1. Marla Cone, "Human Immune Systems May Be Pollution Victim," Los Angeles Times (February 3, 1996): A1, A14-15.

2. Sharon Begley et al., "In the Desert, Big Trouble Under Glass," Newsweek 123 (April 18, 1994): 54.

3. Raymond Gozzi, Jr., "The Cyberspace Metaphor," ETC: A Review of General Semantics 51 (Summer 1994): 221.

4. Carla Hall, "'Extraterrestrial Highway' Gets Green Light in Nevada," Los Angeles Times (February 3, 1996): A19.

1. Marvin C. Ross, ed., The West of Alfred Jacob Miller (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1951), 119.

2. Patricia Nelson Limerick, Desert Passages: Encounters with the American Deserts (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1985), 113-126.

3. Earl Pomeroy, In Search of the Golden West: The Tourist in Western America (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1957), 172.

4. J. B. Jackson, "The Stranger's Path," Landscape 7 (Autumn 1957): 11-15.

5. Michelle Mahoney and Steve Lipsher, "Tourist Bureau Closing," Denver Post, November 4, 1993; Timothy Egan, "What Attracts Tourists Repels Some Residents," New York Times, June 5, 1989.

6. Edward Abbey, Abbey's Road (New York: E. P. Dutton, 1979), 86.

7. Alfred Runte, National Parks: The American Experience (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1979), 104.

8. Michael deCourcy Hinds, "Anxious Armies of Vacationers Are Demanding More from Nature," New York Times, July 8, 1990.

9. Richard Misrach, with Myriam Weisang Misrach, Bravo 20: The Bombing of the American West (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1990), 95.

10. Ibid., 96.

11. Pomeroy, In Search of the Golden West, 21.

12. "Photogenic Tetons Get Around a Lot More than Wyoming Likes," Denver Post, December 26, 1989.

13. "Wyoming Insists that Tetons Must Stay," New York Times, December 27, 1989.

14. "Denver Told Image Will Lasso Tourists," Denver Post, March 15, 1991; "Visitors Cool on Denver," Denver Post, June 24, 1993.

15. "'Not-So-Wild' West Disappointing," Denver Post, July 2, 1989.

16. Ibid.

17. Timothy Egan, "Kellogg Journal: Mining Town Given Lift in Effort to Be a Resort," New York Times, July 13, 1989.

18. Jessie L. Embry, Mormon Polygamous Families: Life in the Principle (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1987).

19. Quoted in Sylvia Rodriguez, "Art, Tourism, and Race Relations in Taos: Toward a Sociology of the Art Colony," Journal of Anthropological Research 45, no. 1 (1989): 83.

1. Robert Epstein, "The Search for DeMille's Lost City," Los Angeles Times, March 11, 1993: F12.

2. Lew Wallace, Lew Wallace: An Autobiography (New York: Harper, 1906), 16. A summary of the war and its effect on Wallace appears here and in Morsberger and Morsberger, Lew Wallace, 5.

3. Wallace, Lew Wallace, 188.

4. Wallace's years with the Juáristas are dealt with in detail in Irving McKee, " Ben-Hur" Wallace: The Life of General Lew Wallace (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1947), 90-110.

5. The Fair God, or, the Last of the 'Tzins: A Tale of the Conquest of Mexico (New York: James R. Osgood, 1873). My understanding of The Fair God is based on the reading of the novel given in Robert E. Morsberger and Katherine M. Morsberger, Lew Wallace: Militant Romantic (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1980), 224-37. For an account of the 1838 removal of the Potawatomi Indians, see ibid., 12.

6. Susan Wallace, The Land of the Pueblos (New York: Alden, 1890 rpt.), 16, 131.

7. Cited in Morsberger and Morsberger, Lew Wallace, 215.

8. Edward H. Spicer believes that, in the territories of Arizona and New Mexico, the U.S. "thought in terms of extermination or forcible isolation, rather than Christian conversion." The concept of the reservation, he claims, "developed out of the policy of isolation" and offered a practical alternative to killing the Indians. See Cy cles of Conquest: The Impact of Spain, Mexico, and the United States on the Indians of the Southwest, 1533-1960 (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1962), 344-45, 347. At the same time, the religious conversion and political containment of the Indians in the southwestern U.S. have been seen as equally controlling strategies designed to cope with the "other." One western historian argues, for instance, that General Kearney's 1846 triumphal march into New Mexico and Bishop Lamy's 1852 arrival in Santa Fe both constituted invasions, although one was sponsored by the U.S. government and one was decreed by the Church. See Howard Roberts Lamar, The Far Southwest 1846-1912: A Territorial History (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1966), 102-03. For information on Jean Baptiste Lamy, who was appointed to reform the Catholic Church in New Mexico, see Paul Horgan, Lamy of Santa Fe: His Life and Times (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1975). Willa Cather's novel Death Comes for the Archbishop (1927) is a thinly disguised account of his career in New Mexico.

9. The war against Victorio is chronicled in C. L. Sonnichsen, The Mescalero Apaches (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1958), 160-64; Dan L. Thrapp, Victorio and the Mimbres Apaches (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1974); McKee, " Ben-Hur" Wallace, 155-56; and Morsberger and Morsberger, Lew Wallace, 282-87.

10. Morsberger and Morsberger, Lew Wallace, 916, 918.

11. As one would imagine, there have been numerous works written on the Lincoln County War and on Billy the Kid. For the best account of Billy's role in the feud, see Stephen Tatum, Inventing Billy the Kid: Visions of the Outlaw in America, 1881-1981 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1982), 15-34; for an explanation of Wallace's role, see Morsberger and Morsberger, Lew Wallace, 257-81.

12. Wallace's emphasis. The complete correspondence between the two men is traced in Morsberger and Morsberger, Lew Wallace, 274-77.

13. John G. Cawelti, The Six-Gun Mystique (Bowling Green, Ohio: Bowling Green University Popular Press, 1971), 35. Subsequent references to this edition appear in the text.

14. Lew Wallace made this observation in a letter that he wrote, quoted in Morsberger and Morsberger, Lew Wallace, 291. Susan Wallace commented on the western landscape in The Land of the Pueblos, 51.

15. Lew Wallace, Ben-Hur: A Tale of the Christ (New York: Grosset and Dunlap, 1922 rpt.), 319. Subsequent references to this edition appear in the text.

16. Will Wright, Six-Guns and Society: A Structural Study of the Western (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1975), 69.

17. Some critics feel that Ben-Hur is a revenge tragedy disguised as a historical religious romance. These critics, including Carl Van Doren, argue that Ben-Hur's thirst for revenge overpowers his hunger for Christ and that his thirst lingers at the end of the book, even after Christ dies. See The American Novel 1789-1939 (New York: Macmillan, 1940), 114.

18. Wright, Six-Guns and Society, 156.

19. In addition, the chariot race scene, as it has been staged in the theater and later on screen, has involved a number of western directors, actors, and props. In the popular 1899 stage version, the future "cowboy" movie star William S. Hart played Messala. His expertise with horses enabled him to prevent a serious mishap in the theater on opening night, when the horses veered out of control and almost ran off the stage. In MGM's 1925 silent film version, directed by Fred Niblo and starring Ramon Novarro, the race scene was directed, not by Niblo, but by the second unit director, B. Reaves Eason, who later directed the land rush scene in Cimarron (1930) and the stallion scenes in Duel in the Sun (1946). In MGM's follow-up 1959 film version, directed by William Wyler, Charlton Heston (Ben-Hur) and Stephen Boyd (Messala)—amazingly—raced their own chariots. Professional rodeo riders drove the rest of them. For more information, see William S. Hart, My Life East and West (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1929), 149; Morsberger and Morsberger, Lew Wallace, 464-66,475-76, 483.

20. For a discussion of the relationship between the historical romance and the dime novel, see Tatum, Inventing Billy the Kid, 43. In a retrospective review of Ben-Hur, written twenty-five years after the book first appeared, Hammond Lamont claimed that the book's characters and incidents "make a dime novel about bandits and beauties seem dull and lifeless. . . . Jesse James is a divinity student in a white choker when compared with Messala. . . . And for your high-souled, dauntless hero, we back Ben Hur against any combination of Old Sleuth and Crimson Dick yet presented to the world." In "The Winner in the Chariot Race," The Nation 80 (February 23, 1905): 148.

21. Writing from Crawfordsville, Indiana, on May 6, 1890, Wallace informed A. J. Wissler that he composed the last three books of Ben-Hur while he lived in New Mexico. Wallace Papers, New Mexico Records Center and Archives, Santa Fe.

22. Wallace, "How I Came to Write Ben-Hur," Youth's Companion 66 (February 2, 1893): 57. Later the essay was reprinted in Wallace's autobiography, where it was placed near the end.

23. Wallace, Lew Wallace, 938.

24. It is an indication of the de-emphasis of the hero's quest for revenge in the second half of Ben-Hur that in the 1959 film no mention is made of the hero's attempt to gather and train Jewish troops. After the race the film concerns itself only with Ben-Hur's reunion with his mother and sister and with his conversion to Christianity.

25. Wallace, Lew Wallace, 1-2.

26. Morsberger and Morsberger, Lew Wallace, 296.

27. As quoted in ibid., 267.

28. Morsberger and Morsberger, Lew Wallace, 450. Noting that the subject of religion was "one of perennial importance in the making of best sellers" in America. in the middle and late nineteenth century, James D. Hart claims that Wallace's novel "combined the historical values of Scott and the moral worth of Mrs. Stowe, the two previous novelists who had battered down almost the last prejudices against fiction. Ben-Hur was endorsed on all sides by clergymen and leaders of public opinion." See The Popular Book: A History of America's Literary Taste (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1950), 163-64.

1. Marie Beynon Ray, "Curves Ahead," Colliers, October 7, 1933, 24, 40; Mae West, Way Out West, Tower T-5028, 1964; Emanuel Cohen, prod. Go West, Young Man (Los Angeles: Paramount Pictures, 1936; re-released Los Angeles: MCA/Universal Video, 1993); John Cohen, "And West Is West," New York Sun, October 21, 1993; George Davis, "Decline of the West," Vanity Fair, May 1934, 46, 82; Kenneth Baker, "War Clouds in the West?" Photoplay, December 1933, 47, 109; Elza Schallert, "'Go West'—If You're an Adult,'' Motion Picture, May 1933, 32-33, 84; Stark Young, "Diamond Lil," The New Republic, June 27, 1928, 145, 146. In addition to writing all of her plays and scripts for her earliest films, West wrote several books. See Mae West, The Constant Sinner (New York: Macaulay, 1930); Diamond Lil (New York: Macaulay, 1932); Goodness Had Nothing to Do with It (Englewood Cliffs, N. J.: Prentice-Hall Inc., 1959); Mae West on Sex, Health, and ESP (London: W. H. Allen, 1975); and The Pleasure Man (New York: Dell Publishing, 1975).

2. William LeBaron, prod., Klondike Annie (Los Angeles: Paramount Pictures, 1936; re-released Los Angeles: MCA/Universal Video, 1993). For other Mae West films set in the west see Goin' To Town (Paramount, 1935) and My Little Chickadee (Universal, 1940).

3. For some recent interpretations of Mae West's work, see Carol Ward, Mae West: A Bio-Bibliography (New York: Greenwood Press, 1989); Ramona Curry, Too Much of a Good Thing: Mae West as a Cultural Icon (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1996); Marybeth Hamilton, " When I'm Bad, I'm Better": Mae West, Sex, and American Entertainment (New York: HarperCollins Publishers, 1995); Marybeth Hamilton, "Mae West Live: SEX, the Drag, and 1920s Broadway," The Drama Review 36 (Winter 1992), 82-100; Pamela Robertson, Guilty Pleasures: Feminist Camp from Mae West to Madonna (Durham: Duke University Press, 1996); June Sochen, Mae West: She Who Laughs, Lasts (Arlington Heights, Ill.: Harlan Davidson, Inc., 1992); Molly Haskell, From Reverence to Rape: The Treatment of Women in the Movies (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1973), 107, 115-119; Marjorie Rosen, Popcorn Venus: Women, Movies, and the American Dream (New York: Avon, 1973), 129-130, 160-164; Lea Jacobs, The Wages of Sin: Censorship and the Fallen Woman Film, 1928-1942 (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1991 ); Robert Allen, Horrible Prettiness: Burlesque and American Culture (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1991), 274-283.

4. For sources that document West's association with the African American community, see Richard Grupenhoff, The Black Valentino: The Stage and Screen Career of Lorenzo Tucker (Metuchen, N. J.: Scarecrow, 1988), 98-101, 107-108; Robert Johnson, "Mae West: Snow White Sex Queen Who Drifted," Jet, July 25, 1974, 40-48; George Haddad-García, "Mae West, Everybody's Friend," Black Stars, April 1981, 62-64; West, Goodness, 64-65; Kevin Thomas, ''Mae West, Like Rock 'n' Roll Music Is Still Deeply Rooted in Ragtime," Washington Post, January 1, 1967, sec. 6, p. 2; John Kobal, People Will Talk (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1986), 153-161. For biographical studies of West, see George Eells and Stanley Musgrove, Mae West: A Biography (New York: William Morrow and Company, 1982); Sochen, Mae West: She Who Laughs, Lasts; Jon Tuska, The Complete Films of Mae West (New York: Citadel Press, 1973); Ward, Mae West: A Bio-Bibliography.

5. Henry Louis Gates, Jr., The Signifying Monkey: A Theory of African American Literary Criticism (New York: Oxford University Press, 1988), 51-88.

6. Mae West, The Wit and Wisdom of Mae West, Joseph Weintraub, ed. (New York: Avon, 1967), 61.

7. West, The Wit and Wisdom, 27; West, Goodness, 79-148.

8. Eells and Musgrove, Mae West: A Biography, 107-110, 147-158.

9. Memorandum dated 1935 and initialed by G. S., Motion Picture Producers and Distributors Association (MPPDA), Klondike Annie: Censor Files, Margaret Herrick Library, Academy of Motion Picture Arts and Sciences (AMPAS). The original screenplay was intended to be a composite of one of West's original plays Frisco Kate, that essentially placed Diamond Lil in San Francisco, and a story by writers Marion Morgan and George B. Dowell entitled "Hallelujah, I'm a Saint or How About It Brother?" Paramount Studios, Klondike Annie: Script File, Paramount Collection, AMPAS.

10. Memorandum dated 1935 initialed by G. S., MPPDA, Klondike Annie: Censor Files, AMPAS.

11. See correspondence between censors and Paramount in MPPDA, Klondike Annie: Censor Files, AMPAS; Gerald Gardner, The Censorship Papers: Movie Censorship Letters from the Hays Office, 1934 to 1968 (New York: Dodd, Mead, and Company, 1987), 139-147; Leonard J. Leff and Jerold L. Simmons, The Dame in the Kimono: Hollywood, Censorship, and the Production Code from the 1920s to the 1960s (New York: Grove Weidenfeld, 1990), 53-54, 60-61. For other treatments of West and censorship, see Ramona Curry, "Mae West as a Censored Commodity: The Case of Klondike Annie," Cinema Journal (Winter 1993), 57-84; Gregory Black, Hollywood Censored: Morality Codes, Catholics, and the Movies (Cambridge, Mass.: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 223-230.

12. Joseph Breen to John Hammel, letter dated September 4, 1935, MPPDA, Klondike Annie: Censor Files, AMPAS.

13. Ibid.

14. Although they had already given their approval of Klondike Annie in December, after viewing the preview screening of the film the censors recalled it, claiming that the producer had added unacceptable scenes to the final version. Censors deleted the scene showing Chan Lo preparing to torture Doll and the murder of Chan Lo. Joseph Breen to John Hammel, letter dated December 31, 1935; Joseph Breen to John Hammel, memorandum dated February 10, 1936; Joseph Breen to John Hammel, letter n.d., MPPDA, Klondike Annie: Censor Files, AMPAS; "Klondike Annie," Motion Picture Herald, February 15, 1936, 44; LeBaron, prod., Klondike Annie. For significant interpretations of Klondike Annie, see Curry, Too Much of a Good Thing, 57-77; and Hamilton, " When I'm Bad, " 218-225.

15. LeBaron, prod., Klondike Annie. All subsequent references to Klondike Annie are from the LeBaron production unless otherwise indicated.

16. The censors also edited out a scene showing Doll making up Annie to look like a prostitute. MPPDA, Klondike Annie: Censor Files, AMPAS; LeBaron, prod., Klondike Annie.

17. Paramount Studios, Pressbook: Klondike Annie (Los Angeles: Paramount Studios, 1936), 1, Paramount Collection, AMPAS.

18. Paramount Studios, Pressbook: Klondike Annie, 1, 22, 2-24, AMPAS; Screen Book Magazine, April 1936, "Klondike Annie: Production File-clippings," AMPAS. See back cover, Motion Picture Herald, February 15, 1936.

19. Variety, March 18, 1936; typewritten comments by social worker, MPPDA, Klondike Annie: Censor File, AMPAS; Variety, October 27, 1937, "Klondike Annie: Production File-clippings," AMPAS.

20. Paramount Studios, Pressbook: Klondike Annie, 28, AMPAS. In her review of Klondike Annie, Elizabeth Yeaman commented, "She is the same Mae West of all previous pictures." Citizen, February 28, 1936, "Klondike Annie: Production Fileclippings," AMPAS.

21. Pittsburgh-Sun Telegraph, February 22, 1936; Hollywood Reporter March 21, 1936; Variety, February 5, 1936, March 18, 1936; MD Herald, February 15, 1936; typewritten comments by social worker, MPPDA, Klondike Annie: Censor Files, AMPAS; New York Times, March 15, 1936, sec. 10, p. 3; March 12, 1936, 18; Time, March 9, 1936, 44, 46; Citizen, February 28, 1936; Times, February 28, 1936; Evening News, February 28, 1936, "Klondike Annie: Production File-clippings," AMPAS.

22. Will Hays to Joseph Breen, letter dated February 29, 1936, MPPDA, Klondike Annie: Censor Files, AMPAS.

23. Claude A. Shull, President San Francisco Motion Picture Counsel to Paramount Studios, letter dated May 1, 1936, MPPDA, Klondike Annie: Censor Files, AMPAS.

24. Anonymous to Will Hays and Mae West, n.d.; Pittsburgh Catholic, January 20, 1936, 1, MPPDA, Klondike Annie: Censor Files, AMPAS; Examiner, March 1, 1936, Motion Picture Herald, March 14, 1936, "Klondike Annie: Production File-clippings," AMPAS; Paul Facey, The Legion of Decency: A Sociological Analysis of the Emergence and Development of a Social Pressure Group (New York: Arno Press, 1974); James Skinner, The Cross and the Cinema: The Legion of Decency and the National Catholic Office for Motion Pictures, 1933-1970 (Westport, Conn.: Praeger, 1993), 17-19, 34, 50.

25. Hearst to Koblentz and all managing editors, memorandum, n.d., MPPDA, Klondike Annie: Censor Files, AMPAS. The source of Hearst's animosity for West was widely debated. Although some saw it as originating from moral outrage, many speculated that it had originated from West's refusal to appear on Hearst columnist Louella Parson's radio talk show for free. Time intimated that West had slighted Marion Davies. West believed that her earnings, which approximated that of the newspaper magnate, made Hearst jealous. Regardless, Paramount managed to advertise Klondike Annie in Hearst papers by inserting advertisements urging readers to call the theater for details on a special showing. By October 1936, Hearst ended his news blackout on West and his ban on advertisements for her films. Variety, February 26, 1936, March 4, 1936, October 13, 1936; Citizen, March 14, 1936; Illinois Daily News, February 28, 1936; Motion Picture Herald, March 7, 1936, March 14, 1936; Evening News, March 5, 1936; Herald, February 25, 1936; Examiner, February 27-29, 1936, "Klondike Annie, Production File-clippings," AMPAS; Time, March 9, 1936, 44, 46; West, Goodness, 186.

26. Hollywood Reporter, March 18, 1936, March 21, 1936; Variety, February 5, 1936, February 26, 1936; MD Herald, February 15, 1936; Pittsburgh-Sun Telegraph, February 22, 1936, MPPDA, Klondike Annie: Censor Files, AMPAS; Motion Picture Herald, March 7, 1936, 19; March 14, 1936, 34, 78; Hollywood Reporter, March 4, 1936; Evening News, February 28, 1936; Times, February 28, 1936; Citizen, February 28, 1936, "Klondike Annie: Production File-clippings," AMPAS.

27. James Thurber, "Redemption," Stage, April 1936, 46-47.

28. Thurber, "Redemption," 47.

29. Laura Mulvey, "Visual Pleasure and Narrative Cinema," Screen (Autumn 1975), 6-18; Jill Dolan, The Feminist Spectator as Critic (Ann Arbor: UMI Research Press, 1988); Miriam Hansen, Babel and Babylon: Spectatorship in American Silent Film (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1991).

30. Will Wright, in Six-Guns and Society: A Structural Study of the Western (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1975), outlines the elements that compose a western. He contends that westerns position the good against the bad, society against outsiders, and the strong against the weak. He also contends that westerns all follow the same pattern of a hero with special abilities arrives as a stranger in town. The hero commences a battle with those outside of society and ultimately defeats them, making the community safe and gaining acceptance within the social group. But at the end the hero surrenders or loses his (or, in Klondike Annie's case, her) special place within the society.

1. "monuments . . . ," Elizabeth Hughes, The California of the Padres; or, Footprints of Ancient Communism (San Francisco: I. N. Choynski, 1875), 2; "crumbling into ruin," Helen Hunt Jackson, Ramona (1884; New York: Signet Classic, 1988), 35; ''in the long procession. . . ," Hughes, California of the Padres, 2. Further page references to both books will appear in the text.

      From the mid-1850s through the turn of the century, the Overland Monthly enjoyed a particularly authoritative status as the voice of the literary Anglo American West. See Cecil Robinson's With the Ears of Strangers: The Mexican in American Literature (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1963); and this description: "The Overland Monthly, which was to be Western America's answer to the Atlantic Monthly and which had pretensions to being a formulator of opinion in the West, carried a number of stories and articles on Mexico, most of them uncomplimentary" (73). Further page references to Robinson will appear in the text.

2. María Amparo Ruiz de Burton, The Squatter and the Don, ed. Rosaura Sánchez and Beatrice Pita (1885; Houston: Arte Público Press, 1993).

3. Surprisingly, despite his exhaustive survey of Anglo American literature, Cecil Robinson finds that "[t]he defeat and dispossession of the dons, an episode that had much of poignancy in it, was a tale that remained, except for a limited treatment of it by a few writers, untold at the time that it was happening" (154). My own research seeks to demonstrate that, on the contrary, beginning as early as three decades after the conquest, Anglo American writers were relentlessly engaged in reworking the story of this dispossession, as were, even more explicitly, Mexicano writers. This essay builds on the work of a number of scholars of nineteenth-century Mexican American literature, many of whom are affiliated with the Recovering the U.S. Hispanic Literary Heritage Project, and whose archival research analyzes a wealth of material from the mid-1800s onward treating the repercussions of conquest. For writing on California in particular, see, among others, Antonia I. Castañeda, "The Political Economy of Nineteenth-Century Stereotypes of Californianas," in Between Borders: Essays on Mexicana/Chicana History, ed. Adelaida R. Del Castillo (Encino, CA: Floricanto Press, 1990); Douglas Monroy, "They Didn't Call Them 'Padre' for Nothing: Patriarchy in Hispanic California," in Between Borders and Thrown among Strangers: The Making of Mexican Culture in Frontier California (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990); Lisbeth Haas, Conquests and Historical Identities in California, 1769-1936 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995); Genaro Padilla, My History, Not Yours: The Formation of Mexican American Autobiography (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1993); and Rosaura Sánchez, Telling Identities: The Californio Testimonios (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1995). This essay was drafted several years ago; since the re-publication of Ruiz de Burton's 1872 novel, Who Would Have Thought It? in 1995 (Houston: Arte Publico Press), scholars including Jesse Alemán, José Aranda, and Amelia de la Luz Montes have begun examining her canon in ways that will undoubtedly reshape our thinking about Ruiz de Burton's relation to nineteenth-century American literature as a whole. Like my own essay, Alemán's unpublished essay "Novelizing California: History, Romance, and Novelistic Discourse in Maria Amparo Ruiz de Burton's The Squatter and the Don, " historicizes Ruiz de Burton's romance over and against Helen Hunt Jackson's Ramona. I look forward to its appearance in print.

4. Gertrude Atherton, The Californians (1898; New York: Grosset & Dunlap, 1908); The Splendid IdleForties: Stories of Old California (New York: Macmillan, 1902).

5. This description of rancho life, from the back cover of the 1980's Signet Classic edition, is itself anachronistic and would not have accorded with Jackson's characterization of Californio families a century earlier, however well-to-do.

6. Helen HuntJackson, A Century of Dishonor: A Sketch of the United States Government's Dealings with Some of the Indian Tribes (Boston: Roberts Brothers, 1889).

7. Gertrude Atherton, Los Cerritos: A Romance of the Modern Time (1890; Ridgewood, NJ: The Gregg Press, 1968).

8. I am referring here to Ruiz's own second marriage to the Anglo military captain Henry Burton, with whom, in an autobiographical reiteration of her political arguments about region and nation, she goes to live in Washington, where she becomes the confidante of Mary Lincoln. I am indebted to Vicki Ruiz for pointing out this autobiographical link.

9. Francisco Ramírez, celebrated young editor of Los Angeles's El Clamor Público, often called attention to the failure of federal policy to accord with regional practice. "¿No tenemos todos los mismos derechos iguales a la proteccion de las leyes?" (Don't we have equal rights under the law?) he asked rhetorically in one edition, only to answer in the negative in another: "No se les [Mexicanos en Alta California] administrajusticia, no se les repeta a su propiedád [sic], no se les deja libertad en el ejercicio de su industra . . . un ataque flagrante a los princípios del derecho de gentes, una triste contradiccion con los principios de que hace alarde el gobierno americano" (They do not administerjustice to us, they do not respect our property, they do not permit us freedom in the exercise of our industry . . . a flagrant attack on the principles of peoples' rights, a sad contradiction with the principles that the American government boasts of) ("¡Americanos! ¡Californios!," El Clamor Público, 21 February 1857; "Los Mexicanos en la Alta California," El Clamor Público, 1 August 1855). But scores of essays in newspapers throughout the country lamented the separate and unequal treatment accorded the Mexicanos made U.S. citizens in 1848.

10. See, for instance, the following description of "American law" as unjust but incontrovertible:

The doctor said the land did not belong to Ysidro at all, but to the U.S. Government; and that he had paid the money for it to the agents in Los Angeles, and there would very soon come papers from Washington, to show that it was his. Father Gaspara had gone with Ysidro to a lawyer in San Diego, and had shown to this lawyer Ysidro's paper,—the old one from the Mexican Governor of California . . . but the lawyer had only laughed at Father Gaspara for believing that such a paper as that was good for anything. He said that was all very well when the country belonged to Mexico, but it was no good now; that the Americans owned it now; and everything was done by the American law now, not by the Mexican law anymore. (257)

11. I am indebted to Sandra Gunning for her help with this argument.

12. Josephine Clifford McCrackin, "La Graciosa," in Overland Tales (San Francisco: A. L. Bancroft, 1877), 30. Further page references to the stories in this volume will appear in the text.

13. "Niñita," The Century Magazine 23 (April 1882). Although I do not have the space to gloss it here, this story of a nameless young Mexicana who falls in love with and is finallyjilted by the Anglo railroad official sent to purchase her father's land deserves fuller attention as a refiguration of land politics, cultural conflict, and the corporate interests that underlie them.

14. Lorna Dee Cervantes, "Poema para los Californios Muertos," Emplumada (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1981), 43.

15. Frances E. W. Harper, Iola Leroy (1892; Boston: Beacon Press, 1987), 130.

16. In their excellent introduction, Rosaura Sánchez and Beatrice Pita also insist on the narrative's "historicity": " The Squatter and the Don, like all romances, textualizes a quest which necessarily involves conflict and resolution, given here as the trials and tribulations standing in the way of the felicitous union of a romantic couple. Because the novel is also marked by its historicity, however, the quest is not merely for the love of a maiden, but also for land and justice. The narrative thus follows two tracks, one historical and one romantic, with the latter serving to frame the reconstruction of a critical period in the history of the Southwest" (5). I am indebted to their analysis; my own reading, however, subordinates the romantic plot to the historical agenda of the narrative, which I see as its major formal component and ideological work. Thus I would not characterize the text, as do Sánchez and Pita, as "two-tracked" or bifurcated in structure.

17. Frank Norris, The Octopus (1901; New York: Viking Penguin, 1986), 51, 12. Further page references will appear in the text.

18. Note how openly critical of the "Americanos" are writers of the Spanishlanguage press, and how consistently papers like San Francisco's La República define Mexican and American as oppositional terms, identifying the Californios as a subject Mexican colony rather than a "hyphenated" (i.e., Mexican American) community. In this letter from Tehachape, one F. Elias writes the Editor: "recibió una carta de Colima, Mexico, de un amigo de el [el Señor W. Kuetz]. . . . y dicen que los Mexicanos tratan al extrangero [sic] y en particular al alemán con mas respeto y consideración que los Americanos" (he received a letter from Colima, Mexico, from a friend of his . . . and they said that Mexicans treat the foreigner and in particular the German with more respect and consideration than do the Americans) ("Carta de Tejachipe," La República, 5 August 1882). Another writer, reporting on a theatrical event, makes this swipe at the "American" press: "La prensa americana, que raras veces hace un cumplimiento a nuestra colonia, confiesa la mencionada festividad es la major que aquí se ha visto entre la raza española'' (The American press, which on few occasions pays our colony a compliment, admitted that the mentioned festivity is the best that has been seen here among the Spanish race) ( La República, 5 August 1882).

19. Counterpointing the Don's eloquent indictment is an equally clear acknowledgment, via the squatters, of the racism underlying federal legal policy: "'Those greasers ain't half crushed yet. We have to tame them like they do their mustangs, or shoot them, as we shoot their cattle,' said Mathews. 'Oh, no. No such violent means are necessary. All we have to do is to take their lands, and finish their cattle,' said Hughes, sneeringly" (73).

20. See, for instance, the analysis of an 1872 law on p. 80: "In the very first section it recited, that 'every owner or occupant of land, whether it is enclosed or not,' could take up cattle found in said land, etc., etc. It was not stated to be necessary that the occupant should have a good title. All that was required seemed to be that he should claim to be an occupant of land, no matter who was the owner"; or see the gloss of "settle" as framed by Congress on p. 88.

      The tone and diction of the book's critique of the justice system refigures the language of Ruiz's own legal communications—perhaps providing her with the consolations of an interpretive authority denied her in court. The bitter outrage with which Don Mariano chastises Leland Stanford echoes a letter Ruiz wrote to President Benito Juárez on behalf of her own land: "the said Judge of the Frontier refused to make the survey as he was instructed to do. . . . As I could not appear to answer in person the complaint of the Judge, I had to name a proxy to represent me, and the Judge forced him to pay the sum of $190. . . . This being an extortion as arbitrary as it is shameful in the authority charged with the administration of justice, I beg you will deign to order that Judge Chacon . . . to avoid the repetition of a disobedience which has caused me so much expense and loss and injury, [and] beg also that you may explain to the Judge with all clearness the way in which he shall run the lines" ("Title of Property to the Ensenada de Todos Santos in Lower California granted to Don José Manuel Ruiz by the King of Spain in 1804," pp. 13-14, Ruiz de Burton papers, Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley).

21. For an example of the pathologizing of culture, consider this Anglo conflation of la llorona and la malinche : "There is a tradition that the ghost of Cortez's Indian mistress, the gentle Doña Marina, walks where the shadows are deepest in the cypress avenues. . . . What a company they would be, . . . many times greater than the daily assemblage of the living on the Alameda—if all the restless and disappointed men and women who have inhabited Chapultepec in the past should gather like the twilight shadows in its melancholy walks, and look at each other as they passed, with dumb, wistful, reproachful, or threatening, or despairing eyes!" ("A Diligence Journey in Mexico," The Century Magazine 1 [November 1881]: 2.)

22. That the popularity of the historical romance for turn-of-the-century California moved men as well as women to exploit it alters neither the humble status of this form nor its feminine signature, as the dismissive comments of critics writing as late as the 1960s indicate. Cecil Robinson cites writer Harvey Fergusson as grumbling that "what ailed 'the huge and infantile body of our conventional Western romance, from Beadle's dime novels on down' was the result of its having been 'sired by Sir Walter Scott and dammed by the Genteel Tradition'" (151). For his Casa Grande: A California Pastoral (New York: Henry Holt, 1906), Charles Stuart's choice of "A California Pastoral," not "A California Romance," as a subtitle is probably dictated by concern that the latter would ally the book with an all-too feminine sentimentality. Or consider the anxious insistence of Josiah Royce's editor who in his introduction to The Feud of Oakfield Creek (1907) distinguishes this fiction by insisting it must be read not merely as "local-color'' (feminine/regionalist) fiction, but also in the (presumably masculine and national) tradition of realism: "In writing the history of California," he claims, Royce "carefully stripped the romantic element from adventurers such asJohn Charles Frémont, from the early mining camps, and from the San Francisco vigilantes. In his novel there is a notable absence of the sentimentality that dominates Helen Hunt Jackson's Ramona " (xx-xxi).

      Women, too, were not impervious to the critical pressure brought to bear upon the sentimental. McCrackin's essay "A Bit of 'Early California'" tries to dispel this label by suggesting "That many strange and wonderful things happened in early times in California, is so trite a saying that I hardly dare repeat it. As my story, however, is neither harrowing nor sentimental, I hope I may venture to bring it before the reader" (274).

23. Together with his business partners, Sacramento merchants Collis P. Huntington, Mark Hopkins, and Charles Crocker, Leland Stanford, founder of Stanford University, made his fortune by investing $60,000 in the Central Pacific Railroad Company and then voting himself and his associates "construction contracts that paid them $90 million for work that cost them only $32.2 million." (See Richard White, " It's Your Misfortune and None of My Own ": A New History of the American West [Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1991], 249.)

1. Arna Bontemps, "Why I Returned," in Arna Bontemps, The Old South: 'A Summer Tragedy' and Other Stories of the Thirties (New York: Dodd, Mead, and Co., 1973), p. 10.

2. See especially Bontemps, "Why I Returned"; and Arna Bontemps, "The Awakening: A Memoir," in Arna Bontemps, ed., The Harlem Renaissance Remembered (New York: Dodd, Mead, and Co., 1972).

3. Kirkland C. Jones, Renaissance Man from Louisiana: A Biography of Arna Wendell Bontemps (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1992). This paragraph represents my own reading, not necessarily Jones's view, of the book's title.

4. Ibid., chs. 1-2; Bontemps, "Why I Returned," p. 1.

5. Bontemps, "Why I Returned," pp. 3-5; Jones, Renaissance Man, pp. 26-28.

6. Bontemps, "Why I Returned," pp. 5-6; what Bontemps and other residents called the Furlough Track was officially designated by the county as the Furlong Tract; see Patricia Rae Adler, "Watts: From Suburb to Black Ghetto" (Ph.D. diss., University of Southern California, 1977), p. 280, n. 24.

7. Adler, "Watts," pp. 49-50, 101, table V.6, and ch. 4 generally.

8. Pacific Coast African American history during the early twentieth century is examined in Albert S. Broussard, Black San Francisco: The Struggle for Racial Equality in the West, 1900-1954 (Lawrence, KA: University of Kansas Press, 1993); Lawrence P. Crouchett, et al., The History of the East Bay Afro-American Community, 1852-1977 (Oakland: Northern California Center for Afro-American History and Life, 1989); Douglas Henry Daniels, Pioneer Urbanites: A Social and Cultural History of Black San Francisco (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990); Rudolph M. Lapp, Afro Americans in California, 2nd ed. (San Francisco: Boyd and Fraser Publishing, 1987); and several works by Quintard Taylor: The Forging of a Black Community: Seattle's Central District from 1870 through the Civil Rights Era (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1994); "Black Communities in the Pacific Northwest,"Journal of Negro History 64 (Fall 1979): 342-54; "Black Urban Development—Another View: Seattle's Central District, 1910-1940," Pacific Historical Review 58 (November 1989): 429-48; and "Blacks and Asians in a White City: Japanese Americans and African Americans in Seattle, 1890-1940," Western Historical Quarterly 22 (November 1991): 401-29.

      Principal works on African Americans in Los Angeles include: Adler, "Watts"; J. Max Bond, "The Negro in Los Angeles" (Ph.D. diss., University of Southern California, 1936), with population figures, p. 55, table 8; Lawrence B. de Graff, "City of Black Angels: Emergence of the Los Angeles Ghetto, 1890-1930," Pacific Historical Review 39 (1970): 323-52; Emory J. Tolbert, The UNIA and Black Los Angeles (Los Angeles: Center for Afro-American Studies, 1980); and Douglas Flamming, ''African American Politics in Progressive-Era Los Angeles," in William Deverell and Tom Sitton, eds., California Progressivism Revisited (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994), pp. 203-28. The author of this essay is currently at work on a book entitled A World to Gain: African Americans and the Making of Los Angeles, 1890-1940.

9. Arna Bontemps, Black Thunder (New York, 1936; reprint, with a new introduction by the author, Boston: Beacon Press, 1968), p. xxiii; Jones, Renaissance Man, p. 36.

10. Bontemps, "Why I Returned," p. 8; Ann Allen Shockley, interview with Arna Bontemps, July 14, 1972, Arna Bontemps Collection, Fisk University, Special Collections Library.

11. Bontemps, "Why I Returned," p. 6.

12. Ibid., pp. 6-7.

13. Ibid., p. 9.

14. Ibid., p. 10; for Arna's softer version of why he was sent to the Academy (which does not present Buddy's baneful influence as a factor in his father's decision), see his story, "3 Pennies for Luck," in Bontemps, The Old South, pp. 233-35.

15. Bontemps, "Why I Returned," pp. 10-12.

16. Shockley interview with Bontemps; Jones, Renaissance Man, p. 45.

17. Arna Bontemps, "Introduction," Great Slave Narratives (Boston: Beacon Press, 1969), vii, quoted in Jones, Renaissance Man, pp. 44-46.

18. Bontemps, "Why I Returned," pp. 8-9.

19. Bontemps, "The Awakening," p. 7.

20. Ibid., pp. 7-8.

21. Chandler Owen, "From Coast to Coast," The Messenger (May 1922): 409.

22. Bontemps, "Why I Returned," p. 10.

23. Ibid., p. 11.

24. Ibid., p. 12. Du Bois explained the meaning of the "Negro Art Renaissance" to Angelenos in the Los Angeles Times (June 14, 1925, p. 1 of the Sunday Literary section); the article also promoted his theatrical pageant, "Star of Ethiopia," which was presented in two performances at the Hollywood Bowl. By the time Du Bois's article and pageant appeared in Los Angeles, Bontemps had been in Harlem for nearly a year.

25. Jones, Renaissance Man, pp. 51-53.

26. Arna Bontemps, Personals (London: Paul Breman Limited, 1973), pp. 4-5. Personals is a collection of Bontemps's poetry, which includes an introduction in which he discusses the Renaissance.

27. Studies of the Harlem Renaissance, which include many excellent works, have largely ignored the western-ness of the young Renaissance crowd. Fundamental works on the Renaissance include, Nathan Irvin Huggins, Harlem Renaissance (New York: Oxford, 1971); David L. Lewis, When Harlem Was In Vogue (New York: Knopf, 1981), and Lewis's introduction to his edited anthology, The Portable Harlem Renaissance Reader (New York: Viking, 1994), PP. xv-xliii; Arnold Rampersad, The Life of Langston Hughes. Vol. I: 1902-1941, "I, Too, Sing America " (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986); and Ann Douglas, Terrible Honesty: Mongrel Manhattan in the 1920s (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1995). There were other westerners (not mentioned in the text paragraph) involved in the Renaissance: Louise Thompson, a minor Renaissance player who became an important New York Communist in the 1930S, had lived in various towns in the mountain West but grew up mainly in Sacramento, California, and received her B.A. from Berkeley; Sargent Johnson moved to San Francisco as a young adult, decided to become an artist, and emerged as one of the finest sculptors of the period (he won prizes in Harlem, but continued to live in San Francisco); finally, Carl Van Vechten, the leading white supporter of the young black writers, was, despite his cosmopolitanism and world travels, the product of Cedar Rapids, Iowa.

28. "Struggling" quote in Lewis, Portable Harlem Renaissance Reader, p. xxx. For Bontemps's own pleasant recollection of his early years in Harlem, see his "3 Pennies for Luck," p. 236; and "The Awakening,'' p. 24.

29. Bontemps, Personals, p. 5. The relationship between primitive Africa and modern black life is a theme in two of Bontemps's early poems: "Nocturne at Bethesda," winner of the Crisis poetry award for 1926; and "Golgotha is a Mountain," winner of the Opportunity poetry prize the same year. "Nocturne" is reprinted in Personals, pp. 28-29. "Golgotha" is reprinted in Lewis, Portable Harlem Renaissance Reader, pp. 225-26, and, with slightly different punctuation, in Bontemps, Personals, pp. 18-20.

30. The westerners' emphasis on "colored" art sparked a backlash. George Schuyler, a New Yorker by upbringing, debunked the racial-ness of his peers' work in "The Negro-Art Hokum," an essay appearing in The Nation (June 16, 1926). Langston Hughes shot back immediately with his powerful "The Negro Artist and the Racial Mountain," which appeared in the following issue of the same journal (June 23, 1926) and quickly became the New Negro manifesto, cheered by Bontemps and the other western-raised blacks. Both essays are reprinted in Lewis, Portable Harlem Renaissance Reader, pp. 91-99; and see Rampersad, Life of Langston Hughes, vol. 1, pp. 130-31, 134, 137-38. Wallace Thurman issued a powerful defense of "colored" art in his 1927 essay "Negro Artists and the Negro," The New Republic (August 31, 1927): 37-38. Thurman's journal has been reprinted: Fire!! A Quarterly Devoted to the Younger Negro Artists (Metuchen, NJ: Fire!! Press, 1982).

31. Arna Bontemps, God Sends Sunday (New York, 1931; reprint, New York: AMS Press Inc., 1972).

32. Wallace Thurman, The Blacker the Berry . . . : A Novel of Negro Life (New York, 1929; reprint, New York: Macmillan, 1970).

33. Langston Hughes, Not Without Laughter (New York, 1930; reprint, New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1969). Hughes's novel (set in the small town of "Stanton" Kansas) is not so much about the black West he knew in Lawrence, Kansas, but about the black West he wished he had experienced there.

34. Bontemps, "The Awakening," p. 1. Bontemps even tried at first to write "autobiographically" about a southern boy and his adventures in the South, a project doomed to fail, one might say, because Bontemps had no real experience living in the South and only the fewest childhood memories of the place.

35. Bontemps, God Sends Sunday, pp. 116, 119, 197.

36. See Bontemps's introduction to Arna Bontemps and Jack Conroy, Any Place but Here (New York: Hill and Wang, 1966).

37. See Robert E. Fleming, James Weldon Johnson and Arna Wendell Bontemps: A Reference Guide (New York: Macmillan, 1978), pp. 72-73, 79-81.

38. Du Bois quoted in James P. Draper, ed., Black Literature Criticism: Excerpts from Criticism of the Most Significant Works of Black Authors over the Past 200 Years (Detroit: Gale Research Inc., 1991), vol. 1, pp. 209-10, citing Crisis 40 (September 1931): 304. See also Bontemps, "The Awakening," pp. 25-26.

39. Bontemps, "The Awakening," p. 26.

40. Marlon Ross of the University of Michigan's English Department, whose book on the Harlem Renaissance is forthcoming, has suggested that my reading of Bontemps's "love" of Afro-southern folk culture is too simple. His alternative suggestion, oversimplified here, deserves consideration: Bontemps's "love" was tinged with self-hatred, for ultimately Lil' Augie is an impotent and pathetic character. God Sends Sunday is thus a novel about the death of the South and southern types; it leaves unanswered the question of what will replace these types precisely because it is a book about a past life passing into an unknown future.

41. Bontemps, Black Thunder, p. x. See also Rampersad, Life of Langston Hughes, vol. 1, pp. 227-28; and John O'Brien interview with Arna Bontemps, reprinted in Draper, ed., Black Literature Criticism, vol. 1, p. 222.

42. James Weldon Johnson, Charles S. Johnson, and Arthur Schomburg, all of whom Bontemps had known in Harlem, had settled in at Fisk. "All, in a sense, could have been considered as refugees living in exile," Bontemps wrote, "and the three, privately could have been dreaming of planting an oasis at Fisk where, surrounded by bleak hostility in the area, the region, and the nation, if not indeed the world, they might not only stay alive but, conceivably, keep alive a flicker of the impulse they had detected and helped to encourage in the black awakening in Renaissance Harlem." Bontemps, Black Thunder, p. xi.

43. Ibid., pp. xi, xii, xiii.

44. Ibid., p. xiv. Bontemps thought he might be removed from the faculty earlier than 1935. In about 1932, he wrote Hughes, "I was . . . pointed out as being favorable to the revolution and, as a result, may not be rehired. I am not really bumped, but the faculty is to be cut in half (due to depression) and I may not be on the new slate." Bontemps to Hughes c. 1932, in Charles H. Nichols, ed., Arna Bontemps-Langston Hughes Letters, 1925-1967 (New York: Dodd, Mead and Co., 1980), pp. 18-19.

45. Bontemps had not always been so reluctant to return. In his first year at Oakwood, he wrote to Langston Hughes that if he should leave Alabama, he would "come to California and go to U.S.C. next winter—that is really what I want to do." Once back in Los Angeles, he speculated, "I could spend time in Mexico, write more children's books, finish a long delayed novel, etc. etc." Bontemps to Hughes, c. 1932, in Nichols, Arna Bontemps-Langston Hughes Letters, pp. 18-19.

46. Bontemps, Black Thunder, p. xiv.

47. Ibid., p. viii; Rampersad, Life of Langston Hughes, vol. 1, p. 306.

48. Black Thunder, pp. 69, 222. The novel won widely favorable reviews. In words that must have validated Bontemps's search for racial authenticity, the reviewer for the New York Times wrote: "If one were looking for a sort of prose spiritual on the Negroes themselves, quite aside from the universal dream that they bear in this story, one could not find it more movingly sung." Another reviewer stated that Bontemps had "written of the Virginia countryside as one who knows it and loves it." Quotes from Book Review Digest, 1936, p. 105 (all five reviews listed were graded as positive). Sales lagged far behind the reviews, however, and Bontemps made almost no money for his best work until Black Thunder was revived amidst the black power movement of the late 1960s. Appreciation of Black Thunder has now reached a high point; in 1992, Beacon Press issued a new edition of the novel with an introduction by Arnold Rampersad.

49. Bontemps, Black Thunder, p. xv.

50. "We had fled from the jungle of Alabama's Scottsboro era to the jungle of Chicago's crime-ridden South Side," Bontemps wrote, "and one was as terrifying as the other." Bontemps, "Why I Returned,'' p. 18. On his move to Fisk and his decision to remain in the South, see ibid., pp. 19-25.

51. Basic works in the enormous literature on southern race relations in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century include: J. Morgan Kousser, The Shaping of Southern Politics: Suffrage Restriction and the Establishment of the One-Party South (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1974); Earl Lewis, In Their Own Interests: Race, Class, and Power in Twentieth-Century Norfolk, Virginia (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991); Howard N. Rabinowitz, Race Relations in the Urban South, 1865-1890 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1978); and C. Vann Woodward, The Strange Career of Jim Crow, 3rd rev. ed. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1974).

52. In the rapidly growing field of Great Migration studies, basic works include: Kenneth L. Kusmer, A Ghetto Takes Shape: Black Cleveland, 1870-1930 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1978); Peter Gottlieb, Making Their Own Way: Southern Blacks' Migration to Pittsburgh, 1916-1930 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1987); James Grossman, Land of Hope: Chicago, Black Southerners, and the Great Migration (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1989); Alan H. Spear, Black Chicago: The Making of a Negro Ghetto (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1967); Joe William Trotter, Jr., Black Milwaukee: The Making of an Industrial Proletariat, 1915-1945 (Urbana: University of Illinois, 1985); Joe William Trotter, Jr., ed., The Great Migration in Historical Perspective: New Dimensions of Race, Class, and Gender (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1991).

53. On the black West, particularly the Pacific Coast, during this period, see note 8.

54. See especially Bontemps's discussion of things "colored" in "Why I Returned," pp. 10-11.

55. Ibid., p. 22.

1. Helen Nye to Mother, January 6, 1853, Helen Nye Letters, Beinecke Library, Yale University, New Haven, Connecticut; Charles Davis to Daughter, January 1, 1852, Charles Davis Letters, Beinecke Library. I use the term "immigrant" to refer to all newcomers in the Sierra Nevada foothills, including those from the eastern U.S.

2. For elaboration, see Susan Lee Johnson, "'The gold she gathered': Difference, Domination, and California's Southern Mines, 1848-1853" (Ph.D. diss., Yale University, 1993). See also Rodman Paul, California Gold: The Beginning of Mining in the Far West (1947; Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1965), esp. pp. 91-115.

3. Edmund Booth, Edmund Booth, Forty-Niner: The Life Story of a Deaf Pioneer (Stockton, Calif.: San Joaquin Pioneer and Historical Society, 1953), p. 31.

4. Conceptually, I have been helped here by Denise Riley, " Am I That Name?" Feminism and the Category of "Women" in History (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1988), esp. p. 6; and Evelyn Brooks Higginbotham, "African-American Women's History and the Metalanguage of Race,'' Signs 17, no. 2 (Winter 1992): 251-74, esp. 253-56.

5. Much of the important scholarship on this and related points is summarized and critiqued in Thomas C. Holt, "Marking: Race, Race-Making, and the Writing of History," American Historical Review 100 , no. 1 (February 1995): 1-20. See esp. Barbara Jeanne Fields, "Race and Ideology in American History," in Region, Race, and Reconstruction: Essays in Honor of C. Vann Woodward, ed. J. Morgan Kousser and James M. McPherson (New York: Oxford University Press, 1982).

6. For years, the best overview of California mining has been Paul, California Gold, and of western mining more generally, Rodman Paul, Mining Frontiers of the Far West, 1848-1880 (1963; Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1974). Just as this article was going to press, a wonderful new overview appeared: Malcolm J. Rohrbough, Days of Gold: The California Gold Rush and the American Nation (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997). Scholarship on industrialized mining in the Far West has burgeoned of late, while work on placer mining has lagged behind. On hardrock mining, see, e.g., David M. Emmons, The Butte Irish: Class and Ethnicity in an American Mining Town, 1875-1925 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1989); A. Yvette Huginnie, " 'Mexican Labor' in a 'White Man's Town': Race, Class, and Copper in Arizona, 1840-1925" (book manuscript, forthcoming); Elizabeth Jameson, All That Glitters: Class, Culture, and Community in Cripple Creek (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, forthcoming); Mary Murphy, Mining Cultures: Men, Women, and Leisure in Butte, 1914-1941 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1997). A work that will shed light on the impact of placer mining regionally is Elliot West, Visions of Power: The Colorado Gold Rush and the Transformation of the Great Plains (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, forthcoming). On changes over time in class relations in California's Southern Mines, see Johnson, " 'The gold she gathered,' " esp. pp. 382-412. I have elaborated on the assertions made therein in the book version of this study, which is forthcoming from W. W. Norton.

7. For a discussion of the meanings of "the social" in this historical context, see Susan Lee Johnson, "Bulls, Bears, and Dancing Boys: Race, Gender, and Leisure in the California Gold Rush," Radical History Review 60 (Fall 1994): 4-37.

8. The earliest scholarly work on the Gold Rush appeared in the 1880s: Charles Howard Shinn, Mining Camps: A Study in American Frontier Government, ed. Rodman Wilson Paul (1884; Gloucester, Mass.: Peter Smith, 1970); and Josiah Royce, California from the Conquest in 1846 to the Second Vigilance Committee in San Francisco, A Study of American Character (1886; Santa Barbara, Calif.: Peregrine, 1970). Shinn's was a happy account of the special genius of Anglo-Saxons for self-government. Royce took a darker view, indicting Gold Rush participants for their "social irresponsibility" and their "diseased local exaggeration of [Americans'] common national feeling toward foreigners." The 1940s brought two more key publications—Paul, California Gold; and John Walton Caughey, The California Gold Rush [formerly Gold Is the Cornerstone ] (1948; Berkeley: University of California Press, 1975)—of which Paul's proved most enduring. Paul, too, rejected Shinn's notion of "race-instinct," and saw the managerial talents of white miners as something that developed over time, particularly as placer mining gave way to hydraulic and quartz mining. Starting in the 1960s, another group of historians began to situate the Gold Rush in larger narratives of racial domination, racial resistance, and race- and class-making in California, thereby centering the experiences of ethnic Mexicans, native peoples, Chinese immigrants, and African Americans in stories of mining and community formation that had long represented them as marginal characters: see Leonard Pitt, The Decline of the Californios: A Social History of the Spanish-Speaking Californians, 1846-1890 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1966); Alexander Saxton, The Indispensable Enemy: Labor and the Anti-Chinese Movement in California (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1971); Rudolph M. Lapp, Blacks in Gold Rush California (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1977); Albert L. Hurtado, Indian Survival on the California Frontier (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1988); Ronald Takaki, Strangers from a Different Shore: A History of Asian Americans (Boston: Little, Brown, 1989); Sucheng Chan, Asian Americans: An Interpretive History (Boston: Twayne, 1991); Tomás Almaguer, Racial Fault Lines: The Historical Origins of White Supremacy in California (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994). The classic "new social history" of the Gold Rush is Ralph Mann's study of two towns in the Northern Mines: After the Gold Rush: Society in Grass Valley and Nevada City, California, 1849-1870 (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1982). For Mann, the absence of women, the abundance of foreign-born peoples, and the emergence of clear class hierarchies come to life in the analysis of quantifiable data. Mann demonstrates the process by which Nevada City became a center of Anglo-American commerce and county government, while Grass Valley became a community of working-class Cornish and Irish miners. For a more recent account of social and religious themes in the Gold Rush period, see Laurie F. Maffly-Kipp, Religion and Society in Frontier California (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1994). Along with Rohrbough, Days of Gold, the most important new work on the Gold Rush to appear in over a decade is David Goodman, Gold Seeking: Victoria and California in the 1850s (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1994). Goodman's is a history of ideas about wealth, republicanism, order, agrarianism, the pastoral, domesticity, and excitement, and the ways in which those ideas helped people make sense of their participation in the Australian and American gold rushes.

9. See Johnson, " 'The gold she gathered,' " esp. chap. 3, for full consideration of these and other "domestic" tasks, including laundry, sewing, and care of the sick. For a trenchant analysis of related themes among cowboys, see Blake Allmendinger, The Cowboy: Representations of Labor in an American Work Culture (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992), esp. pp. 50-59. For helpful, but different, accounts of "domestic" concerns in Gold Rush California, see Goodman, esp. pp. 149-87, and Maffly-Kipp, esp. pp. 148-80, both of whom emphasize gender over race and ethnicity in their analyses of "domesticity.''

10. Analyses of productive vs. reproductive labor particularly characterized Marxist-feminist thought of the 1970s and 1980s. A culminating explication and critique appears in Joan Kelly, "The Doubled Vision of Feminist Theory," in Women, History and Theory (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1984). See also the essays collected in Zillah Eisenstein, ed., Capitalist Patriarchy and the Case for Socialist Feminism (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1979); and Heidi Hartmann, "The Family as the Locus of Gender, Class, and Political Struggle: The Example of Housework," Signs 6, no. 3 (Spring 1981): 366-94.

11. See Evelyn Nakano Glenn, "From Servitude to Service Work: Historical Continuities in the Racial Division of Paid Reproductive Labor," Signs 18, no. 1 (Fall 1992): 1-43; and Joan Scott, "Deconstructing Equality-versus-Difference: Or, the Uses of Poststructuralist Theory for Feminism," Feminist Studies 14, no. 1 (Spring 1988): 33-50.

12. J. D. Borthwick, The Gold Hunters (1857; Oyster Bay, N.Y.: Nelson Doubleday, 1917), p. 252, and see pp. 143, 302; Jean-Nicolas Perlot, Gold Seeker: Adventures of a Belgian Argonaut during the Gold Rush Years, trans. Helen Harding Bretnor, ed. Howard R. Lamar (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1985), pp. 100-101, 153; Journal entry, December 18, 1852, Angus McIsaac Journal, Beinecke Library.

13. Journal entry, December 18, 1852, McIsaac Journal; Jesse R. Smith to Sister Helen, December 23, 1852, Lura and Jesse R. Smith Correspondence, Huntington Library, San Marino, California.

14. William Perkins, Three Years in California: William Perkins' Journal of Life at Sonora, 1849-1852, ed. Dale L. Morgan and James R. Scobie (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1964), pp. 101, 103. On Orientalism, see Edward W. Said, Orientalism (New York: Pantheon, 1978).

15. These generalizations are based on wide reading in Gold Rush personal accounts that describe household organization; an adequate citation of the evidence would run several pages. But see, e.g., Moses F. Little Journals, Beinecke Library, items 12 and 14, passim; John Amos Chaffee and Jason Palmer Chamberlain Papers, Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley, Chamberlain Journals 1 and 2, passim; Alfred Doten, The Journals of Alfred Doten, 1849-1903, 3 vols., ed. Walter Van Tilburg Clark (Reno: University of Nevada Press, 1973), 1: 91-250, passim; Perlot, pp. 89-292, passim. Secondary accounts that address such issues include Paul, California Gold, pp. 72-73; Caughey, pp. 177-201; Mann, p. 17. While I have not undertaken a full statistical analysis of the 1850 census, even a spot check through the microfilm reels for Calaveras, Tuolumne, and Mariposa counties supports my contentions about household size. See U.S. Bureau of the Census, Seventh Federal Population Census, 1850, National Archives and Records Service, RG-29, N. 432, reels 33, 35, 36 [hereafter cited as 1850 Census].

16. See, e.g., John Doble, John Doble's Journal and Letters from the Mines: Mokelumne Hill, Jackson, Volcano and SanFrancisco, 1851-1865, ed. Charles L. Camp (Denver: Old West Publishing, 1962), pp. 38-39, 58; Doten, 1: 115-27 (Doten kept a store in Calaveras County, and these pages record the patronage of Chinese, Mexicans, and Chileans); Helen Nye to Mother, January 6, 1853, Nye Letters (Nye's husband was a merchant at Don Pedro's Bar in Tuolumne County); Account book entries, 1852-53, Little Journals, item 13; Charles Davis to Daughter, January 5 [1852], Davis Letters; Perlot, pp. 153, 154, 159-60; Howard C. Gardiner, In Pursuit of the Golden Dream: Reminiscences of San Francisco and the Northern and Southern Mines, 1849-1857, ed. Dale L. Morgan (Stoughton, Mass.: Western Hemisphere, 1970), pp. 95, 107, 164-65.

17. Perlot, pp. 56-57; cf. George W. B. Evans, Mexican Gold Rush Trail: The Journal of a Forty-Niner, ed. Glenn S. Dumke (San Marino, Calif.: Huntington Library, 1945), p. 200. Gardiner, p. 95; cf. Perkins, p. 106.

18. Vicente Pérez Rosales, "Diary of a Journey to California," in We Were 49ers! Chilean Accounts of the California Gold Rush, trans. and ed. Edwin A. Beilharz and Carlos U. López (Pasadena, Calif.: Ward Ritchie Press, 1976), pp. 3-99, esp. 70-77. This event actually took place in Sacramento, entrepôt for the Northern Mines and some camps in the northern part of the Southern Mines.

19. See, e.g., Journal entries, October 20, November 15, and December 19, 1852, Little Journals, item 12; Perlot, pp. 155-60; A. Hersey Dexter, Early Days in California (Denver: Tribune-Republican Press, 1886), pp. 20-26.

20. Journal entries, December 21, 24, and 25, 1852, Little Journals, item 12; Journal entries, November 25 and 27, 1851, Timothy C. Osborn Journal, Bancroft Library; Journal entries, October 13-December 25, 1849, passim, William W. Miller Journal, Beinecke Library; Perlot, p. 272.

21. Perlot, p. 272. And see Journal entry, November 26, 1849, Miller Journal; Doten, 1: 85, 147-48, 151; Doble, p. 94.

22. On Miwok women's gathering, see Richard Levy, "Eastern Miwok," in Handbook of North American Indians, vol. 8, California, ed. Robert F. Heizer (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution, 1978), pp. 398-413, esp. 402-05.

23. Evans, pp. 260-61. Cf. Perkins, p. 262; Borthwick, p. 57; Doble, p. 58; Journal entries, August 12-24, 1851, Chamberlain Journal no. 1; Benjamin Butler Harris, The Gila Trial: The Texas Argonauts and the California Gold Rush, ed. Richard H. Dillon (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1960), p. 123 (on scurvy among Mexican miners); Étienne Derbec, A French Journalist in the California Gold Rush: The Letters of Étienne Derbec (Georgetown, Calif.: Talisman Press, 1964), pp. 121-22, 40-41.

24. Perlot, p. 260; Doble, p. 245. See also Journal entries, August 24 and September 6, 1852, Little Journals, item 12.

25. Journal entries, October 24, November 22 and 24, 1852, Little Journals, item 12; Journal entries, December 22 and 30, 1849, January 1, 4, and 5, 1850, Miller Journal. And see Journal entries, July 14, 1850, January 12 and February 9, 1851, George W. Allen Journals, Beinecke Library.

26. Borthwick, pp. 255-56, 302-03.

27. John Marshall Newton, Memoirs of John Marshall Newton (n.p.: John M. Stevenson, 1913), pp. 48-50.

28. Gardiner, p. 166. Although Gardiner spent most of his time in the Southern Mines, this actually took place in the Northern Mines.

29. Journal entries, July 26 and August 23, 1850, Osborn Journal. See also Josiah Foster Flagg to Mother, March 9, 851, Josiah Foster Flagg Letters, Beinecke Library.

30. Journal entries, July 26 and August 23, 1850, Osborn Journal. For background on slavery in the diggings, see Lapp, esp. pp. 64-77; Johnson, " 'The gold she gathered,' " chaps. 2 and 5.

31. Perlot, pp. 258-71, esp. 259-60, 271.

32. Census 1850, reel 35; Samuel Ward, Sam Ward in the Gold Rush, ed. Carvel Collins (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1949), pp. 28, 149-52, 167; Charles Davis to Daughter, January 5 [1852], and January 6, 1854, Davis Letters.

33. Charles Davis to Daughter, January 5 [1852], and January 6, 1854, Davis Letters; Lucius Fairchild, California Letters of Lucius Fairchild, ed. Joseph Schafer (Madison: State Historical Society of Wisconsin, 1931), pp. 48, 63; Enos Christman, One Man's Gold: The Letters and Journal of a Forty-Niner, ed. Florence Morrow Christman (New York: Whittlesey House, McGraw-Hill, 1930), esp. p. 187.

34. Journal entry, April 18, 1852, P. V. Fox Journals, Beinecke Library; Ward, p. 168 (Julia Ward Howe would become a prominent participant in the U.S. women's movement and the author of "Battle Hymn of the Republic"). See also Journal entry, July 3, 1850, Osborn Journal; Journal entry, March 30, 1851, Allen Journals; Mrs. Lee Whipple-Haslam, Early Days in California: Scenes and Events of the '50s as I Remember Them (Jamestown, Calif.: Mother Lode Magnet [c. 1924]), p. 11. On women in dairy and poultry production, see, e.g., Joan M. Jensen, Loosening the Bonds: Mid-Atlantic Farm Women, 1750-1850 (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1986), and "Cloth, Butter and Boarders: Women's Household Production for the Market," Review of Radical Political Economics 12, no. 2 (Summer 1980): 14-24; John Mack Faragher, Women and Men on the Overland Trail (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1979), esp. p. 51, and Sugar Creek: Life on the Illinois Prairie (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1986), esp. pp. 101-05.

35. On domestic failures, see, e.g., Journal entry, December 22, 1849, Miller Journal; Doble, p. 54. For the triumphs, see Christman, p. 126; Journal entry, July 12, 1850, Osborn Journal.

36. Frank Marryat, Mountains and Molehills; or, Recollections of a Burnt Journal (1855; Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott, 1962), p. 136; Dexter, pp. 23-24; Borthwick, PP. 342-44.

37. Borthwick, pp. 342-44.

38. Fairchild, p. 139. On gender as performative, see Judith Butler, Gender Trouble: Feminism and the Subversion of Identity (New York: Routledge, 1990), esp. pp. 24-25, 33, 134-41, and Bodies That Matter: On the Discursive Limits of "Sex " (New York: Routledge, 1993), esp. pp. 1-23, 223-42.

39. Antonio Franco Coronel, "Cosas de California," trans. and ed. Richard Henry Morefield, in The Mexican Adaptation in American California, 1846-1875 (1955; San Francisco: R & E Research Associates, 1971), pp. 76-96, esp. 93-94. And see Derbec, p. 128. Coronel may have exaggerated his cook's profits, but even if he doubled the amount she took in each day, her earnings would have been greater than those of the average miner in 1848. See "Appendix B: Wages in the California Gold Mines," in Paul, California Gold, pp. 349-50.

40. Perkins, pp. 105-06.

41. Harris, p. 124; Silvia Marina Arrom, The Women of Mexico City, 1790-1857 (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1985), pp. 158-59, 192-93.

42. Helen Nye to Sister Mary, December 26, 1852, February 8 and March 14, 1853, May 20, 1855, Nye Letters.

43. For elaboration, see Johnson, " 'The gold she gathered,' " pp. 179-96.

44. Doble, p. 58; Derbec, p. 142; Christman, p. 132; Gardiner, pp. 69, 188-89; Perkins, pp. 157-58; Friedrich W. C. Gerstäcker, Narrative of a Journey Around the World (New York: Harper and Row, 1853), p. 225; Borthwick, pp. 82, 361. On Chinese laundry workers, see Takaki, pp. 92-94; Paul Ong, "An Ethnic Trade: The Chinese Laundries in Early California," Journal of Ethnic Studies 8, no. 4 (Winter 1981): 95-113. For the poem, see "The Miners' Lamentations," California Lettersheet Facsimiles, Huntington Library.

45. See, e.g., William Cronon, Changes in the Land: Indians, Colonists, and the Ecology of New England (New York: Hill and Wang, 1983), pp. 52-58, 92; Glenda Riley, Women and Indians on the Frontier, 1825-1915 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1984), esp. pp. 76-81.

46. Doble, pp. 42-50. See also Journal entries, November 16 and 17, 1852, Little Journals, item 12; Ward, p. 136; Derbec, pp. 154-56; Gerstäcker, pp. 210-11; Doten, 1: 212.

47. Derbec, p. 155; Christman, p. 180.

48. Gerstäcker, p. 217

49. See, e.g., Mary Ryan, Cradle of the Middle Class: The Family in Oneida County, New York, 1790-1865 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981); Charles E. Rosenberg, "Sexuality, Class, and Role in Nineteenth-Century America," American Quarterly 35 (May 1973): 131-53; E. Anthony Rotundo, American Manhood: Transformations in Masculinity from the Revolution to the Modern Era (New York: Basic Books, 1993); Mark C. Carnes and Clyde Griffen, eds., Meanings for Manhood: Constructions of Masculinity in Victorian America (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990); J. A. Mangan and James Walvin, eds., Manliness and Morality: Middle-Class Masculinity in Britain and America, 1800-1940 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1987).

50. Leonard Withington Noyes Reminiscences, Essex Institute, Salem, Massachusetts, transcription at Calaveras County Museum and Archives, San Andreas, California, p. 75.

51. Journal entry, October 20, 1849, Osborn Journal.

52. Gerstäcker, pp. 217-18; Perlot, p. 181; Ward, pp. 51-52, 111, 125,126-27, 136-37. On the Mariposa War, see Johnson, " 'The gold she gathered,' " chap. 5.

53. William McCollum, California As I Saw It. Pencillings by the Way of Its Gold and Gold Diggers. And Incidents of Travel by Land and Water, ed. Dale L. Morgan ( 1850; Los Gatos, Calif.: Talisman Press, 1960), pp. 160-61. Cf. Harris, pp. 113, 123, 132-34, 136.

54. On vocational domesticity, see, e.g., Nancy F. Cott, The Bonds of Womanhood: "Woman's Sphere" in New England, 1780-1835 (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1977), esp. p. 74. Catharine Beecher popularized the idea in her Treatise on Domestic Economy (1841), which was in its ninth printing at the time of the Gold Rush; see Kathryn Kish Sklar, Catharine Beecher: A Study in American Domesticity (New York: W. W. Norton, 1976), pp. 151-67.

55. Journal entry, August 31, 1852, Little Journals, item 12; Benjamin Kendrick to Father, September 25, 1849, Benjamin Franklin Kendrick Letters, Beinecke Library; A. W. Genung to Mr. and Mrs. Thomas, February 14, 1852, A. W. Genung Letters, Beinecke Library.

56. For elaboration of these themes, see Johnson, " 'The gold she gathered,' " chap. 2.

57. For discussion of collective memory of the Gold Rush, see ibid., chap. 1 and Epilogue; and Susan Lee Johnson, "History, Memory, and the California Gold Rush," paper presented at the Power of Ethnic Identities in the Southwest Conference, Huntington Library, San Marino, California, September 23, 1994, and the American Historical Association Annual Meeting, Chicago, January 8, 1995.

58. I completed this essay at the historical moment (during the summer of 1995) when affirmative action policies came under unprecedented attack across the U.S., but especially in the State of California.

59. Christman, pp. 204-05.

1. Susan Armitage, "Through Women's Eyes: A New View of the West," in Susan Armitage and Elizabeth Jameson, eds., The Women's West (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1987), 9.

2. The beginning of western women's history as a coherent field can be marked by the publication of Joan M. Jensen and Darlis A. Miller's historiographical essay, "The Gentle Tamers Revisited: New Approaches to the History of Women in the American West," Pacific Historical Review 49 (May 1980): 173-213. Since then the field has so proliferated it is difficult to keep abreast of the many monographs, articles, edited diaries, and oral histories documenting and analyzing the lives of women in the North American West. For an overview of the range of issues studied by western women's historians, see essays in Armitage and Jameson, eds., The Women's West; Lillian Schlissel, Vicki L. Ruiz, and Janice Monk, eds., Western Women: Their Land, Their Lives (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1988); and Elizabeth Jameson and Susan Armitage, eds., Writing the Range: Race, Class and Gender in the Women's West (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1997).

3. E. Anthony Rotundo, "Learning About Manhood: Gender Ideals and the Middle-Class Family in Nineteenth-Century America," in J. A. Mangan and James Walvin, eds., Manliness and Morality: Middle-Class Masculinity in Britain and America, 1800-1940 (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1987), 35.

4. Ava Baron, "Gender and Labor History: Learning from the Past, Looking to the Future," in Baron, ed., Work Engendered: Toward a New History of American Labor (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1991), 8.

      Peter Filene reviewed the literature on men's history up to the mid-1980s in "The Secrets of Men's History," in Harry Brod, ed., The Making of Masculinities: The New Men's Studies (Boston: Allen & Unwin, 1987). More recent works exploring the construction of masculinity include Gail Bederman, Manliness and Civilization: A Cultural History of Gender and Race in the United States, 1880-1917 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995); Lisa Bloom, Gender on Ice: American Ideologies of Polar Expeditions (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1993); Nancy K. Bristow, Making Men Moral: Social Engineering during the Great War (New York: New York University Press, 1996); Robert L. Griswold, Fatherhood in America: A History (New York: Basic Books, 1993); Karen V. Hansen," 'Helped Put in a Quilt': Men's Work and Male Intimacy in Nineteenth-Century New England," Gender and Society 3 (September 1989): 334-354; Amy Kaplan, "Romancing the Empire: The Embodiment of American Masculinity in the Popular Historical Novel of the 1890s," American Literary History 2, no. 4 (1990): 659-690; Michael S. Kimmel, "Baseball and the Reconstitution of American Masculinity, 1880-1920," Baseball History 1 (1989): 98-112; Margaret Marsh, "Suburban Men and Masculine Domesticity, 1870-1915," American Quarterly 40 (June 1988): 165-186; David Morgan, "Masculinity, Autobiography and History," Gender and History 2 (Spring 1990): 34-39; and E. Anthony Rotundo, American Manhood: Transformations in Masculinity from the Revolution to the Modern Era (New York: Basic Books, 1993).

5. The Miles J. Cavanaugh, Jr., Papers are in the Merrill G. Burlingame Special Collections at Montana State University, Bozeman. The Martin Frank Dunham Papers are in the Provincial Archives of Alberta at Edmonton.

      We have only half the correspondence of Edith Sander and Frank Dunham. Edith kept Frank's letters; Frank apparently did not keep hers. Frank's letters demonstrate very clearly the pattern of Victorian courtship described by Karen Lystra in Searching the Heart: Women, Men and Romantic Love in Nineteenth-Century America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1989). When Dunham's daughter, Mrs. E. Cleghorn, donated the letters to the archives, she included a short biographical essay about her father, "Memoirs of a Newspaper Man," that she had written and which is filed with the collection's accession records. It mentions that Edith kept a diary from 1906 to 1912, encompassing the period of their courtship and the first year of marriage. But that document has not come to light. Miles Cavanaugh's autobiography stops when he began practicing law, before his marriage. Thus how Dunham and Cavanaugh followed through on what they learned about being men and being husbands remains a mystery, as does what the women in their lives thought about them.

6. Unless otherwise noted, all biographical information on Cavanaugh is drawn from his typescript "Autobiography" in his papers. There are also brief biographical sketches of him in Tom Stout, ed., Montana: Its Story and Biography, vol. 2 (Chicago: American Historical Society, 1921); and Robert G. Raymer, ed., Montana: The Land and the People, vol. 3 (Chicago: Lewis Publishing Co., 1930).

7. Miles J. Cavanaugh, Jr., "Autobiography," 21, 27-28.

8. Ibid., 28-29.

9. Ibid., 29.

10. Ibid., 23-24.

11. Ibid., 25-27.

12. Ibid., 30-31.

13. Ibid., 29-30.

14. All biographical information on Martin Frank Dunham is drawn either from his letters or from Cleghorn, "Memoirs of a Newspaper Man" (see note 5).

15. On the development of Edmonton, see Carl Frederick Betke, "The Development of an Urban Community in Prairie Canada: Edmonton, 1918-192 1," (Ph.D. diss., University of Alberta, 1981); Helen Boyd, "Growing Up Privileged in Edmonton," Alberta History 30 (Winter 1982): 1-10; and J. G. MacGregor, Edmonton: A History, 2nd ed. (Edmonton: M. G. Hurtig Publishers, 1975). On Strathcona, see John Gilpin, "The Development of Strathcona," Alberta History 42 (Summer 1994): 15-22.

16. Dunham to Sander, May 8, 1908; October 17, 1908; December 12, 1908; and December 23, 1908.

17. Dunham to Sander, January 16, 1910. See also Carl Betke, "Sports Promotion in the Western Canadian City: The Example of Early Edmonton," Urban History Review 12 (October 1983): 47-56.

18. Dunham uses an enormous amount of letter space apologizing for not writing; he tried to write once a week, and sometimes wrote more frequently, but often two to three weeks passed between letters.

19. Dunham to Sander, September 18, 1911; January 16, 1910; and January 10, 1909.

20. Dunham to Sander, March 17, 1910.

21. Dunham to Sander, January 16, 1909; and May 1, 1909.

22. Dunham to Sander, October 20, 1910.

23. Dunham to Sander, November 24, 1910.

24. Dunham to Sander, September 3, 1911.

25. Butte Daily Post, August 3, 1935, P. 1; and Montana Standard, August 3, 1935, p. 1. Cavanaugh's will suggests that his second wife, Cora, was a widow with a son when she and Miles married. Miles J. Cavanaugh will, No. 10226, Clerk of the Court, Silver Bow County Courthouse, Butte, Montana.

26. Cleghorn, "Memoirs of a Newspaper Man."

27. Miles J. Cavanaugh, Jr., "At a Wedding Dinner, Oct. 30, 1888," Cavanaugh papers.

28. On the West as a therapeutic place, see G. Edward White, The Eastern Establishment and the Western Experience: The West of Frederic Remington, Theodore Roosevelt, and Owen Wister (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1968); and Jane Tompkins, West of Everything: The Inner Life of Westerns (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992).

1. Ruth Roessel, Women in Navajo Society (Rough Rock, Ariz.: Navajo Resource Center, 1981).

2. Karen Anderson, Changing Woman: A History of Racial Ethnic Women in Modern America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996); Bettina Aptheker, Tapestries of Life: Women's Work, Women's Consciousness, and the Meaning of Daily Experience (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1989), p. 228.

3. Theda Skocpol, Protecting Soldiers and Mothers: The Political Origins of Social Policy in the United States (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1992); Linda Gordon, ed., Women, the State, and Welfare (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1990); Kathryn Kish Sklar, "The Historical Foundations of Women's Power in the Creation of the American Welfare State, 1830-1930," in Seth Koven and Sonya Michel, eds., Mothers of a New World: Maternalist Politics and the Origins of Welfare States (New York: Routledge, 1993), pp. 43-93; Molly Ladd-Taylor, "'My Work Came Out of Agony and Grief': Mothers and the Making of the Sheppard-Towner Act," in Koven and Michel, eds., Mothers of a New World, pp. 321-343. Gwendolyn Mink, Eileen Boris, and Sonya Michel particularly notice the contradictory meanings of the welfare state for poor and racial ethnic women. Gwendolyn Mink, "The Lady and the Tramp: Gender, Race, and the Origins of the American Welfare State," in Gordon, ed., Women, the State, and Welfare, pp. 92-122; Eileen Boris, ''The Power of Motherhood: Black and White Activist Women Redefine the 'Political,"' in Koven and Michel, eds., Mothers of a New World, pp. 213-245; Sonya Michel, "The Limits of Maternalism: Policies toward American Wage-Earning Mothers during the Progressive Era," in Koven and Michel, eds., Mothers of a New World, pp. 277-320.

4. Mink, "The Lady and the Tramp," pp. 92, 105.

5. Ibid., p. 110.

6. Maureen Fitzgerald's examination of Protestant policies toward Irish Catholic and Jewish families in New York City in the nineteenth century achieves a similar extension. Her work reveals that mothers' pensions evolved in reaction to the establishment of Catholic and Jewish institutions outside the regulatory grasp of Protestant reformers. Maureen Fitzgerald, "Irish-Catholic Nuns and the Development of New York City's Welfare System, 1845-1903," (Ph.D. diss., University of Wisconsin, 1992). Dolores Janiewski, "Learning to Live 'Just Like White Folks': Gender, Ethnicity and the State in the Inland Northwest," in Dorothy O. Helly and Susan M. Reberby, eds., Gendered Domains: Rethinking Public and Private in Women's History (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1991), pp. 167-180. Indeed, Frederick Jackson Turner saw the frontier as "the meeting point between savagery and civilization." Frederick Jackson Turner, The Significance of the Frontier in American History, ed. Harold P. Simonson (New York: Frederick Ungar Publishing Co., 1963), p. 28.

7. Ann Stoler, "Sexual Affronts and Racial Frontiers: European Identities and the Cultural Politics of Exclusion in Colonial Southeast Asia," Comparative Studies in Society and History (July 1992): 514-551. Patricia Limerick's call to close the frontier as an analytic tool for western history may be premature. Patricia Nelson Limerick, The Legacy of Conquest: The Unbroken Past of the American West (New York: W. W. Norton and Company, 1987), pp. 17-32, 260.

8. Mary E. Young, "Women, Civilization, and the Indian Question," in Virginia Purdy, ed., Clio Was a Woman: Studies in the History of American Women (Washington, D.C.: Howard University Press, 1980), pp. 98-110; Janiewski, "Learning to Live 'Just Like White Folks.'"

9. Young, "Women, Civilization, and the Indian Question"; Ann Laura Stoler, "Sexual Affronts and Racial Frontiers: European Identities and the Cultural Politics of Exclusion in Colonial Southeast Asia," in Frederick Cooper and Ann Laura Stoler, eds., Tensions of Empire: Colonial Cultures in a Bourgeois World (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997), pp. 198-237; George J. Sanchez, "'Go After the Women': Americanization and the Mexican Immigrant Woman," in Ellen Carol DuBois and Vicki L. Ruiz, eds., Unequal Sisters: A Multi-Cultural Reader in U.S. Women's History (New York: Routledge, 1990), pp. 250-263.

10. Sanchez, "'Go After the Women,"' pp. 250-263.

11. Emory Bogardus, The Mexican in the United States (New York: Arno Press and the New York Times, 1970, reprint of 1934 edition), p. 28.

12. Ibid.; Mario García, Desert Immigrants: The Mexicans of El Paso, 1880-1920 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1981), pp. 200-201; Beatrice Griffith, American Me (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1948), pp. 76-80. Obviously, familial control of young girls also gave parents some control over a daughter's choice of a husband by allowing for relaxed vigilance when an acceptable suitor appeared.

13. William Chafe, The Paradox of Change: The American Woman in the Twentieth Century (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991); Mary Ryan, Womanhood in America from Colonial Times to the Present, 3rd ed. (New York: J. Watts, 1983), pp. 167-252; Sheila Rothman, Woman's Proper Place: A History of Changing Ideals and Practices, 1870 to the Present (New York: Basic Books, Inc., 1978); "El Enganchado" from Paul S. Taylor, Mexican Labor in the United States: Chicago and the Calumet Region (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1932), pp. vi-vii; Manuel Gamio, Mexican Immigration to the United States (New York: Dover Publications, 1971); Maria Herrera-Sobek, "The Acculturation Process of the Chicana in the Corrido," De Colores 6 (1982): 7-16. The fear of maternal power characteristic of modern American gender ideology derives also from women's successful use of maternal rhetoric and role performance to increase women's social and political power.

14. Micaela di Leonardo, The Varieties of Ethnic Experience: Kinship, Class, and Gender among California Italian-Americans (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1984), p. 221; Herrera-Sobek, "The Acculturation Process of the Chicana." These conflicts were also expressed in folk tales. William Jones Wallrich, "Some Variants of the 'Demon Dancer,'" Western Folklore 9 (April 1950): 144-146.

15. Mary Kidder Rak, "A Social Survey of Arizona," University of Arizona Bulletin No. 111 (Tucson, Ariz.: University Extension Division, 1921), pp. 37-38; Letter, J. C. Brodie to B. B. Moeur, September 4, 1934, Governor's Papers, Box 6, Arizona State Archives; Letter, Valente Soto et al. to B. B. Moeur, August 13, 1934, Governor's Papers, Box 6, Arizona State Archives; Winifred Bell, Aid to Dependent Children (New York: Columbia University Press, 1965); Letter, Karl H. McBride to W. C. Ferguson, November 15, 1938, Governor's Papers, Box 10, Arizona State Archives; Selden C. Menefee and Orin C. Cassmore, The Pecan Shellers of San Antonio (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1978, reprint of 1940 edition), pp. 37-43; Migratory Labor, July 1940, Records of the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, Record Group 47, Box 34, National Archives; Norman D. Humphrey, "Employment Patterns of Mexicans in Detroit," Monthly Labor Review 61 (November 1945): 913-923.

16. David H. Getches, Daniel M. Rosenfelt, and Charles F. Wilkinson, Federal Indian Law: Cases and Materials (St. Paul, Minn.: West Publishing Company, 1978), pp. 69-77; Leonard A. Carlson, Indians, Bureaucrats, and Land: The Dawes Act and the Decline of Indian Farming (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1981), pp. 115-162; Janet A. McDonnell, The Dispossession of the American Indian, 1887-1934 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1991).

17. Frank Knox, "Report on the Ute Indians of Utah and Colorado," October 15, 1915, Special Reports, Board of Indian Commissioners, Papers of the Bureau of Indian Affairs, RG 75, National Archives, vol. 1 [hereafter cited as BIA].

18. Margaret Connell Szasz, Education and the American Indian: The Road to Self-Determination since 1928, 2nd ed. (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1977), pp. 10-11, 22; Hearings before a Subcommittee of the Committee on Indian Affairs of the U.S. Senate, 71st Congress, 3rd Sess., 1930, pp. 4481-4483; Fran Leeper Buss, ed., Dignity: Lower Income Women Tell of Their Lives and Struggles (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1985), pp. 150-168; interview with Irene Mack Pyawasit, Fran Buss Oral History Collection, Special Collections, University of Arizona Library [hereafter cited as UA]; Testimony of As-ton-pia at St. Michaels Mission, Arizona, September 6, 1932 [?], Paper of the Franciscans, St. Michaels, Arizona, UA.

19. Brookings Institution, Institute for Government Research, The Problem of Indian Administration (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1928), p. 567; Polingaysi Qoyawayma, No Turning Back (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1964), p. 69; Robert A. Trennert, The Phoenix Indian School: Forced Assimilation in Arizona, 1891-1935 (Norman: University of Oklahoma, 1988), pp. 56, 145-146.

20. Qoyawayma, No Turning Back, pp. 67-76; quotes on p. 69.

21. Ibid., pp. 67-76.

22. Flora Warren Seymour, "Report on the Mescalero Indian Reservation, New Mexico," June 6, 1932, BIA, vol. 10; Flora Warren Seymour, "Indian Service Educational Activities in the Southwest,"July 28, 1932, BIA, vol. 10; William Ketcham, "Report on the Eufala Boarding School, Eufala, Oklahoma," February 20, 1917, BIA, vol. 1.

23. Frederick E. Hoxie and Joan T. Mark, eds., With the Nez Perces: Alice Fletcher in the Field, 1889-1892 (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1981), p. 35; Estelle Aubrey Brown, Stubborn Fool: A Narrative (Caldwell, Idaho: Caxton Printers, Ltd., 1952); Janiewski, "Learning to Live 'Just Like White Folks.'"

24. Peggy Pascoe, Relations of Rescue (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990); Kathy Peiss, Cheap Amusements: Working Women and Leisure in Turn-of-the-Century New York (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1986); Ryan, Womanhood in America; Elizabeth Ewen, Immigrant Women in the Land of Dollars: Life and Culture on the Lower East Side, 1890-1925 (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1985); Carroll Smith-Rosenberg, Disorderly Conduct: Visions of Gender in Victorian America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1985), pp. 245-296.

1. David J. Garrow, "Foreword," to Jo Ann Gibson Robinson, The Montgomery Bus Boycott and the Women Who Started It (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1987), pp. viii-xv.

2. On the significance of mobility in American history, see George W. Pierson, "The M-Factor in American History," American Quarterly 14, no. 2 (Summer 1962): 275-289. For an example of an extended attempt to understand geographical mobility in feminist terms, see Virginia Scharff, Taking the Wheel: Women and the Coming of the Motor Age (New York: Free Press, 1991).

3. For critical reviews of feminist geography literature, see L. Bondi and M. Domosh, "Other Figures in Other Places: On Feminism, Postmodernism, and Geography," Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 10 (1992): 199-221; Linda McDowell, "Space, Place, and Gender Relations: Part I. Feminist Empiricism and the Geography of Social Relations," Progress in Human Geography 17, no. 2 (1993): 157-179; Linda McDowell, "Space, Place, and Gender Relations: Part II. Identity, Difference, Feminist Geometries and Geographies," Progress in Human Geography 17, no. 3 (1993): 305-308. A pioneering work analyzing the spatial implications of American women's history is Dolores Hayden, Redesigning the American Dream: The Future of Housing, Work, and Family Life (New York: W. W. Norton and Company, 1986). The most ambitious example of new work in feminist historical geography is Daphne Spain, Gendered Spaces (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1992).

4. Johnny Faragher and Christine Stansell, "Women and Their Families on the Overland Trail to California and Oregon, 1842-1867," Feminist Studies 2 (Fall 1975): 150-166; John Mack Faragher, Women and Men on the Overland Trail (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1979); Julie Roy Jeffrey, Frontier Women: The Trans-Mississippi West, 1840-1880 (New York: Hill and Wang, 1979); Sandra Myres, Westering Women and the Frontier Experience (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1982); Byrd Gibbens, This Is a Strange Country: Letters of a Westering Family, 1880-1906 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1988); Glenda Riley, The Female Frontier: A Comparative View of Women on the Prairie and the Plains (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1988); Lillian Schlissel, Women's Diaries of the Westward Journey (New York: Schocken Books, 1982); Lillian Schlissel, Byrd Gibbens, and Elizabeth Hampsten, Far from Home: Families of the Westward Journey (New York: Schocken Books, 1989).

5. On Native women, see Margot Liberty, "Hell Came with Horses: Plains Indian Women in the Equestrian Era," Montana, The Magazine of Western History 32, no. 3 (Summer 1982): 14-15; Margot Liberty, "Plains Indian Women through Time: A Preliminary Overview," in Leslie B. Davis, ed., Lifeways of Intermontane and Plains Montana Indians: In Honor of J. Verne Dusenberry, Occasional Papers of the Museum of the Rockies, no. 1 (Bozeman: Montana State University, 1979), pp. 138-141; Elliott West, The Way to the West (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, forthcoming); Rebecca Bales, "Changing Gender Roles and Sexuality in the Modoc Tribe of Northeastern California," paper presented to the Western History Association, New Haven, Connecticut, October, 1992. On Mexican migration, see Rosalinda Melendez Gonzalez, "Distinctions in Western Women's Experience: Ethnicity, Class, and Social Change," in Susan Armitage and Elizabeth Jameson, eds., The Women's West (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1988), pp. 237-251; Vicki L. Ruiz and Susan Tiano, eds., Women on the United States-Mexico Border: Responses to Change (Boston: Allen and Unwin, Inc., 1987); George Sanchez, Becoming Mexican American: Ethnicity, Culture and Identity in Chicano Los Angeles, 1900-1945 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993). On Asian immigration and relocation, see Evelyn Nakano Glenn, Issei, Nisei, War Bride: Three Generations of Japanese American Women in Domestic Service (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1986); Valerie Matsumoto, 'Japanese American Women during World War II," Frontiers 8, no. 1 (1984): 6-14. On migrant farmworkers, see Fran Leeper Buss, Forjada Bajo el Sur: Forged under the Sun: The Life of Maria Elena Lucas (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1993); James N. Gregory, American Exodus: The Dust Bowl Migration and Okie Culture in California (New York: Oxford University Press, 1989). On cowgirls and women in wild west shows, see Dee Brown, The Gentle Tamers: Women of the Old Wild West (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1993); Teresa Jordan, Cowgirls: Women of the American West (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1993). On African American migrants to the Plains, see Nell Irvin Painter, Exodusters: Black Migration to Kansas after Reconstruction (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1976). On middle class women drivers, see Virginia Scharff, "Of Parking Spaces and Women's Places: The Los Angeles Parking Ban of 1920," NWSA Journal 1, no. 1 (Fall 1988): 37-51; and Scharff, Taking the Wheel; Sandra Rosenbloom, "Why Working Families Need a Car," in Martin Wachs and Margaret Crawford, eds., The Car and the City: The Automobile, the Built Environment, and Daily Urban Life (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1992). For a more comprehensive bibliography of sources, see J. Etulain and P. Devejian, Women and Family in the American West (Albuquerque: Center for the American West, 1991). Thanks also to Elliott West for help with citations on Native American women.

6. I have made a similar argument in Virginia Scharff, "Gender and Western History: Is Anybody Home on the Range?" Montana: The Magazine of Western History 41, no. 2 (Spring 1991): 62-65. For a suggestive example of the possibility of such analysis, see Sarah Deutsch, No Separate Refuge: Culture, Class, and Gender on an Anglo-Hispanic Frontier in the American Southwest, 1880-1940 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987).

7. For a model of this form of dialectical analysis, see Belinda Bozzoli, "Marxism, Feminism, and South African Studies," Journal of Southern African Studies 9, no. 2 (April 1983): 137-171.

8. On space-time relations, see Anthony Giddens, A Contemporary Critique of Historical Materialism (New York: Macmillan, 1981); William H. Sewell, Jr., "A Theory of Structure: Duality, Agency, and Transformation," American Journal of Sociology 98, no. 1 (July 1992): 1-29.

9. On the problem of univocality, interpretation, and appropriation in the social sciences, see James Clifford, The Predicament of Culture: Twentieth-Century Ethnography, Literature, and Art (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1988); James Clifford and George E. Marcus, eds., Writing Culture: The Poetics and Politics of Ethnography (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986); Renato Rosaldo, Culture and Truth: The Remaking of Social Analysis (Boston: Beacon Press, 1989); D. Gordon et al., "Feminism and the Critique of Colonial Discourse," Inscriptions nos. 3 and 4 (1988); Frances E. Mascia-Lees et al., "The Postmodernist Turn in Anthropology: Cautions from a Feminist Perspective," SIGNS: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 15, no. 1 (Fall 1989): 7-33.

10. Donna Haraway, "Reading Buchi Emecheta: Contests for Women's Experience in Women's Studies," Women: A Cultural Review 1 (1990): 243.

11. Robinson, Montgomery Bus Boycott, pp. xii, 9-10.

12. Ibid., p. 15.

13. Ibid., pp. 79, 90. For a detailed account of the rise of segregation practices, see Howard N. Rabinowitz, Race Relations in the Urban South, 1865-1890 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1978).

14. Robinson, Montgomery Bus Boycott, p. 79.

15. Ibid., pp. xiii, 15-16.

16. Pleasant succeeded in forcing the company to transport black passengers. Helen Holdredge, Mammy Pleasant (New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1953), p. 62. Paula Giddings details a history of black women's opposition to discrimination in transportation in When and Where I Enter: The Impact of Black Women on Race and Sex in America (New York: William Morrow and Co., 1984), pp. 261-270; see also Barbara Y. Welke, "When All the Women Were White, and All the Blacks Were Men: Gender, Class, Race, and the Road to Plessy, 1855-1914," Law and History Review 13, no. 2 (Fall 1995): 261-316; Robin D. G. Kelley, "'We Are Not What We Seem': Rethinking Black Working-Class Opposition in the Jim Crow South," Journal of American History 80, no. 1 (June 1993): 75-112.

17. Robinson, Montgomery Bus Boycott, pp. 22, 31-2.

18. Ibid., p. 43; Giddings, When and Where I Enter, pp. 262-264.

19. Taylor Branch, Parting the Waters: America in the King Years, 1954-1963 (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1988), p. 131.

20. Robinson, Montgomery Bus Boycott, pp. 45-46.

21. Ibid., pp. 92-94.

22. Ibid., pp. 39-74, 115.

23. Ibid., p. 140.

24. Branch, Parting the Waters, p. 312.

25. Robinson, Montgomery Bus Boycott, pp. 169-171. Kelley, "'We Are Not What We Seem,"' p. 95, notes that "Central to black working-class politics was mobility, for it afforded workers relative freedom to escape oppressive living and working conditions and power to negotiate better working conditions."

26. Robinson, Montgomery Bus Boycott, pp. xii, xv.

27. Ibid., pp. 171-172.

28. Robin Kelley uses the term "infrapolitics" to approach the political meaning of black working class opposition in the South, and acknowledges a scholarly tradition examining the meaning of everyday life ranging from the work of anthropologist James C. Scott, to theorist Michel de Certeau, to labor historian E. P. Thompson; Kelley, p. 77 fn. 9. Kelley, however, fails to acknowledge a long, global, and sophisticated tradition of feminist theoretical analysis of sexual and personal politics, including the work of, among many others, Mary Wollstonecraft, Alexandra Kollontai, Simone de Beauvoir, Kate Millett, and Joan Wallach Scott.

29. Glenda Riley, The Life and Legacy of Annie Oakley (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1994); Isabella Bird, A Lady's Life in the Rocky Mountains (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1960); T. A. Larson, History of Wyoming (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1978), pp. 84-94.

30. David Gutierrez, "Significant to Whom? Mexican Americans and the History of the American West," The Western Historical Quarterly 24, no. 4 (November 1993): 519-539, offers a powerful analysis of the significance of the literature of Chicano history. See also Antonia I. Castaneda, "Women of Color and the Rewriting of Western History: The Discourse, Politics, and Decolonization of History," Pacific Historical Review 61, no. 4 (November 1992): 501-534; Virginia Scharff, "Else Surely We Shall all Hange Separately: The Politics of Western Women's History," Pacific Historical Review 61, no. 4 (November 1992): 535-556.

31. Ellen Carol DuBois and Vicki L. Ruiz, "Introduction," DuBois and Ruiz, eds., Unequal Sisters: A Multicultural Reader in U.S. Women's History (New York: Routledge, 1991), p. xii; Scharff, "Else Surely We Shall all Hange Separately," p. 546.

32. Quintard Taylor, The Forging of a Black Community: Seattle's Central District, from 1870 through the Civil Rights Era (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1994); Gretchen Lemke-Santangelo, Abiding Courage: African American Women and the East Bay Community (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1996); Shirley Ann Moore, "Getting There, Being There: African American Migration to Richmond, California, 1910-1945," in Joe William Trotter, ed., The Great Migration in Historical Perspective: New Dimensions of Race, Class, and Gender (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1991), pp. 111, 118-120; Douglas Flamming, essay in this volume.

33. David A. Hollinger, "Postethnic America," Contention: Debates in Society, Culture, and Science 2, no. 1 (Fall 1992): 79-96; David A. Hollinger, "How Wide the Circle of the 'We'? American Intellectuals and the Problem of the Ethnos since World War II," American Historical Review 98, no. 2 (April 1993): 317-337.

1. Charles Dwight Willard, booster extraordinaire, started the Land of Sunshine in 1894; the journal eventually became less boosterish in tone and content, especially once Charles Fletcher Lummis took over the editorial duties full-time and changed the magazine's name to Out West. In its earlier life, however, the journal was little more than a Chamber of Commerce publication.

2. "Facts About Industrial Los Angeles, Nature's Workshop" (Los Angeles: Los Angeles Chamber of Commerce, 1926). For insightful readings of regional boosterism in the period, see, among others, Norman M. Klein and Martin J. Schiesl, eds.,      20th-Century Los Angeles: Power, Promotion and Social Conflict (Claremont, CA: Regina Books, 1990), esp. chap. 1; Clark Davis, "From Oasis to Metropolis: Southern California and the Changing Context of American Leisure," Pacific Historical Review 61 (August 1992): 357-386; Kevin Starr, Inventing the Dream: California through the Progressive Era (New York: Oxford University Press, 1985); Kevin Starr, Material Dreams: Southern California through the 1920s (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990), esp. chap. 5; Robert Fogelson, The Fragmented Metropolis: Los Angeles 1850-1930 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993); Mike Davis, City of Quartz (London: Verso Press, 1990), esp. chaps. 1 and 2; see also William Deverell, "Privileging the Mission over the Mexican: The Rise of Regional Consciousness in Southern California," in Michael Steiner and David Wrobel, eds., Many Wests: Place, Culture, and Regional Identity (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1997).

3. Some sense of the degree to which "typicality" informed the ways in which Los Angeles constructed and understood all kinds of cultural categories can be gained even by examination of non-Anglo promotional vehicles. The "typicality trope" crossed racial bounds, and it was present as well amongst the African American community. For instance, the proud pamphlet Western Progress, published in 1928 by two African American entrepreneurs, highlighted the "economic and social advancement in Los Angeles" through these now-familiar images. Businesses, homes, sunshine, flowers, and so on were all exhibited as representative images of African American life in the city. The Conner-Johnson Funeral Home, for instance, ''typifies so well the progressive west" and Nickerson's Drug Store stood as "an excellent example of the new idea in western business." See Louis Tenette and B. B. Bratton, Western Progress: A Pictorial Story of Economic and Social Advancement in Los Angeles, California (Los Angeles: Tenette & Bratton, 1928). African American boosterism, and its relationship to Anglo boosterism, has been discussed in William Deverell and Douglas Flamming, "Race, Rhetoric, and Regional Identity," in Power and Place in the American West (Seattle: University of Washington Press, forthcoming). For an earlier depiction of the reflex, see Los Angeles California, Queen City of the Angels (Los Angeles: M. Rieder, ca. 1907), with its pamphlet depictions of the city's "typical Mission residence" and "typical cottage house" (both extremely large).

4. This reflex could be found at work even within the progressive reform community. See, for instance, John Kienle, "Housing Conditions among the Mexican Population of Los Angeles," M.A. thesis, University of California, 1912; Kienle, who would soon run the city's housing commission, noted that "the idea was not to have the investigations confined to one locality or any particular type of construction, but to cover the vast area dotted with Mexican homes, thus endeavoring to select those in each community, which, in my judgment, were typical of the rest" (p. 2). Kienle had opened his discussion with an apparent nod to diversity amongst the Mexican population in Los Angeles, pointing out that "there are many Mexicans in Los Angeles, who are divided into different classes." Two pages later, however, he admits that "there are three classes of Mexicans."

5. Details about the plague outbreak and its victims are drawn largely from "Plague in Los Angeles, 1924-25," bound manuscript produced by the California State Board of Health, copy in the Huntington Library, subchap. 1 [of 12], p. 49. Hereafter cited as "Plague in Los Angeles." Other sources I have found helpful in this project include James H. Jones, Bad Blood: The Tuskegee Syphilis Experiment (New York: Free Press, 1981), esp. chap. 2; Hans Zinsser, Rats, Lice and History: The Biography of a Bacillus (Boston: Little, Brown, 1934); Alan Brandt, No Magic Bullet: A Social History of Venereal Disease in the United States since 1880 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987).

6. Clara Street is directly behind the Terminal Annex Post Office on Alameda Street (not yet built in 1924), within sight of downtown Los Angeles. The little bit of Clara Street still in existence today is dominated by a penal complex.

7. See Helen Martin, The History of the Los Angeles County Hospital (1878-1968) and the Los Angeles County-University of Southern California Medical Center (1968-1978 ) (Los Angeles: University of Southern California Press, 1979), chap. 15: "The Plague Epidemic." Years later, a Los Angeles physician tracked down Luciana Samarano's midwife (who had not contracted plague); the midwife verified that Luciana had delivered a stillborn child on the very day that she died. See John Emmett to Alexander Langmuir, July 17, 1952, in miscellaneous correspondence files, Communicable Disease Division, City and County of Los Angeles Health Services Department.

8. Bruella's first name may have been Medrano. He is buried in the clergy burial plot at the San Gabriel Mission.

9. Martin, History of the Los Angeles County Hospital, p. 68.

10. Maria Valenzuela was sent to the county hospital on October 31, just as the Belvedere Gardens quarantine was getting under way. Her mother, however, was not; one of the county physicians wrote that Guadalupe Valenzuela, along with her son and another daughter, were "appreciably under the influence of liquor" and that he "was not concerned regarding her condition." She died on November 3. See the narrative of the county plague response, "Plague," in miscellaneous correspondence files, Health Services. The author of this document is probably county public health officer Dr. J. L. Pomeroy.

11. It is difficult to determine how old Raul Samarano was at the time of the epidemic. Some texts (e.g., Martin, 1979) argue that Raul was the fourteen-month-old son of Luciana and Guadalupe. Some eyewitness accounts suggest that he was older, somewhere between six and nine years old. A photograph in "Plague in Los Angeles" seems to indicate that Raul was a very young boy, and he himself suggested this years later. A 1960 story in the Los Angeles Examiner about the plague brought about an impromptu reunion of Raul Samareno (his last name now changed) and Dr. Elmer Anderson, one of the physicians who had first responded to the Macy Street quarter illnesses. After the epidemic rendered him an orphan, Raul lived with relatives, became a ward of the state in foster homes, worked for the Civilian Conservation Corps in the thirties, joined the Navy, and ended up with a position in the Army Corps of Engineers in Los Angeles County. See Los Angeles Examiner, March 14, 1960.

      The death grip of disease was actually the work of two different forms of plague: most of the cases were diagnosed as the more deadly and contagious pneumonic plague, a few others were identified as bubonic plague. According to a graph in California State Board of Health, Special Bulletin No. 46, Pneumonic Plague: Report of an Outbreak at Los Angeles, California, October-November, 1924 (Sacramento: State Printing Office, 1925), the plague outbreak (both forms) killed the following thirty-three individuals (spelling maintained as printed): Francisca Lujon, Lucena Samarano, Guadalupe Samarano, Jessie Flores, Ruth San Ramon, Josephe Christenson, Peter Hernandez, Roberto Samarano, Gilberto Samarano, Victor Samarano, Marie Samarano, Alfredo Burnett, Father Brualla, Urbano Hurtado, Joe Bagnolio, Juliano Herrera, Fred Ortega, Arthur Gutierrez, Horace Gutierrez, Efren Herrera, Jesus Valenzuela, Juana Moreno, Refugio Ruiz, Guadalupe Valenzuello, John McLoughlin, Mike Jimenez, Jose Jimenez, Tomasa Vera, Lujo Peralta, Frank Perinlo, Maria Rodriguez, Mercedo Rodriguez, and Martin Hernandez [Abedannio]. In some cases, I have checked spellings in the 1924 Los Angeles City Directory; in others I have relied on the documentation within "Plague in Los Angeles." All plague victims except for ambulance driver McLauthlin died at General Hospital. McLauthlin died at St. Vincent's. There remains some confusion as to the identity of the four Samarano brothers; I suspect that one of them was named Victor (Raul, Roberto, Gilberto, and Victor). This would mean that two Victor Samaranos were killed by the disease: the young boy and his uncle. The other, equally plausible scenario given the poor record-keeping surrounding the plague, is that there were actually only three Samarano brothers, not four as the eyewitness accounts suggest.

12. As historian George Sanchez has noted, with particular reference to Los Angeles, "Americanization programs are an important window for looking at the assumptions made about both Mexican and American culture by progressive Californians during the 1920s." George Sanchez, Becoming Mexican American: Ethnicity, Culture and Identity in Chicano Los Angeles, 1900-1945 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993), P. 106. For studies of local Progressive reform, see Mary Odem, Delinquent Daughters: Protecting and Policing Adolescent Female Sexuality in the United States, 1885-1920 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995); William Deverell and Tom Sitton, eds., California Progressivism Revisited (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994); Sanchez, Becoming Mexican American, esp. chap. 4.

13. Quoted in Arthur Viseltear, "The Pneumonic Plague Epidemic of 1924 in Los Angeles," Yale Journal of Biology and Medicine 47 (March 1974): 40-54; quoted at p. 41.

14. Ibid. Viseltear also notes that both the New York Times and the Washington Post quickly picked up the story.

15. "Plague in Los Angeles," at subchap. 12, p. 11. Retired Los Angeles physician Edward Shapiro remembers riding the Pacific Electric to his weekly violin lesson and hearing the conductor yell for everyone to stay on the train. Phone interview with Edward Shapiro, August 7, 1996.

16. "Plague in Los Angeles," at subchap. 12, p. 7. An informed discussion of the Los Angeles civic and commercial elite can be found in Starr, Material Dreams, chap. 6; see also Davis, City of Quartz, esp. chaps. 1 and 2; and Frederic Jaher, The Urban Establishment (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1982).

17. "Plague in Los Angeles," at subchap. 1, p. 27.

18. Delivery of food proved absolutely critical, as some families, caught as they were in the quarantine nets, ran out of food very quickly. See El Heraldo de Mexico, November 4,1924.

19. "Plague in Los Angeles," at subchap. 12, p. 6, listed Belvedere's Mexican population caught in the quarantine as five hundred. But, at other times, health officials admitted that the entire Mexican population of Belvedere ranged from seven to twenty thousand.

20. One guard, evidently seeking a promotion, pointed out that he had been in charge of the "general cleanliness + disinfection of a German Prisoner of War camp in France." See E. Teasdale to Carl Williams, November 9, 1924, in "Applications" file, Health Services. The five-dollar-a-day wage would have made guards amongst the highest paid people within the quarantine boundaries. See Sanchez, Becoming Mexican American, chap. 3.

21. Pomeroy admitted that he had gone home before establishing much of the quarantine perimeter on October 31 because "the hour was late." Of yet another quarantining incident, he wrote that, despite "considerable resistance from the Mexicans. . . . military quarantine soon brought them to terms." See J. L. Pomeroy's report for 1924 in miscellaneous correspondence files, Health Services. See also the narrative description of the county response, "Plague," in miscellaneous correspondence files. While it is most likely that the author of this latter document was county health chief Pomeroy, there is a slight chance that it was one of the quarantine's other physicians, a Dr. Roth.

22. See "Claims—Damages, etc." file, Health Services.

23. Benigno Guerrero to Pomeroy, November 11, 1924; Guerrero to Los Angeles County Board of Health, n.d.; "Claims—Damages, etc." file, Health Services. The food, which, presumably, quarantine guards either ate or threw away, included hundreds of large and small tamales, ninety pounds of chili, and seventy-five pounds of mixtamel [sic].

24. Walter Dickie, transcription of remarks before the City Council of Los Angeles and Board of Directors, Los Angeles Chamber of Commerce, November 15, 1924, in City Council petition no. 7340, City Archives of Los Angeles. Hereafter cited as Dickie transcription. Cyanide and monoxide treatments may have come into use primarily once the United States Public Health Service took over much of the rat-killing in the summer of 1925. See the Annual Report of the Surgeon General of the Public Health Service of the United States, 1926 (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1926), pp. 80-81. I cannot find anyone who suggested that this might not be the best idea in earthquake country. San Francisco public health authorities seem to have pioneered this idea. See the photograph on page 37 of Frank Morton Todd, Eradicating Plague from San Francisco: Report of the Citizens' Health Committee and an Account of Its Work (San Francisco, ca. 1909). See also Guenter B. Risse, "'A Long Pull, A Strong Pull, and All Together': San Francisco and Bubonic Plague, 1907-1908," Bulletin of the History of Medicine 66 (Summer 1992): 260-286; Annual Report of the Los Angeles County Department of Health, 1924 (Los Angeles: County Department of Health, 1925).

25. [George Parrish], Annual Report of Department of Health of the City of Los Angeles California for the Year Ended June 30, 1925 (Los Angeles, 1925), p. 60. Hereafter cited as Annual Report 1925. See Dickie transcription, November 15, 1924. That little, or nothing, was done to replace the hundreds, even thousands, of structures destroyed in the quarantined districts was made clear in the 1925 report of the city health department. The department's Bureau of Housing and Sanitation bluntly declared that "no new construction has been undertaken to house the people thus dispossessed, [and] they have been scattered to other parts of the city and county, many of them into other houses or quarters that are unfit for home habitation, a menace to the city at large and a barrier to the progress of the life and character of the persons living in them" (Annual Report 1925, p. 60).

26. In one month alone, apparently, 600,000 pieces of poisoned bait were distributed in the industrial and commercial district down by the Los Angeles River. Charles Stewart, one of the foremen of a rat-killing detail, remembered years later that he "couldn't sleep at night. . . . Small children in the district often attempted to eat our 'rat sandwiches.' More than once I slapped a piece of poisoned bread out of a kid's hand." Stewart said no children ingested any of the poison, an assertion somewhat difficult to believe given the sheer amount of "rat molasses" spread around the various neighborhoods. See City of Los Angeles Health Department press release (marking Stewart's retirement), October 17, 1958, in "Plague Reference" file, Health Services; see also Ben Zinser, "City in Nightmare: How L.A. Battled Plague," in ''Plague Reference" file. The "dainty poison crouton" label comes from San Francisco; see Todd, Eradicating Plague from San Francisco; see also Annual Report of the Public Health Service of the United States, 1926.

27. By May of 1925, the number of rats killed by the program was estimated to be over 100,000. Of these, 182 had tested positive for plague.

28. See "L.A. Tenement Problem and the Bubonic-Pneumonic Plagues: Report of Survey by Representatives of Nine Leading Organizations," Municipal League of Los Angeles Bulletin 7 (February 1925): 2-6. On the tendency of the dominant culture to create dichotomies between "native Americans" and "Mexicans," see the insightful discussion in Lisbeth Haas, Conquests and Historical Identities in California, 1769-1936 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995), chap. 5.

29. "Plague in Los Angeles," at subchap. 1, p. 52.

30. Health officials nonetheless declared the Los Angeles harbor "plague infected" at the end of the year, despite the fact that no disease-laden rodent had been discovered there. See Viseltear, "Pneumonic Plague Epidemic," pp. 49-51.

31. See Stenographer's Reports, Board of Directors meeting, Los Angeles Chamber of Commerce, Regional History Center, University of Southern California, November 26, 1924. Hereafter cited as Stenographer's Reports. The Chamber of Commerce had earlier appointed a new health and sanitation committee, composed of "physicians, health officers, business men, city editors and local publishers and charity and school organizations." "Plague in Los Angeles," at subchap. 12, p. 8.

32. Los Angeles Realtor (December 1924): 7.

33. W. B. Knox, "Los Angeles' Campaign of Silence," The Nation 121 (1925): 646-647. Of the alleged cover-up of an outbreak of polio, Knox wrote: "What are a few broken children, probably of people who don't count anyway, compared to the welfare and prosperity of a great metropolis?" A later Nation article regretted Knox's hyperbole but stood by the assertion of a concerted public relations' campaign to mask the true details of public health problems in Los Angeles. See "Los Angeles and Its News," The Nation 122 (1926): 272.

34. See Stenographer's Reports, October 30, 1924.

35. In the first weeks of 1924, the city faced a serious smallpox outbreak, which members of the Board of Directors of the Chamber of Commerce wanted kept quiet. See Stenographer's Reports, January 9, 1924; quotes from meeting of January 31, 1924 (quoting Directors Hill and Pridham).

36. See Minutes of the Board of Directors, Los Angeles Chamber of Commerce, November 13, 1924; telephone interview with Edward Shapiro, August 7, 1996. Mr. Shapiro remembers his father as a regular reader of the Los Angeles Times as well.

37. El Heraldo de Mexico, November 4, 1924. Robert McLean, in his reformist tract That Mexican! chastised the white press for publishing news of the plague outbreak "in the columns on the back pages of the newspapers—columns which are reserved for the stories of the earthquakes." Robert N. McLean, That Mexican! As He Really Is, North and South of the Rio Grande (New York: Fleming H. Revell Company, 1928), p. 150.

38. Minutes of the Board of Directors, Los Angeles Chamber of Commerce, November 13, 1924.

39. Dickie transcription.

40. Mexican consul Almeda registered protests with the city and the Chamber of Commerce over these dismissals. The Chamber of Commerce agreed to work toward the reinstatement of those workers who did not live within the quarantined districts; those that did were out of luck.

41. Dickie transcription, November 15, 1924. It is illustrative, for instance, that despite earlier concerns about other poor and predominantly ethnic neighborhoods housing Russians, Asians, and others, Dickie's explicit reference regarding autopsies is to Mexicans, and only to Mexicans. The suggestion is, I think, that plague transmission had become a vector of ethnicity and not of class.

42. Ibid.

43. Ibid.

44. Ibid.

45. In later months, when the United States Public Health Service took over some of the plague suppression activities, it was noted that the policy of destroying homes willy-nilly was "expensive, time consuming, and devoid of any great benefits." See Annual Report of the Public Health Service of the United States, 1926, p. 80.

46. Annual Report 1925.

47. In a small pamphlet published about a year after the outbreak, the Los Angeles County Medical Association celebrated both "the limited number of deaths" and absence of "a money loss, which, while running into the millions, could have been, five, or ten or twenty times as great!" Los Angeles County Medical Association, The Bubonic and Pneumonic Plague: Some Questions and Answers in Regard Thereto (Los Angeles, [County Medical Association, 1926?]).

48. "Plague in Los Angeles," at subchap. 12, p. 4. The Chinatown plague of 1900, according to one physician who studied it, was "one of the darkest pages in the history of North American medicine" in that an effort was made by the city's business and political leaders to cover up the outbreak and silence medical personnel. In addition, some city physicians refused to endorse the findings of plague by others. The outbreak arguably lasted four years. See Silvio J. Onesti, Jr., "Plague, Press, and Politics," Stanford Medical Bulletin 13 (February 1955): 1-10, quoted at p. 1; see also Henry Harris, California's Medical Story (San Francisco: Grabhorn Press and J. W. Stacey, Inc., 1932). Harris notes succinctly, in reference to the Chinatown outbreak, that "such news was bad, for business and capital, always timid and jumpy, were fearful of sick rats and Chinamen." See also Risse, "'A Long Pull, A Strong Pull."'

49. There is one tantalizing mention of rebellion by the "inmates" of the Macy Street quarantine within the newspaper record. The unsubstantiated story, which appeared decades after the outbreak, mentions LAPD officers wielding shotguns at angry residents who demand that the quarantine be broken. See Zinser, "City in Nightmare."

50. I found several helpful sources in this regard: Mark Reisler, "Always the Laborer, Never the Citizen: Anglo Perceptions of the Mexican Immigrant during the 1920s," Pacific Historical Review 45 (May 1976): 231-254; and, for a particular study of Los Angeles, Douglas Monroy, "Like Swallows at the Old Mission: Mexicans and the Racial Politics of Growth in Los Angeles in the Interwar Period," Western Historical Quarterly 14 (October 1991): 435-458. See also Carey McWilliams, Southern California Country: An Island on the Land (New York: Duell, Sloan and Pearce, 1946), esp. chap. 15; David Gutierrez, Walls and Mirrors: Mexican Americans, Mexican Immigrants, and the Politics of Ethnicity (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995), esp. chap. 3; Haas, Conquests and Historical Identities, esp. chap. 5; and Sanchez, Becoming Mexican American.

51. "Plague in Los Angeles," at subchap. 12, p. 43.

52. See remarks of William Lacy, Stenographer's Reports, November 6, 1924.

53. Stenographer's Reports, November 6, 1924. A still-useful study of the "Mexican problem" can be found in Carey McWilliams, North from Mexico: The Spanish Speaking People of the United States (New York: Lippincott, 1949), chap. 11.

54. Such association was by no means new nor limited to Los Angeles. Assumptions about ethnicity's role in disease susceptibility and transmission had long been staples of American medical, not to mention political, thought. For a representative version of this ideology, albeit slightly later, see Benjamin Goldberg, "Tuberculosis in Racial Types with Spanish Reference to Mexicans," American Journal of Public Health 19 (March 1929): 274-286. "We seem, throughout the United States," Goldberg wrote (with specific reference to Chicago), "to be asleep to the menace of the immigrant Mexican" (p. 274). It is especially intriguing that Goldberg distinguished the health risks posed by urban African Americans from Mexicans. The former, he argued, had a more legitimate claim upon citizenship and its benefits (including, presumably, health care) than the latter. I am grateful to David Gutierrez for bringing this article to my attention.

55. "Plague in Los Angeles," at subchap. 12, pp. 19 and 29 (italics added).

1. Nichi-Bei (Japanese American News), February 20, 1930, p. 1; Unpublished Field Notes, James Earl Wood Collection, Folder 3, "Field Notes Relating to Filipinos," Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley. Hereafter cited as Field Notes.

2. Superior Court, Case No. 23367, Complaint, Filisberto S. Tapia [sic] vs. Yasaburo Saiki, February 18, 1930, County of San Joaquin, State of California.

3. Ibid.

4. Stockton Daily Independent, February 12, 1930, p. 12.

5. Sacramento Bee, February 3, 1930, p. 1; February 5, 1930, p. 1. There were general reports that Filipino organizations in the U.S. passed resolutions condemning the race riots and calling for Philippine independence. See The Philippine Republic, February 1930, p. 14.

6. Michael M. J. Fischer, "Ethnicity and the Post-Modern Arts of Memory," in Writing Culture: The Poetics and Politics of Ethnography, James Clifford and George E. Marcus, eds. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986), pp. 195-196. See also George J. Sanchez, Becoming Mexican American: Ethnicity, Culture and Identity in Chicano Los Angeles, 1900-1945 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993), pp. 10-21.

7. The best accounts of the anti-Japanese and anti-Filipino movements remain Roger Daniels, The Politics of Prejudice: The Anti-Japanese Movement in California and the Struggle for Japanese Exclusion (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1962) and Howard A. DeWitt, Anti-Filipino Movements in California: A History, Bibliography and Study Guide (San Francisco: R and E Research Associates, 1976). For more comprehensive accounts of both movements as anti-Asian racism, see Ronald Takaki, Strangers from a Different Shore (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1989) and Sucheng Chan, Asian Americans: An Interpretive History (Boston: Twayne Publishers, 1991).

8. This view of culture is based upon Antonio Gramsci's concept of cultural hegemony: "an order in which a certain way of life and thought is dominant, in which one concept of reality is diffused throughout society in all its institutional and private manifestations, informing with its spirit all taste, morality, customs, religious and political principles, and all social relations, particularly in their intellectual and moral connotation." As quoted by Ronald Takaki, Iron Cages: Race and Culture in Nineteenth-Century America (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, Inc., 1979), pp. xiv-xv.

9. See David Roedigger, The Wages of Whiteness: Race and the Making of the American Working Class (New York: Verso Press, 1991), pp. 152-153. This psychoanalytic concept and its relevance for the development of racial attitudes was first utilized by Winthrop Jordan in his landmark study, White Over Black: American Attitudes Toward the Negro, 1550-1812 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1968). Jordan referred to it as "projection."

10. Luzviminda Francisco, "The First Vietnam: The Philippine-American War, 1899-1902," in Letters in Exile, Jesse Quinsaat, ed. (Los Angeles: Resource Development and Publications, UCLA Asian American Studies Center, 1976), pp. 1-22; Chan, Asian Americans, p. 17. For a perspective on the Spanish-American War from the viewpoint of African American soldiers, see Willard B. Gatewood, Jr., Smoked Yankees and the Struggle for Empire: Letters Home from Negro Soldiers, 1899-1902 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1971).

11. Their tuition was paid by the United States government, or by the colleges and universities they attended. See Takaki, Strangers, p. 58; Chan, Asian Americans, p. 75; Dorothy Cordova, "Voices from the Past: Why They Came," in Making Waves, Asian Women United of California, ed. (Boston: Beacon Press, 1989), pp. 42-49.

12. C. M. Goethe, "Filipino Immigration Viewed as Peril," Current History (June 1931): 353-356; Casiano Pagdilao Coloma, "A Study of the Filipino Repatriation Movement," master's thesis, University of Southern California, 1939, pp. 6-7.

13. The Philippines Free Press, March 27, 1926, p. 13, as quoted by Larry Lawcock, "Filipino Students in the United States and the Philippine Independence Movement: 1900-1935," Ph.D. diss., University of California, Berkeley, 1975, p. 514.

14. The Three Stars, June 1929, p. 4. Suarez was also an officer in the Filipino Business Association of California, formed in February 1930. See The Three Stars, February 15, 1930, p. 3.

15. Field Notes, Folder 3, "Field Notes Relating to Filipinos."

16. A total of 208 surveys were completed by Japanese pupils enrolled in Stockton area schools. The actual numbers for the top three categories were: farmers, 90; hotel keepers, 31; and merchants, 18. Miscellaneous came in at 24. It is somewhat curious that "labor contractors" were not listed. It is possible that a separate category for labor contractors was not established on the questionnaire itself. Unfortunately, a copy of the questionnaire was left out of the thesis. See Horace F. Chansler, "The Assimilation of Japanese in and around Stockton," master's thesis, College of the Pacific, 1932, pp. 34-35.

17. Two scholars state that the majority of contractors for Filipino seasonal labor during this time were Japanese. See Bruno Lasker, Filipino Immigration to the Continental United States and Hawaii (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1931; reprinted, New York: Arno Press, 1969), p. 89; and Carol Hemminger, "Little Manila: The Filipino in Stockton Prior to World War II, Part I," The Pacific Historian 24, no. 1 (Spring 1980): 25.

18. Takaki, Strangers, p. 214.

19. Paul Spickard, Mixed Blood: Intermarriage and Ethnic Identity in Twentieth-Century America (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1989), pp. 98-106, 118-119.

      Spickard says that for Nisei, intermarriage was "resolutely opposed," particularly with Filipinos and the latter groups. Though the Japanese also rationalized their secondclass status at times by projecting their anger onto Filipinos, that is a topic for a future study.

20. Manila Sunday Tribune, January 12, 1930, as quoted in the Filipino Nation, March 1930, p. 47. Though uncredited, the author is probably Maximo C. Manzon, a New York City writer. Filipinos, as U.S. nationals, often had passports stamped "American citizen." See Filipino Student Bulletin, "Are the Filipinos in the U.S. in as Good a Position as Aliens?" November 1929, p. 1.

21. Field Notes, Folder 10, "Miscellaneous Notes Concerning Filipinos in California."

22. Field Notes, Folder 3, "Field Notes Relating to Filipinos," emphasis mine.

23. Field Notes, Folder 3, "Field Notes Relating to Filipinos." One example from Damiano Marcuelo's cases was Albert N. Kawasaki, described as an unscrupulous local Japanese labor contractor.

24. The Philippine Republic, March 15, 1929, p. 16.

25. Field Notes, Folder 6, "Materials Relating to Filipino Labor in California, Wages, Hours, etc."

26. See Victor Purcell, The Chinese in Southeast Asia (London: Oxford University Press, 1965); Edgar Wickberg, The Chinese in Philippine Life (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1965). While these colonial influences had also fostered the development of Filipino attitudes toward other races, regional groups, and national minorities living in the Philippines, the literature has focused primarily on the Chinese presence in the Philippines. By comparison, the numbers of Japanese were thought to be much smaller.

27. Lasker, Filipino Immigration, p. 10.

28. Stanley Karnow, In Our Image: America's Empire in the Philippines (New York: Ballantine Books, 1989) pp. 263-265.

29. Field Notes, Folder 3, "Field Notes Relating to Filipinos." This interview was with Benito Abenis.

30. Craig Scharlin and Lilia V. Villanueva, Philip Vera Cruz, A Personal History of Filipino Immigrants and the Farmworkers Movement (Los Angeles: UCLA Labor Center, Institute of Industrial Relations & UCLA Asian American Studies Center, 1992), p. 53.

31. The Philippine Republic, March 15, 1928, p. 16. Marcuelo is alittle-known but important figure in Filipino American history. After his role in the Stockton Japanese boycott controversy, Marcuelo later moved to Salinas, where he became the president of the Filipino Labor Union and, along with Rufo Canete, led the 1934 lettuce strike. See Howard DeWitt, "The Filipino Labor Union: The Salinas Lettuce Strike of 1934," Amerasia Journal 5, no. 2 (1978): 1-22.

32. The topic of Filipino and Japanese interracial dating and marriage is one covered in fiction and in a few works. See Hisaye Yamamoto, "Yoneko's Earthquake," in Seventeen Syllables and Other Stories (Latham, N.Y.: Kitchen Table: Women of Color Press, 1988) pp. 46-56; John Fante, "Mary Osaka, I Love You," Good Housekeeping, October 1942, pp. 40, 167-179; Eiichiro Azuma, Walnut Grove: Japanese Farm Community in the Sacramento River Delta, 1892-1942, master's thesis, University of California, Los Angeles, 1992; and David Yoo, "'Read All About It': Race, Generation, and the Japanese American Press, 1925-1941," unpublished paper.

33. Field Notes, Folder 9, "Miscellaneous Notes Concerning Filipinos in California." Nichi-Bei reported the boycott as a general boycott of all Japanese stores. See February 13, 1930, p. 1.

34. The resolution committee of Damiano L. Marcuelo, Primo Villaruz, Teofilo Suarez, Primo Umanos, and J. Billones also sent copies to Philippine Resident Commissioners Pedro Guevara and Camilo Osias. Stockton Daily Independent, February 11, 1930, pp. 1, 2; Sacramento Bee, February 11, 1930, p. 7; The Three Stars, February 15, 1930, p. 1.

35. Lasker, Filipino Immigration, p. 17; Berkeley Gazette, February 12, 1930, pp. 1, 13; San Francisco Chronicle, February 12, 1930, p. 9. The Saikis' pool hall was closed, as it had been since February 6. Field Notes, Folder 3, "Field Notes Relating to Filipinos."

36. The Three Stars, February 15, 1930, p. 1.

37. Stockton Daily Independent, February 12, 1930, p. 12.

38. The Three Stars, February 15, 1930, p. 1; Nichi-Bei, February 13, 1930, p. 1, February 20, 1930, p. 1.

39. The Three Stars, February 15, 1930, p. 1, p. 5; San Francisco Chronicle, February 12, 1930, p. 9.

40. The Three Stars, February 15, 1930, p. 5.

41. The Three Stars, February 15, 1930, p. 5; San Francisco Chronicle, February 12, 1930, p. 9. By comparison, other cities and counties that experienced anti-Filipino violence, such as Monterey County and San Jose, did not increase their local patrols until February 18. See Sacramento Bee, February 18, 1930, p. 12.

42. Newspaper clipping, Stockton Record, February 12, 1930, James Earl Wood Collection, Folder 4, "Miscellaneous Clippings Relating to the Filipinos in California," Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley.

43. Newspaper clipping, Stockton Daily Evening Record, February 13, 1930, James Earl Wood Collection, Folder 4, "Miscellaneous Clippings Relating to the Filipinos in California," Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley.

44. Ibid.

45. Nichi-Bei, February 20, 1930, p. 1. Bruno Lasker reported that some slight damage had occurred to Japanese property, although he does not say specifically when. See Lasker, Filipino Immigration, p. 17.

46. Stockton Daily Independent, March 25, 1930, p. 8.

47. Staff, "Anti-Miscegenation Laws and the Pilipino," in Letters in Exile: An Introductory Reader on the History of the Pilipinos in America, Jesse Quinsaat, ed. (Los Angeles: Resource Development and Publications, UCLA Asian American Studies Center, 1976) p. 67. For a more comprehensive treatment of the anti-miscegenation laws affecting Chinese, Japanese, and Filipinos in California and other states, see Megumi Dick Osumi, "Asians and California's Anti-Miscegenation Laws," in Nobuya Tsuchida, ed., Asian and Pacific American Experiences: Women's Perspectives (Minneapolis: Asian/Pacific American Learning Resource Center and General College, University of Minnesota, 1982), pp. 1-37.

48. Editorial, "We Are Malayans," Filipino Nation, March 1930, p. 12, emphasis mine. This view of Filipinos as part of the "brown" or Malayan race had been a central tenet of the Filipino Federation of America from the early years. The 1927 maiden issue of the Filipino Nation lists among its principles "Malaysia—United."

49. Filipino Nation, June 1930, p. 12.

50. Hawes favored Philippine independence early in 1930. See Karnow, In Our Image, p. 253; Filipino Nation, June 1930, p. 13.

51. This restriction was further exacerbated by the revising of the anti-miscegenation laws in California in 1933 to include Filipinos on the list of those forbidden to marry European Americans. See "Anti-Miscegenation Laws and the Filipino," by the staff, in Letters in Exile, pp. 63-71. One study has estimated that the formation of a visible second generation of Filipino Americans in California did not occur until the 1960s. See Amado Cabezas, Larry Shinagawa, and Gary Kawaguchi, "New Inquiries into the Socioeconomic Status of Pilipino Americans in California," Amerasia Journal 13, no. 1 (1986-87): 5-6. In states outside California which lacked antimiscegenation laws, there were numbers, albeit small, of second generation, often multiracial Filipino Americans. See Barbara Posadas, "Crossed Boundaries in Interracial Chicago: Pilipino American Families since 1925," Amerasia Journal 8, no. 2 (1981): 13-52.

52. Filipino Pioneer; August 5, 1938, pp. 1, 4. In one example of the generally good relations between the first generation, in August 1929, on the occasion of the Third Annual Convention of the Filipino Federation of America, held that year in Stockton, the local "Japanese Business Association" [sic] sent a "basket of beautiful flowers" to Cornelio Clenuar, manager of the Federation's Stockton branch. See picture and item, Filipino Nation, August 1929, p. 13.

53. Late in 1930, Manila politicians began to voice fears that the growing presence of Japanese in the southern part of the Philippines could be "encroaching" upon Philippine business opportunities. See "Japanization of Davao a Problem," The Philippine Republic, September 1930, p. 13. Toward the end of the decade, this "economic envy" began to shift toward fears of the "Japanese colony" in Davao becoming a potential ''fifth column" that would endanger Philippine national security. See Karnow, In Our Image, p. 279. In another ironic twist demonstrating the ambivalence of the relationship between the two communities, the Filipino Pioneer, the local Filipino newspaper, in a front page story just below Nunez's obituary, mentioned Philippine Commonwealth President Manuel L. Quezon's unease at having to deal with "Japs." See "Quezon Denies Jap Agreement," Filipino Pioneer, August 5, 1938, p. 1.

54. The emergence of Issei nationalism as a result of the Sino-Japanese War of 1937 was not new, as nationalism had also peaked with previous conflicts in the first Sino-Japanese War of 1894-95, the 1904-05 Russo-Japanese War, and the First World War. Historian Yuji Ichioka says that given the legal, social, and economic barriers to American citizenship and basic rights, the Issei's identification withJapan must be viewed as a psychological expression of dissatisfaction with their second-class status here. Yuji Ichioka, "Japanese Immigrant Nationalism: The Issei and the Sino-Japanese War, 1937-1941," California History 69, no. 3 (Fall 1990): 260-275.

1. The phrase comes from Ann Snitow, Christine Stansell, and Sharon Thompson, eds., Powers of Desire: The Politics of Sexuality (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1983).

2. Hazel V. Carby, "'It Jus Be's Dat Way Sometime': The Sexual Politics of Women's Blues," in Ellen Carol DuBois and Vicki L. Ruiz, eds., Unequal Sisters: A Multicultural Reader in U.S. Women's History (New York: Routledge, 1990), 238-249; Antonia I. Castañeda, "Sexual Violence in the Politics and Policies of Conquest: Amerindian Women and the Spanish Conquest of Alta California," in Adela de la Torre and Beatríz Pesquera, eds., Building with Our Own Hands: New Directions in Chicana Scholarship (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993), 15-33; Jacquelyn Dowd Hall, "'The Mind That Burns in Each Body': Women, Rape, and Racial Violence," in Powers of Desire, 328-349. For additional collections including work of this kind, see John C. Fout and Maura Shaw Tantillo, eds., American Sexual Politics: Sex, Gender, and Race since the Civil War (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993); and Carol S. Vance, ed., Pleasure and Danger: Exploring Female Sexuality (Boston: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1984).

3. There is now an enormous literature in these areas. Among the best starting points are the following surveys and collections: Henry Abelove, Michele Aina Barale, and David M. Halperin, eds., The Lesbian and Gay Studies Reader (New York: Routledge, 1993); Martin Bauml Duberman, Martha Vicinus, and George Chauncey, Jr., eds., Hidden from History: Reclaiming the Gay and Lesbian Past (New York: Meridian, 1989); John D'Emilio and Estelle B. Freedman, Intimate Matters: A History of Sexuality in America (New York: Harper and Row, 1988); and Thomas Laqueur, Making Sex: Body and Gender from the Greeks to Freud (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1990).

4. A word is in order about my use of the term "miscegenation." It is, I know, now customary for scholars to try to avoid the embarrassingly biological connotations of this term, which dates to the 1860s and means "race mixing," by referring to "crosscultural" or "interracial'' marriages. Those terms, which work just fine for describing actual marriages, are inaccurate as characterizations of miscegenation laws, for the laws did not prohibit marriages between, say, Chinese immigrants and African Americans, but only marriages between groups designated as "white" and groups designated, in effect, as not "white." In this sense, the laws served as deliberate handmaidens of a particular form of American white supremacy. In order to remind us that the laws were intended to reflect these notions, I will retain the term "miscegenation" when referring to the laws, using it in favor of the other major alternative, "anti-miscegenation," which seems to me to grant a certain legitimacy to the concept, as if the laws were aimed at a real biological phenomenon.

5. The most interesting recent work on this taboo explores shifts in its power and structure in different time periods. See especially Martha Hodes, White Women, Black Men: Illicit Sex in the Nineteenth-Century South (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1997); Hodes, "The Sexualization of Reconstruction Politics: White Women and Black Men in the South after the Civil War," in American Sexual Politics, 59-74; Robyn Weigman, "The Anatomy of Lynching," in American Sexual Politics, 223-245; and Hall, "Women, Rape, and Racial Violence."

6. On relationships between white men and women of color, see D'Emilio and Freedman, Intimate Matters, 85-108; Deborah Gray White, Arn't I A Woman: Female Slaves in the Plantation South (New York: Norton, 1985); Thelma Jennings, "'Us Colored Women Had to Go Through a Plenty': Sexual Exploitation of African-American Slave Women," Journal of Women's History 1 (Winter 1990), 45-74; Sylvia Van Kirk, " Many Tender Ties": Women in Fur Trade Society, 1670-1870 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1980); and the essays by Johnny Faragher, Deena González, and Sylvia Van Kirk in Lillian Schlissel, Vicki L. Ruiz, and Janice Monk, eds., Western Women: Their Land, Their Lives (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1988), 197-226. On white women as the special objects of miscegenation laws, see Karen Getman, "Sexual Control in the Slaveholding South: The Implementation and Maintenance of a Racial Caste System," Harvard Women's Law Journal 7 (Spring 1984), 114-152; A. Leon Higginbotham, Jr., and Barbara K. Kopytoff, ''Racial Purity and Interracial Sex in the Law of Colonial and Antebellum Virginia," Georgetown Law Journal 77 (August 1989), 1994-2000; George M. Fredrickson, White Supremacy: A Comparative Study in American and South African History (New York: Oxford University Press, 1981), 103-105; Peter W. Bardaglio, Reconstructing the Household: Families, Sex, and the Law in the Nineteenth-Century South (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995), 52-55; David H. Fowler, Northern Attitudes towards Interracial Marriage: Legislation and Public Opinion in the Middle Atlantic and the States of the Old Northwest, 1780-1930 (1963; New York: Garland, 1987), 150-153, 166; and Peggy Pascoe, "Race, Gender, and Intercultural Relations: The Case of Interracial Marriage," Frontiers 12, no. 1 (1991), 6-7.

7. William H. Browne, ed., Archives of Maryland, vol. 1 (Baltimore: Maryland Historical Society, 1883), 533-534, cited in Fowler, Northern Attitudes, appendix, 381. As BarbaraJ. Fields points out, the fact that the law refers to freeborn English women rather than "white" women suggests that the law did not so much reflect racial categories already in place as show "society in the act of inventing race." Barbara J. Fields, "Slavery, Race, and Ideology in the United States of America," New Left Review, no. 181 (May-June 1990), 107.

8. My search of U.S. appeals court cases involving miscegenation law between 1867 and 1947 shows that 61 percent of the seventy-seven criminal cases for which racial designations were listed involved pairings between white women and nonwhite men. Appeals cases are, of course, a very special—and in some respects, very limited—kind of source; for a longer discussion of their advantages and disadvantages, see note 18 below.

9. This paper is part of a larger project, my book in progress on the history of miscegenation law, tentatively entitled "What Comes Naturally: Race, Sex, and Marriage Law, 1870 to the Present." In addition to the studies listed above, the following works are essential reading for those interested in the history of theoretical relationships between race and gender: Evelyn Brooks Higginbotham, "African-American Women's History and the Metalanguage of Race," Signs 17 (Winter 1992), 251-274; Tessie Liu, "Teaching the Differences among Women from a Historical Perspective: Rethinking Race and Gender as Social Categories," Women's Studies International Forum 14, no. 4 (1991), 265-276; and Ann Stoler, "Making Empire Respectable: The Politics of Race and Sexual Morality in Twentieth-Century Colonial Cultures," American Ethnologist 16 (November 1989), 634-660.

10. "Introduction" to Unequal Sisters, xii.

11. The most complete list of state miscegenation laws can be found in Fowler, Northern Attitudes, appendix, 336-439. To those familiar with late twentieth-century U.S. "racial" groupings (or, for that matter, the structure of racial oppression in the nineteenth-century American West), there is a notable omission from the list of those prohibited from marrying whites, and that is Spanish/Mexicans. The fact that Spanish/Mexicans were not listed in the laws, however, did not always mean that they fell on the "white" side of the racial divide. In terms of legal theory, individual Spanish/Mexicans were categorized as racially "Caucasian" unless it could be proven that they had ''native" or "African" "blood," in which case they came under the jurisdiction of miscegenation laws targeting American Indians and African Americans. In terms of actual practice, it appears that many couples made up of whites and Spanish/Mexicans believed that their marriages would be prohibited by miscegenation law and, in fact, officials often refused to issue them licenses.

12. Oregon Codes and Stats., 1901, Chap. 8, Sec. 1999 (1866).

13. The overall development of the laws can be followed in Robert J. Sickels, Race, Marriage, and the Law (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1972); Byron Curti Martyn, "Racism in the United States: A History of the Anti-Miscegenation Legislation and Litigation" (Ph.D. diss., University of Southern California, 1979); and Fowler, Northern Attitudes. The U.S. Supreme Court decision which declared miscegenation laws unconstitutional is Loving v. Virginia, 388 U.S. 1 (1967).

14. One of the first scholars to recognize this was Mary Frances Berry; see her fine discussion of the structure of miscegenation laws in "Judging Morality: Sexual Behavior and Legal Consequences in the Late Nineteenth-Century South," Journal of American History 78 (December 1991), 838-839. For this reason, I find the work of scholars who have explored the outlines of marriage as a social structure especially helpful in thinking through my topic. See especially Berry, "Judging Morality"; Nancy F. Cott, "Giving Character to Our Whole Civil Polity: Marriage and the Public Order in the Late Nineteenth Century," in Linda K. Kerber, Alice Kessler-Harris, and Kathryn Kish Sklar, eds., U.S. History as Women's History: New Feminist Essays (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995), 107-121; Ramón Gutiérrez, When Jesus Came, the Corn Mothers Went Away: Marriage, Sexuality, and Power in New Mexico, 1500-1846 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1991 ); and Verena Martinez-Alier, Marriage, Class, and Colour in Nineteenth-Century Cuba: A Study of Racial Attitudes and Sexual Values in a Slave Society (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1974).

15. According to the list in Fowler, Northern Attitudes, appendix, forty-one states and colonies prohibited interracial marriage, twenty-two of which also prohibited one form or another of interracial sex, variously described as "adultery," "bastardy," "concubinage," "cohabitation," "illicit cohabitation," "fornication," "cohabiting in fornication," "illicit carnal intercourse," "sexual intercourse," or "sexual relations." Only one colony (New York) prohibited interracial sex ("adulterous intercourse") without also prohibiting interracial marriage, bringing the total number of jurisdictions which prohibited interracial sex to twenty-three.

16. My count of U.S. appeals court cases involving miscegenation law between 1867 and 1947 shows that 81.8 percent of the eighty-eight civil cases for which racial designations are listed involved pairings between white men and non-white women. Although I have offered totals like these here and in note 9 above, readers should keep in mind that appeals court cases are not representative in any simple numerical sense; indeed, the reason cases end up in appeals courts in the first place is that they are in some respect unusual. There remains a pressing need for research into the numbers of lower-court cases, especially the statistics on criminal arrests and convictions and the frequency with which miscegenation law was invoked in civil cases involving property relations.

17. I have selected the Paquet case from my working database of appeals court decisions, which includes every decision involving the interpretation of a miscegenation law issued by an appeals court and recorded in state, regional, or federal court reporters from 1860 through 1967. Appeals court decisions are both enticing and extremely tricky historical sources. Although cases that reach appeals courts are by definition somewhat atypical, they hold considerable significance for historians because the decisions reached in them set general policies later followed in more routine cases and because the texts of the decisions provide important clues to the ways judges thought through particular legal problems. I have relied on them here not only because of these interpretive advantages, but also for two more directly practical reasons. First, because appeals court decisions are published and indexed, it is possible to compile a list of them comprehensive enough to ensure maximum coverage. In the case of miscegenation law, ensuring coverage can be a considerable challenge. Because marriage was generally considered a matter of state rather than federal jurisdiction, the vast majority of cases came up in state courts, and finding them requires painstaking state-by-state or regional research. I was considerably aided in this process by Byron Curti Martyn's encyclopedic dissertation, "Racism in the United States: A History of the Anti-Miscegenation Legislation and Litigation," the bibliography of which includes references to many cases that did not appear in the usual legal reference sources. Second, the process of making an appeal often requires that documents that might otherwise be routinely discarded after a set period of time (such as legal briefs and court reporters' trial notes) are transcribed, typed or printed, and saved, allowing historians additional clues to the relationship between the specific local context and the larger legal issues. The Paquet case, for example, can be followed not only by reading the text of the appeals court decision, In re Paquet's Estate, 200 P. 911 (Oregon 1921); but also in the following archival case files: Paquet v. Paquet, file No. 4268, Oregon Supreme Court, 1920; Paquet v. Henkle, file No. 4267, Oregon Supreme Court, 1920; and Tillamook County Probate file No. 605, all in the Oregon State Archives; and in U.S. v. John B. Paquet, Judgment Roll 11409, Register No. 8-8665, March 1925, National Archives and Records Administration, Pacific Northwest Branch.

18. Initial estimates of the value of the estate were much higher, ranging from $4,500 to $12,500. I have relied on the figure of $2,528.50 provided by court-appointed assessors. See Tillamook County Probate file No. 605, Inventory and Appraisement, June 15, 1920.

19. Paquet v. Paquet, Respondent's Brief, November 1, 1920, pp. 2-5.

20. Tillamook County Probate file No. 605, Judge A. M. Hare, Findings of Facts and Conclusions of Law, February 3, 1920; Paquet v. Paquet, Appellants Abstract of Record, September 3, 1920, pp. 10-16.

21. Paquet v. Paquet, Appellants Abstract of Record, September 3, 1920, p. 3.

22. Tillamook County Probate file No. 605, Judge A. M. Hare, Findings of Fact and Conclusions of Law, February 3, 1920.

23. Court records identify Fred Paquet as being of French Canadian origin. Both sides agreed that Fred was a "pure" or "full-blooded" "white" man and Ophelia was a ''pure" or "full-blooded" "Indian" woman. Paquet v. Paquet, Appellant's First Brief, October 8, 1920, p. 1; Paquet v. Paquet; Respondent's Brief, November 1, 1920, p. 2.

24. The question of legal jurisdiction over Indian tribes was—and is—a very thorny issue. Relations with Indians were generally a responsibility of the U.S. federal government, which, although it advocated shaping Indian families to fit white middle-class molds, had little practical choice but to grant general recognition to tribal marriages performed according to Indian custom. In the U.S. legal system, however, jurisdiction over marriage rested with the states rather than the federal government. States could, therefore, use their control over marriage as a wedge to exert some power over Indians by claiming that Indian-white marriages, especially those performed outside recognized reservations, were subject to state rather than federal jurisdiction. In the Paquet case, for example, the court insisted that, because the Tillamook had never been assigned to a reservation and because Fred and Ophelia lived in a mixed settlement, Ophelia could not be considered part of a recognized tribe nor a "ward" of the federal government. As events would later show, both contentions were inaccurate: Ophelia was an enrolled member of the Tillamook tribe, which was under the supervision of the Siletz Indian Agency; the federal government claimed her as "a ward of the United States." See U.S. v. John B. Paquet, Bill of Complaint in Equity, September 21, 1923, p. 3.

25. In re Paquet's Estate, 200 P. 911 at 913 (Oregon 1921).

26. In re Paquet's Estate, 200 P. 911 at 914 (Oregon 1921).

27. Although the issue did not come up in Paquet, children, in addition to the wife, could lose their legal standing in miscegenation cases, for one effect of invalidating an interracial marriage was to make the children technically illegitimate. According to the law of most states, illegitimate children automatically inherited from their mothers, but they could inherit from their fathers only if their father had taken legal steps to formally recognize or adopt them. Since plaintiffs could rarely convince judges that fathers had done so, the children of interracial marriages were often disinherited along with their mothers. A classic example is the case of Juana Walker, decided in Arizona in 1896, in which Walker was declared illegitimate and thereby disinherited after the court decided that no legal marriage could have existed between her father John Walker, a "white" man, and his Pima Indian wife Churga. The chief beneficiaries of this decision wereJohn Walker's brother William and his siblings. See In re Walker's Estate, 46 P. 67 (Arizona 1896). For a discussion of the Walker case, see Roger D. Hardaway, "Unlawful Love: A History of Miscegenation Law," Journal of Arizona History 27, no. 4 (1986), 378-379.

28. For introductions to critical race theory, see Kimberlé Crenshaw et al., eds., Critical Race Theory: The Key Writings that Formed the Movement (New York: New Press, 1995) and Richard Delgado and Jean Stefancic, "Critical Race Theory: An Annotated Bibliography," Virginia Law Review 79 (March 1993), 461-516. For particularly suggestive accounts of the relationships between "race" and property, see Derrick Bell, "Remembrances of Racism Past," in Herbert Hill and James E. Jones, eds., Race in America: The Struggle for Equality (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1992), 73-82; Cheryl I. Harris, "Whiteness as Property," Harvard Law Review 106 (June 1993), 1707-1791; George Lipsitz, "The Possessive Investment in Whiteness: Racialized Social Democracy and the 'White Problem' in American Studies," American Quarterly 47 (September 1995), 369-387; Eva Saks, "Representing Miscegenation Law," Raritan 8 (Fall 1988), 39-69; and Patricia J. Williams, "Fetal Fictions: An Exploration of Property Archetypes in Racial and Gendered Contexts,'' in Hill and Jones, Race in America, 73-82.

29. Bell, "Remembrances of Racism Past," 78. See also Bell, "White Superiority in America: Its Legal Legacy, Its Economic Costs," Villanova Law Review 33 (1988), 767-779.

30. Paquet v. Henkle, Respondent's Brief, March 14, 1920, p. 6, Index to Transcript, August 25, 1920, p. 3. As is often the case in legal matters, the process itself was a convoluted one. The county court initially—and apparently automatically—granted Ophelia Paquet the right to administer the estate. After John Paquet objected to her appointment and challenged the validity of her marriage, the county judge removed Ophelia in favor of John Paquet. At that point R. N. Henkle, a creditor of the estate and a man said by John Paquet's lawyers to be acting for Ophelia, persuaded the county judge that John Paquet was unfit to carry out his duties; Henkle won appointment in his stead. John Paquet then appealed to the circuit court, which removed Henkle and reappointed John Paquet, who remained administrator of the estate while the marriage issue was being settled in the Oregon Supreme Court and thereafter.

31. Nancy F. Cott, "A Map of Marriage in the Public Order in the Late Nineteenth-Century United States" (unpublished paper, August 1993), p. 5. See also Cott, "Giving Character to Our Whole Civil Polity."

32. Paquet v. Paquet, Respondent's Brief, November 1, 1920, p. 7. Using typical imagery, they added that the Paquet relationship was "a case where a white man and a full blooded Indian woman have chosen to cohabit together illictly [sic], to agree to a relation of concubinage, which is not only a violation of the law of Oregon, but a transgression against the law of morality and the law of nature" (16).

33. Paquet v. Paquet, Appellant's First Brief, October 8, 1920, p. 2.

34. In re Paquet's Estate, 200 P. 911 at 914 (Oregon 1921).

35. U.S. v. John B. Paquet, Bill of Complaint in Equity, September 21, 1923, pp 4, 6-7.

36. U.S. v. John B. Paquet, Stipulation, Decree, June 2, 1924.

37. Tillamook County Probate file No. 605, J. S. Cole, Petition, June 7, 1928. Cole was president of the Tillamook-Lincoln County Credit Association.

38. For a particularly insightful analysis of the historical connections between concepts of "race" and "family," see Liu, "Teaching the Differences among Women."

39. For a more extended discussion of twentieth-century developments, see Peggy Pascoe, "Miscegenation Law, Court Cases, and Ideologies of 'Race' in Twentieth-Century America," Journal of American History 83 (June 1996), 44-69.

40. Between 1866 and 1877, Arkansas, Florida, Illinois, Louisiana, Mississippi, New Mexico, South Carolina, and Washington state either repealed their laws or omitted them from state code compilations, though several would reenact them only a few years later. See Fowler, Northern Attitudes, appendix. Courts in Alabama, Louisiana, and Texas upheld particular marriages in Burns v. State, 17 Am. Rep. 34 (Alabama 1872); Honey v. Clark, 37 Tex. 686 (Texas 1873); Hart v. Hoss, 26 La. Ann. go (Louisiana 1874); State v. Webb, 4 Cent. L. J. 588 (Texas 1877); Ex parte Brown, 5 Cent. L. J. 149 (Texas 1877).

41. The most suggestive account I know of this redefinition of male dominance is Linda Gordon, Heroes of Their Own Lives: The Politics and History of Family Violence (New York: Viking, 1988), 56-57. On related topics, see Gail Bederman, Manliness and Civilization: A Cultural History of Gender and Race in the United States, 1880-1917 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995); Michael Grossberg, Governing the Hearth: Law and the Family in Nineteenth-Century America (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1985); Elaine Tyler May, Great Expectations: Marriage and Divorce in Post-Victorian America (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1980); and Margaret Marsh, "Suburban Men and Masculine Domesticity, 1870-1915," American Quarterly 40 (June 1988), 165-186.

42. Roldan v. Los Angeles County, 129 Ca. App. 267 (California 1933); Perez v. Lippold, 198 P. 2d 17 (California 1948); Oyama v. O'Neill, 5 Race Relations Law Reporter 136 (Arizona 1959); Davis v. Gately, 269 F. Supp. 996 (1967).

43. Perez v. Lippold, 198 P. 2d 17 (California 1948).

44. Loving v. Virginia, 388 U.S. 1 (1967). Given that so many twentieth-century challenges to miscegenation law had been taken to court by couples made up of white women and men of color, it is striking that the Loving case involved the criminal conviction of a white man and a black woman.

45. Court cases on the issue of same-sex marriage include Anonymous v. Anonymous, 325 N.Y.S. 2d 499 (New York 1971); Baker v. Nelson, 191 N.W. 2d 185 (Minnesota 1971); Jones v. Hallahan, 501 S.W. 2d (Kentucky 1973); Singer v. Hara, 522 P. 2d 1187 (Washington 1974); De Santo v. Barnsley, 476 A. 2d 952 (Pennsylvania 1984); Dean v. District of Columbia, 18 FLR 1141 and 1387 (1991-92); Baehr v. Lewin, 852 P. 2d 44 (Hawaii 1993). For legal commentary on the analogy between sex and race classification in marriage laws, see Mark Strasser, "Family, Definitions, and the Constitution: On the Antimiscegenation Analogy," Suffolk University Law Review 25 (Winter 1991), 981-1034; James Trosino, "American Wedding: Same-Sex Marriage and the Miscegenation Analogy," Boston University Law Review 73 (January 1993), 93-120; Andrew Koppelman, "The Miscegenation Analogy: Sodomy Law as Sex Discrimination," Yale Law Journal 98 (November 1988), 145-164; and Koppelman, "Why Discrimination against Lesbians and Gays is Sex Discrimination," NYU Law Review 69 (May 1994), 197-287. For a particularly fine analysis of the significance of sex classifications in contemporary marriage law, see Nan D. Hunter, ''Marriage, Law, and Gender: A Feminist Inquiry," Law and Equality 1 (Summer 1991), 9-30.

1. U.S. Bureau of Indian Affairs, Tribal Enrollment (Phoenix: U.S. Bureau of Indian Affairs, 1979); Charles Park, "Enrollment: Procedures and Consequences," American Indian Law Review 3 (1975): 109-113. The precise number of federally recognized tribes is likely to continue to increase as groups pursue the difficult process of petitioning the U.S. government for federal recognition.

2. For a recent effort toward this end, see Pauline Turner Strong and Barrik Van Winkle, "Indian Blood: Reflections on the Reckoning and Refiguring of Native North American Identity (Resisting Identities)," Cultural Anthropology 11 (1996): 547-577. Terry Wilson's discussion of blood quantum requirements in "Blood Quantum: Native American Mixed Bloods," in Maria P. P. Root, ed., Racially Mixed People in America (Newbury Park, Calif.: Sage Publications, 1992) raises important questions regarding native people of mixed descent and notes some historical precedents, but does not carefully trace the history of tribal enrollment or the evolution of blood quantum requirements.

3. It is beyond the scope of this essay to list all treaties and statutes with provisions directed at "half-breeds" or "mixed bloods." See Felix S. Cohen, Handbook of Federal Indian Law (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1942); Charles J. Kappler, comp., Indian Affairs: Laws and Treaties, 5 vols. (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1942); "Chippewa Half-Breeds of Lake Superior," House Executive Documents 1513, no. 193, 42d Cong., 2d sess.

4. Loring Benson Priest, Uncle Sam's Stepchildren: The Reformation of U.S. Indian Policy, 1865-1887 (New Brunswick, NJ.: Rutgers University Press, 1942); Robert A. Trennert, Jr., Alternative to Extinction: Federal Indian Policy and the Beginnings of the Reservation System, 1846-1851 (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1975); Frederick E. Hoxie, A Final Promise: The Campaign to Assimilate the Indians, 1880-1920 (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1984); D. S. Otis, The Dawes Act and the Allotment of Indian Lands, Francis Paul Prucha, ed. (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1973); Francis Paul Prucha, American Indian Policy in Crisis: Christian Reformers and the Indian, 1865-1900 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1976); Henry E. Fritz, The Movement for Indian Assimilation, 1860-1890 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1963); Robert Mardock, The Reformers and the American Indian (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1971); Leonard Carlson, Indians, Bureaucrats, and Land: The Dawes Act and the Decline of Indian Farming (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1981); H. Craig Miner, The Corporation and the Indian: Tribal Sovereignty and Industrial Civilization in Indian Territory, 1865-1907 (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1976); Janet A. McDonnell, "Competency Commissions and Indian Land Policy, 1913-1920," South Dakota History 11 (1980): 21-34; Janet A. McDonnell, "The Disintegration of the Indian Estate: Indian Land Policy, 1913-1929," Ph.D. diss., Marquette University, 1980; Janet A. McDonnell, The Dispossession of the American Indian, 1887-1934 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 199 ).

5. Jo Ann Woodsum provided invaluable research assistance in compiling all federal court cases dealing with enrollment or blood quantum requirements in any fashion. It is beyond the scope of this essay to provide more than the most general descriptive reference to these court cases.

6. Waldron v. United States (C.C. S.D. 1905) 143 Fed. 413. See also: (1888) 19 Op. Atty. Gen. 109; Western Cherokee Indians v. United States (1891) 27 Ct. Cl. i; (1894) 20 Op. Atty. Gen. 711, 712; Roff v. Burney, 168 U.S. 218 (1897); (C.C.A. 8th Cir. 1897) 83 Fed. 721; Nofire v. United States (1897) 164 U.S. 647, 17 Sup. Ct. 212, 41 L. Ed. 588; Hy-yu-tse-mil-kin v. Smith (1904) 194 U.S. 401, 24 Sup. Ct. 676, 48 L. Ed. 1039; United States v. Hefron (2 cases), (C.C. Mont. 1905) 138 Fed. 964, 968; Cherokee Intermarriage Cases (1906) 203 U.S. 76, 27 Sup. Ct. 29, 51 L. Ed. 96; (1927) 245 N.Y 433, 157 N. E. 734; Santa Clara Pueblo v. Martinez, 436 U.S. 49 (1978); Chapoose v. Clark, 607 F. Supp. 1027 (D. Utah 1985), aff'd, 831 F. 2nd 931 (10th Cir. 1987).

7. Vine Deloria, Jr., and Clifford Lytle, The Nations Within: The Past and Future of American Indian Sovereignty (New York: Pantheon Books, 1984); Vine Deloria, Jr., and Clifford Lytle, American Indians, American Justice (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1983).

8. Census of Population, Vol. II, Subject Reports. American Indians, Eskimos and Aleuts on Identified Reservations and in the Historic Areas of Oklahoma (Excluding Urbanized Areas). Document no. PC80-2-ID, pt. 1 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1985); Edna L. Paisano, comp. We the . . . First Americans (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Commerce, Economics, and Statistics Administration, Bureau of the Census, September 1993); 1990 Federal Census of Population, unpublished data, U.S. Bureau of the Census, contact person, Edna Paisano; information about unpublished Bureau of Indian Affairs population figures are in the possession of Russell Thornton and Melissa Meyer.

9. C. Matthew Snipp, "Who Are American Indians? Some Observations about the Perils and Pitfalls of Data for Race and Ethnicity," Population Research and Policy Review 5 (1986): 237-252. See also: Russell Thornton, "Tribal Membership Requirements and the Demography of 'Old' and 'New' Native Americans," Population Research and Policy Review 7 (1997): 1-10; Russell Thornton, American Indian Holocaust and Survival: A Population History since 1492 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1987); Russell Thornton, The Cherokees: A Population History (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1990); C. Matthew Snipp, American Indians: The First of This Land (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1989); William T. Hagan, "Full Blood, Mixed Blood, Generic, and Ersatz: The Problem of Indian Identity," Arizona and the West 27 (1985): 309-326; Fred M. Owl, "Who and What Is an Indian?" Ethnohistory 9 (1962): 265-284; Ronald L. Trosper, "Native American Boundary Maintenance: The Flathead Indian Reservation, Montana, 1860-1970,'' Ethnicity 3 (1976): 256-274; Susan Greenbaum, "What's in a Label: Identity Problems of Southern Indian Tribes," Journal of Ethnic Studies 19 (1991): 107-126; Alexandra Harmon, "When Is an Indian Not an Indian: The Friends of the Indian and the Problems of Indian Identity," Journal of Ethnic Studies 18 (1990): 95-123.

10. Bernard Seeman, The River of Life: The Story of Man's Blood, from Magic to Science (New York: Norton, 1961); Ashley Montague, Man's Most Dangerous Myth (Cleveland: World Publishing Company, 1964); Ashley Montague, "The Myth of Blood," Psychiatry 6, no. 1 (February 1943): 17; Nancy B. Jay, Throughout Your Generations Forever: Sacrifice, Religion, and Paternity (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992).

11. See Arthur R. Borden, Jr., A Comprehensive Old-English Dictionary (Washington, D.C.: University Press of America, 1982), 188-189; T. Northcote Toller, ed., An Anglo-Saxon Dictionary Based on the Manuscript Collections of the Late Joseph Bosworth (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1898), 111; Hans Krath and Sherman M. Kuhn, eds., Middle English Dictionary (Ann Arbor: Michigan University Press, 1956), 985-989; Keith Spaulding, An Historical Dictionary of German Figurative Usage, Fascicle I (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1952), 358-362; John Kersey, A New English Dictionary (1702 ) (reprint, Menston, England: Scolar Press, 1969); Thomas Dyche and William Pardon, A New General English Dictionary (London: G. Ware, 1758); Thomas Sheridan, A General Dictionary of the English Language (1780 ), vol. 1 (reprint, Menston, England: Scolar Press, 1967); John Walker, A Critical Pronouncing Dictionary and Expositor of the English Language (Edinburgh: Peter Brown and Thomas Nelson, 1835); John Ogilvie, The Imperial Dictionary (Glasgow: Blackie and Son, 1850).

12. William Dwight Whitney with Benjamin E. Smith, The Century Dictionary: An Encyclopedic Lexicon of the English Language (New York: The Century Company, 1911); Popular Science Monthly 26: 233.

13. The quotation is drawn from my research assistant Kerwin L. Klein's research notes.

14. Magnus Morner, Race Mixture in the History of Latin America (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1967), 13.

15. Ibid., 14.

16. Quotation from Bernal Diaz del Castillo, Historia verdadera de la conquista de la Nueva Espana, vol. 2 (Mexico City: Ediciones Mexicanas, 1955), 113, as quoted in ibid. See also Marvin Harris, Patterns of Race in the Americas (New York: Walker, 1964); James Lockhart and Stuart B. Schwartz, Early Latin America: A History of Colonial Spanish America and Brazil (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983); Peter Gow, Of Mixed Blood: Kinship and History in Peruvian Amazonia (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991); John Hemming, Red Gold: The Destruction of the Brazilian Indians, 1500-1760 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1978) J. I. Israel, Race, Class, and Politics in Colonial Mexico, 1610-1670 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1975); C. E. Marshall, "The Birth of the Mestizo in New Spain," Hispanic American Historical Review 43 (1963): 161-184; Anthony Pagden, "Identity Formation in Spanish America," in Nicholas Canny and Anthony Pagden, eds., Colonial Identity in the Atlantic World, 1500-1800 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1987), 51-94; Stuart Schwartz, ''The Formation of a Colonial Identity in Brazil," in Canny and Pagden, Colonial Identity in the Atlantic World, 15-50; Stuart Schwartz, "New World Nobility: Social Aspirations and Mobility in the Conquest and Colonization of Spanish America," in Miriam Usher Chrisman and Otto Grundler, eds., Social Groups and Religious Ideas in the Sixteenth Century (Kalamazoo, Mich.: Medieval Institute, Western Michigan University, 1978), 23-37.

17. Reginald Horsman, Race and Manifest Destiny: The Origins of American Racial Anglo-Saxonism (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1981). Quotations are from pp. 26 and 30. See also Winthrop D. Jordan, White over Black: American Attitudes toward the Negro, 1550-1812 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1968); Edmund Morgan, American Slavery, American Freedom: The Ordeal of Colonial Virginia (New York: W. W. Norton, 1975); Ronald T. Takaki, Iron Cages: Race and Culture in Nineteenth-Century America (New York: Knopf, 1979); G. E. Thomas, "Puritans, Indians, and the Concept of Race," New England Quarterly 48 (1975): 3-27; David Smits, "Abominable Mixture: The Repudiation of Anglo-Indian Intermarriage in 17th-Century Virginia," The Virginia Magazine of History and Biography 95 (1987): 157-192; David Smits, "'We Are Not to Grow Wild': Seventeenth-Century New England's Repudiation of Anglo-Indian Intermarriage,'' American Indian Culture and Research Journal 11 (1987): 1-31; David Smits, "'Squaw Men,' 'Half-Breeds,' and Amalgamators: Late Nineteenth Century Anglo-American Attitudes toward Indian-White Race-Mixing," American Indian Culture and Research Journal 15 (1991): 29-61; Ronald Sanders, Lost Tribes and Promised Lands: The Origins of American Racism (New York: Little, Brown and Co., 1978).

18. The list of terms is drawn from Morner, Race Mixture, 58-59. Here, I am following the argument of Jack D. Forbes in Africans and Native Americans: The Language of Race and the Evolution of Red-Black Peoples (Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1993). His research into colonial laws and etymology has convincingly shown that major scholars of American race relations have drawn only a "black-white" picture of social relations where native people should have been included as major players. See alsoJ. Leitch Wright, Jr., The Only Land They Knew: The Tragic Story of the American Indians in the Old South (New York: Free Press, 1981); James H. Merrell, The Indians' New World: Catawbas and Their Neighbors from European Contact through the Era of Removal (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1989); James H. Merrell, "The Racial Education of Catawba Indians," Journal of Southern History 50 (1984): 363-384. The literature on the history of racism and miscegenation in relation to American slavery is far too vast to be cited here. See especially Jordan, White over Black; Morgan, American Slavery, American Freedom; and George M. Frederickson, White Supremacy: A Comparative Study in American and South African History (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1981 ). See also Joel Williamson, New People: Miscegenation and Mulattoes in the United States (New York: Free Press, 1980); Everett V. Stonequist, "Race Mixture and the Mulatto," in Edgar T. Thompson, ed., Race Relations and the Race Problem: A Definition and an Analysis (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1939).

19. Morner, Race Mixture; Forbes, Africans and Native Americans.

20. Jennifer S. H. Brown, "Linguistic Solitudes in the Fur Trade: Some Changing Social Categories and Their Implications," in Carol M. Judd and Arthur J. Ray, eds., Old Trails and New Directions: Papers of the Third North American Fur Trade Conference (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1980), 147-159; Jennifer S. H. Brown, "Fur Traders, Racial Categories, and Kinship Networks," in William Cowan, ed., Papers of the Sixth Algonquian Conference (Ottawa: Museum of Man, 1975), 209-222; Robert E. Bieder, Science Encounters the Indian, 1820-1880 (Norman: University of Oklahoma, 1986); Robert E. Bieder, "Scientific Attitudes toward Indian Mixed-Bloods in Early Nineteenth-Century America," Journal of Ethnic Studies 8 (1980): 17-30; Vincent Havard, "The French Half-Breeds of the Northwest," Smithsonian Institution Reports (1879): 309-327; Anthony Pagden, The Fall of Natural Man: The American Indian and the Origins of Comparative Ethnology (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982); Salme Pekkala, Marian B. Hamilton, and Wiley Alford, "Some Words and Terms Designating, or Relating to, Racially Mixed Persons or Groups," in Edgar T. Thompson and Everett C. Hughes, eds., Race: Individual and Collective Behavior (Glencoe, Ill.: Free Press, 1958), 52-57; William J. Scheick, The Half-Blood: A Cultural Symbol in Nineteenth Century American Fiction (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1979); William Stanton, The Leopard's Spots: Scientific Attitudes toward Race in America (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1960).

21. James Clifton, ed., Being and Becoming Indian: Biographical Studies of North American Frontiers (Chicago: Dorsey Press, 1989).

22. See "Chippewa Half-Breeds of Lake Superior," House Executive Documents 1513, no. 193, 42d Cong., 2d sess.

23. McDonnell, Dispossession of the American Indian; Janet A. McDonnell, "Competency Commissions and Indian Land Policy, 1913-1920," South Dakota History 11 (1980): 21-34.

24. United States v. First National Bank 234 U.S. 245 (1914).

25. Both quotes from A. E. Jenks to R. J. Powell, 21 March 1917, Ransom J. Powell Papers, Box 1, Minnesota Historical Society Archives.

26. Ales Hrdlicka^{[ *]} , "Trip to Chippewa Indians of Minnesota," Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections 66, no. 3 (1915): 73; Ales Hrdlicka, "Anthropology of the Chippewa," in F W. Hodge, ed., Holmes Anniversary Volume: Anthropological Essays (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1916), 202-203; Ales Hrdlicka, ''Physical Anthropology in America: An Historical Sketch," American Anthropologist n.s., 16 (1914): 508-554; Ales Hrdlicka, "Anthropological Work among the Sioux and Chippewa," Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections 66, no. 17 (1915); Albert E. Jenks, Indian White Amalgamation: An Anthropometric Study, Studies in the Social Sciences no. 6 (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1916); David L. Beaulieu, "Curly Hair and Big Feet: Physical Anthropology and Land Allotment on the White Earth Chippewa Reservation," American Indian Quarterly 8 (1984): 281-314; Melissa L. Meyer, The White Earth Tragedy: Ethnicity and Dispossession at a Minnesota Anishinaabe Reservation, 1889-1920 (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1994). For a critique of anthropometry, see Stephen Jay Gould, The Mismeasure of Man (New York: W. W. Norton and Co., 1981).

27. See M. Annette Jaimes, "Federal Indian Identification Policy: A Usurpation of Indigenous Sovereignty in North America," in Fremont J. Lyden and Lyman H. Legters, eds., Native Americans and Public Policy (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1992), 113-135, for a polemical account which completely absolves tribal nations from any responsibility in maintaining blood quantum requirements once granted the authority to determine their own membership.

28. Meyer, The White Earth Tragedy; William E. Unrau, Mixed-Bloods and Tribal Dissolution: Charles Curtis and the Quest for Indian Identity (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1989).

29. Historians of the Shoah struggle with the narrative legacy of the Holocaust, and scholars have solidified the terms "holocaust" (the larger story) and "genocide" (specific episodes within the larger story) within American Indian Studies. See Kerwin L. Klein, Frontiers of Historical Imagination: Narrating the European Conquest of Native America, 1890-1990 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1996) for the original elaboration of this insight. For a recent work directly exploring this issue, see Aaron Hass, The Aftermath: Living with the Holocaust (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995). For an introductory sampling of Holocaust studies, see especially Saul Friedlander, ed., Probing the Limits of Representation: Nazism and the Final Solution (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1992); Peter Baldwin, Reworking the Past: Hitler, the Holocaust, and the Historian's Debate (Boston: Beacon, 1990); John K. Roth and Michael Berenbaum, eds., Holocaust: Religious and Philosophical Implications (New York: Paragon House, 1989); Charles Maier, The Unmasterable Past: History, Holocaust, and German National Identity (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1988); James E. Young, Writing and Rewriting the Holocaust: Narrative and the Consequences of Interpretation (Bloomington: University of Indiana Press, 1988); Gerd Korman, "The Holocaust in American Historical Writing," Societas 2 (Summer 1972): 250-270. And though applying the term "holocaust," even with a lowercase h, to anything other than the Shoah draws much censure from Holocaust scholars, many in American Indian Studies have fixed on "holocaust'' and "genocide" as the descriptors of choice. See especially Russell Thornton, American Indian Holocaust and Survival; David Stannard, American Holocaust: Columbus and the Conquest of the New World (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992); Jack Norton, Genocide in Northwestern California: When Our Worlds Cried (San Francisco: Indian Historian Press, 1979); Estle Beard, Genocide and Vendetta: The Round Valley Wars of Northern California (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1981); Seena B. Kohl, "Ethnocide and Ethnogenesis: A Case Study of the Mississippi Band of the Choctaw, A Genocide Avoided," Holocaust and Genocide Studies 1 (1986): 91-100; Rupert Costo and Jeanette Costo, eds., The Missions of California: A Legacy of Genocide (San Francisco: Indian Historian Press, 1987); Ward Churchill, Indians Are Us? Culture and Genocide in Native North America (Monroe, Maine: Common Courage Press, 1994). Beyond these titles which make specific reference to "holocaust" and "genocide," further allusions to dramatic, traumatic population decline are too numerous to cite.

30. Roy Harvey Pearce, Savagism and Civilization: A Study of the Indian and the American Mind (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988); Robert F. Berkhofer, Jr., The White Man 's Indian: Images of the American Indian from Columbus to the Present (New York: Vintage, 1979); Raymond Stedman, Shadows of the Indian: Stereotypes in American Culture (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1982).

31. Personal communication, John Moore to Melissa Meyer, 27 November 1990.

32. Ron Andrade, "Are Tribes Too Exclusive?" American Indian Journal (1980): 12-13; Henry Zentner, The Indian Identity Crisis: Inquiries into the Problems and Prospects of Societal Development among Native Peoples (Calgary: Strayer Publications Limited, 1973); Rob Williams, "Documents of Barbarism: The Contemporary Legacy of European Racism and Colonialism in the Narrative Traditions of Federal Indian Law," Arizona Law Review 31 (1989): 237-278. In addition follow the online "Native Network" (natchat@gnosys.svle.ma.us) and Indian Country Today for ongoing accusations and debates about Indian identity. Two absolute certainties emerge: 1) this issue is of great importance to many native people, and 2) the pain is palpable.

1. Josiah Gregg, Commerce of the Prairies (New York, 1844; reprinted Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1954), PP. 181-82.

2. See the writings of Charles Fletcher Lummis, especially The Land of Poco Tiempo (New York, 1893; reprinted Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1952).

3. Elizabeth Boyd, Popular Arts of Spanish New Mexico (Santa Fe: Museum of New Mexico Press, 1974), p. 464; Lorayne Ann Horka-Follick, Los Hermanos Penitentes: A Vestige of Medievalism in the Southwestern United States (Los Angeles: Westernlore Press, 1969).

4. Silvio Zavala, Los esclavos indios en Nueva España (Mexico City: Colegio Nacional, 1967).

5. The history of confraternities can be found in my essay, "Family Structures," in Encyclopedia of the North American Colonies (New York: Scribner's, 1993), vol. 2, pp. 672-82; José Bermejo y Carballo, Glorias religiosas de Sevilla (Seville: Imprenta y Librería del Salvador, 1882), pp. 2-5.

6. George M. Foster, "Cofradía and Compadrazgo in Spain and Spanish America," Southwestern Journal of Anthropology 9 (1953): 1-28.

7. Stephen Gudeman, "The Compadrazgo as a Reflection of the Natural and Spiritual Person," in Proceedings of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland (1971), pp. 43-49; and "Spiritual Relationships and Selecting a Godparent," Man 10 (1975): 221-37; George M. Foster, "Godparents and Social Networks in Tzintzuntzan," Southwestern Journal of Anthropology 25 (1969): 261-78; Sidney Mintz and Eric R. Wolf, "An Analysis of Ritual Co-parenthood (Compadrazgo),'' Southwestern Journal of Anthropology 6 (1950): 341-68.

8. David Herlihy, "Family," American Historical Review 96 (1991): 2-35.

9. Ramón A. Gutiérrez, When Jesus Came, the Corn Mothers Went Away: Marriage, Sexuality, and Power in New Mexico, 1500-1846 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1991), pp. 181-84; Stephen Gudeman and Stuart B. Schwartz, "Baptismal Godparents in Slavery: Cleansing Original Sin in Eighteenth-Century Bahia," in Raymond T. Smith, ed., Interpreting Kinship Ideology and Practice in Latin America (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1984), pp. 35-58.

10. This distinction between vertical and horizontal confraternities is more fully elaborated in Isidoro Moreno Navarro, Las Hermandades Andaluzas: Una aproximación desde la antropología (Sevilla: Publicaciones de la Universidad de Sevilla, 1974); and Julio Caro Baroja, Razas, pueblos y linajes (Madrid: Revista del Occidente, 1957), pp. 287-88.

11. Fray José de Vera quoted in Archives of the Archdiocese of Santa Fe, Loose Documents, 1813, microfilm reel 53, frame 789.

12. Eleanor B. Adams, "The Chapel and Cofradía of Our Lady of Light in Santa Fe," New Mexico Historical Review 22 (1947): 327-41; A. Von Wuthenau, "The Spanish Military Chapels in Santa Fe and the Reredos of Our Lady of the Light," New Mexico Historical Review 10 (1935): 175-94.

13. Eleanor B. Adams and Fray Angélico Chávez, eds. and trans., The Missions of New Mexico, 1776: A Description by Fray Atanasio Domínguez (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1975), p. 18.

14. Gutiérrez, When Jesus Came, the Corn Mothers Went Away, pp. 150-56, 180-90. For a detailed analysis of the Catholic Church records on these slaves, see David M. Brugge, Navajos in the Catholic Church Records of New Mexico 1694-1875 (Tsaile, Ariz.: Navajo Community College Press, 1985).

15. Gutiérrez, When Jesus Came, the Corn Mothers Went Away, pp. 176-80.

16. On the history of Genízaros in New Mexico, see Brugge, Navajos in the Catholic Church Records; Fray Angélico Chávez, "Genízaros," in Handbook of North American Indians, ed. Alfonso Ortiz (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1979), vol. 9, pp. 198-200; Steven M. Horvath, "The Social and Political Organization of the Genízaros of Plaza de Nuestra Señora de Los Dolores de Belén, 1740-1812" (Ph.D. diss., Brown University, 1979); Frances Leon Swadesh, Los Primeros Pobladores: Hispanic Americans of the Ute Frontier (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1974).

17. Elsie Clew Parsons, Pueblo Indian Religion (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1939), pp. 543, 896. The Christianization of America's Indians is studied in Robert Ricard, The Spiritual Conquest of Mexico (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1966); Pedro Borges, Métodos misionales en la cristianización de América, siglo XVI (Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, Departmento de Misionología Española, 1960); Pius J. Barth, Franciscan Education and the Social Order in Spanish North America, 1502-1821 (Chicago: Academy of American Franciscan History, 1950); Lino Gómez Canedo, Evangelización y conquista: Experiencia Franciscana en Hispanoamérica (Mexico City: Editorial Porrua, 1977).

18. William B. Taylor, "Magistrates of the Sacred: Parish Priests and Indian Parishioners in Eighteenth-Century Mexico" (unpublished manuscript).

19. On the prohibition of Indian slavery in the New Laws, see Zavala, Los esclavos indios en la Nueva España, pp. 107-14, 179-92, 223. The 1680 Compilation of the Law of the Indies' restrictions on Indian slavery are in Laws 1 (Title 2), 12, 13, 14, and 16 of Book 6, Recopilación de leyes de los reynos de las Indias (Madrid, 1681).

20. Orlando Patterson, Slavery and Social Death: A Comparative Study (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1982), p. 64.

21. In Franciscan mystical thought, one reaches spiritual perfection by traversing a tripartite route through purgation, illumination, and union. On Franciscan mysticism, see John Moorman, A History of the Franciscan Order from its Origins to the Year 1517 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1968); Randolph E. Daniel, The Franciscan Concept of Mission in the High Middle Ages (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1975).

22. Adams and Chávez, The Missions of New Mexico, p. 42.

23. Archivo General de la Nación (Mexico City), Historia 25-25:229.

24. Adams and Chávez, The Missions of New Mexico, p. 259.

25. Gutiérrez, When Jesus Came, the Corn Mothers Went Away, p. 189.

26. Olen E. Leonard, The Role of the Land Grant in the Social Organization and Social Processes of a Spanish American Village in New Mexico (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1970), pp. 92-109.

27. Dorothy Woodward, The Penitentes of New Mexico (New York: Arno Press, 1974), pp. 266-67; Horka-Follick, Los Hermanos Penitentes, pp. 130-33.

28. Adams and Chávez, The Missions of New Mexico, pp. 29, 80, 150.

29. Spanish Archives of New Mexico, microfilm reel 21, frame 686; Marta Weigle, Brothers of Light, Brothers of Blood: The Penitentes of the Southwest (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1976), p. 44.

30. Richard E. Ahlborn, ThePenitente Moradas of Abiquiu (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1968); Bainbridge Bunting et al., "Penitente Brotherhood Moradas and Their Architecture," in Marta Weigle, ed., Hispanic Arts and Ethnohistory in the Southwest (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1983), pp. 31-80.

31. Weigle, Brothers of Light, Brothers of Blood, p. 33; Boyd, Popular Arts of Spanish New Mexico, p. 449.

32. Peña quoted in Jean Baptiste Salpointe, Soldiers of the Cross: Notes on the Ecclesiastical History of New Mexico, Arizona and Colorado (Banning, Calif.: St. Boniface's Industrial School Press, 1898), p. 161.

33. Salpointe quoted in Laurence Lee, "Los Hermanos Penitentes," El Palacio 8 (1920): 5.

34. Munro Edmonson, Los Manitos: A Study of Institutional Values (New Orleans: Tulane University, Middle American Research Institute, 1957), PP. 33-35.

35. Juan B. Rael, The New Mexican "Alabado " (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1951).

36. As far as I can surmise, Charles Fletcher Lummis was the first person to imply that the surrogate Christ in Good Friday Penitente rituals actually died on the cross. See Lummis, The Land of Poco Tiempo, p. 79. Subsequent references to this work appear in text.

37. On the relationship between print capitalism and nationalism, see Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism (London: Verso, 1983).

38. Sylvia Rodríguez, "Art, Tourism, and Race Relations in Taos: Toward a Sociology of the Art Colony," Journal of Anthropological Research 45 (1989): 77-99; and "Land, Water, and Ethnic Identity in Taos," in Charles Briggs and John Van Ness, eds., Land, Water and Culture: New Perspectives on Hispanic Land Grants (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1988), pp. 313-403.

39. Edwin R. Bingham, Charles F. Lummis (San Marino, Calif.: Huntington Library Publication, 1955).

40. Edward W. Said, Orientalism (New York: Vintage Books, 1979).

41. William B. Taylor, "Mexico as Oriental: Early Thoughts on a History of American and British Representations since 1821" (unpublished paper, 1990).

42. Mary Louise Pratt, Imperial Eyes: Travel Writing and Transculturation (New York: Routledge, 1992), p. 134.

43. Personal conversation with Gabriel Melendez, November 1994. Melendez is currently a member of the fraternidad and is the son of M. Santos Melendez, who for many years was the Hermano Supremo Arzobispal of the Concilio Supremo Arzobispal de la Fraternidad Piadosa de Nuestro Padre Jesús Nazareno.

44. Mabel Dodge Luhan, Edge of Taos Desert: An Escape to Reality (New York: Harcourt, Brace and Co, 1937), pp. 125-27.

45. Molly H. Mullin, "The Patronage of Difference: Making Indian Art 'Art,' Not Ethnology," Cultural Anthropology 7 (November 1992): 395-424; Warren Susman, Culture and Commitment, 1929-1945 (New York: George Braziller, 1973), pp. 2-8; and Culture as History: The Transformation of American Society in the Twentieth Century (New York: Pantheon, 1984), pp. 153-54.

46. Mullin, "The Patronage of Difference," p. 400.

47. Quoted in ibid., p. 412.

48. Roland F. Dickey, New Mexico Village Arts (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1949), pp. vii, 251-52.

49. Larry Torres, "Brief History of the Penitente Brotherhood," speech given at The Penitente Brotherhood: Art, Architecture and Ritual Conference, Albuquerque, New Mexico, September 10, 1994.

50. Floyd Trujillo, "The Morada within the Village," speech given at The Penitente Brotherhood: Art, Architecture and Ritual Conference, Albuquerque, New Mexico, September 10, 1994.

51. Gabriel Melendez, comments given at The Penitente Brotherhood: Art, Architecture and Ritual Conference, Albuquerque, New Mexico, September 10 1994.

52. Felipe Ortega, "Morada Music and Ritual," speech given at The Penitente Brotherhood: Art, Architecture and Ritual Conference, Albuquerque, New Mexico, September 10, 1994.

53. See Peter Nabokov, Tijerina and the Courthouse Raid (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1960); Michael Jenkinson, Tijerina (Albuquerque: Paisano Press, 1968).

1. Romero's case is contained in the Alcalde Court Records (hereafter cited as ACR ), Seaver Center for Western History, Natural History Museum of Los Angeles County, Los Angeles, California, vol. 7, pp. 1028-1033 (1850).

2. Romero's decision to retract her charges was not an uncommon choice. Other women also brought and then rescinded criminal complaints after their husbands agreed to their demands. For such cases, see, for example, ACR, vol. 3, pp. 690-712 (1842), vol. 4, pp. 892-914 (1844).

3. These figures come from my own investigation and tabulation of records contained in the ACR. The 502 cases consist of 229 criminal, 18 civil, and 255 civil and criminal conciliation trials. The cases involving women total 78, or approximately 15 percent of the total, and include 36 criminal, 7 civil, and 35 civil and criminal conciliation trials.

4. The percentage here is only a rough estimate based on the total number of women who appeared in court between 1830 and 1850 (57) and the approximate number of adult females in Los Angeles in the 1830s and 1840s (665). The 1836 and 1844 censuses are found in the Los Angeles City Archives (hereafter cited as LACA ), vol. 3, pp. 666-801, City of Los Angeles, Records Management Division, C. Erwin Piper Technical Bldg., Los Angeles, California. The censuses identify mujeres, or adult Mexican women, as those over the age of eleven, and sometimes ten, and niñas as those ten or under. The censuses identify Indians differently, recording their first names, ages, professions, residences, and places of origin. The figure of 165 adult Indian females comes from my tabulation of indias over the age of ten years listed in the 1844 census. The 1844 census in Marie E. Northrop's "The Los Angeles Padrón of 1844, as Copied from the Los Angeles City Archives," Historical Society of Southern California Quarterly 42 (December 1960): 360-417, is incomplete and does not include figures for Indian men and women. It excludes, among other things, the Indian female and male population enumerated in the original census.

5. Recent studies on women in Spanish and Mexican California include Antonia I. Castañeda, "The Political Economy of Nineteenth-Century Stereotypes of Californianas," in Between Borders: Essays on Mexicana/Chicana History, ed. Adelaida R. Del Castillo (Encino, Calif.: Floricanto Press, 1990), 213-236; Castañeda, "Presidarias y Pobladoras: Spanish-Mexican Women in Frontier Monterey, Alta California, 1777-1821" (Ph.D. diss., Stanford University, 1990); Castañeda, "Sexual Violence in the Politics of Conquest: Amerindian Women and the Spanish Conquest of Alta California," in Building with Our Hands: New Directions in Chicana Studies, ed. Adela de la Torre and Beatriz M. Pesquera (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993), 15-33; Gloria Miranda, ''Racial and Cultural Dimensions of Gente de Razón Status in Spanish and Mexican California," Southern California Quarterly 70 (Fall 1988): 265-272; Miranda, " Gente de Razón Marriage Patterns in Spanish and Mexican California: A Case Study of Santa Barbara and Los Angeles," Southern California Quarterly 63 (Spring 1981): 1-21; Miranda, "Hispano-Mexican Childrearing Practices in Pre-American Santa Barbara," Southern California Quarterly 65 (Winter 1983): 307-320; Salome Hernández, "No Settlement without Women: Three Spanish California Settlement Schemes, 1790-1800," Southern California Quarterly 72 (Fall 1990): 203-233; and Douglas Monroy, "They Didn't Call Them 'Padre' for Nothing: Patriarchy in Hispanic California," in Between Borders, 433-446.

      For studies of Mexican women in other regions that do make use of court records, see, for example, DeenaJ. González, "The Spanish-Mexican Women of Santa Fe: Patterns of Their Resistance and Accommodation" (Ph.D. diss., University of California, Berkeley, 1986); González, "The Widowed Women of Santa Fe: Assessments of the Lives of an Unmarried Population, 1850-1880," in On Their Own: Widows and Widowhood in the American Southwest, 1848-1939, ed. Arlene Scadron (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1988), 65-90; Ramón Gutiérrez, When Jesus Came, the Corn Mothers Went Away: Marriage, Sexuality, and Power in New Mexico, 1500-1846 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1991); Sylvia Marina Arrom, The Women of Mexico City, 1790-1857 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1985); Asunción Lavrin, ed., Sexuality and Marriage in Colonial Latin America (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1989); Lavrin, ed., Latin American Women: Historical Perspectives (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood, 1978); and Steve J. Stern, The Secret History of Gender: Women, Men, and Power in Late Colonial Mexico (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995).

6. Recent historical studies that use the californio narratives to discuss women include Castañeda, "Presidarias y Pobladoras"; Douglas Monroy, Thrown among Strangers: The Making of Mexican Culture in Frontier California (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990); and Richard Griswold del Castillo, "Neither Activists nor Victims: Mexican Women's Historical Discourse—The Case of San Diego, 1820-1850," California History 74 (Fall 1995): 230-243. For literary studies that draw upon the narratives, see Genaro Padilla, My History, Not Yours: The Formation of Mexican American Autobiography (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1993); and Rosaura Sánchez, Telling Identities: The Californio Testimonios (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1995).

7. George Harwood Phillips, "Indians in Los Angeles, 1781-1875: Economic Integration, Social Disintegration," Pacific Historical Review 49 (August 1980): 430; Sánchez, Telling Identities, 56-61; Lisbeth Haas, Conquests and Historical Identities in California, 1769-1936 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995), 29-32; David J. Weber, The Spanish Frontier in North America (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992), 327-329.

8. LACA, vol. 3, pp. 731-801. The Mexican men, women, and children numbered approximately 1,650, while the population of Indian men, women, and children was 650.

9. Arrom, Women of Mexico City, 57-77.

10. For official ecclesiastical statements regarding marriage and the family in the Californias, see Francisco García Diego y Moreno, The Writings of Francisco García Diego y Moreno, Obispo de Ambas Californias, trans. and ed. Francis J. Weber (Los Angeles, 1976). ACR and Los Angeles Prefecture Records (hereafter cited as LAPR ) also contain religious decrees. For a summary of the church's views on marriage, annulment, and divorce in colonial Mexico, which applied in Alta California, see Arrom, Women of Mexico City, 65-66, 206-258; and Lavrin, "Introduction," Sexuality and Marriage, 1-43.

11. This observation results from my reading of the primary sources examined for this paper. Those sources contain numerous references to the Laws of the Indies, a seventeenth-century compilation of laws for governing New Spain, as well as to ordinances and decrees issued by the governors of Alta California. Historian Charles R. Cutter and legal scholar Joseph W. McKnight have noted similar findings for colonial New Mexico and Texas, respectively. Cutter, The Legal Culture of Northern New Spain, 1700-1810 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1995), 34-43, 83-99; McKnight, "Law Books on the Hispanic Frontier, " Journal of the West 27 (July 1988): 74-84; and McKnight, "Law without Lawyers on the Hispano-Mexican Frontier," West Texas Historical Association Year Book 66 (1990): 51-65.

12. This meaning of a casa de honor derives from my reading of the sources for this paper. See especially ACR, vol. 4, pp. 557-698, 892-914 (1844), vol. 5, PP. 1-20 (1845); and LAPR, book 2, part 2, pp. 572-577 (1847).

13. Stern, Secret History of Gender, 14-21; Arrom, Women of Mexico City, 65-70; and Lavrin, "Introduction," in Sexuality and Marriage, 6-21.

14. For more on the Court of First Instance, see Theodore Grivas, "Alcalde Rule: The Nature of Local Government in Spanish and Mexican California," California Historical Society Quarterly 40 (March 1961): 11-19; and Colin M. MacLachlan, Criminal Justice in Eighteenth-Century Mexico: A Study of the Tribunal of the Acordada (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1974). Another work, DavidJ. Langum, Law and Community on the Mexican California Frontier: Anglo-American Expatriates and the Clash of Legal Traditions, 1821-1846 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1987), especially chapters 2, 3, and 4, provides useful material on the tribunal system in California. Caution must be used when consulting this study, however, since Langum erroneously believes that judges ruled with little knowledge of the law or of social and community values. For more on conciliation trials in colonial Mexico, see Arrom, Women of Mexico City, 211.

15. See, for example, ACR, vol. 1, pp. 914-917 (1843), vol. 6, p. 178 (1844).

16. For Domínguez's complaint in the conciliation court, see ACR, vol. 1, pp. 900-902 (1843); for similar complaints made by other Mexican women in the conciliation court, see ACR, vol. 1, pp. 914-1917 (1843); and ACR, vol. 6, pp. 66-70 (1846); for those complaints heard in the criminal court, see ACR, vol. 4, pp. 892-914 (1844), vol. 3, pp. 168-179 (1842), vol. 7, pp. 465-492 (1849).

17. For Pérez's complaint of adultery in the conciliation court, see ACR, vol. 4, pp. 892-914 (1844).

18. For García's complaint of adultery in the criminal court, see ACR, vol. 5, pp. 20-34 (1845).

19. For Reyes's complaint of adultery in the conciliation court, see ACR, vol. 1, pp. 893-895 (1843); for other complaints of adultery in the criminal court, see ACR, vol. 3, pp. 127-167, 690-712 (1842).

20. For the second and third incidents between Vejar and Urquides, see ACR, vol. 3, pp. 127-167, 690-712 (1842). No record of the first incident is extant, but in Vejar's second complaint, she and the judge summarize the earlier court appearance.

21. ACR, vol. 7, pp. 465-492 (1849)

22. Following the ascendancy to power of the Centralists in Mexico, the national government in 1837 established prefecturas in local jurisdictions as a means of extending federal authority over local affairs. For more on the prefectura, see Langum, Law and Community on the Mexican California Frontier, 35-55.

23. Arrom, Women of Mexico City, 208.

24. Sepúlveda's case is contained in ACR, vol. 9, pp. 146-151 (1842); and LAPR, book 1, part 2, pp. 465-467, 632, 635, 650, 654, 685 (1842). Also, see Francisco García Diego y Moreno to Santiago Argüello, May 3, 1842, in The Writings, 120; García Diego y Moreno to Argüello, May 18, 1842, ibid.; García Diego y Moreno to Argüello, August 22, 1842, ibid., 121; García Diego y Moreno to Tomás Estenega, May 3, 1842, ibid., 122; García Diegoy Moreno to Estenaga, May 21, 1842, ibid., 123; and García Diego y Moreno to Estenaga, August 22, 1842, ibid., 124. The original record of Casilda Sepúlveda's last appearance in court is not extant in the ACR, but a reproduced copy of her complaint is found in California Archives [hereafter cited as CA ], vol. 35, p. 245 (1842), which is housed at the Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley. For other instances when priests intervened in women's marital troubles, see ACR, vol. 4, pp. 142-148 (1843), vol. 5, pp. 1-20 (1845), and vol. 7, pp. 465-492 (1849).

25. ACR, vol. 2, pp. 659-678 (1841). Most other cases of violence involving neófitas and gentiles were reported by family members or local officials. For those instances of abuse brought to the attention to the court by local officials, see ACR, vol. 2, pp. 499-530 (1841), vol. 5, pp 303-331 (1845), vol. 6, pp. 448-473 (1837), vol. 7, pp. 411-436 (1849).

26. For cases where family members bring Mexican and Native American women's complaints to the court on their behalf, see, for example, ACR, vol. 2, pp. 1172-1176 (1842), vol. 4, pp. 299-348 (1843), and vol. 6, pp. 36-38 (1846); and CA, vol. 35, pp. 172-173 (1841).

27. Arrom, Women of Mexico City, 63.

28. Hubert Howe Bancroft, History of California (San Francisco: History Company, 1886), vol. 2, p. 688.

29. Langum, Law and Community on the Mexican California Frontier, 57-58.

30. The case can be found in ACR, vol. 1, pp. 506-562 (1840).

31. ACR, vol. 4, pp. 1170-1188 (1844).

32. ACR, vol. 5, pp. 1-20 (1845).

33. ACR, vol. 2, pp. 531-565 (1841).

34. ACR, vol. 7, pp. 763-793 (1847).

35. ACR, vol. 6, pp. 541-583 (1837).

36. On genízaros in New Mexico, see Gutiérrez, When Jesus Came, the Corn Mothers Went Away, 149-156, 176-194.

37. The case can be found in ACR, vol. 1, pp. 1014-1113 (1843). For other examples of cases involving women who sought to escape from their households, see ACR, vol. 1, pp. 810-837 (1842), vol. 1, pp. 906-908 (1843).

1. Vicki L. Ruiz, "The Flapper and the Chaperone: Historical Memory among Mexican-American Women," Seeking Common Ground: Multidisciplinary Studies of Immigrant Women in the United States, ed. Donna Gabaccia (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1992), p. 151; see also her article "'La Malinche Tortilla Factory': Negotiating the Iconography of Americanization, 1920-1950," Privileging Positions: The Sites of Asian American Studies, ed. Gary Y Okihiro et al. (Pullman: Washington State University Press, 1995), pp. 201-15. See also Judy Yung, Unbound Feet: A Social History of Chinese Women in San Francisco (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995); George Sanchez, Becoming Mexican American: Ethnicity, Culture and Identity in Chicano Los Angeles, 1900-1945 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993); Mei Nakano, Japanese American Women: Three Generations, 1890-1990 (Berkeley: Mina Press Publishing/San Francisco: National Japanese American Historical Society, 1990). Eileen Tamura's study Americanization, Acculturation and Ethnic Identity: The Nisei Generation in Hawaii (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1994) provides a richly detailed examination of the Nisei's education, work, and cultural shifts in Hawaii. Dissertations by David K. Yoo and Lon Y Kurashige provide valuable windows into the history of second-generation Japanese Americans on the U.S. mainland: see Yoo, "Growing Up Nisei: Second Generation Japanese-Americans of California, 1921-1945," Yale University, Ph.D., 1994; and Kurashige, ''Made in Little Tokyo: Politics of Ethnic Identity and Festival in Southern California, 1934-1994," University of Wisconsin, Ph.D., 1994.

2. Kashu Mainichi, January 5, 1936.

3. Kashu Mainichi, October 2, 1932. This excerpt contains no deletions; the ellipses are Tanna's own punctuation.

4. Evelyn Nakano Glenn, Issei, Nisei, War Bride: Three Generations of Japanese American Women in Domestic Service (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1986), p. 55.

5. Ruíz, "The Flapper and the Chaperone," p. 146.

6. Mei Nakano, p. 120.

7. Kashu Mainichi, May 20, 1934.

8. Kazuo Kawai, "Three Roads and None Easy," Survey Graphic 9, no. 2 (May 1926), p. 165.

9. Yung, p. 134.

10. Kashu Mainichi, June 23, 1935.

11. Monica Sone, Nisei Daughter (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1953), p. 133.

12. Yoshiko Hosoi Sakurai interview, Los Angeles, California, August 28-29, 1996.

13. Gene Gohara, "Domestic Employment," Current Life (June 1941): 6.

14. Yung, p. 157.

15. Kawai, p. 165.

16. Kashu Mainichi, January 20, 1932.

17. Hisaye Yamamoto, "A Day in Little Tokyo," in Seventeen Syllables and Other Stories (Latham, NY: Kitchen Table: Women of Color Press, 1988), p. 119.

18. Kashu Mainichi, September 16, 1934.

19. Kashu Mainichi, October 30, 1932.

20. Ibid.

21. Hokubei Asahi, October 12, 1934.

22. Wakako Yamauchi interview, Gardena, California, October 3, 1995.

23. Ruíz, "The Flapper and the Chaperone," pp. 141-58.

24. From "Three Thoughts," Kashu Mainichi, May 22, 1932.

25. From "heartache," Kashu Mainichi, August 26, 1933.

26. Kashu Mainichi, July 10, 1932.

27. From "Feminine Interest," Kashu Mainichi, October 6, 1935.

28. Nakano Glenn, p. 57.

29. I discuss Nisei women's views of love and marriage, and focus on the "I'm Telling You Deirdre" column, in "Redefining Expectations: Nisei Women in the" California History (Spring 1994): 44-53, 88. For more information on "Deirdre"—Mary Oyama Mittwer—see my article, "Desperately Seeking 'Deirdre': Gender Roles, Multicultural Relations, and Nisei Women Writers of the 1930s," Frontiers 12, no. 1 (1991): 19-32.

30. Kashu Mainichi, March 4, 1934.

31. Kashu Mainichi, January 8, 1932.

32. Kashu Mainichi, June 4, 1932.

33. Kashu Mainichi, December 2, 1931.

34. Peggy Pascoe's work on anti-miscegenation law is especially useful; see her articles: "Race, Gender, and the Privileges of Property: On the Significance of Miscegenation Law in the U.S. West," in this volume; "Miscegenation Law, Court Cases, and Ideologies of 'Race' in Twentieth-Century America," Journal of American History 83, no. 1 (June 1996): 44-69; and "Race, Gender, and Intercultural Relations: The Case of Interracial Marriage," Frontiers 12, no. 1 (1991): 5-18. For a detailed discussion of anti-miscegenation laws and their application to Asian Americans, see Megumi Dick Osumi, "Asians and California's Anti-Miscegenation Laws," in Asian and Pacific American Experiences: Women's Perspectives, ed. Nobuya Tsuchida (Minneapolis: Asian/Pacific American Learning Resource Center and General College, University of Minnesota, 1982), pp. 1-37.

35. Yoshiko Uchida, Picture Bride (New York: Simon and Schuster, Inc., 1987), p. 134.

36. Yamamoto, p. 116.

37. Jeanne Wakatsuki Houston and James D. Houston, Farewell to Manzanar (New York: Bantam Books, Inc., 1974), p. 127.

38. The Japanese American community was highly conscious of outside scrutiny and responded, in Harry H. L. Kitano's words, with "appeals to all individuals to behave in a manner that would reflect to the benefit of all Japanese." Kitano, Japanese Americans: The Evolution of a Subculture, 2nd ed. (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1976), p. 36.

39. Dana Y Takagi, "Personality and History: Hostile Nisei Women," Reflections on Shattered Windows: Promises and Prospectsfor Asian American Studies, ed. Gary Y Okihiro et al. (Pullman: Washington State University Press, 1988), p. 187.

40. Sone, p. 28.

41. Sone, p. 27.

42. Hokubei Asahi, October 11, 1934.

43. Ibid.

44. Hokubei Asahi, November 5, 1934.

45. Kitano, p. 60.

46. Nakano Glenn, p. 38.

47. Mei Nakano, p. 120.

48. Kashu Mainichi, May 22, 1932.

49. Kitano, Japanese Americans, p. 50.

50. Ruíz, "The Flapper and the Chaperone," p. 151.

51. Yoshiko Uchida, Desert Exile, The Uprooting of a Japanese American Family (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1982), p. 44.

52. Kashu Mainichi, April 16, 1932.

53. Kashu Mainichi, June 9 and 17, 1932.

54. Kashu Mainichi, April 15 and May 22, 1932. The Junior Girl Reserves discussion of "It" was doubtless a legacy of Clara Bow, the "It Girl," and the promotion of "sex appeal" in the 1920s.

55. Kashu Mainichi, November 17, 1931.

56. Kashu Mainichi, January 5, 1932.

57. Kashu Mainichi, November 28, 1931.

58. Kashu Mainichi, November 19, 1931.

59. Kashu Mainichi, March 29, 1932.

60. Kashu Mainichi, May 6, 1932.

61. A good illustration of Nisei women's roles as community organizers can be found in the successful political movement to seek redress and reparations for World War II internment. See Alice Yang Murray's dissertation, "'Silence, No More': The Japanese American Redress Movement, 1942-1992," Stanford University, Ph.D., 1995.

1. Edward R. Ridley to Fidalgo Island Packing Company, January 11, 1932, Fidalgo Island Packing Company Records, Anacortes Museum of History and Art, Anacortes, Washington.

2. The Grand Camp, or umbrella organization, was in Ketchikan on a permanent basis. Each major village in southeast Alaska had its own designation as a "camp" and held representation within the Grand Camp. For the standard review of the organizations, see Philip Drucker, The Native Brotherhoods: Modern Intertribal Organizations on the Northwest Coast, Smithsonian Institution Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin 168 (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1958).

3. At the risk of oversimplifying categories, I have used the term Asian American in this paper to indicate any person of Chinese, Japanese, or Filipino ancestry, immigrant or American-born. For a more detailed analysis of their activities in the industry, see Chris Friday, Organizing Asian American Labor: The Pacific Coast Canned Salmon Industry, 1870-1942 (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1994).

4. For a discussion of this issue see Fidalgo Island Packing Company to Seid G. Back, Mar. 9, 1933, Fidalgo Island Packing Company Records.

5. William L. Paul to Frank Desmond, January 16, 1938, 1938 file, box 1, William L. Paul Papers, accession no. 1885-5, Manuscripts Division, University of Washington Libraries, Seattle, Washington. Hereafter cited as Paul Papers.

6. United Cannery, Agricultural, Packinghouse, and Allied Workers of America (UCAPAWA) locals, affiliated with the CIO, won a National Labor Relations Board Certification Election in May 1938, which awarded locals in San Francisco, Portland, and Seattle the right to represent outside workers who were largely the same Asian American crews that had formerly worked in the industry under co-ethnic labor contractors. For more information on the CIO locals, see Friday, Organizing Asian American Labor. For information regarding the AFL locals, see Ketchikan Daily News, July 16, 1946, Paul Papers.

7. Patricia Nelson Limerick, Legacy of Conquest: The Unbroken Past of the American West (New York: W. W. Norton, 1987), argues that the West's multiculturalism was one of its defining features as people competed in the region for control of profits and property. Richard White, "Race Relations in the American West," American Quarterly 38, no. 3 (1986): 396-416, has argued that the West's race relations have been distinctive because of the diversity of the peoples, the territorial claim certain groups have to lands, the international components of race relations in the manner in which various groups can be associated with or draw upon foreign governments, the racial stratification of wage labor in the region, and the consistent presence of the federal government as a "regulator of racial relations." While some debate the exceptionalism of the West's racial diversity and the notion of regional exceptionalism itself (for example, see the thoughtful but brief essay by Nancy Shoemaker, "Regions as Categories of Analysis," Perspectives 34, no. 8 [1996]: 7-8, 10), I argue in "'In Due Time': Engaging the Narratives of Race and Place in the Twentieth-Century American West," in Race and Racism: Toward the 21st Century, ed. Paul Wong et al. (Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, forthcoming), that while the West was not particularly different in its diversity, it did have a different narrative about its racial composition that allowed for a more graded and contested racial hierarchy than other regions.

8. The historiography on Populism is immense as is Populism's influence on western politics. I have been most influenced in my thinking about the weakness of party politics and the role of "populist" or grassroots organizing by Paul Kleppner, "Politics without Parties: The Western States, 1900-1984," in The Twentieth-Century West: Historical Interpretations, ed. Gerald D. Nash and Richard W. Etulain (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1989), 295-338; and Michael Kazin, "The Grass-Roots Right: New Histories of U.S. Conservatism in the Twentieth Century," American Historical Review 97, no. 1 (1992): 136-155.

9. Others have noted the role of individuals in rural communities as important factors in the maintenance of far-flung networks of associations among Asian Americans. For examples, see Sucheng Chan, This Bittersweet Soil: The Chinese in California Agriculture (Los Angeles and Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986); and Gail Nomura, "Interpreting Historical Evidence," in Frontiers of Asian American Studies, ed. Gail Nomura et al. (Pullman, Wash.: Washington State University Press, 1989), 1-5.

      Sarah Deutsch, No Separate Refuge: Culture, Class, and Gender on an Anglo-Hispanic Frontier in the American Southwest, 1880-1940 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987), 9-12, discusses how kith and kin ties to those residents assisted in gaining employment. In many respects their community of association was like the "regional community" that Deutsch has described among Chicanos and Chicanas in the Southwest between 1880 and 1940. Gunther W. Peck, "Mobilizing Ethnicity: Immigrant Diasporas in the Intermountain West, 1900-1920," paper presented at the Power and Place in the North American West Symposium, Seattle, Washington, November 5, 1994, does much the same for Greeks in the Utah mining districts, but pays special attention to the manner in which class and ethnicity interact given specific historical and contextual circumstances. I have explored these ideas, too, relative to Asian Americans in "The West as East: The Crossroads of Asian Immigrant and Asian American History and the U.S. West," paper presented at the Center for the American West, University of New Mexico, Albuquerque, January 29, 1993.

10. Nora Marks Dauenhauer and Richard Dauenhauer, eds., Haa Kusteeyi, Our Culture: Tlingit Life Stories (Seattle: University of Washington, and Juneau: Sealaska Heritage Foundation, 1994), 275, note that during the 1930S and 1940s many Filipino men married Tlingit women.

11. For far too long, scholars have relegated Native American labor to the corners of their studies. For a strong critique of this tendency, see Martha C. Knack and Alice Littlefield, "Native American Labor: Retrieving History, Rethinking Theory," in Native Americans and Wage Labor: Ethnohistorical Perspectives, ed. Alice Littlefield and Martha C. Knack (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1996), 3-44, as well as the other essays in the volume.

12. Victoria Wyatt, "Alaskan Indian Wage Earners in the 19th Century: Economic Choices and Ethnic Identity on Southeast Alaska's Frontier," Pacific Northwest Quarterly 78, nos. 1-2 (1987): 43-50; and Dauenhauer and Dauenhauer, Our Culture, 135, 152-155, 272, 395, 435.

13. Daniel Boxberger, To Fish in Common: The Ethnohistory of Lummi Salmon Fishing (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1989).

14. For examples, see Kenneth D. Tollefson, "From Localized Clans to Regional Corporation," The Western Canadian Journal of Anthropology 8, no. 1 (1978): 1-20; and Laura Frances Klein, "Tlingit Women and Town Politics," Ph.D. diss., New York University, 1975. Stephen Haycox, "William Lewis Paul," in Our Culture, ed. Dauenhauer and Dauenhauer, esp. 506-520, provides a good, succinct overview of ANB activities.

15. Claus-M. Naske, "Alaska's Long and Sometimes Painful Relationship with the Lower Forty-eight," in The Changing Pacific Northwest: Interpreting its Past, ed. David H. Stratton and George A. Frykman (Pullman, Wash.: Washington State University Press, 1988), 55-76. For a discussion of the creation of whiteness in general, see David A. Roediger, The Wages of Whiteness: Race and the Making of the American Working Class (London: Verso Press, 1991 ); and Alexander P. Saxton, The Rise and Fall of the White Republic: Class, Politics, and Mass Culture in Nineteenth-Century America (London: Verso Press, 1990). These authors point to the need to examine such notions on a regional scale and though Carlos A. Schwantes, "Protest in a Promised Land: Unemployment, Disinheritance, and the Origin of Labor Militancy in the Pacific Northwest, 1885-1886," Western Historical Quarterly 13 (1982): 373-390, comes the closest to this, he does not squarely address the issue. I have examined the subject in "Asian American Labor and Historical Interpretation," Labor History 35 (1994): 524-546.

16. The best discussion of ANB activities is in Haycox, "William Lewis Paul," but even that essay points to the need to determine more about the ANB and ANS activities as a bargaining agent.

17. Dauenhauer and Dauenhauer, Our Culture, 76-88; Haycox, "William Lewis Paul," in ibid., esp. 503-504; and Drucker, Native Brotherhoods, 16-40.

18. The Alaska Fisherman, July 1930, p. 1. The sporadic issues of The Alaska Fishernan between 1928 and 1931 available in the Paul Papers carry the phrase "Our Platform: Alaska for Alaskans" in the paper's masthead.

19. Kenneth R. Philp, "The New Deal and Alaskan Natives, 1936-1945," Pacific Historical Review 50, no. 3 (1981): 309-327.

20. Alaska Native Brotherhood, November 25, 1938, Paul Papers.

21. William L. Paul to Frank Desmond, January 16, 1938; William L. Paul, Jr., to Charles A. Wheeler, July 13, 1942, Paul Papers. The ANB and ANS had separate, autonomous "camps" at each settlement in southeast Alaska. These, in turn, were united in the organization under the Grand Camp in Ketchikan. In this present study, I have only been able to investigate the activities of the Grand Camp in any detail. A camp-by-camp analysis is still pending. Nonetheless, there are hints that significant tensions existed within and between the camps and that some of these manifest themselves in the struggles among the ANB-ANS camps, CIO locals, and AFL branches. The records of the ANB-ANS in general, though, do indicate some of the key features of the situation.

22. See Dauenhauer and Dauenhauer, Our Culture, 311-313, for a brief biography of Frank G. Johnson. The fishermen organized as Alaska Salmon Purse Seiners Union (ASPSU) and the women as the Cannery Workers Auxiliary Union (CWAU). The latter was tightly affiliated with the former.

23. Alaska Fishing News, April 15, 1940, p. 6.

24. Ibid. This forceful statement is rather surprising given that Louis Paul is generally regarded by those who knew him as a more diplomatic person than his brother William. A Tlingit contemporary of the Pauls, Judson Brown, recalled that Louis was "inspiring" and "for the people" while William "would get side-tracked arguing with people." See Dauenhauer and Dauenhauer, Our Culture, 146. Haycox, "William Lewis Paul," 503-524, also notes that William Paul's style was rather abrasive at times.

25. William L. Paul to [?], n.d., Paul Papers.

26. Paul to Desmond, January 16, 1938, Paul Papers.

27. Alaska Fishing News, June 26, 1942, p. 6.

28. Susan H. Koester and Emma Widmark, "'By the Words of the Mouth Let Thee Be Judged': The Alaska Native Sisterhood Speaks," Journal of the West 27, no. 2 (1988): 36.

29. Ibid., 38.

30. Alaska Fishing News, November 27, 1939, p. 6.

31. For men's and women's roles, see Klein, "Tlingit Women."

32. [CIO] Local 7 News, March 1945, p. 4.

33. Dauenhauer and Dauenhauer, Our Culture, 272. The biographies of nearly every Tlingit woman in Our Culture confirm this mixed subsistence pattern.

34. Friday, Organizing Asian American Labor, 88-89.

35. Alaska Fishing News, November 29, 1943, p. 3.

36. Dauenhauer and Dauenhauer, Our Culture, 538; and Koester and Widmark, "Alaska Native Sisterhood."

37. Frederica de Laguna to Chris Friday, January 31, 1995, in possession of author; and Dauenhauer and Dauenhauer, Our Culture, 76, 265.

38. Alaska Fishing News, Harvest Edition, September 1939, sect. 3, p. 8; Alaska Fishing News, July 12, 1939, p. 3; May 6, 1940, p. 3; May 27, 1940, p. 3.

39. Alaska Fishing News, March 27, 1940, p. 7.

40. Ibid., March 25, 1940, p. 7.

41. Ibid., July 17, 1939, p. 2.

42. Ibid., July 12, 1939, P. 5.

43. Alaska Fishing News, Harvest Edition, September 1939, sect. 3, p. 8. These were the very sites of many strong ANB/ANS camps. Metlakatlah, though, had a history of independent action and the CIO local in Ketchikan wielded more power than the CWAU there. U.S. Bureau of Fisheries, Alaska Fishery and Fur-Seal Industries (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1940), 143, lists 4,436 "native" and "white" "shoresmen" in southeast Alaska. These figures include European American engineers, machinists, radio operators, trapmen, and other skilled and semi-skilled cannery workers, some of whom shipped up from San Francisco, Portland, and Seattle. The estimate of 4,500 should only be taken as a rough figure.

44. Alaska Fishing News, June 5, 1939, p. 4; July 19, 1939, P. 1.

45. Minutes, Wrangell Alaska Native Brotherhood Grand Camp Convention, November 12, 1946, 3-5, William L. Paul Microfilm, roll 2, accession no. 2076-2, Manuscripts Division, University of Washington Libraries.

46. Salvador Del Fierro, Sr., interview, Washington State Oral/Aural History Project, 1974-1977, microfiche accession no. FIL-KING 75-29ck.

47. Vicki Ruiz, Cannery Women, Cannery Lives: Mexican Women, Unionization, and the California Food Processing Industry, 1930-1950 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1987) argues that women's shared work experiences assisted in the formation and maintenance of unions. Patricia Zavella, Women's Work and Chicano Families: Cannery Workers of the Santa Clara Valley (Ithaca, N.Y: Cornell University Press, 1987), though, demonstrates how work cultures in the same industry eventually fragmented the workforce and worked against union concerns.

      In Organizing Asian American Labor, I have dealt with women's work cultures in the canned-salmon industry to some extent. For primary materials, see the interviews of women in the Skagit County Oral History Preservation Project at the Skagit County Historical Museum in LaConner, Washington.

48. The Alaska Fishing News carried regular stories of Filipino events in Ketchikan, usually with a list of participants. Those names closely correspond to the roster of Local 237 officers in the same paper. For example, see Alaska Fishing News, July 29, 1942, p. 4; and August 23, 1942, p. 8.

49. Voice of the Federation, March 20, 1937, p. 7; April 22, 1937, p. 8; November 1937, p. 2; January 19, 1939, p. 3.

50. Ibid., January 19, 1939, p. 3.

51. Ibid., July 7, 1938, p. 6.

52. Ibid., January 19, 1939, p. 3; February 2, 1939, p. 1.

53. Ibid., March 2, 1939, p. 6.

54. Ibid., June 29, 1939, p. 3.

55. Ibid., December 22, 1938, p. 3.

56. Ibid., July 7, 1939, p. 5; and August 17, 1939, p. 3.

57. Alaska Fishing News, October 29, 1943, p. 3; Friday, Organizing Asian American Labor, 187-190; and Dauenhauer and Dauenhauer, Our Culture, 434.

58. Alaska Fishing News, October 29, 1943, p. 3.

59. The origins of the Tlingit and Haida Central Council are unclear. Dauenhauer and Dauenhauer, Our Culture, 97, indicate that its formation came purely from pursuit of the land claims. Yet in their biography of Tlingit Jimmy George, Dauenhauer and Dauenhauer hold that Undersecretary of the Interior John Carver insisted that the ANB was too heterogeneous and "suggested that they [sic] form a political organization more limited in ethnicity. From this concept developed the Central Council of the Tlingit and Haida" (202). Haycox, "William Lewis Paul," in Our Culture, 517, argues that the Tlingit and Haida Central Council was created separately from the ANB in part to reduce the influence that Paul might have over the land claims cases. Indeed, in Paul's arguments before the U.S. Supreme Court in Tee-Hit-Ton v. U.S. (1959), he held that there was no basis for an entity such as the Tlingit and Haida Central Council and that individual camps, on the order of the ANB camps, should be allowed to file separately for their land claims. Paul's simultaneous moves to ensconce the ANB/ANS as a bargaining unit and his activities in land claims appear to be linked to his efforts at a comeback after a loss of status when in 1937 he was disbarred in Alaska on charges of defrauding his legal clients. In this context, the ANB/ANS bargaining agency might appear as a short-term measure to gain a position and the land claims as an effort to secure long-term status. For Haycox's discussion of the disbarring and the Supreme Court case, see "William Lewis Paul," in Our Culture, 516-519. I am grateful to Stephen Haycox for freely discussing this material with me on several occasions in 1994.

60. Washington State CIO Labor News, March 1944, PP. 1, 3.

61. Rose Dellama, interview by Vicki Ruiz, August 22, 1980, interview notes courtesy of Vicki Ruiz; and UCAPAWA News, April 15, 1944, p. 4.

62. Dellama interview.

63. Ibid.; Dauenhauer and Dauenhauer, Our Culture, 533.

64. UCAPAWA News, May 15, 1944, p. 4; Alaska Fishing News, March 3, 1941, p. 6; and Dauenhauer and Dauenhauer, Our Culture, pp. 265, 315.

65. UCAPAWA News, May 1, 1944, p. 3. Koester and Widmark, "Alaska Native Sisterhood," also discuss Hayes's and Wanamaker's activities in the ANS.

66. The CIO locals also supported resident Alaskans and Native Alaskans in claims of discrimination on the part of canneries and federal contractors. See UCAPAWA News, May 15, 1944, p. 4; July 1, 1944, p. 7.

67. Dellama interview.

68. Ibid. The biographies of Hoonah residents in Dauenhauer and Dauenhauer, Our Culture, 155, 318, reveal the cultural havoc the fire wrought but do not indicate the origins of the blaze.

69. Dellama interview.

70. Russell R. Miller to Essie G. Hanson, August 7, 1945, case 19-R-1268, box 5305, National Labor Relations Board, Record Group 25 (hereafter cited as NLRB, RG 25), National Archives and Records Administration, Suitland, Maryland. Minutes, ANB Grand Camp Convention, November 12, 1945, P. 4, roll 1, Paul Microfilm, confirm these figures and NLRB activities.

71. Oscar S. Smith to Thomas P. Graham, August 27, 1945, case 19-R-1 268, box 5305, NLRB, RG 25; William L. Paul, Jr., to Russell Miller, August 14, 1945, ibid.; and Conrad Espe to Thomas P. Graham, Jr., n.d., ibid. By this point UCAPAWA had disintegrated and reformed as the Food, Tobacco and Allied Workers Union.

72. Minutes, ANB Grand Camp Convention, November 13, 1945, p. 11, roll i, Paul Microfilm.

73. Minutes, ANB Grand Camp Convention, Resolution no. 28, roll 1, Paul Microfilm; Miscellaneous notes on 1945 convention, 3 pp., Paul Papers.

74. Paul M. Herzog and John M. Houston, Second Supplemental Decision and Direction, case 19-R-1268, December 13, 1946, case 19-R-1268, box 5305, NLRB, RG 25; and Wendell B. Phillips, Jr., to NLRB, January 6, 1947, ibid.

75. Leslie H. Grove to NLRB, January 30, 1947, case 19-R-1268, Alaska Salmon Industry Inc., folder 2, box 5306, NLRB, RG 25; and NLRB to Grove, January 31, 1947, ibid.

76. Harry Lundeberg to Paul Herzog, March 21, 1947, case 19-R-1268, folder 2, box 5306, NLRB, RG 25.

77. I have explored this question in "The Marine Cooks and Stewards Union on a Narrowing Path: Race, Gender, Work, and Politics in the Cold War Epoch," prepared as a paper for the 1996 Organization of American Historians Annual Meeting and expanded as a public lecture for the Northwest Center for Comparative American Cultures and Race Relations, Rockefeller Humanities Lecture Series, Pullman, Washington, April 1996. Sailors' unions on the West Coast had, since the nineteenth century, been a driving anti-Asian force. When the Chinese Exclusion Act barred immigration to U.S. territories, it did nothing to prevent Chinese from sailing on American vessels, nor ships of other nations, and landing in U.S. ports. The Sailors Union of the Pacific led the way in trying to push Chinese off the ships and then extended its program in the twentieth century to include Japanese, Filipinos, and East Indians. As a result, while onshore unions tended to drop anti-Asian programs as soon as exclusionary legislation became permanent for a given group, the Sailors Union of the Pacific and its parent organization, the Seafarers International Union, remained actively and virulently anti-Asian. I have dealt with this topic in "A Dialogue about Race and Ethnicity in the Twentieth Century: From a Multi-Racial to a Black-and-White Perspective," Rockefeller Program in Comparative American Cultures and Race Relations, Washington State University, November 1995. Both these papers form portions of chapters in my work-in-progress on race, Pacific maritime labor, and the Marine Cooks and Stewards Union.

78. Clara M. Martin, Order Denying Motion, April 1, 1947, case 19-R-1268, folder 2, box 5306, NLRB, RG 25.

79. William Lewis Paul, "For the Good of the Order," June 22, 1949, p. 6, roll 1, Paul Microfilm; and Ketchikan Daily News, July 16, 1946, clipping, Paul Papers.

80. FTA News, December 1948, p. 3. See also Arleen De Vera, "Without Parallel: The Local 7 Deportation Cases, 1949-1955," Amerasia Journal 20, no. 2 (1994): 1-25.

81. Alaska Fishing News, September 18, 1944, p. 1, and stories in subsequent weeks and months, illustrate the intensity with which the ANB and ANS pursued their efforts to regain portions of their aboriginal land base.

82. For selective discussions, see Friday, Organizing Asian American Labor; and Steve Rosswurm, ed., The CIO's Left-Led Unions (New Brunswick, N. J.: Rutgers University Press, 1992).

83. Labor historians, in particular, have been rather romantic about the CIO's racial record and have gone to great lengths to vilify the AFL. For a critique of that romanticism, see Herbert Hill, "The Problem of Race in American Labor History," Reviews in American History 24, no. 2 (1996): 189-208. Hill's major criticism is that labor historians have made class a primary and immutable category of analysis, thereby relegating questions of race to ideological and transitory realms. In his own way, however, Hill has essentialized race in a fashion not dissimilar from those he criticizes. For an attempt to develop a "middle ground" between the two analyses, see Marshall F. Stevenson, "'It Will Take More than Official Pronouncement': The American Federation of Labor and the Black Worker, 1935-1955, a Reconsideration," paper presented at the 1996 Annual Association for the Study of Afro-American Life and History, Charleston, South Carolina, September 13-15.

84. Kevin Allen Leonard, "Years of Hope, Days of Fear: The Impact of World War II on Race Relations in Los Angeles," Ph.D. diss., University of California, Davis, 1992, esp. 276 ff.

85. I use the term "racialized" to suggest a process influenced by unequal power relations based on the creation and application of "otherness." It is always a shifting and contested construction and is therefore not as static as the notion of "race." I use it, too, instead of the more amorphous "racial/ethnic" because it better captures the power relationships inherent in the exercise of "race'' in a stark contrast to "ethnicity." The former is frequently a tool of oppression, the latter a signifier of the assertion of an "identity," though that, too, comes with its own privileging, its own oppressive tendencies.

86. I address this issue in much greater depth and length in "'In Due Time."' It is important to note that the binary rhetoric of race in the "North" and the "South" has obscured those regions' own multiracial and multiethnic pasts in particularly distorting and damaging ways. Only in the contemporary setting have the popular and scholarly images of those regions begun to change.

87. Michael Omi and Howard Winant, Racial Formations in the United States from the 1960s to the 1980s, 2nd ed. (New York: Routledge, 1991), 87.

88. By this I mean the type of frontier described by Peggy Pascoe, "Western Women at the Cultural Crossroads," in Trails: Toward a New Western History, ed. Patricia Nelson Limerick, Clyde A. Milner II, and Charles E. Rankin (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1991), 40-58; and Limerick, Legacy of Conquest.

89. Among the strongest statements of this position are Virginia Scharff, "Getting Out: What Does Mobility Mean for Women?" and Kerwin Lee Klein, "Reclaiming the 'F' Word: or, Being and Becoming Postwestern," papers presented as part of the "American Dreams, Western Images'' program at the William Andrews Clark Memorial Library, 1993-94.

1. The terms "Gabrielino" and "Luiseño," although currently employed by the federal government to specify my Native Californian descent, are monikers of the Spanish mission era. I prefer to describe and think about a portion of my indigenous ethnicity using a Luiseño term, Payomkawish^{[ *]} . The term, translatable as "Westerner," was originally employed in Luiseño territory to describe an individual residing in proximity to the coast. Both my grandmother, a Maritime Shoshone/Luiseño, and my late grandfather, a Maritime Shoshone, descend from island and coastal peoples. However, it is through my grandmother's (inland) Luiseño lineage that I am a member of the Temecula Band of Luiseños (Pechanga Reservation, Riverside County, California). My grandfather's nation (Maritime Shoshone, or, Island Gabrielino) was not granted a reservation land base, but was declared "extinct" by the federal government. For more information on the Gabrielinos and Luiseños, see Alfred L. Kroeber, Handbook of the Indians of California (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1925); and Bernice E. Johnston, California's Gabrielino Indians (Los Angeles: Southwest Museum, 1962).

2. The construction of the present church, for example, took many years to complete and probably did not begin until 1790. Johnston, p. 129.

3. For more detailed information, see Thomas Workman Temple II, "Toypurina the Witch and the Indian Uprising at San Gabriel," Masterkey 32, no. 5 (1958): 136-54. Though I do not recommend this essay as unbiased or inoffensive reading (it is incredibly Euro-centered), it was authored by an individual of English and Spanish descent (in fact a relation of my Spanish great-grandmother) who, like myself, spent his youth at the original site of Mission San Gabriel (La Misión Vieja), and was informed by his family's folklore of the region. The stories he heard about Toypurina as a child made him determined to learn more about her, and to remember her in his research and writing. The essay's chronology of events runs closely to the folklore I heard as a child, from both my European and Native Californian elders.

4. Temple, who translated from the Spanish the principal documents associated with this revolt, states Toypurina was "reputed and feared as the wisest sorceress among the Gabrielinos." Ibid., p. 147. (In the Luiseño language, one term for such a wise and spiritually gifted individual is puula. )

5. Ibid., p. 136. Not that other native women in southern California did not lead protests or revolts against the Spanish colonial order (there are many strong, successful women leaders in our pasts and presents as native peoples), but that its imposers apparently felt Toypurina's power and her actions to be particularly threatening, not historically erasable.

6. Ibid., pp. 139, 141. It is also stated elsewhere (Hubert Howe Bancroft, The Works of Hubert Howe Bancroft, Volume XVIII, History of California, Vol. I, 1542-1800 [San Francisco: A. L. Bancroft and Company, 1884], p. 460) that twenty prisoners were seized.

7. Temple, pp. 147-48; see also note 8, below. Toypurina probably also had knowledge of the fates of others leading attacks against the priests and soldiers of Mission San Gabriel. In fact, it was only within days of its establishment—when the Spanish, victorious in a first revolt, decapitated a local chief and drove his head onto a stake of the newly constructed willow stockade—that the kinds of consequences the people could expect to incur by revolting against their hideous acts (in this case, the mission's soldiers had lassoed and raped the dead chief's wife) were made horrifically clear. Johnston, p. 130.

8. In Toypurina's person, two traditions of leadership met and overlapped: that of the hereditary chief (as was customary among the "Gabrielino" peoples, Toypurina stood in a position to inherit this role of village leadership from her brother); and that of the intellectually and spiritually elite of her people, among whom she held the most prominent and powerful role.

9. The threat of flogging and other forms of torture is repeatedly expressed by Temple, pp. 141, 143, 144, and 146. Moreover, many of Toypurina's captured associates had already endured severe lashings for their part in the attack. Hugo Reid (an early essayist of Gabrielino history, life, and culture who was married to a Gabrielino woman) records that the type of rawhide scourge routinely used at Mission San Gabriel was "immense . . . about ten feet in length, plaited to the thickness of an ordinary man's wrist! " ( The Indians of Los Angeles County: Hugo Reid's Letters of 1852, ed. Robert F. Heizer [Los Angeles: Southwest Museum, 1968], p. 85). At Mission San Gabriel, no indigenous man, woman, or child was exempt from such torture, meted out on a daily basis. Listen, for example, to what Reid, by way of his wife, Bartolomea, recounts was the fate of women miscarrying at the mission: "when a woman had the misfortune to bring forth a still-born child, she was punished. The penalty inflicted was, shaving the head, flogging for fifteen subsequent days, iron on the feet for three months, and having to appear every Sunday in church, on the steps leading up to the alter, with a hideous painted wooden child in her arms!" (p. 87). Reid also records that individuals holding elite social positions such as Toypurina's were kept "chained together . . . and well flogged . . . and so they worked, two above and two below in the pit'' (ibid.).

10. Though Temple (p. 148) emphasizes these are Toypurina's "exact words," it is evident he incorporates his family's folklore into his translation, or telling, of the original Spanish text of this trial, a public record in the Archivo General de la Nación, Mexico City (Ramo de Provincias Internas, volume 20, pp. 31-47). Having some knowledge and understanding of my native language (and given that Toypurina's statement here is a translation of a translation), "exact sentiments" would have been a more accurate expression for Temple to use. But to offer a picture of the type of ecosystem Toypurina was seeking to protect, I quote Reid (p. 72) in reference to the mission site established at San Gabriel:

at the conquest of this country . . . [this site was] a complete forest of oaks, with considerable underwood. . . . The water, which now composes the lagoon of the mill (one mile and a half distant) being free, like everything else, to wander and meander where it pleased, came down into the hollow nearest to the Mission, on the Angeles road. This hollow was a complete thicket, formed of sycamores, cotton-wood, larch, ash and willows; besides, brambles, nettles, palma cristi, wild roses and wild grape-vines lent a hand to make it impassable, except where foot paths had rendered entrance to its barriers a matter more easy of accomplishment. This hollow, cleared of all encumbrance, served to raise the first crops ever produced at the Mission, and although now a washed waste of gravel and sand, nevertheless, at that time it rejoiced in a rich black soil.

11. Temple, pp. 150-51; Bancroft, p. 460. It is said the conditions of Toypurina's release from solitary confinement were that she "convert" to Christianity and submit herself to being baptized, an act from which, the Spaniards knew, she would not be able to recover her religious, political, and personal power among her people. Toypurina was not a mission neophyte at the time of her revolt; she said she revolted "to give courage" to those within the system "who would have the heart to fight." (Translation, Dr. Rosamel Benavides, Humboldt University; my thanks to Sarah Supahan for sharing this valuable translation of Toypurina's testimony with me. From it I sense she also revolted to retain her power as a religious leader—power the invading mission system was adversely affecting by the forced removal of native peoples from their home communities and the imposition of Christianity and slavery upon them.) Given Toypurina's influence and her people's views surrounding baptism, the Spaniards stood to gain much by making an example of her—"converting" her by way of torture, then banishing her to labor at distant missions. Here is Reid (pp. 74-75) on the subject as it relates to Mission San Gabriel: ''Baptism as performed, and the recital of a few words not understood, can hardly be said to be conversion; nevertheless, it was productive of great advantage to the Missionaries, because once baptized they lost 'caste' with their people. . . . Baptism was called by them soyna, 'being bathed,' and strange to say, was looked upon, although such a simple ceremony, as being ignominious and degrading."

12. Toypurina's actions also speak volumes regarding women's rights and roles in indigenous southern Californian communities. Note that Toypurina achieved something few women, regardless of ethnicity or color, were able to achieve during the eighteenth century: she successfully forced an audience of some of the most influential European men residing in Alta California (Governor Don Pedro Fages, for instance) to hear, by way of her revolt and interrogation, the grievances of her people. Though a Native American woman living in an era in which both women and indigenous peoples were viewed by the Spanish as inferior, Toypurina produced disconcert and awe in her inquisitors, who elected to spare her life (in fear of escalating the situation further and incurring more attacks upon the mission?). Writes Temple (p. 148): "If looks could kill . . . her inquisitors would have dropped like autumn leaves. She was proud and headstrong alright—a commanding personality, then 24, and really attractive. Here was no wild animal at bay, for her arrogant face and almost queenly stance despite her bonds, soon dispelled any such comparison to the tough and hardbitten veterans who faced her. They were properly impressed."

13. That is, those Interior and Island Gabrielinos whose families survived generations of slavery and genocide—not an easy feat, considering that the enslavement and genocide of native peoples in southern California occurred well into the American period of California's colonial history. Once likely the most populous nations in indigenous California, totaling perhaps as many as 15,000 to 20,000 individuals, Interior and Island "Gabrielino" peoples were reduced to near extinction by the year 1910 (Kroeber, p. 883). Many other indigenous Californian nations suffered the same fate. Though the region of present-day California is considered to have been very densely populated—perhaps more densely populated than any other region of North America—its indigenous Californian population, "perhaps approaching 705,000," was reduced "to about 260,000 at the beginning of the nineteenth century, then to only 15,000 to 20,000 at the beginning of the twentieth century" (Russell Thornton, American Indian Holocaust and Survival: A Population History since 1492 [Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1987], p. 200).

14. My family has long told this version of this story to its children. For another, see Reid, p. 54.

15. See Gloria Anzaldúa's Borderlands/La Frontera (San Francisco: Spinsters/aunt lute, 1987) for her discerning views and writing on the use of, and movement between, holistic and other modes of thought.

16. Sally W. Smith, "Wildlife and Endangered Species: In Precipitous Decline," in California's Threatened Environment: Restoring the Dream, ed. Tim Palmer (Washington, D.C.: Island Press, 1993), pp. 226, 227.

17. Tim Palmer, "The Abundance and the Remains," in California's Threatened Environment, p. 9.

1. Although whale-hunting and sewerage are considered at length, the environmental impact of twentieth-century militarism is an inexplicably missing topic amongst the forty-two studies that comprise the landmark global audit: B. L. Turner et al. (eds.), The Earth as Transformed by Human Action: Global and Regional Changes in the Biosphere over the Past 300 Years, Cambridge 1990.

2. This is the term used by Michael Carricato, the Pentagon's former top environmental official. See Seth Shulman, The Threat at Home: Confronting the Toxic Legacy of the U.S. Military, Boston 1992, p. 8.

3. Nuclear landscapes, of course, also include parts of the Arctic (Novaya Zemlya and the Aleutians), Western Australia, and the Pacific (the Marshall Islands and Mururoa).

4. Zhores Medvedev, Nuclear Disaster in the Urals, New York 1979; and Boris Komarov, The Destruction of Nature in the Soviet Union, White Plains 1980.

5. See D. J. Peterson, Troubled Lands: The Legacy of Soviet Environmental Destruction, a Rand research study, Boulder 1993, pp. 7-10.

6. Ibid., p. 23.

7. Murray Feshbach and Alfred Friendly, Jr., Ecocide in the USSR, New York 1992, p. 1.

8. Peterson, p. 248. Peterson also quotes Russian fears that western joint ventures and multinational investment may only increase environmental destruction and accelerate the conversion of the ex-USSR, especially Siberia, into a vast "ecological colony" (pp. 254-257).

9. Feshbach and Friendly, pp. 11, 28, and 39.

10. Indeed, their sole citation of environmental degradation in the United States concerns the oyster beds of Chesapeake Bay (ibid., p. 49).

11. Richard Misrach, Violent Legacies: Three Cantos, New York 1992, pp. 38-59, 86. Misrach's interpretation of the pits is controversial. Officially, they are burial sites for animals infected with brucellosis and other stock diseases. Paiute ranchers that I interviewed, however, corroborated the prevalence of mystery deaths and grotesque births.

12. An Irish nationalist who sympathized with the struggle of the Plains Indians, Mooney risked professional ruin by including the Ogalala account of the massacre in his classic The Ghost-Dance Religion and the Sioux Outbreak of 1890, Fourteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, Washington 1896, pp. 843-886. The actual photographer was George Trager. See Richard Jensen et al., Eyewitness at Wounded Knee, Lincoln 1991.

13. Richard Misrach, A Photographic Book, San Francisco 1979; and Desert Cantos, Albuquerque 1987.

14. Richard Misrach (with Myriam Weisang Misrach), Bravo 20: The Bombing of the American West, Baltimore 1990, p. xiv.

15. Misrach, Violent Legacies, pp. 14-37, 83-86.

16. Lois Parkinson Zamora, Writing the Apocalypse: Historical Vision in Contemporary U.S. and Latin American Fiction, Cambridge 1989, p. 189 (my emphasis).

17. William Jenkins, New Topographics: Photographs of a Man-Altered Landscape, International Museum of Photography, Rochester 1975.

18. Mark Klett et al., Second View: The Rephotographic Survey Project, Albuquerque 1984.

19. San Francisco Camerawork, Nuclear Matters, San Francisco 1991.

20. See Adams's own account of how he retouched a famous photograph of Mount Whitney to eliminate a town name from a foreground hill: Examples: The Making of Forty Photographs, Boston 1983, p. 165.

21. Barry Lopez paraphrased by Thomas Southall, "I Wonder What He Saw," from Klett et al., p. 150.

22. Aside from Misrach, see especially Mark Klett, Traces of Eden: Travels in the Desert Southwest, Boston 1986; and Revealing Territory, Albuquerque 1992.

23. Revealingly, a decisive influence on the New Topographics was the surrealist photographer Frederick Sommer. His portraits of the Arizona desert were published in 1944 at the instigation of Max Ernst. See the essay by Mark Haworth-Booth in Lewis Baltz, San Quentin Point, New York 1986.

24. Jan Zita Gover, "Landscapes Ordinary and Extraordinary," Afterimage, December 1983, pp. 7-8.

25. The cold deserts and sagebrush ( Artemisia ) steppes of the Great Basin and the high plateaux are floristic colonies of Central Asia (see Neil West [ed.], Ecosystems of the World 5: Temperate Deserts and Semi-Deserts, Amsterdam 1983), but the physical landscapes are virtually unique (see Graf, W. L. [ed.], Geomorphic Systems of North America, Boulder 1987).

26. It is important to recall that the initial exploration of much of this "last West" occurred only 125 years ago. Cf. Gloria Cline, Exploring the Great Basin, Reno 1963; William Goetzmann, Army Exploration in the American West, 1803-1863, New Haven 1959; and New Lands, New Men, New York 1986.

27. The aeolian processes of the Colorado Plateau have provided valuable insights into the origin of certain Martian landscapes (Julie Laity, "The Colorado Plateau in Planetary Geology Studies," in Graf, pp. 288-297), while the Channeled Scablands of Washington are the closest terrestial equivalent to the great flood channels discovered on Mars in 1972. (See Baker et al., "Columbia and Snake River Plains," in Graf, pp. 403-468.) Finally, the basalt plains and calderas of the Snake River in Idaho are considered the best analogues to the lunar mare (ibid.).

28. There were four topographical and geological surveys afoot in the West between 1867 and 1879. The Survey of the Fortieth Parallel was led by Clarence King, the Survey West of the One Hundredth Meridian was under the command of Lieutenant George Wheeler, the Survey of the Territories was directed by Ferdinand Vandeveer Hayden, and the Survey of the Rocky Mountain Region was led by John Wesley Powell. They produced 116 scientific publications, including such masterpieces as Clarence Dutton, Tertiary History of the Grand Canyon, Washington 1873; Grove Karl Gilbert, Report on the Geology of the Henry Mountains, Washington 1877; and John Wesley Powell, Exploration of the Colorado River of the West, Washington 1873. John McPhee has recently repeated King's survey of the fortieth parallel (now Interstate 80) in his four-volume "cross-section of human and geological time": Annals of the Former World, New York, 1980-1993.

29. Cf. R. J. Chorley, A. J. Dunn and R. P. Beckinsale, The History of the Study of Landforms, Volume I: Geomorphology before Davis, London 1964, pp. 469-621; and Baker et al.

30. Stephen Pyne, Grove Karl Gilbert, Austin 1980, p. 81. (He is referring specifically to the renowned geologist, Clarence Dutton, another member of the Powell survey.)

31. Ann-Sargent Wooster, "Reading the American Landscape," Afterimage, March 1982, pp. 6-8.

32. Consider "relapsing chasms," "wilted, drooping faces," "waving cones of the Uinkaret," and so on. See Wallace Stegner, Beyond the Hundredth Meridian: John Wesley Powell and the Second Opening of the West, Boston 1954, chapter 2.

33. Ibid., chapter 3. The ironic legacy of Powell's Report was the eventual formation of a federal Reclamation Agency that became the handmaiden of a western powerstructure commanded by the utility monopolies and corporate agriculture.

34. Carole Gallagher, American Ground Zero: The Secret Nuclear War, Boston 1993.

35. Peter Goin, Nuclear Landscapes, Baltimore 1991; and Robert Del Tredici, At Work in the Fields of the Bomb, New York 1987. See also Patrick Nagatani, Nuclear Enchantment, Albuquerque 1990; John Hooton, Nuclear Heartlands, 1988; and Jim Lerager, In the Shadow of the Cloud, 1988. Comparable work by independent filmmakers includes John Else, The Day after Trinity (1981); Dennis O'Rouke, Half-Life (1985); and Robert Stone, Radio Bikini (1988).

36. Dorothea Lange and Paul Taylor, An American Exodus, New York 1938; James Agee and Walker Evans, Let Us Now Praise Famous Men, Boston 1941; Erskine Caldwell and Margaret Bourke-White, You Have Seen Their Faces, New York 1937.

37. Gallagher, p. xxiii.

38. Ibid., p. xxxii.

39. Israel Torres and Robert Carter, quoted in ibid., pp. 61-62. Gallagher encountered the story about the charred human guinea pigs (prisoners?) ''again and again from men who participated in shot Hood" (p. 62).

40. Delayne Evans, quoted in ibid., p. 275.

41. Issac Nelson, quoted in ibid., p. 134.

42. Ina Iverson, quoted in ibid., pp. 141-143. Gallagher points out that molar pregnancies are also "an all too common experience for the native women of the Marshall Islands in the pacific Testing Range after being exposed to the fallout from the detonations of hydrogen bombs" (p. 141).

43. Jay Truman, quoted in ibid., p. 308.

44. The literature is overwhelming. See House Subcommittee on Oversight and Investigations, The Forgotten Guinea Pigs, 96th Congress, 2nd session, August 1980; Thomas Saffer and Orville Kelly, Countdown Zero, New York 1982; John Fuller, The Day We Bombed Utah: America's Most Lethal Secret, New York 1984; Richard Miller, Under the Cloud: The Decades of Nuclear Testing, New York 1986; Howard Ball, Justice Downwind: America's Atomic Testing Program in the 1950s, New York 1986; A. Costandina Titus, Bombs in the Backyard: Atomic Testing and Atomic Politics, Reno 1986; and Philip Fradkin, Fallout: An American Nuclear Tragedy, Tucson 1989.

45. Gallagher, pp. xxxi-xxxii.

46. Fradkin, p. 57; Peterson, pp. 203 and 230 (fn. 49).

47. See "From the Editors," The Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, September 1990, p. 2.

48. Colonel Langdon Harrison, quoted in Gallagher, p. 97.

49. Peterson, p. 204; see also Feshbach and Friendly, pp. 238-239.

50. See my "French Kisses and Virtual Nukes," in Capitalism, Nature, Socialism, 7(1), March 1996.

51. Cf. Kealy Davidson, "The Virtual Bomb," Mother Jones, March/April 1995; Jacqueline Cabasso and John Burroughs, "End run around the NPT," The Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, September-October 1995; and Jonathan Weissman, "New Mission for the National Labs," Science, 6 October 1995. On protest plans: interview with Las Vegas Catholic workers, May 1997.

52. See Tracey Panek, "Life at Iosepa, Utah's Polynesian Colony," Utah Historical Quarterly; and Donald Rosenberg, "Iosepa," talk given on centennial, Salt Lake City, 27 August 1989 (special collections, University of Utah library).

53. Ronald Bateman, "Goshute Uprising of 1918," Deep Creek Reflections, pp. 367-370.

54. Barton Bernstein, "Churchill's Secret Biological Weapons," Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, January-February 1987.

55. See Ann LoLordo, "Germ Warfare Test Subjects," (first appeared in Baltimore Sun ), reprinted in Las Vegas Review-Journal, 29 August 1994; and Lee Davidson, "Cold War Weapons Testing," Deseret News, 22 December 1994.

56. Lee Davidson, "Lethal Breeze," Deseret News, 5 June 1994.

57. For fuller accounts, see Jeanne McDermott, The Killing Winds, New York 1987; and Charles Piller and Keith Yamamoto, Gene Wars: Military Control over the New Genetic Technologies, New York 1988.

58. Steve Erickson, Downwinders, Inc., interviewed September, November 1992 and January 1993.

59. Downwinders, Inc. v. Cheney and Stone, Civil No. 91-C-681j, United States Court, District of Utah, Central Division.

60. Erickson refers to information revealed in December 1990 by Ted Jacobs, chief counsel to the House Subcommittee on Commerce, Consumer and Monetary Affairs.

61. Interviews with Steve Erickson and Cindy King (Sierra Club), Salt Lake City, October 1996.

62. Ibid.

63. Schulman, p. 7.

64. The estimate is from figures in Schulman, appendix B.

65. Interview with Triana Silton, September 1992.

66. Interview with Chip Ward, Grantsville, Utah, October 1996.

67. For a description of the WDHIA and its natural setting, see Barry Wolomon, "Geologic Hazards and Land-use Planning for Tooele Valley and the Western Desert Hazardous Industrial Area," Utah Geological Survey, Survey Notes, November 1994.

68. Jim Wolf, "Does N-Waste Firm Pay Enough to Utah?" Salt Lake Tribune, 10 January 1997.

69. Ralph Vartabedian, "Start-Up of Incinerator is Assailed," Los Angeles Times, 4 March 1996.

70. Lee Davidson, "An Accident at TAD Could Be Lethal," Deseret News, 23 May 1989; and Lee Siegel, "Burn Foes Fear Outbreak of Gulf War Ills," Salt Lake Tribune, 12 January 1997.

71. Joseph Bauman, "Former Tooele Manager Calls Plant Unsafe," Deseret News, 26 November 1996.

72. West Desert Healthy Environment Alliance, The Grantsville Community's Health: A Citizen Survey, Grantsville 1996; Diane Rutter, "Healing Their Wounds," Catalyst, April 1996. See also "Listen to Cancer Concerns," editorial, Salt Lake Tribune, 6 April 1996.

73. Interview with Chip Ward, Grantsville, Utah, October 1996.

74. Ibid.

75. Interview with Chip Ward, January 1997.

76. James Brooke, "Next Door to Danger, a Booming City," New York Times, 6 October 1996.

77. Interview with Chip Ward, January 1997.

1. These roles are derived from a model presented by Stephen K. White, The Recent Work of Jurgen Habermas: Reason, Justice and Modernity (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), p. 109.

2. See Don T. Nakanishi, "Asian American Politics: An Agenda for Research," Amerasia Journal 12, no. 2 (1985-86), p. 3.

3. Yasemin Nuhoglu Soysal, Limits of Citizenship: Migrants and Postnational Membership in Western Europe (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1994), p. 166.

4. Manuel Gamio, Mexican Immigration to the United States: A Study of Human Migration and Adjustment (New York: Dover Publications, 1971), p. 84. For the relation between gender and migration, see Pierrette Hondagneu-Sotelo, Gendered Transitions: Mexican Experiences of Migration (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994).

5. Fortune San Jose, special advertising section, 5 June 1989 edition of Fortune magazine.

6. Ibid.

7. Ibid.

8. San Jose Mercury News, 26 November 1992.

9. Roger Bartra, "Changes in Political Culture: The Crisis of Nationalism," in Wayne A. Cornelius, Judith Gentleman, and Peter H. Smith, eds., Mexico's Alternative Political Futures (San Diego: UCSD Center for U.S.-Mexican Studies, 1989), pp. 55-85.

10. See Jesús Martínez Saldaña, "Los Tigres del Norte en Silicon Valley," Nexos, November 1993, pp. 77-83.