 1326 list, and Giovanni's fourth, in the 1303 list in which both Giovanni and Arecabene are listed as being absent from chapter, Giovanni's name again precedes Arecabene's with Oddone Pasinelli's in between, in 1326 Arecabene's nephew Rosellus appears as a witness: Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 216; Andrea domini Sinibaldi (Siniballi), 21 years, 1298-1319: IV.C.3, III.B.5; Rainaldo Fatuclus (Fatucli, Fatuculi), 20 years, 1233-1253: IV.G.3, II.D.3, 5 "Mgr", Innocent IV , no. 5777, at papal court, 1252. The reader should remember the kinds of sources which reveal this longevity. Occasionally they are really formal and almost necessarily exhaustive lists recorded in formal documents which have to do with joint chapter actions (for example, III.C.3, 1280) or chapter regulation (for example, II.B.2, 1303), or the reapportionment of prebends (for example, III.B.1, 1278-1307), or election, as in that of 30 September 1341. More generally they are lists of witnesses or canons present at an action whose names the notary has chosen to include in his instrument;

and the lists have the potential inadequacies and irregularities that that suggests although repeatedly notaries mention canons who are not present and at times tell the reason for their absence. These lists are also multiple, scattered, and hard to keep together in hand and mind. The positions of canons on lists, particularly those who appear first in the lists, is not entirely random: so, for example, with the names of long-lived canons in mind, one should note the first names in an (again not random) selection: Paulo, 1230: IV.G.3; the priest Rainaldo, 1233, 1239, 1240: IV.G.3, IV.Q.2; Sinibaldo Mareri, 1246, 1249: IV.O.4; Matteo Laurentii, 1260: IV.O.4; Rainaldo Beraldi, 1263: III.D.10; Tommaso Judicis, 1278, 1289: III.B.1, VII.F.3; Giacomo Sarraceno, 1278, 1280: IV.H.4, III.C.3; Andrea domini Sinibaldi, 1324: Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 181-182; Bartolomeo Bontempi, 1307, 1315, 1317: III.B.1, IV.F.4, Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 317; Tommaso Cimini, 1338, 1340: Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 419-420, 448; Giacomo di don Tommaso, 1326, 1346, 1347: III.B.6, Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 233, 564; Liberato and Deodato, 1364, 1368, 1371, 1379, from Lib. int. et exit. of those years. The senior member does not always head the list, but in this body in which the senior and antiquior seems to have been the assumed designated leader (but see below) it is natural that his name would normally, or at least often, come first and enough so that the placing of Bartolomeo Bontempi's name ahead of Bartolomeo Alfani's makes the observer question the continuity of Bartolomeo Alfani's tenure, and the placing of Angelo (Angeli) Mathei's name first in 1282 and 1286 (III.B.1, IV.H.4) makes one adjust the break in the sequence of figures with that name, who appear in 1242 but in 1246 remember going to Poggio Fidoni with Adenolfo and appear still in 1282 (III.B.1, IV.O.4, 5, IV.Q.2, VI.G.10, and A.S., San Domenico, 6).

13. For the San Leopardo case see above chapter 1, and for the attempted election chapter 5. For the Rainaldus gift, Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.L.10, and for the appearance in 1181, IV.Q.2; and see: II.C.1, x, y, z; II.D.3, 4, 5, 7, 10; III.B.1, 2, 3, 6; III.C.3; III.D.2, 10; IV.D.1; IV.H.4; IV.M.1; IV.O.4, 5; IV.Q.1; VI.G.7; A.S., San Domenico, 6.

14. Berardo Rainaldi Sinibaldi Dodonis, Sinibaldo Mareri, Berardo Moysi, Jacobus de Ponte, the priest Rainaldo: Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.D.1; IV.G.3; Berardo Salecti is present in 1220: VI.G.7—and the priest Bartolomeo is almost surely he of the 1222 list: IV.N.2.

15. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.O.1; IV.O.5; IV.G.3 (1233).

16. For the Santa Croce case see above chapter 3. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.P.6 "1". He is visible as a "canonicus Reatinus" in 1192. In 1215 (IV.G.3) his nephew, Matteo, is present; see IV.M.1; IV.M.2; IV.P.6; IV.Q.11; as well as IV.G.3.

17. Corrado de Murro's intense activity working for the church, both bishop and chapter, is particularly noticeable in the months between July 1326 and March 1327 and in June 1327 there is mention of his house in Rieti: Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 207-230, 235-236. Corrado, present from at least 1308 1335 (VI.B.4, IV.C.8, IV.G.8, IV.M.6, Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 4., 363), dead by 5 June 1341 (Lib. perg., 467); "Corradus domini Riccardi de Murro" anniversary 10 August (Lib. IV, fo. 19v; father's anniversary 11 March; mother's 22 July); Corrado's brother Riccardus's bequests to his son Fra Henrico include a house in Castro Motto: Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 467-468;

see III.B.4, 5; III.C.5; IV.I.3; IV.I.7; IV.N.3 "1"; V.E.2; VI.C.8; Lib. perg., 5, 6, 19, 149-151, 205, 206, 235-236, 305, and chapters 7 and 8 below.

18. Rieti, Arch. Cap., III.C.2.

19. Rieti, Arch. Cap., II.D.4.

20. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.O.5 "5"; see III.D.3 for a nice example of an active canon, Matteo Laurentii, acting as yconomo, in 1256.

21. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.O.1.

22. Rieti, Arch. Cap., III.B.7.

23. So, for example, in 1233 Bishop Rainaldo de Labro, who used canon proctors, as we know, for a job that would on the surface appear appropriate for one of them, chose dompno Giovanni Arlocco, a clerk of San Giovenale, Rieti, as a proctor in the San Silvestro case: II.C.1 "1." One can observe in 1342 Tommaso Cimini, canon, made camerlengo for a year on 20 June, making Ballovino his substitute: Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 492-493.

24. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.M.2: 1209; also see in other documents recording gifts to Adenolfo, within IV.M.2, the repeatedly used formula "tuisque fratribus"; for "cum concanonicis": IV.G.3, Rainaldo de Labro in 1230, but also an incompletely clear usage of concanonicus for Bartolomeo Bontempi in the Giovanni Papazurri document, IV.H.4, discussed immediately below.

25. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.H.4.

26. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 209.

27. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. con. et col., fo. 57r.

28. Rieti, Arch. Cap., III.B.1.

29. Rieti, Arch. Cap., III.C.5.

30. Rieti, Arch. Cap., III.C.3. The reader may recall Maitland's playing with singular and plural: "Are we to be angry whenever a noun in the singular governs a verb in the plural?" Township and Borough , 13; Maitland was playing with a problem closely related to the chapter's concept of itself.

31. See the canons listed in IV.D.4 and particularly IV.D.5.

32. Regesta Honorii Papae III , no. 4897. I discussed this affair at some length in an article "Innocent IV and the Chapter of Rieti," 387-392, at which time I had a clearer but, I think, less correct notion of what was divided and reassembled.

33. Grégoire IX , nos. 4261-4262; Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.D.1; Bishop Giovanni's dispute with his chapter inhibited his rule according to Bishop Tommaso in the historical section of his presentation against San Salvatore Maggiore, see chapters 3 and 5 above.

34. Grégoire IX , no. 4431.

35. Grégoire IX , no. 4491; Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.D.2.

36. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.D.3. Pietro Capocci, cardinal deacon of San Giorgio in Velabro in dealing with the problem of the income of absent canons at Rieti, in 1249, approved the working arrangement, under Gregory's plan, of the bishop, Rainaldo da Arezzo, with the chapter. IV.D.3 contains both Pietro's letter, maintaining its seal with the figure of San Giorgio, and also Bishop Rainaldo and the chapter's agreeing statement. An absent canon was to get half of his beneficii , the other half to be kept in the hands of the cellarer ( cellararius ).

37. Vèroli, Arch. Cap. della Cattedrale, no. 575. The beginning of the doc-

ument is rotted away, but it can be roughly dated by the notary, Leonardo, who was working in Vèroli in the late 1230s (see no. 165), and almost surely a Vèroli historian working in depth with its documents could date it quite closely. The Vèroli archives are described in Scaccia Scarafoni, "L'archivio capitolare della cattedrale di Vèroli." I am grateful to Don Paniccia for having admitted me to the archives and to Richard Mather for having advised me about them and taken me to them.

38. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.D.2. The four names are not completely legible.

39. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.D.5. The appeals are mentioned in Urban's letter, see note 40.

40. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.D.6; for Andrea Rainaldi see above chapter 5; for the palazzo of the canons in 1224, Arch. Cap., IV.N.2 "4."

41. For the specific case of Giacomo de Labro, see Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 149 (1319), and below chapter 8.

42. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.F.2.

43. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.A.4.

44. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.F.1.

45. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.F.3.

46. Rieti, Arch. Cap., III.D.2; for Bartolomeo's 1254 letter see above note 11.

47. For Magister Salvus: Rieti, Arch. Cap., II.D.2, 3, 5, 10; III.B.3, 6; III.D.2, 5; IV.D.5; IV.I.1; Innocent IV , no. 3873; he seems to have been a canon from the late 1240s to the early 1260s, and his is the second name in a 1261 list (III.B.3).

48. Giovanni de Podio is identified as Dompnus in 1280 (III.C.3) when his priesthood is presumably being emphasized; in the early thirteenth century before the conventions of canon lists are formed, priests are regularly identified as presbiter , that is pbr ; for the change in significance of priest canons see below.

49. For these "de Ponte" see for example, Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.D.1; IV.G.3; IV.Q.2 (which give a range of years for Giacomo de Ponte of at least 1230 to 1242); Jandono (Janni) de Ponte appears in 1315 and 1316: IV.I.7; IV.M.6; Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 4-6. For Pietro's "de Labro," see II.G.9 (1369). See, too, Jean Coste, "La famiglia De Ponte di Roma (sec. XII-XIV)," Archivio della società romana di storia patria 111 (1988): 49-73.

50. Rieti, Arch. Cap., III.D.1, 2, 3; these are among the documents: "Scripturae spectantes ad Communitatem Reatinam" cataloged separately by Mazzatinti (and previously inventoried by Marchetti Tomasi), and kept separately in the armadi of the old tower archives; it is not known how they came to the capitular archives, but this "communal" connection ties the Ponte house documents to Rieti without tying them securely to the chapter: Mazzatinti, Gli archivi, 261. For the Ponte houses in Rome, see Brentano, Rome before Avignon , 39-40.

51. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Cart. Silv., 206.

52. Catalogus baronum , 215, no. 1108.

53. Rieti, Arch. Cap., II.D.7; Rieti, A.S., Fondo comunale, 8.

54. Rieti, A.S., Fondo comunale, 8.

55. Rieti, Arch. Cap., III.C.4; IV.H.4; Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 2-4.

56. Bib. Apos. Vat., San Pietro in Vaticano, caps. 64, no. 181.

57. A.S.V., Arm. XXXV.14. For the cook, Pietro of Rieti, in 1287, in the

household of Goffredo da Alatri (but not called magister as is one of his fellow cooks): Paravicini Bagliani, Cardinali di curia , 467 and note 3.

58. Rieti, Arch. Cap., II.D.3.

59. Paravicini Bagliani, Cardinali di curia , 268, 256-265.

60. For a later helpful scriptor , Magister Pietro di q. Nicola Federici, carrying tria paria litterarum apostolicarum for the church, in 1320: Rieti, Arch. Cap., III.D.4.

61. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.A.5; the multiple identity, which makes sense, is slightly less sure because, I believe, scribes sometimes did write the proctor's name on the dorse.

62. Rieti, Arch. Cap., II.D.3; II.D.4; III.B.1.

63. Paravicini Bagliani, Cardinali di curia , 268.

64. For Risabella see below chapter 8; Rieti, Arch. Cap., III.D.2.

65. Rieti, Arch. Cap., VII.E.2.

66. Rieti, Arch. Cap., III.B.3; III.B.6; III.D.10; IV.D.5; IV.K.13; A.S., San Domenico, 6.

67. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.Q.2; II.D.2; a Pasinelli witness is already present in 1157: IV.L.10; and for the priest canon Berardo Pasinelli: IV.G.3; IV.Q.1 (1230-1253).

68. Rieti, Arch. Cap., II.D.2, 4, 5, 10; III.B.1, 3, 6; III.C.3; III.D.2, 10.

69. Rieti, Arch. Cap., III.D.2 (Angelo: IV.D.1).

70. Rieti, Arch. Cap., VII.B.4. The letter (which is dated Orvieto, 6 September 1290) has very much the form and look of contemporary papal letters; it still carries its green cord, inserted and knotted as it would be on a papal letter, and its elegant red wax seal, with no reverse impression, but with an obverse showing two figures (Mary and John) half turned within arched openings in a gothic structure, and, over them in another arch, a crucified Christ; the legend is very damaged but it includes "tris Mat"; the initial U is finely and conventionally decorated; the margin and lines of the 14 line text are plumbed.

71. It seems to me that the evidence about Narni gathered by Hagemann, argues a similar localness for that diocese: "Kaiser- und Papsturkunden im Archivio capitolare," 299-304, 296, 302-303, 298, 293-295. The evidence of Giovanni Papazurri's capitular "reform" of 1313, see below note 86, certainly argues for continued episcopal-capitular appointment proprio motu .

72. For both Andrea the bishop and Ventura his brother the vicar general see above chapter 5, and also chapter 4, and also particularly Rieti, Arch. Cap., VII.E.8. The canon Berardo da Poggio Bustone, active in Rieti at least from 1261 to 1280 was the chaplain of Ottobuono Fieschi, cardinal deacon of Sant'Adriano, and was in Lyons with him in 1274; Leonardo Arcangeli, at least 1261-1280, was chaplain to Ottone da Tonengo, cardinal bishop of Porto in 1246: Paravicini Bagliani, Cardinali di curia , 268, 369, 94; Innocent IV , no. 2108, Leonardo's provision.

73. The presence of the Colonna is administrative as well as seignorial: Giovanni Colonna was captain of the city in 1284: Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.Q.9.

74. The future power, most violently apparent at the end of the fourteenth century, of the Alfani, should shade any thought of the disappearance from power of the old patriciate; it argues a change of locus (if change at all).

75. Rieti, Arch. Cap., VII.E.4; VII.E.5.

76. Rieti, Arch. Cap., III.D.10 (12 pieces). I want to thank Peter Herde, who alerted me to the fact that Mazzatinti had omitted reference to these documents which had been noted by Naudé. From the tables established in Spufford's Handbook it is not clear that Sienese and Lucchese values would be different at this date.

77. Pasztor, "Per la storia dell'amministrazione," 182-183; for Mercatello see Leonardi, Le fondazioni francescane .

78. See for example Jean XXII , nos. 745, 752-754, 758, 765, 767, 769, 779, 815, 842, 1686, 3351, 8046, 8946, 11916, 12545, 13788, 13990, 14612-3, 14640, 15111, 15451, 15687, 15659, 16010, 16411, 17072, 17121. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 328 (1333); Lib. IV, fos. 25r-37v, thirteenth name (1349). See Lippens, "Fra Biagio da Leonessa," 122-123, no. 19 for Matteo Infantis de Reate, in 1359, chaplain of Rainaldo Orsini, cardinal deacon of Sant'Adriano.

79. For Terius Lalli, Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.I.2; Lib. IV, fos. 25r-37v (1349); Lib. int. et exit., through 1371; or for the prebendary Domenico da Gonessa see Lib. int. et exit., 1363, fo. 53r (still active in 1379), and chapter 8 below; perhaps of more interest, Caterina da Gonessa who carried water for the months of July and August 1363 for 6 soldi: was she connected with the bishop? It may seem, and be, artificial to consider Leonessa foreign and Poggio Bustone or Rocca Sinibalda or Mareri not foreign in the fourteenth century, but this does seem to me the natural contemporary assumption.

80. Rieti, Arch. Cap., VII.F.3. The reception took place in the baptistry church of San Giovanni Battista.

81. Rieti, Arch. Cap., VI.C.1.

82. Rieti, Arch. Cap., III.B.4, 5; and see II.B.2; III.B.1; IV.C.8; IV.F.4; IV.G.8; IV.I.3, 7; V.E.2; VI.B.4; VII.F.3, 4, 5; Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 2-4, 5, 6, 9, 149, 242, 341-342.

83. Rieti, Arch. Cap., VII.C.6. The seal in brown or white wax remains on the strip.

84. Rieti, Arch. Cap., VII.F.4.

85. Rieti, Arch. Cap., VII.A.4. Red wax seal remains on blue string: gothic structure, Virgin and Child above, cleric in gothic vestments praying beneath.

86. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.F.4; for 1307: Reg. (or Libr.) VI, fo. 37r.

87. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. int. et exit., 1371. In 1364 fourteen prebendaries are listed. In the late 1340s, four chaplains act for themselves and eight others: Cart. Silv., 206.

88. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. cont. et col., II, fo. 261r (last written half folio).

89. This prebendal succession is made clear, for example, in Raymond's letter; in the list for July 1379 13 of the 17 prebendaries named are given the "priestly" title dompnus : Lib. int. et exit., 1379, fo. 51r. For the provision of a prebendary by Bishop Giovanni Papazurri, through his "executor," Andrea domini Sinibaldi canon and abbot of Sant'Eleuterio in 1332: Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 304.

90. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.N.3 "1": will; IV.G.4 (2 pieces), Giovanni di Pietro; and see: III.B.1, 4, 5; III.C.4; IV.F.4, 8; IV.G.4; IV.H.4; IV.I.5, 7; IV.M.6; IV.N.3 "3"; V.E.1; Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 1, 4, 13, 15, 104; binding of

Lib. int. et exit., 1537 (1299); for the family, see II.D.7 (where they form part of the group of retainers with Alfani, Carsidonei, di don Napoleone, and others); IV.O.4 (where there are three brothers "called Capitaneos," in the accusative, in 1261); II.C.3r; VIII.C.4. For Tommaso and wills see chapter 8 below.

91. A December 1345 notarized and sealed (with the bishop's red wax seal) certificate or letter of ordination, written in the name of Tommaso bishop of Terni, states that the bishop, at the instance of Filippo vicar general of R[aimond] bishop of Rieti, has ordained to the priesthood Mando Cicchi, chaplain of the major church of Rieti: Rieti, Arch. Cap., II.E.1; see Bowsky, A Medieval Italian Commune , 270, for the rarity of these instruments in the diocese of Siena in the early fourteenth century.

92. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.G.4.

93. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 396.

94. Ballovino was a priest at least by 6 October 1341: Lib. con. et col., I, fo. 74r, although Agostino was not then a canon of long tenure. I do not mean to imply that there had been no earlier canon camerlenghi: Berardo Secinari is an obvious example: see too, for example, III.B.7. Some sense of the dimensions, but not the intricacy, of Ballovino's job can be gotten from the amounts he handled; in the accounting year 1364-1365 he dispersed a sum slightly under 500 lire: Lib. Int. et Exit., 1364.

95. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 98-99 (and see the initial listing of canons and prebends in III.B.1/Reg. VI, the list beginning with Dominus Barthomeus [ sic ] Bontempi: eleven holders of prebends [prebendaries?] follow the 21 canons, but they include "Dominus Johannes Magistri Andree," who I think holds this prebend in expectancy of his canonry; the list includes Tommaso Capitaneo, Giacomo di San Liberato, and Petraca Ambrosicti, of whom the first two are called dompno). In a witness list of February 1331 the third and fourth names are "Petrage Ambrosicti, Vannis eius fratris" (genitive): Lib. perg., 282-283; for Accurimbono: III.B.2, IV.N.3, Lib. perg., 4. For an example of an important assignment to Vanni Ambrosicti as proctor of bishop and chapter in 1328: IV.F.5. See IV.F.4 (1313) for notary prebendaries; and Lib. con. et col., I, for example, for Ciccho di Giovanni de Bussata as prebendary.

96. Rieti, Arch. Cap., III.B.1 and Reg. (or Libr.) VI. For a discussion of opposition to prebends in the universal church see Morris, The Papal Monarchy , 388-389.

97. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.D.3.

98. Rieti, Arch. Cap., III.B.1, fos. 2v-3r (4-5).

99. I have tried to call attention to these sources of income in Two Churches , 104-105.

100. In 1332 four canons (Tommaso Secinari, Tommaso Cimini, Andrea di don Sinibaldo, Giacomo di don Tommaso), in the name of the church of Rieti, bought some of this property, houses and attached property in the Porta Romana with public roads on three sides, property which had been that of Stefanello the Spicer (or Spetiari), from another canon of Rieti (Pietro da Posterula), acting as proctor for the owner Don Pietro Orsini of Rome, for 125 florins: Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 300. In 1364 this property returned 23 lire 15 soldi to the camera; and in 1365, 24 lire 7 soldi 6 denari; the property held at least five

shops by the 1360s. Chapter income and property will be discussed further in chapter 8 below.

101. See above chapter 2.

102. The giunta used for measurement at Rieti may not have been used in the whole diocese. At present at least at Poggio Moiano (over the border in the diocese of Sabina) the conventional measurement is by coppa , memorializing a different element of the old plowing and sowing process: at present the coppa refers to an area of about 2,000 square meters: I owe this information to Bianca Passeri, whom I would like to thank for it.

103. It should be apparent not only that I find the complex documents III.B.1 and Reg. (or Libr.) VI impressive but also that I find the material within them repeatedly baffling, so that for me to arrive at a definite total conclusion from their use is difficult; it has perhaps seemed more difficult because each of the two has disappeared for a while from the archives, although both have now returned.

104. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Reg. (or Libr.) VI, fos. 1r-17v; for 1349 see instead Libro IV, fos. 25r-37v. (For Rainallo: VI, fos. 7v-8v; IV, fos. 31r-31v.)

105. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Reg. (or Libr.) VI, fos. 16r, 20r.

106. I have borrowed the concept of inquilini because of its deliberate noncommittal, evocative artificiality from Italo Calvino's Palomar in the chapter ''La spada del sole."

107. Rieti, Arch. Cap., III.B.4: the rector is Andrea de Felcibus, canon of Santa Maria in Trastevere; see too the chapter assembled on 1 November 1319, III.B.5. The medieval Franciscan calendar preserved in the Arch. Cap. at Rieti lists the feast of Sts. Vitus, Modestus, and Crescentia as 17 Kalends July equals 15 June.

108. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. con. et col., I, fos. 55r-56v.

109. When I used this draft it was between folios 106 and 107 of the book in which the constitutions are recorded (Lib. con. et col., I); it may, of course, not remain there.

110. See for example, Rieti, Arch. Cap., Cart. Silv., 68, 71-72, 90, 91-92; Lib. con. et col., I, fo. 9v.

111. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. con. et col., I, fos. 94v-95v.

112. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. con. et col., I, fos. 64r-64v.

113. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Cart. Silv., 72, 84.

114. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. con. et col., I, fos. 100r-100v.

115. Rieti, Arch. Cap., III.B.3.

116. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. con. et col., II, 227.

117. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. con. et col., I, fos. 57r-57v, 71r-74r, and a loose sheet, paper, Deodato declaration, now between fos. 23 and 24.

118. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. con. et col., I, fos. 137v-138v.

119. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. con. et col., I, fos. 59r-59v.

120. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Cart. Silv., 65.

121. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. con. et col., I, fo. 113r for Camputosto's interest as partial patron in San Giovanni Poggio Bustone and Sant'Angelo Poggio Bustone, and the succession of his sons Tommaso and Buccio to Sant'Angelo; Lib.

con. et col., I, fo. 7v for 19 September 1340; Lib. con. et col., II, 44 for 14 April 1349. Giovanni was dead by 14 September 1363: VII.G.11.

122. Paris, B.N. latin 1556, fo. 10v: Martène and Durand, 8, col. 1516.

123. This is a point I began to argue in "Vescovi e collocazione" (see above, chapter 4 note 11); thinking of what I saw in the diocese of Rieti, admittedly mostly in the 1340s, with the problem of the conference, pieve-parrocchia, in mind, forced me to the conclusion that for Rieti it was the wrong question.

124. For Tommaso the Corrector's list see above chapter 3.

125. See above chapter 1.

126. See above the beginning of chapter 6.

127. Paris, B.N. latin 1556, fo. 10v: Martène and Durand, 8, cols. 1516-1517.

128. Rieti, Arch. Cap., VI.D.4.

129. Rieti, Arch. Cap., VI.D.3; in the Franciscan calendar within the chapter archives at Rieti, the feast of the consecration of the church of "Sancti Heleuterii" has been added on the line for the Ides of August (13 August), but the notation continues onto the line for the next day.

130. Rieti, Arch. Cap., VI.D.5.

131. I am following Mazzatinti's notation of the grant, which he read into the capitular archives: VI.D.1: Mazzatinti, Gli archivi, 246. I follow Boschi on the consecration: Boschi, Notizie storiche sopra la chiesa e il convento di S. Domenico , and "Di tin antico cimitero in Rieti," 22; Boschi talks of 12 canons and an abbot.

132. Rieti, Arch. Cap., VI.C.8. Giacomo de Labro was a canon of Sant'Angelo in 1283: Rome, A.S., "Rieti," 1: Cass. 76, no. 1.

133. Rieti, Arch. Cap., VI.C.5.

134. Paris, B.N. latin 1556, fo. 10v: Martène and Durand, 8, col. 1517.

135. Rieti, Arch. Cap., VI.A.3.

136. A satisfying example comes from April 1349 where one finds together the abbot of Sant'Eleuterio ("Vanni" di don Capo), the provost of Sant'Angelo (Tommaso di Pietro Bonaventure), and the archpriest of San Giovanni "in Statua" (Giovanni Petringoni), all canons: Cart. Silv., 235; but see, for many examples, pergamene in VIA, D, F, G, and VII.F, G, and a general scattering through all the pergamene and codices surviving from the two centuries.

137. Rieti, Arch. Cap., VI.C.1.

138. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.H.4, one of four pieces; see, too, IV.G.7, in which in February 1324 Bishop Giovanni from Collalto writes to "Universis et singulis canonicis et Capitulo Ecclesie Reatin' necnon prepositis, archipresbiteris, prebendariis, et clericis ecclesiarum ciuitatis" condemning them, or some of them, for not having properly proclaimed the excommunication of a clerk of Santa Marina Rieti, who had not paid tithes, and demanding that it be properly proclaimed.

139. Rieti, Arch. Cap., III.B.2.

140. Rigon, Clero e città , 34. For Rome, see above, note 107.

141. San Matteo which develops into San Pastore with another retained San Matteo is dealt with at length above in chapter 2; for San Salvatore see chapter 3 above; for San Quirico see above, introduction, and below in this chapter at

note 148; the religious houses dealt with in this chapter, with the exception of San Quirico, will be dealt with less externally in chapter 8.

142. For Tommaso's list see above chapter 3: Paris, B.N. latin 1556. 18r-26r, particularly 24v-25v. It should be noted that Tommaso's list does group the monastic and religious houses, with other (in his, or the composer's, mind) obviously related entities, so that the loci of the Franciscans and Augustinians in the city are with their orders not with the city; the exclusion of the male Dominicans in Rieti, see below, could be an oversight.

143. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.N.3. The initial attachment to orders of houses of women should be treated with some caution as the case of Borgo San Pietro, below chapter 7, makes clear, although it may be an extreme case within the diocese. A very important essay-article by the Perugia historian Casagrande, "Il fenomeno della reclusione volontaria," particularly at 480-481, in distinguishing among kinds of recluses offers patterns of observation valuable in approaching developing religious communities. In Tommaso's list, the houses of nuns follow the Franciscans and precede Altopascio, fo. 25r; their rubric begins "Moniales habent locum in ciuitate / Santa Lucia" with the notation of one pound of wax owed, then to "Apud Sanctum Petrum de Molito" with the notation of 10 soldi owed each year on the feast of All Saints, then the list proceeds: "Apud Colle Altum ubi sunt fratres / Apud Sanctum Iohannem de Pesculo / Apud Sanctum Iohannem de Machilona / Sanctum Angelum / Apud Lauaretum / Apud Maranam.''

144. Paris, B.N. latin 1556, fo. 25r. For the Hospitallers in central Italy see the essay by Luttrell, "Two Templar-Hospitaller Preceptories" in The Hospitallers .

145. Paris, B.N. latin 1556, fo. 25r. For Altopascio and its order see McArdle, Altopascio , particularly 2-4, with references, but the physical descriptions and plates of 16-23 are of great interest even for historians of an earlier period.

146. Rieti, Arch. Cap., VI.F.5 (1352). For the Reatine presence and interest see Abbazia di Farfa, Archivio, "Regestro de Alardo," "Regesto Abbatis Nicolai" and the discussion of the "tramonto" of Farfa power and its documents in Schuster, L'imperiale abbazia di Farfa , 303-346; McClendon, The Imperial Abbey of Farfa . I should like to thank Anthony Luttrell and Charles McClendon for having helped me very much with Farfa and, both, for having taken me to its archives and introduced me to its archivists, Dom Massimo Lapponi and Dom Stefano Baiocchi, and to thank them. I should also like to thank Roberta Magnusson for teaching me much of value about early Farfa and having allowed me to read her unpublished paper on Farfa's San Martino, and to thank Mary Ann Rossi for her fascinating discussion of St. Brigid and Farfa delivered in a Rome NEH seminar.

147. Paris, B.N. latin 1556, fo. 25v.

148. For San Quirico see Cheney, "Gervase, Abbot of Prémontré," 25-56; I am indebted to Cheney for having talked to me about and introducing me to the work, Charles Louis Hugo, Sacrae antiquitatis monumenta (Étival, 1725) From which my quotations and paraphrases of Gervase come, the first from 1:29. See too Backmund, Monasticon Praemonstratense , 1:378-379, who talks of Innocent III's transfer of the monastery in 1215, and the first abbot "Gaufridus."

The monastery is more fully named Sand Quirico e Giulitta. According to legend Giulitta was the mother of Quirico, Clerico, Cyricus, Cyr, and both were martyred at the beginning of the fourth century.

149. Hugo, Monumenta , 1:30-33; "Monachos Abruchiae, qui nostrum Ordinem profiteri: sunt etenim Longobardi, astutissimi supra modum, et a diebus antiquis exercitati in adulationibus fraudulentis": 1:31. Furbi is my word.

150. Hugo, Monumenta , 1:32-33.

151. Hugo, Monumenta , 5:32: "ita simplex, ut videatur esse quasi planta vitis infixa terrae, quae virorem suum tantummodo retinens, nec in latum extendit palmites, nec in profundum extendit radices sine fructu et sine propagine, moritura."

152. The canny stillness refers to the complete absence from the record of the dispute with Penne (insofar as I have read it carefully) of any specific reference to order; any emphasis given to the fact that the monastery had become Premonstratensian and so likely to demand Premonstratensian immunities (of the sort that Bishop Tommaso's list tries to deny, and about which Gervase was concerned) might cause additional trouble. The record, which talks of Gerardo "who was abbot and is dead," and is of course composed of memories, does mention Innocent III, the Fourth Lateran Council, and the coronation of Frederick II; but in a list of eight abbots, for example, of which Gerardo is the last, it makes no distinctions. For the record of the dispute see above introduction note 15.

153. Paris, B.N. latin 1156, fos. 24v-25r.

154. For San Francesco see Julian Gardner's appendix to this book. See Sbaralea, Bullarium franciscanum , vol. 1, nos. 97, 228. See Mortari, "Rieti," 112; Palmegiani, La cattedrale , 91-93: this may be Palmegiani's most interesting and helpful book, but it is difficult to use because of its combination of helpful information and occasional insights and its use of the in-family research of Vincenzo Palmegiani on the one hand, and on the other its carelessness and error (as for example in making Francesco Papazurri a bishop; but this may seem caviling from a historian who can write Vèroli for Ferentino, or Sant'Eustachio for Sant'Eleuterio—and in fact it is very hard to control this sort of detail gathered from many and dispersed record sources, particularly without the help of an editor who also knows the material). Francesco Palmegiani may seem most interesting as part of a family group which includes, besides Vincenzo Palmegiani, Eugenio Duprè Theseider. It has been explained to me by a powerful contemporary Italian historian that a non-Italian is not likely to be able to appreciate Duprè Theseider, and I am an example of that lack of ability. It is surely difficult for an American of my generation to be sympathetic with Francesco Palmegiani's Facile fascism and anti-Americanism, so I may constantly fail to appreciate his value or see his depth. Certainly, again, Palmegiani seems to me most sympathetic when he is most local and familial; and in fact the moment in Duprè Theseider which I can most easily appreciate is that in a beautiful letter edited by Vasina and Ghini (in "Ricordo di Eugenio Duprè Theseider," 141-142, no. 5) in which Duprè talks of selling his family house in Rieti; his letters suggest to the outsider the teacher his students must have known. The reader of Palmegiani himself must learn what he can and be wary. (I have tried to put

the Rieti settlement of Franciscans in a wider context in "Early Franciscans and Italian Towns," 28-49.)

155. Rieti, Arch. Cap., VIII.A.2; Sbaralea, Bullarium franciscanum , vol. 2, no. 65. For Santa Croce, see Porracciolo and Petroni, "La chiesa di S. Francesco." See Scripta Leonis , 142-143, for the friar, a character in a kind of miracle of Francis, alive, who, the friar, morabatur in loco fratrum de Reate .

156. Mortari, "Rieti," 130.

157. Rieti, Arch. Cap., III.D.9; A.S., San Domenico, 4 (olim 42), 2; Mortari, "Rieti," 112; Palmegiani, La cattedrale , 67-69; Boschi, Notizie storiche sopra la chiesa , 8-29. I want to thank Joan Lloyd for pointing out the Dominican distinction to me; for the constitution of the order, see Galbraith, The Constitution of the Dominican Order.

158. Rieti, A.S., San Domenico, 7 (olim 103). By 1334 at the latest the contrada was known as "contrada sancti Dominici": Arch. Cap., Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 332.

159. Written by Guidoni in "L.'espansione urbanistica," 156; the phrase città dei Mendicanti is his. I know of no independent information about these streets; I depend on Guidoni.

160. For bibliography about this point see "Early Franciscans and Italian Towns" and the discussion of city/country in chapter 8 below; but I would note here a particularly helpful chronology of movement established by Fra Mariano d'Alatri, "I pin antichi insediamenti dei mendicanti," 576, 583 (for Anagni); for an interesting 1256 dispute at Amelia between the Augustinians and the bishop and chapter about building within the old walls, see Rome, Vallicelliana, Capitolino, Archivio Orsini, II.A.I.37 (olim 35). Much recent thought about the friars, and particularly the Franciscans, and their expansion finds its roots in the thought and work of Kaspar Elm.

161. Sbaralea, Bullarium franciscanum , vol. 4, no. 168; Nicholas IV , no. 502. A list of chapter holdings from the second half of the fourteenth century suggests that the city of Rieti was then thought of as divided into ten parishes: Riety, Arch. Cap., Libr. IV, fos. 16r-18v.

162. This generalization should not obscure the presence of important local friars like the fourteenth-century Guardiano of the Franciscans, Giacomo Janutii da Rieti, for example, Rieti, Arch. Cap., Cart. Silv., 26, in 1337.

163. Scripta Leonis , 150-151, no. 35.

164. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.Q.10.

165. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.H.4; VI.B.1.

166. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 8; VI.B.1.

167. Rieti, Arch. Cap., VI.E.3. (In a list for 1235, from San Matteo, for example, the list of 28 men includes no place name identifications: IX.A.2.)

168. Rome, A.S., S. Francesco di S. Vittoria in Materano, sec. 13, no. 1.

169. These nuns will be discussed in both chapters 7 and 8; but here I should like to call attention to San Tommaso's being or becoming Cistercian; see Janauschek, Originum cisterciensium , lx: San Tommaso fuori Rieti, in 1273, a daughter of Casamari, patronized by the Cistercian cardinal, John of Toledo, bishop of Porto; see too Janauschek, ibid., lxi, for San Benedetto di Fondi. For

San Tommaso see also Canivez, Statuta capitulorum , vol. 3, no. 35 and vol. 5, no. 66.

168. Rome, A.S., S. Francesco di S. Vittoria in Materano, sec. 13, no. 1.

169. These nuns will be discussed in both chapters 7 and 8; but here I should like to call attention to San Tommaso's being or becoming Cistercian; see Janauschek, Originum cisterciensium , lx: San Tommaso fuori Rieti, in 1273, a daughter of Casamari, patronized by the Cistercian cardinal, John of Toledo, bishop of Porto; see too Janauschek, ibid., lxi, for San Benedetto di Fondi. For

San Tommaso see also Canivez, Statuta capitulorum , vol. 3, no. 35 and vol. 5, no. 66.

170. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Cart. Silv., 48-50.

1. Baldelli, Medioevo volgare , 236. I hope that the pertinence of the phrase to the chapter will be apparent; but the question of whether, for example, a serious but unconventionally instructed Christian's becoming a "saint" or a "heretic" is decided as if by a throw of the dice should not I think be such an easy question to answer as it has seemed (in both directions) to some of my predecessors.

2. Bib. Apos. Vat., Vat. Lat. 4029, fos. 3r-5v. I do not at all mean to imply that this is an unknown or unpublished document; see principally Luigi Fumi, "Eretici e ribellinell'Umbria," particularly 5:349-420, but see too Fumi's remarkable "Avvertenza," 5:421-422, in which he excuses and explains his publication of offensive documents, ai dotti not al pubblico , and makes a series of comparisons, including one to rooms in museums in which certain pieces of sculpture are reserved: "si mostrano certe statue che si avrebbe rossore di esporre in piazza a vista di tutti." It will be obvious to the reader that I have actually written the Paolo parts of this chapter from the Vatican manuscript and not from Fumi and that my treatment of the material depends on its relationship to the manuscript in which it was written. That procedure is consistent, I think, with my more general approach to the documents within this book. But I should explain that when I was actually writing I had available to me a photocopy of the manuscript and not of the edition, both of which I had originally read in the Vatican. I was not avoiding Fumi because I believed that my readings would be better than his; quite the opposite is probably true. A reference to Paolo and his document, with some transcription, which most scholars would probably consider more authoritative than Fumi's, is to be found in Ehrle, "Die Spintualen," particularly 4:8-15, 16-20. But the figure of Paolo has also found its way into, or at least it has been mentioned in, such a relatively general history of heresy as Leff, Heresy in the Later Middle Ages , 1:234; Leff's account of the fraticelli in relation to and distinction from other similar movements is lucidly helpful. Paolo's case and the document which contains it have not been, I think, considered before as sources for very local Rieti history, as they are meant to be here, and I hope that may give them a new freshness for anyone who already knows them. They are not meant here to be presented as a contribution to the history of heresy and inquisition.

3. Paolo's first testimony is Vat. Lat. 4029, fos. 6v-7v, but the description of him is from the inquisitor's statement on fos. 6r-6v (Fumi, "Eretici e ribelli," 5: 354-356). One notes, to use a word of Don Giovanni de Canemorto (used in a more serious context), a certain vacillation in the description of the house's location, who lives there when, and (one discovers later) in the fact that at least

once Paolo and Contessa seem to live in different sestieri within the Porta Romana.

4. Bib. Apos. Vat., Vat. Lat. 4029, fos. 3r, 7r, also see a passage left blank on 5r; the name "Piscis" was written in the margin of fo. 7v, with a mark of identification, identical with one placed in the blank space in the text.

5. See Dondaine, "Le Manuel de l'inquisiteur"; Gui, Manuel; Bernard Gui et son monde ; Peters, Inquisition , particularly, 59-67; Hamilton, The Medieval Inquisition ; Wakefield, Heresy ; Violante, "Eresie urbane"; Wakefield and Evans, Heresies of the High Middle Ages ; Merlo, Eretici ed eresie medievali ; Dal Pino, Il laicato italiano ; Merlo, Tensioni religiose .

6. Bib. Apos. Vat., Vat. Lat. 4029, fo. 6r; see Pasztor, "Il processo di Andrea da Gagliano."

7. Taught very convincingly by Lerner in the first chapter of his book The Heresy of the Free Spirit ; see too Lerner's warning about the use of inquisitorial records, 5. Grundmann's short, lucid explanation of attitudes connected with the "Free Spirit," including sexual attitudes, is still cogent, see, in the Italian translation: Movimenti religiosi nel medioevo , especially 332-333.

8. Given, "The Inquisitors of Languedoc." As will surely he obvious I have found this an extremely stimulating introduction to the problems of inquisitorial records; Given's approach to very large and important problems of society and authority through these records brings to themselves a new freshness and attraction; for me the essay was very provocative. For use in Paolo's case see particularly, 343-353.

9. Given, "The Inquisitors," 352.

10. The work of Franciscan inquisitors in central Italy has been studied with particular care and success by Mariano d'Alatri, see especially his Inquisizione .

11. Bib. Apos. Vat., Vat. Lat. 4029, fo. 20r; Fumi, "Eretici e ribelli," 5:372.

12. For the miracles, Vat. Lat. 4029, fos. 21r-21v; Fumi, "Eretici e ribelli," 5: 373-374; and below.

13. Vat. Lat. 4029, fos. 6v-7v; Fumi, "Eretici e ribelli," 5:353-354.

14. Vat. Lat. 4029, fos. 8r-8v; Longone and Poggio Bustone are both early Franciscan settlements.

15. Vat. Lat. 4029, fo. 8v; Fumi, "Eretici e ribelli," 5:357.

16. Vat. Lat. 4029, fos. 9r-9v; Fumi, "Eretici e ribelli," 5:357-358.

17. Vat. Lat. 4029, fos. 9v-11v; Fumi, "Eretici e ribelli," 5:358-361.

18. Vat. Lat. 4029, fos. 11v-13v; Fumi, "Eretici e ribelli," 5:361-364; these dates are somewhat suspicious because they precede Contessa's 16 July testimony; they, particularly 25 July, may have been miswritten.

19. Vat. Lat. 4029, fos. 13v-15r; Fumi, "Eretici e ribelli," 5:364-366.

20. Vat. Lat. 4029, fos. 15v-16r; Fumi, "Eretici e ribelli," 5:366-367.

21. Vat. Lat. 4029, fos. 16v-17r; Fumi, "Eretici e ribelli," 5:367-368; the nobilis et sapiens uir Don Giovanni de Canemorto did not break his connection with Rieti even after he had acquired a house in Rome and was living there; see Rieti, Arch. Cap., VII.G.9 (1361)—in this example the connection is ensured by ties of patronage, but in August and again in December 1358 Giovanni received a salary of one florin from the church, as Ballovino recorded in his book of accounts (Lib. Int. et Exit.) for 1358. Andrea di don Sinibaldo "de Tortolinis"

de Reate (Lib. IV, fo. 19v) was abbot of Sant'Eleuterio from at least 8 December 1310 to at least 24 November 1336: Arch. Cap., VII.G.3, VI.D.4; by 21 May 1339 Angelo di don Paolo was abbot: VI.D.5. It is interesting to compare Giacomo Leoparducii's talk of torture with the almost exactly contemporary (1327) synodal constitution at Gubbio: "Et licet tortura in multis casibus concedatur iure tamen ut magistra rerum experientia docuit ex ea multa scandala et pericula provenire noscuntur, nec de facili viri ecclesiastici debeant ad tormenta corporum (venire) statuimus": Cenci, "Costituzioni sinodali," 369. The communal statutes of Rieti contain a statute limiting torture, or forbidding it except in certain cases (Rieti, A.S., Statuti, I, fo. 83v), but the cases are numerous enough seriously to limit the effectiveness of the statute: theft, robbery, rape, cutting vines, trees, nuts, mutilation of limb, scarring of face, false instruments or writing, false coining.

22. Vat. Lat. 4029, fos. 16v-17r; Fumi, "Eretici e ribelli," 5:368-369.

23. Vat. Lat. 4025, fo. 17v; Fumi, "Eretici e ribelli," 5:369.

24. Vat. Lat. 4025, fos. 17v-18r; Fumi, "Eretici e ribelli," 5:369-370.

25. Vat. Lat. 4025, fos. 18r-18v.

26. Vat. Lat. 4025, fos. 18v-19v; Fumi, "Eretici e ribelli," 5:371-372.

27. Vat. Lat. 4025, fos. 19v-20r; Fumi, "Eretici e ribelli," 5:372-373.

28. Vat. Lat. 4025, fos. 20r-21v; Fumi, "Eretici e ribelli," 5:373-374 (Fumi reads Fonzianum).

29. Vat. Lat. 4025, fos. 21v-22r; Fumi, "Eretici e ribelli," 5:374-375.

30. Vat. Lat. 4025, fos. 22r-23r: "tetigit membrum ipsius" (fo. 22r)—to whom does ipsius refer? Paolo's revealed tastes (or tastes of which he is accused) make it difficult to decide.

31. Vat. Lat. 4025, fos. 23r-23v; Fumi, "Eretici e ribelli," 5:376.

32. Vat. Lat. 4025, fos. 23v-24v; Fumi, "Eretici e ribelli," 5:376-378.

33. Vat. Lat. 4025, fo. 25r; Fumi, "Eretici e ribelli," 5:378.

34. Vat. Lat. 4025, fo. 25v; Fumi, "Eretici e ribelli," 5:379-380.

35. Vat. Lat. 4025, fos. 26r-26v; Fumi, "Eretici e ribelli," 5:379-380.

36. Vat. Lat. 4025, fos. 26v-27v; Fumi, "Eretici e ribelli," 5:380-381.

37. Vat. Lat. 4025, fo. 28r; the entry is incomplete and the text recommences on fo. 33r.

38. Vat. Lat. 4025, fos. 33r-34r; Fumi, "Eretici e ribelli," 5:382-384.

39. Vat. Lat. 4025, fos. 34r-35v; Fumi, "Eretici e ribelli," 5:384-385; I have translated "prope nonam" as "about noon." The whole incident is revealing about the nature and effect of the city's enclosure by wall and river; the information revealed is not straightforward, exactly, but it is understandable.

40. Vat. Lat. 4025, fos. 36r-37v; Fumi, "Eretici e ribelli," 5:386-388.

41. Vat. Lat. 4025, fos. 37v-39r; Fumi, "Eretici e ribelli," 5:388-389.

42. Vat. Lat. 4025, fos. 39r-43r; Fumi, "Eretici e ribelli," 5:390-394. For a threat to a house see the case of the canon Palmerio Leonardi, in chapter 6 note 75 above: Rieti, Arch. Cap., III.D.10.

43. Vat. Lat. 4025, fos. 43r-73v.

44. Vat. Lat. 4025, fos. 45r-45v, 43v-44v: the disorder in chronological arrangement is an obvious clue to the way in which the Vatican manuscript was compiled. Fumi ("Eretici e ribelli," 5:397) reads Bernardo's place of origin as

"de Gonissa" with a (?); I do not find this a possible reading, but of course it could be a correction of a scribal error; I read "Ben" or "Ven" and find Venice more likely. Fumi (395) also reads "de Civitate Sancte Floris de Ibernia" which I cannot identify; the presence of clerical figures from the British isles is worth noting; they must have been, at least by birth, neutral in central Italian oppidal squabbles.

45. Vat. Lat. 4025, fos. 44v-45r; Fumi, "Eretici e ribelli," 5:396. In connection with the phrase "Bona la canapita," as Fumi reads it, which the witness dompno Tommaso testified that someone in Rieti said about the time the inquisitor left Rieti, Fumi has written about canipa , canapa : hemp, and its collection, at the time of the inquest: "Anedotti curiosi: La Canapata," in "Eretici e ribelli," 5:445-446.

46. Vat. Lat. 4025, fos. 46v-49r; Fumi, "Eretici e ribelli," 5:397-401. I am unsure which of the two neighboring Monteleone, that in the diocese of Rieti, Monteleone Sabina, or that in the diocese of Spoleto, Monteleone di Spoleto, is intended; in either case the assumed significance of town of origin is exposed.

47. Vat. Lat. 4025, fos. 45v-46v; Fumi, "Eretici e ribelli," 5:397-398.

48. Vat. Lat. 4025, fos. 58r-62v, 50v-52r; the importance of this definition of the provincia romana in terms of the boundary of the diocese of Rieti which cut through the territory of Leonessa should be clear to the reader; and it should be thought about in connection with the materials and ideas discussed in chapters 3 and 4 above. For Franciscan provinces and the inquisition see Mariano D'Alatri, L'inquisizione .

49. Vat. Lat. 4025, fos. 63r-68r; Fumi, "Eretici e ribelli," 5:406-412. For Viterbo Benedictine houses, see Caraffa, ed., Monasticon Italiae , 1:193-196, nos. 290-303—see no. 300 for S. Matteo in Sonza. The reader should note the relative richness of this clerical community.

50. Vat. Lat. 4025, 68r-73r.

51. Vat. Lat. 4025, fos. 75r-76r; Fumi, "Eretici e ribelli," 5:412-413. The chronology of the Vatican manuscript is repeatedly distorted, but this placing of the Tivoli fraticelli inquest after the Rieti-Leonessa-Viterbo inquest is by far the greatest distortion. In spite of its position in the manuscript its reader might immediately guess that the Tivoli inquest did not happen in 1335 because the death of the pope would have intervened (in December 1334) between it and the previous inquests, and that would suggest the necessity of recording new inquisitorial authorization; but there is in fact more exact evidence for the document's referring to events in 1334: on fo. 81r the manuscript dates itself (in March) as in the second indiction; and on fo. 79r it actually offers the date, within a document, 1334 (again in March). Ehrle firmly accepts 1334 ("Die Spiritualen," 4: 8). There is a further problem; the manuscript places, above the first Tivoli action, the date "Indictione secunda, mense Februarii, Die xxviiij"—but neither 1334 or 1335 was a leap year. There was no 29 February in either year. Fumi simply prints "xxviiij" (412); Ehrle quietly emends ''XXVIIIa" (8). "29 February" is an odd, unusual error, but not, I think, inconsistent with the recording behavior of the manuscript's scribe.

52. Vat. Lat. 4025, fos. 75r-78r. For the fraticelli see Douie, The Nature and Effect , particularly 49-80, and more recently Mariano D'Alatri, "Fraticellismo

e inquisizione" (an essay originally published in Picenum seraphicum 10 [1974])—and the references cited in both works. Ronald Musto spent much time talking to me about Angelo Clareno and lent me his beautiful editions of Angelo letters particularly those connected with Gentile of Foligno. I have had the advantages of years' of patient explanation by Charles Till Davis about the problems connected with the writings of Angelo and the other "Spirituals"; I have always come away vastly instructed, and much deepened in my appreciation, and completely convinced that only scholars truly learned in the work of the Spirituals are able to cope with them in any serious way. A reader can get a sense of Davis's learning, lucidity, and complexity in his "Ubertino da Casale.'' Here, for Angelo, I am particularly dependent on Lydia von Auw's ed. of Angelo Clareno, "Epistole," 1:103. For an outline of Angelo's life see 1:xxii-xxv. For Subiaco see particularly Frugoni, "Subiaco francescano"; but also Egidi, Giovannoni, and Hermanin, eds., I monasteri di Subiaco , all of the essays, but particularly "Gli affreschi del secolo decimoterzo," 417-485, 439-446, and plate V. For an introduction to Joachim of Fiore whose influence blows around these figures and through these inquisitorial stories see Reeves, Joachim of Fiore . In general, too, see Moorman, A History of the Franciscan Order , and particularly for Angelo, 312; and for instructions for selected interrogations, see Gui, Manuel , 1:158; and for a description of related heresy, again by Gui, translated by Wakefield and Evans, 411-439.

53. Vat. Lat. 4025, fos. 80r-81r.

54. See particularly, I monasteri di Subiaco , 1:123-124, for Subiaco's flourishing.

55. Although it is not conclusive in identifying parties or even, for the most part, individuals, the counterpoint between Angelo Clareno's letters and the events recorded in the Vatican manuscript is provocative. The correspondence connects the narrative of the manuscript with a broader and more intellectual world; the local narrative of the manuscript ties the idea and sentiment of the letters to the localness of town and countryside, see "Epistole," 1:xxxviii-xl, liv-lix, 49-52 (no. 11 to Francesco and Giovanni Lotaroni), 253-256 (no. 50 concerning the same Citto and Vanne), 256-257 (no. 51 to Andrea da Rieti), 277-279 (no. 58 to Matteo da Rieti and Giovanni Petrignani), and index under "Lodoroni" and "Petrignani"; for Auw's identification of Giovanni Petrignani, see 10 no. 1, to letter 2, 10-12, addressed to Giovanni Petrignani and "Io., Le. Nicholao, B. et ceteris."

56. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Cart. Silv., 269; Lib. Int. et Exit., 1358. Libro IV, fo. 34v (the prebend—and compare Reg., or Libr. VI, fos. 11r-11v); Cart. Silv., 11 (for Tommaso Secinari's will); Lib. Int. et Exit., 1358, fo. 45r (for Giovanni's singing the Assumption Mass); again Lib. Int. et Exit., 1358 for his receiving commons and his being alive in April 1359, and Lib. Int. et Exit., 1360 for his being dead by the summer of 1360; on the patrician family Petrignani as it developed, right down to the Scipio(ne) Petrignani still alive in 1666, see chapter 1 note 75 for Perotti Cavalli, vii, viii, 97 (and for the Caputosti, whose member Giovanni preceded Giovanni Petrignani as archpriest of San Giovanni Evangelista, 16).

57. "Epistole," 1:49-52 no. 11, 253-256 no. 50, the quotation from Luke is

on 52; the letter is interwoven with scriptural echoes and citations with which its similar tone and message are reinforced, for example, 51: "Dimittite ergo mortuos sepelire mortuos suos" (Matthew 8:32). The reader should be aware of the presence of other descendants of Eleuterio in the documents (for example, Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 554) and of course that there were other Eleuterios at Rieti (for example, III.B.1, 13).

58. For the autobiografia see the text printed in Frugoni, Celestiniana , 56-67; Frugoni's transcription can be controlled against the manuscript which Frugoni used as his base: A.S.V., A. A. Arm. I-XVIII, 3327; and for Frugoni's discussion of manuscripts see in Celestiniana 25-55, 39-43. Herde has completely revised the bibliography for Celestine V/Peter of Morrone with his Cölestin V ; and he, Herde, has presented a superb short biography, "Celestino V, papa," in Dizionario biografico . I myself have been for some years working on the autobiografia in connections more limited: religion in the Abruzzi, and the development of "intimacy" in medieval biography; I have not published this work as yet but have presented parts of it in lectures, particularly, in "They heard bells everywhere," the third of my Neilson Lectures at Smith College, "Petrified Man: The Pursuit of 'Intimacy' in Late Medieval Biography" (delivered 12 November 1985) and ''Peter of Morrone's Autobiography as 'a boy in a red sweater,'" a Berkeley faculty research lecture (delivered 10 March 1988).

59. I have discussed Anselm's bread in connection with the dream which encloses it in "Il sogno di Sant'Anselmo." The Anselm bread is of course written by Eadmer but in a version presumably approved by Anselm himself: Eadmer, The Life of St. Anselm , ed. Southern, 4-5 no. 2; Bertram Colgrave, ed., Two Lives of St. Cuthbert (Cambridge, 1940), 77-79: anonymous, book 1, cap. 7; 174-179, Bede, cap. 7. These stories may be much farther from Cuthbert than Anselm's is from him.

60. Frugoni, Celestiniana , particularly 64-65: A.S.V., A. A. Arm. I-XVIII, 3327, fos. 25r-25v. The autobiografia resolves the problem of the nature of the world in which the saint lives and expresses himself, I believe, through increasing emphasis on aerial activity: the sound of bells, the flight of doves, in the realm of the Holy Ghost.

61. Frugoni, Celestiniana , 60: Vatican Archive MS, fo. 22v. Recall Scripta Leonis , 146-151, no. 34, hail at Greccio, above chapter 2.

62. Chiappini, "Santa Filippa Mareri," 92; Rome, Biblioteca Angelica, vol. X, 10, 30, int. 8, office and appendices printed in Rome in 1545, 187v. I have published two essays about Filippa: "Filippa Mareri, la Santa Baronessa"; and "Santa Filippa Mareri": although here I repeatedly remain verbally close to the earlier essay, my opinions about the sources changed considerably between my writing it and the second essay. Chiappini remains the standard available for the material; and although I have in my own work sometimes adjusted its spelling to that of the Angelica edition, I find it excellent. The essays in the Borgo S. Pietro 1989 volume really replace all earlier secondary work on the saint, I believe, but readers may still find interesting a relatively recent and popular work by Ziliani, La baronessa santa , and the more recent Cerafogli, La baronessa santa . Bibliography may be found in both of my essays and more fully in the Borgo S. Pietro 1989 volume.

63. See Oliger, "B. Margherita Colonna," 213-214, and my Rome before Avignon , 178-179. The study of sanctity and canonization has been significantly changed and advanced by the publication of Vauchez, La sainteté en occident , a very richly learned and intelligent book although perhaps a little categorical.

64. This description is based on a tentative use of the legenda , Chiappini, "Santa Filippa Mareri," 82-89; and the death is from lectio IX, 89.

65. For an unusually strong and sensitive reading of the legenda , with conclusions about its reliability very different from my own, in the Borgo S. Pietro 1989 volume: Pasztor, "Filippa Mareri."

66. See Rome before Avignon , 175-176 and sources there cited; compare legenda , lectio VII, Chiappini, "Santa Filippa Mareri," 86-87.

67. Oliger, "B. Margherita Colonna," 206-208, Stephania life, cap. 17.

68. See Bedini, Bibliotheca sanctorum , vol. 3, cols. 1179-1181, with painting by Conxolus in col. 1179; and Acta sanctorum octobris (Brussels, 1856), 6:362-365; I have discussed the possible connection in "Filippa Mareri, la Santa Baronessa," 294. For the monastery of S. Chelidonia near Subiaco, Monasticon Italiae , 1:174 no. 227.

69. There is a fascinating article about the move and the dispute around it in the Borgo S. Pietro 1989 volume: Marinelli, "La valle sommersa."

70. Borgo San Pietro, Archivio di Monastero, nos. 1, 6: Chiappini, "Santa Filippa Mareri," 95, 97.

71. Borgo San Pietro, Archivio di Monastero, nos. 14, 15: Chiappini, "Santa Filippa Mareri," 101.

72. For changes at the convent see, in the Borgo S. Pietro 1989 volume, Maceroni, "Il monastero di Santa Filippa Mareri." For the paintings see, in the same volume, Cantone, "Il ciclo pittorico della capella," and for archives see Terenzoni, ''L'archivio storico."

73. Menestò, ed., Il processo di canonizzazione , 435 n.160: Fra Giovanni, John, Pulcino, Flea?, de Mevania—Welsh (or perhaps Manx) as well as Franciscan?, and see xxiii-xxiv. This edition is extremely valuable and helpful for the study of hagiography.

74. See Chiappini, "Santa Filippa Mareri," 91-94, 92, 94; 87-88, 85-86, 88-89; readers of hagiography will note the familiarity of this figure.

75. Chiappini, "Santa Filippa Mareri," 83.

76. Chiappini, "Santa Filippa Mareri," 87.

77. Chiappini, "Santa Filippa Mareri," 92.

78. Chiappini, "Santa Filippa Mareri," 93, nos. 11 and 12 (at least I think them the same Gemmas).

79. Chiappini, "Santa Filippa Mareri," 91-92; for the foundations, 75.

80. Chiappini, "Santa Filippa Mareri," 93, no. 21.

81. Chiappini, "Santa Filippa Mareri," 93, no. 19.

82. Chiappini, "Santa Filippa Mareri," 92, no. 7.

83. Chiappini, "Santa Filippa Mareri," 88 ( lectio VIII), 94; see for example Scripta Leonis , 118-119, no. 18.

84. Chiappini, "Santa Filippa Mareri," 94.

85. Chiappini, "Santa Filippa Mareri," 89, from lectio IX.

86. The most penetrating discussion which I know, and one which is likely

to change any reader's thought about the possible variety in the formation of female religious groups, is in Casagrande's "Il fenomeno della reclusione volontaria," 480-481. For ideas about city and country, see Violante, "Eresie urbane."

1. I have taken Petrarch's quotation from Partner, The Lands of St. Peter , 327.

2. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.N.3 "3."

3. If, as seems likely, the early fourteenth-century palazzo Secinari was that palazzo with the retained and restored gothic window later known as the Palazzo Secinaro, near the upper end of the Via Roma, it was indeed at the city's center. For the observation of Secinaro, including San Quirico, during a Sulmona episcopal visitation in 1356: Celidonio, "Una visita pastorale," 176.

4. The relationship of the various currencies found in this will—and the variety is very noticeable—is most conveniently found in Spufford, Handbook , 59-72. In 1309 in Rome, a form was exchanged at thirty-six soldi of Ravenna (72), and, at the curia, at thirty and thirty-seven soldi provisini of the senate (68). In 1309-15 the florin was at Naples exchanged for thirteen carlini , and carlini were reckoned at sixty to the uncia, and two to the tareno (62-63) and the augustale was the equivalent of seven and one-half tareni (59), so that an uncia was worth slightly less than five forms, the florin was worth slightly over six tareni, and the augustale was worth a little more than a florin. The complexity of currency in the will is in part, but only in part, explained by its dealing with legacies in both the Regno and the papal states.

5. I have accepted this, very desirable, translation of "pro emendatione pomorum" after considerable doubt shared by my Berkeley colleague most practiced in the translation of related documents.

6. For the arrangement of the parts of wills, including legacies and bequests, see Paravicini Bagliani, I testamenti , xcvii-cli, which is of course dealing with the much grander exemplars of cardinals' wills. One should see the essays and bibliography in Bartoli Langeli, ed., Nolens intestatus decedere , particularly the essay by Rigon, "Orientamenti religiosi." See too references in my "Burial Preference," and now Bertram, ''Mittelalterliche Testamente." I do not think it is possible to be sure about the significance of the difference between the use of locus and ecclesia in Giovanni's will.

7. It is not apparent to me why the notary chooses, or Giovanni chooses, to say twelve denari and not one soldo, but it is apparent that twelve denari becomes the normal sum for gifts to recluses and for some other conventional charitable gifts. The recluses in these wills are frequently grammatically identified as being feminine.

8. I have dealt with the problem of dicing more exhaustively in a paper delivered at Tulane University: "Sin in a Small Italian City: Rieti in the Fourteenth Century." I have sheared the pseudo-Cyprian's phrases slightly, but they are crisp enough: "fugi diabolum persequentem te, fugi aleam inimicam rerum

tuarum": Miodonski, ed., Anonymus adversus aleatores (Erlangen, 1889), 110; for Giovanni nude, Rashdall, The Universities of Europe , 1:193 n.5; for Zanino di Pietro's panel at Fonte Colombo, see Mortari, "Rieti," 138 and plate 163. In Raymond's penitential, Book II, chs. 11 and 12.

9. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.N.3 (one of many documents so identified).

10. See too Rieti, Arch. Cap., IX.C.2.

11. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.N.2 (an identification they share with other documents).

12. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.N.3, "1320."

13. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.M.1 and above chapter 1.

14. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.G.3.

15. Rieti, Arch. Cap., VI.G.6 and above chapter 3.

16. Rieti, Arch. Cap., VI.G.5; I have discussed this "tympanum vision" in connection with a Bominaco donation, and changes away from it, toward what has seemed to me more modern notions of wills in the pattern of redemption in my "Death in Gualdo Tadino," 83; I there cited for "Cluniac," Cowdrey, The Cluniacs , particularly 121-156.

17. For a number of these relatively mute gifts and bequests for souls' sakes see particularly the documents within Rieti, Arch. Cap. IV.M.1, IV.M.2, and IV.L.10.

18. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IX.B.1. In fact the very short will by the (then ancient) canon Bartolomeo di don Oddone Alfani, healthy in mind and body, made on 20 December 1318 at San Domenico in the presence of seven Dominicans and the canon Giovanni di magistro Andrea, is reticent enough; he left twenty-five florins for his soul to his cathedral church but made no mention of place of burial: Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.N.3 "6."

19. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IX.B.1.

20. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.N.2 "3."

21. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.N.3 "1314." It should again be noticed that when the sex of the generalized recluses in these wills is grammatically observable, they are women.

22. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IX.B.1. The most informative extended account, which I know, of the exact nature of related (but much more lavish) funerals is in Sharon Therese Strocchia, "Burials in Renaissance Florence, 1300-1500," Ph.D. dissertation, University of California, Berkeley, 1981.

23. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Cart. Silv., 188-189. For the miracle, Scripta Leonis , 186-189. For lu consolu in the modern diocese, see Truini Palomba, La cucina sabina , 24-25.

24. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.N.3.

25. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Cart. Silv., 155.

26. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Cart. Silv., 206-208.

27. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Cart. Silv., 159-162.

28. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Cart. Silv., 163-164. For miserabiles see, again, Trexler, "Charity and the Defense of Urban Elites," 74. See too, of course, Tierney, Medieval Poor Law , 18, 37, as Trexler suggests.

29. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IX.B.2.

30. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Cart. Silv., 104-106.

31. For the women of the Pescheria, see Brentano, Rome before Avignon , 281-284. For the multiplication of Masses see particularly Chiffoleau, "Sur l'usage obsessionnel."

32. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IX.B.1 "1297."

33. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Cart. Silv., 29-31.

34. See for example Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.N.2 "1222": Famulus will of 1222; IV.N.2 "4": 1224 will of Matteo di don . . . subdiacono.

35. Pagnani, "Frammenti della cronaca del B. Francesco Venimbeni da Fabriano," 165.

36. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IX.B.2.

37. I have discussed this development in "Burial Preferences," 406; I considered a number of these problems of burial and chapter foundation in that paper.

38. Rieti, A.S., Perg. Comm., B. 1309 (will of Pietro Romano, canon of Sant'Angelo).

39. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IX.B.2; see Die mittelalterlichen Gräbmaler , 1:350, no. lxxxvi, 2, plate 120.

40. Rieti, Arch. Cap., V.E.2; Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 149-151. For relationships among the lords of Labro, see Arch. Cap., I.C.1; I.D.1; I.D.2; I.E.1; I.E.2.

41. Rieti, Arch. Cap., V.E.1. I assume that leguminum means "of beans" here.

42. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 148.

43. See Rossi, "The Devouring Passion," 33: "per li padri"; I should like to thank Louis Rossi for pointing this out to me.

44. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 89, 90, 92, 95-96, 121-122; "Burial Preferences," 408-410; above chapter 1.

45. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 95-96.

46. "Burial Preferences," 410.

47. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IV.N.4 "2": Don Giovanni Andrea di Cola di Venturella de Ciminis di Rieti, canon of Rieti, ill.

48. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 282-284, 341-342, 467; IV.N.3 "1366"; V.E.3; V.E.5 (in the last, in 1367, dompno Ballovino di magistro Giovanni receives three florins from Donna Risabella, widow of Gentile di Amico of Apoleggia for his burial).

49. Celidonio, "Una visita pastorale," 173; Rome, A.S., Santo Spirito, B, 131 and in Rome before Avignon , 267.

50. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Cart. Silv., 194-195, 241, and see 216 for another case of the bishop's acting as patrem pauperum and designating pauperes Christi . The case of the Cimini women seems exactly to illustrate Trexler's point in "Charity and the Defense of Urban Elites" and to unite it with his own work on the bishop's fourth: see particularly his "Bishop's Portion"; but Biagio's own understanding of what he was doing is, of course, hidden.

51. Rieti, Arch. Cap., III.D.2; the foundation and early years of Santa Lucia have been carefully examined recently by Di Nicola in Il monastero di S. Lucia , 7-11, and Di Nicola reproduces photographs of Risabella's will and other im-

portant documents and drawings. See too my "Movimento religioso femminile."

52. Chiappini, "Santa Filippa Mareri," nos. 23, 26, 30.

53. Di Nicola, "Le pergamene di Santa Caterina," 22 and no. 14.

54. Rieti, Arch. Cap., VI.G.15.

55. Rieti, Arch. Cap., III.D.1 (originally communal).

56. See above, chapter 6 note 142.

57. Di Nicola, "Le pergamene di Santa Caterina," 20: carceri " in circuitu dicte ecclesie positis iuxta ecclesiam " and no. 4.

58. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Libro IV perg. fos. 41v-42r.

59. Di Nicola, "Le pergamene di Santa Caterina," 20, 26 no. 4; for the San Donato sisters see above, introduction note 13.

60. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Cart. Silv., 316.

61. Rieti, Arch. Cap., VI.G.13.

62. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Cart. Silv., 177.

63. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 397. For Sant'Erasmo see Palmegiani, La cattedrale , 145-146. For "Ospitalis Capitis Pontis" at Rieti, see Rieti, Arch. Cap., "1212," 4. Fonseca has shown the specific connection between hospitals and bridges, as, for example, briefly, in his "Forme assistenziali e strutture caritative," 286-287. Elisabeth Rothrauff is now working on bridge and hospital in Pisa.

64. Rieti, Arch. Cap., II.G.10. The statutes do not talk of gender. For confraternities now see particularly, I think, with their references: Henderson, "The Flagellant Movement"; Little, Liberty, Charity, and Fraternity ; and Banker, Death in the Community . But for a much longer list see Bowsky, Piety and Property , 81 n.203.

65. For Sulmona, Celidonio, "Una visita pastorale," 170.

66. Rieti, Arch. Cap., V.B.7. For San Lazzaro see Pirri, "S. Lazzaro del Valoncello," 86.

67. The reader should be aware of a cluster of dedications to San Vittorino particularly in the area of and across the developing border with L'Aquila.

68. For an introduction to the cult of Barbara, Angeletti, S. Barbara nella tradizione reatina ; the classical work on the Reatine Barbara, a fascinatingly finta -geographical book (with a map of the places of her life, elegantly drawn and reproduced) is Marini, Memorie di S. Barbara .

69. For Raimond's style see above chapter 5 note 102; for the Carmelite, Rieti, Arch. Cap., Cart. Silv., 133.

70. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Libro IV, fos. 51r-54v.

71. Rieti, Arch. Cap., V.D.2.

72. Rieti, A.S., Statuti, no. 5.

73. These figures are taken from Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. Int. et Exit., for the appropriate years. For civic feasts, in terms of legal recesses, at Rieti at the time of the composition of the statutes see Rieti, A.S., Statuti, I, fo. 76v: Easter days and Sundays, feasts of the Virgin, the twelve apostles and all the evangelists, Sant'Angelo, Nicholas, John the Baptist, Louis, Dominic, Augustine, Francis, Lucy, Mary Magdalen, Catherine, Severio, Elias, All Saints, Epiphany, Pentecost with two days following, Anthony Abbot, Barbara, Eleuterio, Bernardino, Vin-

cent, Palm Sunday to Sunday after Easter, Thursday before Carnival to Quadragesima Thursday.

74. For these relics see Chiappini, "Santa Filippa Mareri," 101, no. XIV. For a particularly important dedication, Rainaldo de Podio's dedication of the church or chapel of Sant'Erasmo in 1306, see Rieti, Arch. Cap., VI.G.10.

75. For the 1220s family: Rieti, Arch. Cap., "1212," 33, fo. 17r; for the tithe-payers and their cohorts: III.B.1, on 15 and neighboring pages; for a miscellany of names, III.B.1, 10-13, a miscellany that questions generalization. The Contigliano names come from a Contigliano catasto: Rieti, A.S., Catasto 7; for 1368: Arch. Cap., Lib. Int. et Exit., 1368.

76. For the cross from Posta, see Mortari, "Rieti," plates 155-156, and in the text 136, with its warning about the colors of the restored cross; in this section Mortari refers to earlier work on the cross by Carlo Bertelli, n.65. The preachers for each year are noted on the title page of the camerlengo's account books. These books, it should be noted, cover the chapter's fiscal year which begins, effectively, in July, in the later fourteenth century, as opposed to the nonfiscal year of the Reatine church which, after the style of Rieti, begins on Christmas day (so that what is called in the records 25 December 1318 is what we would call 25 December 1317: see Libr. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 103, for an actual dating of Christmas itself—obviously rare). For confessions see, for example, Little, "Les techniques de la confession," and the work there cited. For the Franciscans and town swelling see also my "Early Franciscans and Italian Towns."

77. See the appendix on the Rieti cycle below. See too Gardner, "The Cappellone di San Nicola."

78. For dompno Matteo di Lotherio in another guise, as a witness, see Rieti, Arch. Cap., Lib. perg. di Matteo Barnabei, 322; for Giovanni Petrignani's holding Tommaso Cimini's prebend see Reg. (or Libr.) VI, fos. 11v-12r, and Libr. IV, fo. 34v. For the future of the Alfani see Michaeli, Memorie , 2:99-106, 169-197.

79. For the Montecassino Passion and Sulmona see, for example, Edward, The Montecassino Passion ; for Sallust see Fabrizi, "Sallustio nella fantasia," 97. For plates of Canetra, Sambuco, Santa Vittoria, San Domenico and Sant'Agostino, see La sabina medievale , plates 145, 176-177, 89-104, 152-154, 133-137. A sense of the direction in which Reatine Christianity was traveling may be gotten from a prayer added to a breviary in the Archivio Capitolare, formerly called MS 20; it is I think fifteenth-century and carries the superscription: "Whoever says the underwritten prayer each day on bended knee will not be harmed by devil or evil man and thirty days before death will see the mother of our Lord Jesus Christ." The prayer is a meditation on the seven last words.

80. Matthiae, Pittura medioevale abruzzese , particularly plates 85-90, 92-94, 96. For the ciborium capital see Mortari, "Rieti," plate 170, and in the text, 138-142 with its reference to the removal of the ciborium in 1803. The best description I know of the actual integration of a religious institution in its society is Osheim, A Tuscan Monastery . For the observation of a clear and sharp difference between town and country in the fifteenth-century diocese of Cortona, see Daniel Bornstein's forthcoming "Priests and Villagers in the Diocese of Cortona."

81. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Libro IV perg., fos. 19v-20v. In Ballovino's 1358 accounts see particularly fos. 42r and 45r; for the surplus, the residuum pecunie in Agostino's "1379" accounts, fo. 63v.

82. Rieti, Arch. Cap., Cart. Silv., 108-115. For the stunningly spare and modern will of an important spiritual figure who, like his will, offers solutions and problems, helpfully, together, see that from 1318 of Cardinal Giacomo Colonna: Paravicini Bagliani, I testamenti , 423-426, no. XXVI.

83. See particularly Die mittelalterlichen Gräbmaler , 349, no. LXXXVI, 1, and plate 75, for the Gargano pilgrims at San Francesco.

84. Rieti, A.S., San Domenico, 7.

85. Rieti, Arch. Cap., IX.B.2 "1376." I have not found signs of major change, as in number of Masses, after 1348; but my observed sample was not large enough to produce significant or reliable results. Compare, for change, Cohn, Death and Property in Siena .

86. Rieti, Arch. Cap., VII.C.6. For Bartolomeo and Ballovino, see Reg. (or Libr.) VI, fos. 5r-5v and Libr. IV, fos. 29r-29v.

87. The passage is from chapter 7.

1. Verani, "Restaurati gli affreschi"; Belting, Die Oberkirche , 171 n.52. The fullest published discussion is now Blume, Wandmalerei , 42ff., 72ff. Cf. the review by J. Cannon, Burlington Magazine 127 (1985): 234-235.

2. Palmegiani, Rieti , 303; John R. H. Moorman, Mediaeval Franciscan Houses , 408.

3. Bullarium franciscanum , 1:381, Doc. XCVII.

4. Bullarium franciscanum , 1:516, Doc. CCXXVIII.

5. 20 September 1289 cf. Bullarium franciscanum , 4:168ff., Doc. CLXVIII.

6. 10 June 1263, Bullarium franciscanum , 2:471, Doc. LXV.

7. Angellotti, Descrittione , 23, "l'anno passato"; Palmegiani, Rieti , 304 gives the date as 1636.

8. This is particularly noticeable on the south wall of the choir, where the later frescoes are deliberately placed to avoid encroachment on the Liberation of the Heretic.

9. Verani, "Restaurati gli affreschi."

10. In the Upper Church at Assisi the basamento shows a fictive fabric hanging. Cf. White, The Birth and Rebirth of Pictorial Space , fig. 8. Blume, Wandmalerei , 73 makes the interesting suggestion that the angels emphasize the setting of the Rieti cycle around the high altar.

11. The oblique setting of the base blocks of the framing columns is most effectively observed from just outside the choir itself.

12. Palmegiani, Rieti , 304.

13. Tintori and Meiss, The Painting of the Life , 160. Borsook, The Mural Painters xxv.

14. Tintori and Meiss, The Painting of the Life , 144, 184. Borsook, The Mural Painters , 10.

15. For example the hexagons framing the angels have an internal dimension of 59 cm equaling one braccia .

16. White, Pictorial Space , 58.

17. Smart, The Assisi Problem , 4. Blume remarks ( Wandmalerei , 44) that the scenes on the left reflect the founding of the Franciscan order while those on the right wall are posthumous miracles. He suggests an original total of fifteen scenes: even if this were correct, the internal chronology of the narrative sequence would remain difficult to elucidate.

18. The crouching friars in the Vision of the Chariot and Francis and the Knight are closely comparable. Cf. Smart, The Assisi Problem , plates 55, 93. The Rieti scenes add some details.

19. The average width of the Assisi scenes is 375 cm; see White, Pictorial Space , 54 n.37. At Rieti the width of the scene of the Dream of Innocent III is 178.5 cm or approximately 3 braccie .

20. Buchthal, "The Musterbuch ." The copying process hypothesized by Blume ( Wandmalerei , 69ff.) derives from suggestions of Kitzinger, The Mosaics of Monreale .

21. Thus the painter copies the Freeing of the Heretic normally attributed to the Maestro di Santa Cecilia as well as the Healing of the Knight of Lerida.

22. White, Pictorial Space , 40.

23. For Assisi see White, Pictorial Space , 46. This organizing device had occurred prominently in the Arena Chapel cycle: cf. Alpatoff, "Giotto's Paduan Frescoes."

24. Toesca, Pietro Cavallini , plate XX.

25. For Vescovio cf. Matthiae, "Lavori della soprintendenza"; Gardner, "Pope Nicholas IV," 30. A different chronological sequence is postulated, to my mind unconvincingly, by Tomei, "Il ciclo vetero e neotestamentario di S. Maria di Vescovio.

26. Matthiae, Pietro Cavallini , fig. LXXVI.

27. Reflections of the frescoes at Assisi recur in the following of Meo da Siena. Cf. Santi, Galleria nazionale dell'Umbria , nos. 30, 31. Scarpellini, "Di alcuni pittori giotteschi." Blume ( Wandmalerei , 168) dates the Rieti frescoes shortly after 1295, which is very probably too early.

28. For a general discussion of the problem see Gardner, "The Louvre Stigmatization." Blume's contention ( Wandmalerei , 71, 108ff.) that copying was an official policy of the order lacks any contemporary documentary support. See also note 33 below.

29. Innocent III's vision occurred in Rome: see Gardner, "Päpstliche Traume." The Vision of the Chariot took place in Assisi ( Legenda maior iv, 4 in Analecta franciscana , 10:572), the Vision of the Thrones in "quadam ecclesia deserta" ( Legenda maior vi, 6 in Analecta franciscana , 10:584). The Healing of the Knight took place in Catalonia ( Legenda maior, Miracula i, 5 in Analecta franciscana , 10:629), and the Freeing of the Heretic took place in Rome ( Legenda maior, Miracula v, 4 in Analecta franciscana , 10:639).

30. Chiappelli, "Puccio Capanna." Cf. Blume, Wandmalerei , 49ff., 161ff.

31. Blume's book has undoubtedly placed the study of Franciscan cycles on a new footing, but leaves many problems unresolved. Cf. Cannon, review mentioned in note 1 above, 235.

32. Chiapelli, "Puccio Capanna," 212; Blume, Wandmalerei , 161.

33. Gardner, "Some Franciscan altars."