1. The Archbishop Ennemond came from Lyon to evangelize the Gier valley. He built a church on the hill that is now the parish of Saint Ennemond, overlooking the Gier River. The clergy and nobility who joined him in turn built a château and a fortress. The legend of Saint Ennemond imbued the city with a cultish identity. The stories of how he rescued the "naive and superstitutious" inhabitants of this valley from their oppressors continued to be recounted in the twentieth century, and regional pilgrimages to his statue in the church of Saint Ennemond, which supposedly also contained his remains, persisted until at least World War I. See M. Fournier, La vallée ardente: scènes de la vie populaire (Saint Etienne: Librairie Dubouchet, 1938), pp. 254-73. For Saint Chamond's early history, see also James Condamin, Histoire de Saint-Chamond et de la seigneurie de Jarez, depuis les temps les plus reculés jusqu'à nos jours (Paris: A. Picard, 1890), and Stéphane Bertholon, Histoires de Saint-Chamond: notes et souvenirs d'un vieux couramiaud (Saint Etienne: n.p., 1927).

2. Archives du Ministère de la Guerre, Vincennes, MR1266, "Rapport sur les environs de Saint-Chamond," 1843.

3. See, for example, Michael Mitterauer and Reinhard Sieder, The European Family: Patriarchy to Partnership from the Middle Ages to the Present, trans. Karla Oosterveen and Manfred Horzinger (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1983), especially pp. 51-53, 59, 80-81, 93-97, 103-15.

4. For example, Yves Lequin, Les ouvriers de la région lyonnaise (1848-1914), 2 vols. (Lyon: Presses Universitaires de Lyon, 1977); Jacques Schnetzler, Les industries et les hommes dans la région de Saint-Etienne (Lille: Service de Reproduction des Thèses, Université de Lille III, 1976); Maxime Perrin, La population de la région de Saint-Etienne, étude de géographie humaine (Tours: Arrault, 1937); Perrin, Saint Etienne et sa région économique: un type de vie industrielle en France (Tours: Arrault, 1937); Michael Hanagan, The Logic of Solidarity: Artisans and Industrial Workers in Three French Towns, 1871-1914 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1980); Hanagan, "Urbanization, Worker Settlement Patterns and Social Protest in Nineteenth-Century France," in French Cities in the Nineteenth Century, ed. John M. Merriman (New York: Holmes & Meier, 1981), pp. 208-29; David Gordon, Merchants and Capitalists: Industrialization and Provincial Politics in Mid-Nineteenth Century France (University: University of Alabama Press, 1985); Bernard Plessy, La vie quotidienne en Forez avant 1914 (Paris: Hachette, 1981).

5. Archives Départementales de la Loire (henceforth ADL), series S, Chambre de Commerce de Saint Etienne, carton 131 dossier 9, Chambre Consultative des Arts et Manufactures de Saint-Chamond, "extrait de délibérations," 28 Sept. 1805, "Mémoire au sous-préfet sur l'industrie de la région," Archives du Ministère de la Guerre, Vincennes, MR1266, "Mémoire sur les environs de Saint-Chamond," 1843; J. Duplessy, Essai statistique sur le département de la Loire (Montbrison: n.p., 1818), pp. 184, 155.

6. Laurent Boyer, Les élections politiques dans le département de la Loire au temps de l'assemblée nationale et du Maréchal MacMahon (Paris: Sirey, 1963), p. 12.

7. Louis René Villermé, Tableau de l'état physique et moral des ouvriers employés dans les manufactures de coton, de laine et de soie, 2 vols. (Paris: Renouard, 1840); Jules Simon, L'Ouvrière (Paris: Hachette, 1891).

8. Frédéric Le Play, La réforme sociale en France, déduite de l'observation comparée des peuples européens, 2 vols. (6th ed. Tours: Mame, 1878), 2:9. For a useful discussion of Le Play and his method, see Catherine Bodard Silver, Introduction to Frédéric Le Play: On Family, Work, and Social Change, ed. and trans. Catherine Board Silver (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982), pp. 3-134.

9. Henri Cetty, La famille ouvrière en Alsace (Rixheim: A. Sutter, 1883), pp. 92-95, 170-74.

10. Ibid., pp. 17, 168.

11. Ibid., pp. 92-95, 116-17, 129, 161, 174.

12. Ibid., pp. 74, 104, 122.

13. Ibid., pp. 183-86, 190-91.

14. Cetty cites the following examples: the directors of forges expelled workers from Sunday mass if they lived en concubinage. Employers actively intervened in family disorders. They took severe measures if workers were found drunk. In all these moral matters, they threatened workers with dismissal if they did not reform their behavior. He praised other industrialists for forcing women workers to stay at home at least three weeks after the delivery of their babies: ibid., pp. 50-54, 122.

15. Cetty stated, "Broken in its most intimate ties and dearest affections, struck in the very source of life, [the family] has become the theater of such profound miseries that it has been necessary to invent a new word, 'pauperism,' in order to explain the situation that created it": ibid., p. 11.

16. See Armand Audiganne, Les populations ouvrières et les industries de la France, 2 vols. (2d ed. Paris: Capelle, 1860); Louis Reybaud, Rapport sur la condition morale, intellectuelle et matérielle des ouvriers qui vivent de l'industrie de coton (Paris: n.p., 1863). For an insightful discussion of these inquiries, see William Reddy, The Rise of Market Culture: The Textile Trade and French Society, 1750-1900 (Cambridge, Eng.: Cambridge University Press, 1984), pp. 230-31, 233.

17. Edward P. Thompson, The Making of the English Working Class (New York: Vintage Books, 1963).

18. Neil Smelser, Social Change and the Industrial Revolution (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1959); Michael Anderson, Family Structure in Nineteenth Century Lancashire (Cambridge, Eng.: Cambridge University Press, 1971), especially pp. 136-69; Yves Lequin, Les ouvriers de la région lyonnaise, vol. 1. For a study of migration and family relations, see Leslie Page Moch, Paths to the City: Regional Migration in Nineteenth-Century France (Beverly Hills: Sage Publications, 1983), especially pp. 123-67.

19. Franklin F. Mendels coined the term; see Mendels, "Proto-Industrialization: The First Phase of the Industrialization Process," Journal of Economic History 32 (1972): 241-61. The literature on this topic has expanded ever since. For example, see Charles Tilly, "Flows of Capital and Forms of Industry in Europe, 1500-1900," Theory and Society 12 (1983): 123-42; Tilly, "Did the Cake of Custom Break?" in Consciousness and Class Experience in Nineteenth-Century Europe, ed. John M. Merriman (New York: Holmes & Meier, 1979), pp. 17-44; Maxine Berg, The Age of Manufactures: Industry, Innovation and Work in Britain, 1700-1820 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986), pp. 69-86.

20. Hans Medick, "The Proto-Industrial Family Economy: The Structural Function of Household and Family during the Transition from Peasant Society to Industrial Capitalism," Social History 3 (1976): 291-315; Rudolf Braun, "Early Industrialization and Demographic Change in the Canton of Zurich," in Historical Studies of Changing Fertility, ed. Charles Tilly (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1978), pp. 289-334; David Levine, Family Formation in an Age of Nascent Capitalism (New York: Academic Press, 1977); Levine, "Proto-Industrialization and Demographic Upheaval," in Essays on the Family and Historical Change, ed. Leslie Page Moch and Gary D. Stark (Arlington: Texas A&M University Press, 1983), pp. 9-34; Levine, "Production, Reproduction, and the Proletarian Family in England, 1500-1851," and Tilly, "Demographic Origins of the European Proletariat," both in Proletarianization and Family History, ed. David Levine (New York: Academic Press, 1984), pp. 87-127 and 1-85.

21. Louise A. Tilly and Joan W. Scott, Women, Work and Family (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1978), p. 232.

22. See, for example, Barbara Franzoi, "Domestic Industry: Work Options and Women's Choices," in German Women in the Nineteenth Century: A Social History, ed. John C. Fout (New York: Holmes & Meier, 1984), pp. 256-69; Marilyn Boxer, "Women in Industrial Homework: The Flowermakers of Paris in the Belle Epoque," French Historical Studies 12 (Spring 1982): 401-23.

23. Jane Humphries, "Class Struggle and the Persistence of the Working Class Family," in Cambridge Journal of Economics, 1 (Sept. 1977): 241-58, p. 250; see also Humphries, "The Working Class Family, Women's Liberation, and Class Struggle: The Case of Nineteenth Century British History," Review of Radical Political Economics 8-9 (1976-1977): 25-41.

24. Reddy, The Rise of Market Culture, p. 311.

25. For example, see Tilly and Scott, Women, Work and Family, pp. 99-100, 225-27.

26. A notable exception, though not of the nineteenth century, is the study of Jean-Pierre Bardet, Rouen aux XVII^e et XVIII^e siècles: les mutations d'un espace social, 2 vols. (Paris: Société d'Édition d'Enseignement Supérieur, 1983).

27. For an explanation of family reconstitution, see Appendix A.

28. Michelle Perrot has addressed this question in "The Three Ages of Industrial Discipline in Nineteenth-Century France," in Consciousness and Class Experience in Nineteenth-Century Europe, ed. John M. Merriman (New York: Holmes & Meier, 1979), pp. 149-68.

29. Michel Foucault, Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison, trans. Alan Sheridan (New York: Pantheon, 1977); Jacques Donzelot, The Policing of Families (New York: Pantheon, 1979); Perrot, "The Three Ages of Industrial Discipline in Nineteenth-Century France."

30. Lequin, Les ouvriers de la région lyonnaise; Hanagan, The Logic of Solidarity; Sanford Elwitt, The Making of the Third Republic: Class and Politics in France, 1868-1884 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1975); and Gordon, Merchants and Capitalists.

1. L. Turgan, "Les établissements Oriol et Alamagny," in his Les grandes usines de la France, 16 vols. (Paris: Michel Levy, 1865-1884), 15:13-16; Stéphane Bertholon, Histoires de Saint-Chamond: notes et souvenirs d'un vieux couramiaud (Saint Etienne, n.p., 1927), p. 82; L. Jury, "L'Industrie des lacets," in L'Association pour l'Avancement des Sciences, XXVI session tenue à Saint-Etienne, août 1897, 2 vols. (Saint Chamond: A. Poméon, 1898), 2:8.

2. James Condamin, Histoire de Saint-Chamond et de la seigneurie de Jarez, depuis les temps les plus reculés jusqu'à nos jours (Paris: A. Picard, 1890), p. 643; Jury, "L'Industrie des lacets," p. 15; H. Baret, Manuel de rubanerie, passementerie et lacets (Paris: Ballière, 1924), p. 16; Bertholon, Histoires de Saint-Chamond, p. 80; Turgan, "Les établissements Oriol et Alamagny," p. 12. For the early history of Saint Chamond's braid industry, see Baret, Manuel de rubanerie, pp. 55-58; Turgan, "Les établissements Oriol et Alamagny," pp. 13-16; L.-J. Gras, Histoire de la rubanerie et des industries de la soie à Saint-Etienne et dans la région stéphanoise suivie d'une historique de la fabrique de lacets de Saint-Chamond (Saint Etienne: Théolier, 1906), pp. 706-9; J. Duplessy, Essai statistique sur le département de la Loire (Montbrison: n.p., 1818), p. 339.

3. Maurice Lévy-Leboyer, Les banques européennes et l'industrialisation internationale dans la première moitié du XIX^e siècle (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1964), p. 335.

4. See Cynthia M. Truant, "Solidarity and Symbolism among Journeymen Artisans: The Case of Compagnonnage," Comparative Studies in Society and History 21 (April 1979): 214-26; William H. Sewell, Work and Revolution in France: The Language of Labor from the Old Regime to 1848 (Cambridge, Eng.: Cambridge University Press, 1980), pp. 162-218.

5. Bertholon, Histoires de Saint-Chamond, pp. 34, 37, 42, 63-65, 70, 92.

6. Archives Nationales, Paris (henceforth AN), C956, "Enquête sur le travail agricole et industriel," arrondissement de Saint-Etienne, 1848; Armand Audiganne, Les populations ouvrières et les industries de la France dans le mouvement social du XIX^e siècle (Paris: Capelle, 1854), p. 309; Duplessy, Essai statistique, p. 392; Bernard Plessy, La vie quotidienne en Forez avant 1914 (Paris: Hachette, 1981), pp. 110-18.

7. For a useful discussion of the role of fabricants, see Plessy, La vie quotidienne en Forez, pp. 101-3. Among other ribbon fabricants who gave Saint Chamond so much to be proud of were G. Bertholon, Bertholon-Dulac, A. Thevenon-Roux, Morel, Magnin father and son, Grange, Bonnard, Coste and Co., Granjon-Gougout and Co., Charles Granjon and Co., and Dubouchet-Fond. See Condamin, Histoire de Saint-Chamond, p. 643.

8. ADL 81M 22, letter from the mayor of Saint Chamond to the prefect, 4 Feb. 1835; Duplessy, Essai statistique, pp. 396-97; L. R. Villermé, Tableau de l'état physique et moral des ouvriers employés dans les manufactures de coton, de laine et de soie, 2 vols. (Paris: Renouard, 1840), 2:47, 345.

9. Villermé, Tableau de l'état physique et moral, 2:345. For conditions of silk workers, see also Jules Simon, L'Ouvrière (Paris: Hachette, 1891).

10. Descriptions of women's silk work may also be found in Simon, L'Ouvrière, pp. 7-40; Bertholon, Histoires de Saint-Chamond, pp. 66-69; and Plessy, La vie quotidienne en Forez, pp. 107-8.

11. AN C956, "Enquête sur le travail," 1848.

12. Simon, L'Ouvrière, pp. 7-40; Plessy, La vie quotidienne en Forez, pp. 107-8.

13. AN C956, "Enquête sur le travail," 1848; Plessy, La vie quotidienne en Forez, p. 119.

14. Villermé's investigations helped perpetuate the view that domestic industry did not pose the same health problems as did workshops devoted to silk. Citing Villermé's Tableau de l'état physique et moral, pp. 233-38, for example, William Coleman notes, "Except for the preparation of the raw silk drawn from the cocoon, the entire industry seemed not less and perhaps somewhat more salubrious than other branches of textile manufacture": William Coleman, Death Is a Social Disease: Public Health and Political Economy in Early Industrial France (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1982), p. 223. It is not clear, however, that Villermé ever spent any time in workers' homes. The government inquiry of 1848 portrays conditions in the homes of silkweavers as quite unhealthy. AN C956, "Enquête sur le travail," 1848.

15. It was possible to collect some information for 72 percent of the couples who married between 1816 and 1825. Death registrations were found for one or both spouses in 51 percent of the cases. See Appendix A for a more detailed explanation of the method of family reconstitution. Data on occupations and occupational inheritance here and below are drawn from marriage records in ADL, subseries 3E 208, 1816-1825. One hundred of the silk workers' fathers, or 39 percent, declared an occupation; of those, 41 wove ribbons. For a full representation of fathers' occupations, see Elinor Accampo, "Industrialization and the Working Class Family: Saint Chamond, 1815-1880," Ph.D. diss., University of California, Berkeley, 1984, p. 312.

16. ADL, series S, Chambre de Commerce de Saint-Etienne, carton 141 dossier 7, letter to the prefect from Saint Etienne regarding the law of 1841, no date.

17. See Appendix B, Table B-1, for occupational endogamy. For a discussion of occupational endogamy and other examples, see John Gillis, For Better, for Worse: British Marriages, 1600 to the Present (New York: Oxford University Press, 1985), pp. 117, 175. The literacy rates in Saint Chamond are drawn from signatures on marriage records in ADL, subseries 3E 208, 1815-1825. See also Chapter 2 n. 44, and Accampo, "Industrialization," pp. 246-47.

18. See Appendix B, Table B-2, for occupational inheritance. Fifty-two percent of the grooms' fathers had died, and another 12 percent did not attend the weddings. Of the sixty fathers who declared occupations, thirty-nine were ribbon weavers. For more detail, see Accampo, "Industrialization," Table 3.13, p. 122. For occupational inheritance among ribbon weavers' daughters, see Appendix B, Table B-3.

19. Henri Guitton, L'Industrie des rubans de soie en France: des particularités de son organisation technique, économique et sociale (Paris: Sirey, 1928), quoted in Plessy, La vie quotidienne en Forez, p. 95. See also p. 118.

20. Jury, "L'Industrie des lacets," p. 5; J. Valserres, Les industries de la Loire (Saint Etienne: n.p., 1862), p. 285.

21. Valserres, Les industries de la Loire, pp. 286-90; see also Lévy-Leboyer, Les banques européennes, pp. 130-32; Baret, Manuel de rubanerie, pp. 36-54.

22. Audiganne, Les populations ouvrières, p. 399; Robert J. Bezucha, The Lyon Uprising of 1834: Social and Political Conflict in the Early July Monarchy (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1974), p. 23; Colin Lucas, The Structure of the Terror: The Example of Javogues and the Loire (London: Oxford University Press, 1973), p. 10.

23. Plessy, La vie quotidienne en Forez, pp. 107-8.

24. Valserres, Les industries de la Loire, p. 389.

25. AN C956, "Enquête sur le travail," 1848.

26. For fancier weaving as a male activity, see Archives du Ministère de la Guerre, Vincennes, MR1266, "Rapport sur la reconnaissance de la route de Saint-Etienne à Saint-Chamond," 1837; Duplessy, Essai statistique, p. 393; Audiganne, Les populations ouvrières, p. 231. The same phenomenon occurred in Lyon; see Bezucha, The Lyon Uprising of 1834, p. 194. For the concentration of plain ribbons in the countryside and patterned ribbons in the city, see Yves Lequin, Les ouvriers de la région lyonnaise (1848-1914), 2 vols. (Lyon: Presses Universitaires de Lyon, 1977), 1:23; Simon, L'Ouvrière, p. 75; and Lévy-Leboyer, Les banques européennes, p. 131.

27. AN C956, "Enquête sur le travail," 1848.

28. Plessy, La vie quotidienne en Forez, pp. 108-11.

29. AN C956, "Enquête sur le travail agricole et industriel," canton of Saint Chamond, 1848.

30. Ibid.

31. Ibid.

32. Ibid. For the noxious effects of breathing silk dust, see Coleman, Death Is a Social Disease, pp. 223-24.

33. AN C956, "Enquête sur le travail agricole et industriel," canton of Saint Chamond, 1848.

34. Ibid.

35. ADL 81M 22, letter from the Consultative Chamber of Arts and Manufactures to the prefect, 1813; letter from the Consultative Chamber to the minister of the interior, 27 May 1809.

36. Jury, "L'Industrie des lacets," p. 6; Bertholon, Histoires de Saint-Chamond, pp. 81-82.

37. ADL 56M 4, 1824-1847, document 37, report to the minister of manufactures and commerce, 1830s; there were eighteen ribbon fabricants in Saint Chamond employing 392 workers in the city, 1,240 in the countryside; Archives de la Ministère de la Guerre, Vincennes, MR1266, "Rapport sur les environs de Saint-Chamond," 1843. Among the more important fabricants of ribbons who converted to braids were Bergé in 1848, Balas-Dubouchet in 1859, and the Grangier brothers (who became Grangier-Reymond) in 1860. See Condamin, Histoire de Saint-Chamond, pp. 640-43; Bertholon, Histoires de Saint-Chamond, p. 82. See also ADL, series S, Archives de la Chambre de Commerce, carton 139 dossier 1, register of deliberations, 27 Jan. 1840. The government inquiry of 1848 reported that 415 men and 615 women were employed in the ribbon fabrique in the canton of Saint Chamond. This number includes the countryside, and the total of 1,030 compares with 1,632 reported in the previous decade. See AN C956, "Enquête industrielle et sociale des ouvriers et des chefs d'ateliers rubaniers," arrondissement of Saint Etienne, 1848.

38. The calculation of 43 percent underrepresents the geographical stability of ribbon weavers, for those who had died prior to 1850 were included in the denominator. See Appendix B, Table B-4, for analysis of occupations and geographical stability.

39. ADL, subseries 3E 208, births, marriages, and deaths in Saint Chamond, 1816-1865; reconstituted families beginning with marriage no. 27, 13 Jan. 1819, and marriage no. 11, 4 Jan. 1820.

40. See Chapter 2.

41. These rates of marriage are based on the number of children ever born and do not take into account those who died prior to reaching adulthood. Of those who survived, 35.4 percent of the sons married in Saint Chamond and 40.2 percent of ribbon weavers' sons married in Saint Chamond. Because many infant deaths were not registered in Saint Chamond (see Chapter 2), using the total number of births rather than the total number who survived is more accurate. See Appendix B, Table B-5.

42. ADL, subseries 3E 208, births, marriages, and deaths in Saint Chamond, 1816-1865; reconstituted family beginning with marriage no. 392, 20 Sept. 1819.

43. Of those who survived to adulthood, 41.6 percent of all daughters married in Saint Chamond, while 35 percent of the ribbon weavers' daughters did. Again, these figures cannot be taken at face value because, particularly among the children of ribbon weavers, deaths were underregistered (see Chapter 2). For second-generation marriages, see Appendix B, Table B-5. Of twenty-eight ribbon weavers' daughters who married (including those from "open" families), twelve married ribbon weavers or men associated with the industry, eight married metal workers (most of whom were skilled), two married shoemakers, and one each married a hotel boy, a railroad employee, a confectioner, a café keeper, and a pharmacist.

44. Valserres, Les industries de la Loire, p. 336.

45. Quoted from the Chambre Syndicale by Plessy, La vie quotidienne en Forez, p. 101.

46. Villermé, Tableau de l'état physique, p. 401. For the incompatibility of iron and silk, see also ADL, series S, Chambre de Commerce de Saint-Etienne, carton 139 dossier 2, "Extrait du registre des délibérations de la séance," 27 Jan. 1840, and carton 59 dossier 1, Jules Janin, "La ville de Saint-Etienne," 1831.

47. M. Capnophobe, dit Stéphanois la Vérité, Les machines à vapeur et les grands foyers de combustion à la houille en présence de l'industrie rubanière, Aug. 1854, quoted by Plessy, La vie quotidienne en Forez, p. 91.

48. Duplessy, Essai statistique, pp. 148, 155.

49. Audiganne, Les populations ouvrières, p. 318.

50. Duplessy, Essai statistique, pp. 148, 155.

51. Louis Reybaud, "Rapport sur la condition morale, intellectuelle et matérielle des ouvriers qui vivent de l'industrie du fer, 1866-1871" (Musée Sociale, no. 9920, vol. 4).

52. For the local history of nail making, see L.-J. Gras, Essai sur l'histoire de la quincaillerie de petite métallurgie à Saint-Etienne et dans la région stéphanoise (Saint Etienne: Théolier, 1904), p. 51; Duplessy, Essai statistique, p. 329; Bertholon, Histoires de Saint-Chamond, pp. 107-8; Maxime Perrin, Saint-Etienne et sa région économique: un type de vie industrielle en France (Tours: Arrault, 1937), pp. 216-17; Jean-Paul Bravard, "La clouterie dans la région de Firminy," Notes d'histoire: au pays de cloutiers (Firminy: Maison de la Culture de Firminy, February 1977): 1-18.

53. ADL, series S, Chambre de Commerce de Saint-Etienne, carton 131 dossier 9, Chambre Consultative des Arts et Manufactures, "Mémoire sur l'industrie," 24 March 1810.

54. Unless otherwise indicated, this and the following discussion are based primarily on the text of interviews with former nail makers and descendants of nail makers in the hamlet of Ouilles, conducted by Jean-Paul Bravard, 22 January 1977; see Bravard, "La clouterie dans la région de Firminy."

55. Gras, Essai sur l'histoire de la quincaillerie, p. 104; Bravard, "La clouterie dans la région de Firminy."

56. Gras, Essai sur l'histoire de la quincaillerie, p. 104.

57. Sociability around the forge is discussed in the interviews Bravard conducted; see "La clouterie dans la région de Firminy." Of twenty-two brides' fathers who declared their occupation as nail maker between 1816 and 1825, ten had sons-in-law who were also nail makers.

58. Bravard, "La clouterie dans la région de Firminy."

59. Of twenty-two nail makers' daughters who married, thirteen performed silk work of some kind: Accampo, "Industrialization and the Working Class Family," p. 309. For the combination of silk and metal in the same household, see ADL 40M 93, document 238, report on the establishment of a metallurgical factory, 24 March 1841.

60. John Gillis, on the other hand, found occupational endogamy among miners and metal workers in England in the 1840s; see For Better, for Worse, p. 118

61. Bravard, "La clouterie dans la région de Firminy." For occupational inheritance, see Appendix B, Table B-6. Out of 102 nail makers, the fathers of 67.6 percent had died or simply did not declare occupations, and another 3 percent did not attend the weddings. Of 24 fathers who declared their occupations as nail makers, 17 had sons in the same occupation.

62. See Appendix B, Table B-4.

63. Bernard Farber, Guardians of Virtue: Salem Families in 1800 (New York: Basic Books, 1972), p. 97.

64. ADL, subseries 3E 208, families reconstituted from marriages no. 2, 5 Jan. 1824; no. 20, 1 March 1824; no. 23, 15 Feb. 1817; no. 29, 3 July 1816.

65. Quoted in Bravard, "La clouterie dans la région de Firminy," p. 14.

66. Of forty-three nail makers' sons for whom occupations could be found, ten declared themselves to be nail makers, nine declared jobs of varying skill levels in heavy metallurgy, and five were ribbon weavers. The remainder declared the following: cooper (2), tailor (2), miner (3), reader (liseur for ribbon weaving), mason, cabinet merchant, apprentice confectioner, plasterer, gardener, dyer, telegraph employee, apprentice locksmith.

67. Of the daughters who survived to adulthood, 39 percent married in Saint Chamond. But because deaths were under-registered (see Chapter 2), this percentage cannot be taken at face value. These calculations are based on "closed" reconstituted families—that is, those in which the recorded death of either spouse had provided a known end to the period of family formation (for a full explanation of family reconstitution, see Appendix A). Among the families of all nail makers, regardless of whether they were "open" or "closed," fifty-two daughters married; of those, twelve married nail makers and twelve married workers in heavy metallurgy. The remainder married stonecutters (4), miners (5), bakers (2), cabinet makers (2), ribbon weavers (6), farmers (2), a locksmith, a loom mechanic, a carriage driver, a blacksmith, a master bootmaker, a shoemaker, and a postal worker.

68. Farber makes this argument in Guardians of Virtue, pp. 105-10.

1. For the literature on proto-industrialization, see Introduction, note 19.

2. Charles Tilly, "Flows of Capital and Forms of Industry in Europe, 1500-1900," Theory and Society 12 (1983): 129.

3. Hans Medick, "The Proto-Industrial Family Economy: The Structural Function of Household and Family during the Transition from Peasant Society to Industrial Capitalism," Social History 3 (1976): 291-315; Rudolf Braun, "Early Industrialization and Demographic Change in the Canton of Zurich," in Historical Studies of Changing Fertility, ed. Charles Tilly (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1978), pp. 289-334; David Levine, Family Formation in an Age of Nascent Capitalism (New York: Academic Press, 1977); Levine, "Proto-Industrialization and Demographic Upheaval," in Essays on the Family and Historical Change, ed. Leslie Page Moch and Gary D. Stark (Arlington: Texas A & M University Press, 1983), pp. 9-34; Levine, "Production, Reproduction, and the Proletarian Family in England, 1500-1851," and Charles Tilly, "Demographic Origins of the European Proletariat," in Proletarianization and Family History, ed. David Levine (New York: Academic Press, 1984), pp. 87-127 and 1-85; John Gillis, For Better, for Worse: British Marriages, 1600 to the Present (New York: Oxford University Press, 1985), p. 117.

4. In his study of the female population of France, Etienne van de Walle showed that many regions had reached a low level of fertility by 1801-1810. But this trend did not occur in the region surrounding Saint Chamond. The Loire had thirty-five to thirty-nine female births per thousand women between 1801 and 1805. These rates remained the same between 1826 and 1830. The measure of marital fertility, Ig, was over .700 in 1831, suggesting that few people were practicing contraception. This rate was very high in comparison to the rest of France. See Etienne van de Walle, The Female Population of France in the Nineteenth Century: A Reconstruction of Eighty-Two Departments (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1974), pp. 170-76. Ig as a measurement of marital fertility was developed by Ansley J. Coale. The rate is based on the marital fertility of the Hutterite population, for whom total absence of fertility control could be postulated. The index Ig represents the ratio of births in any population to that of the Hutterites after the age structure of the female population has been standardized. Prior to the demographic transition, most European populations had 70 to 90 percent of the marital fertility of the Hutterites; that is, their Ig's were .700 to .900. It is commonly believed that ratios this high indicate that there is no fertility control within marriage. Etienne van de Walle notes, "As a rule of thumb, an Ig of less than .500 indicates with quasi-certainty the voluntary control of marital fertility, and an Ig of less than .600 the great probability of such control. There are wide areas of France where such control appears well-established as early as 1831" (pp. 174-76). Ansley J. Coale describes this measure in "The Decline of Fertility in Europe from the French Revolution to World War II," in Fertility and Family Planning: A World View, ed. S. J. Behrman, Leslie Corsa, and Ronald Freedman (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1969), pp. 3-24.

5. Colin Lucas, The Structure of the Terror: The Example of Javogues and the Loire (London: Oxford University Press, 1973), p. 10.

6. See C. Tilly, "Demographic Origins of the European Proletariat"; Levine, "Production, Reproduction, and the Proletarian Family in England"; Levine, "Proto-Industrialization and Demographic Upheaval"; C. Tilly, "Did the Cake of Custom Break?" in Consciousness and Class Experience in Nineteenth-Century Europe, ed. John M. Merriman (New York: Holmes & Meier, 1979); Braun, "Early Industrialization and Demographic Change"; Charles Tilly, "Historical Study of Vital Processes," in Historical Studies of Changing Fertility, pp. 3-55; Levine, Family Formation in an Age of Nascent Capitalism; Medick, "The Proto-Industrial Family Economy"; Franklin F. Mendels, "Proto-Industrialization: The First Phase of the Industrialization Process," Journal of Economic History 32 (1972): 241-61; Gillis, For Better, for Worse, chapter 4, esp. p. 126.

7. Quoted from Louis Blanc, L'Organisation du travail, in Louis Chevalier, Laboring Classes and Dangerous Classes in Paris during the First Half of the Nineteenth Century, trans. Frank Jellinek (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1973), pp. 455-56n.38.

8. Louis Henry first developed the technique of family reconstitution. See Michel Fleury and Louis Henry, Nouveau manuel de dépouillement et d'exploitation de l'état civil ancien (Paris: Editions de l'Institut National d'Études Démographiques, 1965). See also Louis Henry, Techniques d'analyse en démographie historique (Paris: INED, 1980). The reconstitution of families in Saint Chamond is based on the état civil in ADL, subseries 3E 208, births, marriages, and deaths in the commune of Saint Chamond, 1816 to 1865. Those after 1865 are in the Palais de Justice in Saint Etienne, Greffe du Tribunal de Grande Instance (henceforth GTGI). For a fuller explanation of how I have employed this technique, see Appendix A.

9. For age at marriage, see Louis Henry and Jacques Houdaille, "Célibat et âge au mariage aux 18^e et 19^e siècles en France. II: Age au premier mariage," Population 34 (March 1979): 403-41; Louis Henry, "The Population of France," in Population in History, ed. D. V. Glass and E. E. C. Eversley (London: E. Arnold, 1965), p. 454; for Lyon, see Maurice Garden, Lyon et les lyonnais au XVIII^e siècle (Paris: Flammarion, 1975), p. 56.

10. But interpretation of the complex demographic and cultural factors behind age at marriage requires caution. Historians and demographers have not succeeded in establishing reasons for late age at marriage prior to the nineteenth century with empirical certainty; thus reasons for the drop in marriage age are also based on some speculation. For a recent discussion of factors surrounding weddings, see John Gillis, "Peasant, Plebeian, and Proletarian Marriage in Britain, 1600-1900," in Proletarianization and Family History, pp. 129-162; see also John Hajnal, "European Marriage Patterns in Perspective," in Population in History, pp. 101-46; Lutz K. Berkner and Franklin F. Mendels, "Inheritance Systems, Family Structure, and Demographic Patterns in Western Europe, 1700-1900," in Historical Studies of Changing Fertility, pp. 209-23; Jack Goody, Joan Thirsk, and E. P. Thompson, Family and Inheritance: Rural Society in Western Europe, 1200-1800 (Cambridge, Eng.: Cambridge University Press, 1976); Jean-Louis Flandrin, Families in Former Times: Kinship, Household and Sexuality, trans. Richard Southern (Cambridge, Eng.: Cambridge University Press, 1976), pp. 184-86; Michael Mitterauer and Reinhard Sieder, The European Family: Patriarchy to Partnership from the Middle Ages to the Present, trans. Karla Oosterveen and Manfred Horzinger (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1983), pp. 121-26; Lawrence Stone, The Family, Sex and Marriage in England, 1500 to 1800 (New York: Harper and Row, 1977), pp. 42-62; Gillis, For Better, for Worse; pp. 117-19.

11. Gillis, For Better, for Worse, p. 174

12. Even if the children did not view themselves as part of the family economy, their parents did. Emile Zola provides us with a graphic example in Germinal: neither La Levaque nor La Maheude wanted her child to marry, even though a child had already been born to the young couple; Philomène's and Zacharie's wages were too important to their respective families for them to be allowed to establish their own household. It was only after Philomène had a second child that her mother wanted her to leave the household. La Levaque then argued with La Maheude, who still did not want to relinquish Zacharie's wages to a new household. See Germinal, trans. Stanley and Eleanor Hochman (New York: NAL, 1970), p. 85. Gillis points to a similar example in For Better, for Worse, p. 118. See also Joan W. Scott and Louise A. Tilly, "Women's Work and the Family in Nineteenth Century Europe," Comparative Studies in Society and History 17 (1975): 36-64; and Louise A. Tilly and Joan W. Scott, Women, Work and Family (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1978), pp. 32-42.

13. See Appendix B, Table B-7. Interestingly, parental death assumed much larger proportions among the parents of nail makers than ribbon weavers. The fact that there was virtually no difference in age at marriage for nail makers and ribbon weavers suggests that nail makers' fathers died at a younger age. But, for numerous reasons, the meaning of such rates cannot be determined. Moreover, even if there were a connection between parental death and the timing of marriage, the presence of siblings and birth order would certainly play a role in timing of marriage as well.

14. See, for example, Gillis, "Peasant, Plebeian and Proletarian Marriage in Britain, 1600-1900," pp. 151-57. See also Gillis, For Better, for Worse, p. 128, where he argues that in the context of rural industrialization, the willingness of women to bear children outside of marriage may actually have been a sign of family cohesion, as these women and their offspring remained a part of the family economy. For a controversial discussion of the causes for the rise in illegitimacy during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, see Edward Shorter, The Making of the Modern Family (New York: Basic Books, 1975), pp. 80-98. For another perspective, see Louise A. Tilly and Miriam Cohen, "Women's Work and European Fertility Patterns," Journal of Interdisciplinary History 6 (Winter, 1976): 447-76; Levine, "Proto-Industrialization and Demographic Upheaval," p. 30; Peter Laslett, Family Life and Illicit Love in Earlier Generations (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1977), chapter 3.

15. Michael W. Flinn, The European Demographic System, 1500-1820 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1981), p. 118.

16. Rates of illegitimacy in Saint Chamond between 1824 and 1830 are drawn from ADL, 48M 5, "Mouvement de la population," 1824, 1825, 1826, 1827, 1828, 1829, and 1830. Between 1820 and 1829, Lyon had an illegitimacy rate of 14.3; Rouen, 24.1; and Meulan, 6.1. See Jean-Pierre Bardet, Rouen aux XVII^e et XVIII^e siècles: les mutations d'un espace social, 2 vols. (Paris: Société d'Edition d'Enseignement Supérieur, 1983), 1:320. But the number of illegitimate births per 100 births is a poor measure of the level of illegitimacy, because it does not account for the number of unmarried women in their childbearing years: ages fifteen to forty-five. Young women who came from the countryside to do seasonal silk work in Saint Chamond may have inflated the rate. For an alternative way of measuring illegitimacy, see Shorter, The Making of the Modern Family, pp. 332-36.

17. The French average is based on data from only 35 parishes, in which rates fluctuated from 9.7 in the southwest to 25.3 in Loumarin (Vaucluse). See Flinn, The European Demographic System, pp. 25-26, 122. In large cities the rate was much higher. In Rouen, for example, in 1789 it reached 31: Bardet, Rouen aux XVII^e et XVIII^e siècles, 1:324.

18. See David Weir, "Fertility Transition in Rural France, 1740-1829," Ph.D diss., Stanford University, 1982, table 6, p. 30, for rates of illegitimacy and prenuptial conceptions in rural areas that are similar to those in Saint Chamond.

19. In order to determine with certainty the number of years a woman spent in each age group, only "closed" or "MF"-type families were used, that is, families in which the death of one of the spouses provided a precise date for the end of marriage. In this cohort, 269 families were closed in such a manner.

20. Because a large proportion of marriages ended before the wife reached menopause, the number of children actually born is smaller than the total fertility rate. The number of children born to families in this cohort averaged 4.6. For calculations of m used here, see Appendix B, Table B-8. For explanations and examples of m, the index of fertility control, see Ansley J. Coale and T. James Trussell, "Technical Note: Finding the Two Parameters That Specify a Model Schedule of Marital Fertility," Population Index 44 (1978): 203-11; John E. Knodel, "Family Limitation and the Fertility Transition: Evidence from the Age Patterns of Fertility in Europe and Asia," Population Studies 31 (1977): 219-49; for a critical analysis, see Weir, "Fertility Transition in Rural France," pp. 47-58.

21. For recent and very interesting critiques of the concept of natural fertility, see Angus McLaren, Reproductive Rituals: The Perception of Fertility in England from the Sixteenth Century to the Nineteenth Century (New York: Methuen, 1984), and Judith Blake, "Fertility Transition: Continuity or Discontinuity with the Past?" in Proceedings of the International Population Conference, Florence, 5-12 June 1985 (International Union for the Scientific Study of Population), 4:393-405.

22. See Weir, "Fertility Transition in Rural France," table 13, p. 65; Levine, "Proto-Industrialization and Demographic Upheaval," p. 20.

23. Both Weir, "Fertility Transition in Rural France," pp. 62-66, and Bardet, Rouen aux XVII^e et XVIII^e siècles, 1:268-71, establish a trend of sharper decline in later years of marriage. The question is a complex one, however; see Weir, "Fertility Transition in Rural France," pp. 58-62, for a discussion of the literature.

24. Louis Henry, Anciennes familles genevoises: étude démographique, XVI^e-XX^e siècles (Paris: P.U.F., 1956), established fertility decline among the upper bourgeoisie. For early fertility decline among notables and merchants in Rouen, see Bardet, Rouen aux XVII^e et XVIII^e siècles, 1:279-83.

25. Levine, "Proto-Industrialization and Demographic Upheaval," p. 16.

26. Flinn, The European Demographic System, pp. 84-85; Weir, "Fertility Transition in Rural France," pp. 68-70. For mean age at birth of the last child by class between 1670 and 1789 in Rouen, see Bardet, Rouen aux XVII^e et XVIII^e siècles, 1:282.

27. For duration of childbearing in Saint Chamond, see Appendix B, Table B-9.

28. The literature on this issue speaks to its complexity. See, for example, Etienne van de Walle and Francine van de Walle, "Allaitement, stérilité et contraception: les opinions jusqu'au XIX^e siècle," Population 27 (1972): 686-701; John E. Knodel and Etienne van de Walle, "Breast-Feeding, Fertility and Infant Mortality: An Analysis of Some Early German Data," Population Studies 21 (1967): 109-31; Knodel, "Two and a Half Centuries of Demographic History in a Bavarian Village," Population Studies 3 (1970): 353-76; Flandrin, Families in Former Times, pp. 206-7.

29. Flandrin suggests that taboos against intercourse during breast-feeding motivated French couples to send their children to wet nurses. On this practice, see Flandrin, Families in Former Times, pp. 234-35; for effects on fertility, see pp. 201-17; see also C. Rollet, "Allaitement, mise en nour-rice et mortalité infantile en France à la fin du XIX^e siècle," Population 6 (1978): 1189-1203; Bardet, Rouen aux XVII^e et XVIII^e siècles, 1:288-96; John E. Knodel, "European Populations in the Past: Family Level Relations," in The Effects of Infant and Child Mortality on Fertility, ed. Samuel H. Preston (New York: Academic Press, 1978), pp. 21-45.

30. See Blake, "Fertility Transition"; Bardet, Rouen aux XVII^e et XVIII^e siècles, 1:263-64.

31. Knodel, "European Populations in the Past," pp. 21-45; Weir, "Fertility Transition in Rural France," pp. 106-51.

32. See Appendix B, Table B-10.

33. J. Duplessy, Essai statistique sur le département de la Loire (Montbrison: n.p., 1818), p. 132.

34. Henry, "The Population of France," pp. 445-48; see also Weir, "Fertility Transition in Rural France," p. 121, for survival rates from the INED data.

35. For life expectancy among women in the Loire, see van de Walle, The Female Population of France in the Nineteenth Century, table 8.1. Using life expectancy for the Loire obviously provides only a rough estimate for measuring infant mortality, since we cannot assume that life expectancy in Saint Chamond was the same as that for the entire department. However, it is more accurate than using the Saint Chamond child mortality rates. I am grateful to David Weir for suggesting this approach. If child mortality rates are used, they indicate that infant mortality is underestimated by 25 percent for girls and 55 percent for boys.

36. For a method for correcting the under-registration of deaths (but that cannot be applied to the Saint Chamond data) see Bardet, Rouen aux XVII^e et XVIII^e siècles, 1:368-71.

37. Garden, Lyon et les lyonnais, p. 62.

38. James R. Lehning, "Family Life and Wetnursing in a French Village," Journal of Interdisciplinary History 12 (Spring 1982): 645-56.

39. Garden, Lyon et les lyonnais, p. 72; see also pp. 64-72. On wet-nursing, see Bardet, Rouen aux XVII^e et XVIII^e siècles, pp. 288-96; George Sussman, "The Wet-Nursing Business in Nineteenth-Century France," French Historical Studies 9 (1975): 304-28; Sussman, "The End of the Wet-Nursing Business in France, 1874-1914," Journal of Family History 2 (Fall 1977): 237-58; Catherine Rollet, "Allaitement, mise en nourrice et mortalité infantile en France à la fin du XIX^e siècle," Population 6 (1978): 1189-1203.

40. Tilly and Scott, Women, Work and Family, p. 111. They quote Theodore Leuridan, Histoire de la fabrique de Roubaix (Roubaix: Beghin, 1864), pp. 156-57.

41. These family histories are based on the reconstituted families from marriage no. 49, 28 Nov. 1822 (Gautier-Vaganay) and marriage no. 48, 24 Sept. 1817 (Boissonna-Rey), in ADL, subseries 3E 208, births, deaths, and marriages, 1816-1865.

42. Garden, Lyon et les lyonnais, p. 62; Bonnie Smith discusses wives' assistance to their entrepreneurial husbands in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. Significantly, when they did assist their husbands they had small families, and later in the century, when women became more domestic, they had much larger families. See Ladies of the Leisure Class: The Bourgeoises of Northern France in the Nineteenth Century (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1981), pp. 34-49.

43. Jean-Paul Bravard, "La clouterie dans la région de Firminy," Notes d'histoire: au pays de cloutiers (Firminy: Maison de la Culture de Firminy, Feb. 1977): 1-18.

44. Wives of food merchants, shopkeepers, and men in miscellaneous services signed their marriage records at an especially high rate: 77 and 78 percent, respectively. For signatures as evidence for literacy, see F. Furet and W. Sachs, "La croissance de l'alphabétisation en France, XVIII^e-XIX^e siècles," Annales ESC 3 (May-June 1974): 714-37; F. Furet and J. Ozouf, Reading and Writing: Literacy in France from Calvin to Jules Ferry (Cambridge, Eng.: Cambridge University Press, 1982), pp. 10-18. Because children were taught to read before they were taught to write, being able to write one's name has been considered an indication that one could read. And yet there are good reasons for skepticism. See Eugen Weber, Peasants into Frenchmen: The Modernization of Rural France, 1870-1914 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1976), p. 310. In addition to signatures on marriage records, other sources attest to the relatively high rate of literacy among ribbon weavers. See AN, C956, "Enquête sur le travail," 1848; Armand Audiganne, Les populations ouvrières et les industries de la France dans le mouvement social du XIX^e siècle (Paris: Capelle, 1854), p. 323.

45. AN, F^1c VII, Loire, 1840: report from the subprefect in Saint Etienne to the district council of the arrondissement.

46. For individualism among ribbon weavers, see Audiganne, Les populations ouvrières, p. 332. For middle-class values associated with fertility control, see Etienne van de Walle, "Motivations and Technology in the Decline of French Fertility," in Family and Sexuality in French History, ed. Robert Wheaton and Tamara K. Hareven (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1980), pp. 135-78; John E. Knodel, The Decline of Fertility in Germany, 1871-1939 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1974); Philippe Ariès, "An Interpretation to Be Used for a History of Mentalities," in Popular Attitudes toward Birth Control in Pre-Industrial France and England, ed. Orest Ranum and Patricia Ranum (New York: Harper Torchbooks, 1972), pp. 100-125; J. A. Banks and Olive Banks, Feminism and Family Planning in Victorian England (New York: Schocken Books, 1964).

47. See Bardet, Rouen aux XVII^e et XVIII^e siècles, 2:34.

48. For a valuable discussion of the attitudes of political economists toward fertility among the laboring poor and for a useful bibliography, see William Coleman, Death Is a Social Disease: Public Health and Political Economy in Early Industrial France (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1982), pp. 59-81. He draws much of his discussion from J. B. Say, A Treatise on Political Economy; or, The Production, Distribution, and Consumption of Wealth, trans. C. R. Prinsep, 4th American ed. (Philadelphia: John Grigg, 1830), and J. B. Say, Cours complet d'économie politique pratique, 2d ed., 2 vols. (Paris: Guillaumin, 1840). See also Chevalier, Laboring Classes and Dangerous Classes, pp. 455-56n38.

1. ADL, subseries 3E 208, births, marriages, and deaths in Saint Chamond, 1816-1865; after 1865, Palais de Justice, Saint-Etienne, Greffe du Tribunal de Grande Instance (henceforth GTGI): état civil of Saint Chamond, births, marriages, and deaths. Family history based on family reconstituted from marriage no. 30, 14 Jan. 1819.

2. See Chapter 2 and Appendix B, Table B-5.

3. L. Turgan, "Les établissements Oriol et Alamagny," in his Les grandes usines de la France, 16 vols. (Paris: Michel Levy, 1865-1884), 15:28-34; H. Baret, Manuel de rubanerie, passementerie et lacets (Paris: Ballière, 1924), pp. 11-12.

4. Archives de la Ministère de la Guerre, Vincennes, MR1266, "Rapport sur les environs de Saint-Chamond," 1843. Cf. Baret, Manuel de rubanerie, pp. 55-58; Turgan, "Les établissements Oriol et Alamagny," pp. 13-16; L.-J. Gras, Histoire de la rubanerie et des industries de la soie à Saint-Etienne et dans la région stéphanoise suivie d'un histoire de la fabrique de lacets de Saint-Chamond (Saint Etienne: Théolier, 1906), pp. 706-9.

5. Quoted in Bernard Plessy, La vie quotidienne en Forez avant 1914 (Paris: Hachette, 1981), p. 122. Cf. Turgan, "Les établissements Oriol et Alamagny," p. 13.

6. ADL, series S, Archives de la Chambre de Commerce de Saint Etienne, carton 59 dossier 1; L. Jury, "L'Industrie des lacets," in L'Association pour l'Avancement des Sciences, XXVI^e session tenue à Saint-Etienne, août 1897, 2 vols. (Saint Chamond: A. Poméon, 1898), 2:8.

7. J. Valserres, Les industries de la Loire, pp. 256, 317, 326; Jury, "L'Industrie des lacets," p. 15; Stéphane Bertholon, Histoires de Saint-Chamond: notes et souvenirs d'un vieux couramiaud (Saint Etienne: n.p., 1927), pp. 82, 90; for employers' roles in local government and associations, see Chapter 5.

8. Valserres, Les industries de la Loire, pp. 322-25; Jury, "L'Industrie des lacets," p. 17; Bibliothèque de la Chambre de Commerce de Saint-Etienne, Association des Fabricants de Lacets, Question du travail de nuit dans les fabriques de lacets de Saint-Chamond, petition no. 2, 12 March 1887 (Saint Etienne, 1890).

9. Valserres, Les industries de la Loire, p. 322.

10. Ibid., p. 325; Gras, Histoire de la rubanerie, p. 734.

11. Valserres, Les industries de la Loire, p. 321; Gras, Histoire de la rubanerie, p. 711.

12. Valserres, Les industries de la Loire, pp. 321-27; Jury, "L'Industrie des lacets," pp. 10-14. Michael Hanagan argues that all domestic industry disappeared by 1872: see The Logic of Solidarity: Artisans and Industrial Workers in Three French Towns, 1871-1914 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1980), p. 143.

13. Valserres, Les industries de la Loire, p. 322.

14. A. Audiganne, Les populations ouvrières et les industries de la France dans le mouvement social du XIX^e siècle (Paris: Capelle, 1854), p. 311.

15. How factory conditions were described depended on the observer's perspective. Turgan's massive compendium on France's large factories served to document French industrial progress. Factory conditions and women's factory work were thus viewed favorably. For a discussion of how Louis Reybaud's and Armand Audiganne's respective investigations of French industries and working conditions resulted in "masterpiece[s] of political accommodation," see William M. Reddy, The Rise of Market Culture: The Textile Trade and French Society, 1750-1900 (Cambridge, Eng.: Cambridge University Press, 1984), pp. 229-36.

16. Bibliothèque de la Chambre de Commerce de Saint-Etienne, Association des Fabricants de Lacets, Question du travail de nuit, petition no. 2, 12 March 1887, pp. 22-23.

17. For example, see Thomas Dublin, Women at Work: The Transformation of Work and Community in Lowell, Massachusetts, 1826-1860 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1979).

18. ADL 90M 1, report of August 1869. For persistence of the twelve-hour shifts, see 88M 18, petitions to the Minister of Commerce and Industry, June 1886 and March 1887.

19. Valserres, Les industries de la Loire, p. 322.

20. ADL 90M 1, police commissioner to the prefect, 3 Aug. 1869.

21. Fournier rightly complained that the standard history of Saint-Chamond, James Condamin's Histoire de Saint Chamond, published by A. Picard in 1890, was written for the bourgeoisie with the intention of flattering them. No one had written about the common people, especially the braid and metal workers on whose shoulders the fortunes of the bourgeoisie had been built. In his capacity as schoolteacher, Fournier had ample opportunity to observe workers in Saint Chamond and to know them well. Most important to him were the stories they had recounted to one another which had been handed down over the generations. In the 1930s, Fournier finally began to put these stories into print. He insists that he printed them unchanged from the way they were recounted among Saint-Chamonais workers. His purpose, moreover, was to preserve local legends so that they would remain a part of popular tradition as the oral tradition of story-telling declined. Though using his works as a source has obvious risks, they do provide rich material about working-class life in Saint Chamond. For his approach to preserving workers' popular culture, see M. Fournier, La vallée ardente: scènes de la vie populaire (Saint Etienne: Librairie Dubouchet, 1938), p. 9. His other works include L'Essor d'une ville ouvrière: l'oeuvre sociale de la municipalité de Saint Chamond (Saint Etienne: Imprimerie de la Loire Républicaine, 1934); Tableaux de la vie saint-chamonaise (Saint Chamond: Bordron, 1949); Les forgerons (Saint Chamond: Bordron, 1939); Les mineurs du Gier (Revue Forézienne, no date).

22. Fournier, La vallée ardente, p. 385;

23. Ibid.

24. For factory conditions see Fournier, La vallée ardente, p. 13. See factory inspection reports in ADL 88M 18.

25. Fournier, La vallée ardente, p. 13; see also Fournier, Tableaux de la vie saint-chamonaise.

26. ADL 49M 226, "Dénombrements de la population," 1876. This calculation is based on a sample coded and computerized and given to me by Michael Hanagan. See also 48M 68, "Mouvement de la population," arrondissement of Saint Etienne. Throughout the second half of the nineteenth century, females in Saint Chamond outnumbered males by about 1,500.

27. ADL 88M 18, petition to the Minister of Commerce and Industry, June 1886, and Bibliothèque de la Chambre de Commerce de Saint-Etienne, Association des Fabricants de Lacets, Question du travail de nuit, petition no. 2, 12 March 1887.

28. Turgan, "Les établissements Oriol et Alamagny," pp. 37-39.

29. Gras, Histoire de la rubanerie, p. 732.

30. L'Association International pour la Protection Légale des Travailleurs, Le travail de nuit des femmes dans l'industrie: rapports sur son importance et sa réglementation légale (Paris: n.p., 1903), pp. 176-79.

31. Bibliothèque de la Chambre de Commerce de Saint-Etienne, Association des Fabricants de Lacets, Question du travail de nuit, petition no. 2, 12 March 1887, p. 23.

32. ADL 88M 8, letter to the prefect from the Association des Fabricants de Lacets, 1 Feb. 1883; letter from Marc Bethenod, president of the Conseil de Prud'hommes, to the prefect, 2 Aug. 1883.

33. See inspection reports, ADL 88M 16, 1890. Only two firms, Irenée Brun and Antoine Reymondon, employed more girls between sixteen and twenty-one than women over twenty-one, and these two firms experienced the most difficulty with the law of 1892. See Chapter 6.

34. Jury, "L'Industrie des lacets," p. 18.

35. ADL 92M 49, "Pétition au préfet de la Loire des ouvrières au métier des fabriques de lacets de Saint-Chamond," circa 1893.

36. Ibid.

37. Bibliothèque de la Chambre de Commerce de Saint Etienne, Antoine Roule, "Midi," Petits poèmes et chansons, 1921.

38. ADL, subseries 3E 208, and GTGI: births, marriages, and deaths in Saint Chamond, 1816-1865. Families reconstituted from marriages 1816 to 1825. See Chapter 2.

39. For the composition of the labor force in braids, see ADL 10M 102, 1894; Bibliothèque de la Chambre de Commerce de Saint-Etienne, Association des Fabricants de Lacets, Question du travail de nuit, petition no. 2, 12 March 1887; Turgan, "Les établissements Oriol et Alamagny," p. 36; Valserres, Les industries de la Loire, p. 322.

40. ADL 88M 18, 18 July 1888; Valserres, Les industries de la Loire, p. 325.

41. ADL 88M 16, 4 June 1890; Condamin, Histoire de Saint-Chamond, pp. 21-24.

42. Jean Vial, Industrialisation de la sidérurgie française, 1814-1864, 2 vols. (Paris: Mouton, 1967), 1:114-15. For a history of metallurgy in this region, see also L. Babu, L'Industrie métallurgique dans la région de Saint-Etienne (Paris: Dunot, 1899); L. Turgan, "Notice sur les hauts-fourneaux, forges et aciéries de Petin; Gaudet et Compagnie à Vierzon, Givors, Toga, Rive-de-Gier, Saint-Chamond et Assaily," in Les grandes usines de la France, vol. 4 (Paris: Michel Levy, 1867); Louis Reybaud, Le fer et la houille (Paris: Michel Levy, 1874).

43. Valserres, Les industries de la Loire, pp. 135-41.

44. Ibid., p. 109. For descriptions of the Petin and Gaudet forges, see Louis Reybaud, "Rapport sur la condition morale, intellectuelle et matérielle des ouvriers qui vivent de l'industrie du fer, 1866-1871" (Musée Sociale, no. 9920, vol. 4), p. 659; Reybaud, Le fer et la houille, p. 152; Vial, Industrialisation de la sidérurgie française, 1:259.

45. For shifts in metal works, see AN F¹² 4728, 13 Oct. 1874; Valserres, Les industries de la Loire, p. 44.

46. Babu, L'Industrie métallurgique, pp. 138-41, 178; ADL, Archives de la Chambre de Commerce, carton 59 dossier 1, Bottin of 1858.

47. AN C3022, Loire, and C3021, Rhôone.

48. For workers' budgets, see Yves Lequin, Les ouvriers de la région lyonnaise (1848-1914). Vol. 2: Les intérêts de classe et de la république (Lyon: Presses Universitaires de Lyon, 1977), pp. 15-22; Michelle Perrot, Les ouvriers en grève: France, 1871-1890, 2 vols. (Paris: Mouton, 1974), 1:208-50.

49. Reybaud, Le fer et la houille, p. 147. L.-J. Gras estimates the cost of living in Histoire du commerce locale et des industries qui s'y rattachent dans la région stéphanoise et forézienne (Saint Etienne: Théolier, 1910), pp. 636-37.

50. Lequin, Les ouvriers de la région lyonnaise, 2:92.

51. See AN C3022, "Enquête sur la situation des classes ouvrières, 1872-1875," Loire; F¹² 4511B, "Situation industrielle de la Loire, 1865-1886"; ADL, 10M 102, 1894. For wages in metallurgy, throughout France as well as in Saint Chamond, see Vial, Industrialisation de la sidérurgie française, 1:156, 259; Reybaud, Le fer et la houille, pp. 146-52; Valserres, Les industries de la Loire, pp. 93, 152-55; Hanagan, The Logic of Solidarity, pp. 126-63.

52. AN F¹² 4511B, 1880 and 1881.

53. ADL, subseries 3E 208, and GTGI, marriages in Saint Chamond, 1861-1870. For the coding of professions, see Appendix A.

54. Hanagan, The Logic of Solidarity, pp. 129-35.

55. AN C3022, "Enquête sur la situation des classes ouvrières, 1872-1875," Loire: ADL 92M 14, document 67, 5 May 1875; Valserres, Les industries de la Loire, p. 159.

56. AN C3022, "Enquête, 1872-1875," Loire.

57. ADL 10M 102, May 1894.

58. AN F¹² 4511B, 1870-1871; ADL 92M 13, 19 Nov. 1872; 92M 14, 20 Feb. 1874; 10M 102, reports of police commissioner, March-November 1894; Lequin, Les ouvriers de la région lyonnaise, 2:71-75; Maxime Perrin, Saint-Etienne et sa région économique: un type de vie industrielle en France (Tours: Arrault, 1937), p. 225.

59. The occupations of 161 metal workers were traced through their reconstituted families. The 55 who changed occupations, many of whom changed more than once, declared the following: textiles (23), day laborer (5), mine worker (5), quarry worker (3), gardener (3), grocer (3), cultivator (2), navvy (2), joiner (2); one each declared himself engraver, nail maker, locksmith, gunsmith, rag picker, plasterer, cookware merchant, carriage driver, coal merchant, plaster foreman, coach commissioner, mail carrier, itinerant porcelain merchant, clog maker, railroad worker, entrepreneur, lodger, flour merchant, egg merchant, and fruit merchant.

60. ADL, subseries 3E 208, and GTGI, births, marriages, and deaths in Saint Chamond: based on families reconstituted from marriages no. 80, 17 Nov. 1865; no. 53, 27 May 1863; no. 85, 26 Sept. 1866; no. 79, 5 Nov. 1864. In abiding by the request of the French government to preserve anonymity of records in the état civil for the past one hundred years, I have substituted initials for full names when referring to events after 1875. Abandoning factory work to vend food was apparently common. See Reddy, The Rise of Market Culture, p. 272.

61. Reybaud, Le fer et la houille, p. 152.

62. Reybaud, "Rapport sur la condition morale," p. 535.

63. AN C3353, "Enquête parlementaire," Saint Etienne, 1884.

64. In 1869, female braid workers earned at most 1f40 per day. In 1894 they earned about 1f90: ADL 92M 12, 4 Aug. 1869; 10M 102, May 1894.

65. AN C3022, "Enquête, 1872-1875," Loire. Regarding children's work, see also Perrot, Les ouvriers en grève, 1:314. Laws regulating child labor generally became more effective during the second half of the nineteenth century, though their enforcement was uneven.

66. AN C3022, "Enquête, 1872-1875," Loire; ADL 92M 12, 4 and 6 August 1869; 88M 8, procès-verbaux against Bethenod, Balas, Dubouchet, March 1883.

67. AN C3022, "Enquête, 1872-1875," Loire.

68. See Chapter 5.

69. Jury, "L'Industrie des lacets," p. 16. See also Turgan, "Les établissements Oriol et Alamagny," p. 28.

70. Turgan reported in 1884 that Oriol et Alamagny employed 800 women, 100 men, and 50 children (aged twelve to sixteen) in their factories, and another 100 men and 400 women in their own homes: see "Les établissements Oriol et Alamagny," p. 36. In 1887, a petition from braid manufacturers to the government protesting the prohibition of night work for women under twenty-one claimed they employed 2,500 to 3,000 "mothers working at home" in reeling, doubling, folding, and finishing braids, in addition to the 463 men and 3,759 women they employed in factories: Bibliothèque de la Chambre de Commerce de Saint-Etienne, Association des Fabricants de Lacets, Question du travail de nuit, petition no. 2, 12 March 1887, p. 22. In 1897, L. Jury reported that forty firms throughout the Gier valley employed 5,000 to 6,000 men and women and that 2,000 of the women, or one-fourth of the labor force, worked in their own homes: see Jury, "L'Industrie des lacets," p. 8.

71. Bibliothèque de la Chambre de Commerce de Saint-Etienne, Association des Fabricants de Lacets, Question du travail de nuit, petition no. 2, 12 March 1887, pp. 24-25.

72. AN C3022, "Enquête, 1872-1875," Saint Etienne, questionnaire C. Although it was workers in Saint Etienne who responded to this questionnaire, their situation was similar to that of workers in Saint Chamond. If anything, women in Saint Chamond were under more pressure to work outside the home; since ribbon weaving continued in Saint Etienne, more domestic industry was available for women there. For complaints about the lack of crèches, see ADL 90M 1, "Questionnaire de secours mutuel des passementiers," 1884.

73. Fournier, La vallée ardente, p. 64.

74. ADL 88M 18, petition from braid manufacturers, June 1886; Bibliothèque de la Chambre de Commerce de Saint-Etienne, Association des Fabricants de Lacets, Question du travail de nuit, petition no. 2, 12 March 1887, pp. 23-24.

75. ADL 92M 49, petition to the prefect of the Loire from braid workers in Saint Chamond, circa 1893.

76. See, for example, Congrès ouvrier de France session de 1876 tenu à Paris du 2 au 10 octobre (Paris: Librairie Sandoz et Fischbacher, 1877), pp. 69-106; Séances du congrès ouvrier de France, Lyon, 28 janvier à 8 fevrier, 1878 (Lyon: Jules Trichot, 1878), pp. 31-76. Summaries of and excerpts from deliberations of the congresses may be found in Tonim, pseudonym of Albert Minot, La question sociale et le congrès ouvrier de Paris: conditions rationnelles de l'ordre économique, social et politique: état de la capacité morale et politique du prolétariat (Paris: M. Blanc, 1877); Léon de Seilhac, Les congrès ouvriers en France de 1876 à 1897 (Paris: A. Colin, 1899).

77. For a more detailed breakdown of geographical origins of those who married 1861-1870, see Appendix B, Table B-11.

78. Lequin, Les ouvriers de la région lyonnaise, 1:214-21. See also Leslie Page Moch, Paths to the City: Regional Migration in Nineteenth-Century France (Beverly Hills: Sage, 1983).

79. The sex ratio of migrants from the Puy-de-Dôme is noteworthy: 106 women migrated to Saint Chamond from this department, while only 69 men did. The Puy-de-Dôme had long been a silk-producing region, and the decline of the putting-out industry might explain the large number of migrants, as well as the sex ratio.

80. ADL, subseries 3E 208, and GTGI, births, marriages, and deaths in Saint Chamond, 1861-1914; reconstituted families beginning with marriages no. 46, 1 May 1863; no. 58, 5 June 1863; no. 8, 20 Jan. 1863.

82. "Recensement sommaire des villes non chefs-lieux d'arrondissement ayant plus de 10,000 habitants, 1861," in Bureau de la Statistique Générale, Statistique de la France: résultats généraux de l'enquête effectuée dans les années 1861-1865 (Nancy: Berger-Levrault, 1873); ADL 48M 68, "Mouvement de la population," 1872; 47M 147, "Conseil d'hygiène salubrité de l'arrondissement de Saint Etienne: rapport sur l'application de la loi de 19 avril 1858 sur logement insalubre dans l'arrondissement de Saint Etienne," 4 May 1858 and 23 Feb. 1858.

83. ADL, subseries 3E 208, and GTGI, births, marriages, and deaths in Saint Chamond; reconstituted family beginning with marriage no. 26, 17 July 1825.

84. Ibid., reconstituted family beginning with marriage no. 85, 26 Dec. 1861.

85. See Appendix B, Tables B-12, B-13, and B-14. Adding figures horizontally and vertically in Table B-14 shows that 371 out of 530 native men and women (70 percent) lived with a parent or relative, while 385 out of 1,422 migrant men and women (27 percent) lived with a parent or relative. In Tables B-12, B-13, and B-14, figures for "same house" and "with parent" vary because the data in the first two tables are based on a random sample of addresses provided in the marriage records, while data in B-14 are based on couples' declarations of their living situations, also recorded in the marriage records. Despite variation in data, both sources show a wide divergence between natives and migrants in their relationships with other family members.

86. See Appendix B, Tables B-15 and B-16.

87. In 1891, 25.1 percent of the braid workers lived in dormitories. See Hanagan, The Logic of Solidarity, p. 147. For residence patterns prior to marriage, see Appendix B, Table B-16.

88. For the families reconstituted from marriages between 1861 and 1865, 2,306 men witnessed births, marriages, and deaths. Of those, 501, or 21.7 percent, were relatives. The proportions of relatives for textile and metal workers were 25.4 percent and 20.1 percent, respectively. First witnesses, among the four for marriages, were most important. Neighbors served as first witness in 17.6 percent of metal workers' marriages and in 20.6 percent of textile workers' marriages; 8.9 percent of those for textile workers shared the same profession, while 16.9 percent of metal workers' witnesses were coworkers. For fuller detail, see Elinor Accampo, "Industrialization and the Working Class Family: Saint Chamond, 1815-1880," Ph.D. diss., University of California, Berkeley, 1984, pp. 201, 206-8.

89. Lequin, Les ouvriers de la région lyonnaise, 1:222.

90. For occupations of fathers-in-law, see Accampo, "Industrialization and the Working Class Family," p. 307. The differences in results between the 1850s and the 1860s with regard to occupational inheritance cannot be attributed to differences in methodologies or in coding the occupations, since those used here are the same as those Lequin used. I am grateful for his help in providing and implementing the coding I used. For the coding, see Appendix A.

91. For fuller data on fathers' occupations, see Accampo, "Industrialization and the Working Class Family," pp. 302-3, 310.

92. ADL, subseries 3E 208, marriages no. 17, 1868; no. 2, 1870; no. 5, 1866; no. 53, 1865; no. 7, 1865.

93. Ibid., marriages no. 106, 1868; no. 12, 1867; no. 89, 1866.

94. Ibid., marriages no. 59, 1861; no. 99, 1863.

95. See Accampo, "Industrialization and the Working Class Family," p. 302.

96. See Appendix B, Tables B-3 and B-17.

97. For example, David Gordon notes of Saint Etienne in the 1860s, "Divisions between immigrants and long-term residents as well as artisan and factory workers made new organizations difficult to create and maintain." He stresses the importance of strong community ties in the level of popular radicalism. See Merchants and Capitalists: Industrialization and Provincial Politics in Mid-Nineteenth-Century France (University: University of Alabama Press, 1985), p. 95. Similarly, John M. Merriman points to the association among skilled positions, geographical stability, and militancy in Limoges, noting that 68 percent of the workers in the most radical factory were natives. See The Red City: Limoges and the French Nineteenth Century (New York: Oxford University Press, 1985), pp. 172-73. William H. Sewell offers a much more detailed analysis of the effects of migration on worker morale in Structure and Mobility: The Men and Women of Marseille, 1820-1870 (Cambridge, Eng.: Cambridge University Press, 1985). This analysis suggests that the disruptiveness of migration depended on distance and on whether it was permanent or temporary. Though migration undermined worker morale in some cases, it did not prevent a radical political vanguard from developing in Marseille.

98. Condamin, Histoire de Saint-Chamond, pp. 589-90. For the importance of occupational inheritance, see Michelle Perrot, "The Three Ages of Industrial Discipline in Nineteenth-Century France," in Consciousness and Class Experience in Nineteenth-Century Europe, ed. John M. Merriman (New York: Holmes & Meier, 1979), pp. 153-55; Reddy, The Rise of Market Culture, p. 168.

99. See Chapter 5.

100. Lequin, Les ouvriers de la région lyonnaise, 1:248.

101. "Histoire des forges et aciéries de la marine et d'Homecourt," from the archives of the Forges et Aciéries de la Marine, chapter 2, p. 5.

102. Lequin, Les ouvriers de la région lyonnaise, 1:261.

1. See, for example, Claude Tillier, Mon oncle Benjamin (Paris, 1881), p. 78, quoted in Angus McLaren, Sexuality and Social Order: The Debate over the Fertility of Women and Workers in France, 1780-1920 (New York: Holmes & Meier, 1983), p. 125; among the examples of recent scholarship associating the working class with high fertility are Michael Haines, Fertility and Occupation: Population Patterns in Industrialization (New York: Academic Press, 1979); Ellen Ross, "'Fierce Questions and Taunts': Married Life in Working-Class London, 1870-1914," Feminist Studies 8 (1982): 575-602.

2. Men and women in Saint Chamond apparently married later than those in Mulhouse. However, Henri Cetty used different measures, saying that more than one-third of the women married under age twenty and one-third of the men married under age twenty-three: see La famille ouvrière en Alsace (Rixheim: A. Sutter, 1883), p. 104. John Gillis cites a drop in marriage age with factory production in For Better, for Worse: British Marriages, 1600 to the Present (New York: Oxford University Press, 1985), p. 243. For more discussion of age at marriage, see Louise A. Tilly and Joan W. Scott, Women, Work and Family (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1978), pp. 93-96.

3. Gillis, For Better, for Worse, p. 243.

4. Tilly and Scott, Women, Work and Family, p. 109.

5. A song entitled "L'Ouvrière saint-chamonaise," which became popular in a working-class singing society around 1900, provides an ambiguous picture of working-class female morality:

6. Calculations of illegitimacy in Saint Chamond are based on illegitimate and legitimate births in ADL, subseries 3E 208, and GTGI, births, marriages, and deaths, 1824-1830 and 1861-1870. For Mulhouse and Strasbourg, see Cetty, La famille ouvrière en Alsace, p. 145.

7. Rates of prenuptial conception are based on fertility calculations from reconstituted families.

8. On this issue see Tilly and Scott, Women, Work and Family, pp. 96-98.

9. These personal histories are based on reconstituted families originating with marriages. Births, marriages, and deaths may be found in GTGI, état civil of Saint Chamond, marriage no. 81, 12 Sept. 1866, and marriage no. 33, 12 May 1865. See Appendix A for an explanation of how reconstituted families are used for personal histories.

10. Ibid., marriage no. 75, 4 Nov. 1865; marriage no. 53, 15 June 1866.

11. Ibid., marriage no. 60, 21 Aug. 1862; marriage no. 75, 4 Nov. 1865.

12. Ibid., marriage no. 43, 27 June 1864.

13. In the southern part of the Loire, Ig continued to reach the very high level of .800, suggesting the absence of any fertility control. Saint Chamond itself continued the pattern of fertility control it had established in the first half of the century. By 1851, Ig there measured .660. See James R. Lehning, "The Decline of Marital Fertility: Evidence from a French Department," paper presented to the annual meeting of the Social Science History Association in 1978. See also Lehning, The Peasants of Marlhes: Economic Development and Family Organization in Nineteenth-Century France (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1980). For a discussion of Ig, see Chapter 2, note 4. For marital fertility differentials by department in France, see Etienne van de Walle, The Female Population of France in the Nineteenth Century: A Reconstruction of Eighty-Two Departments (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1974).

14. These calculations are based on the age-specific marital fertility rates in reconstituted families according to birthplace declared in marriage records. For these purposes, towns with populations of fewer than 10,000 inhabitants were considered rural. In cases where only the wife's birthplace was urban, the total marital fertility rate was 4.8; where only the husband's was urban, it was 5.3.

15. For example, see Haines, Fertility and Occupation, and Jean Vial, Industrialisation de la sidérurgie française, 1814-1864, 2 vols. (Paris: Mouton, 1967), 1:357-61.

16. Vial, L'Industrialisation de la sidérurgie française, 1:357-61. Michael Haines found that among men fifty to sixty years of age who had been married more than fifteen years, iron and steel workers had 309 surviving children per 100 families, while the national average was 261. See Haines, Fertility and Occupation pp. 13-14n.11.

17. See Chapter 2 for more detail.

18. See discussion in Chapter 3 and note 48 there for literature on workers' budgets and standards of living.

19. See Chapter 3.

20. Cetty, La famille ouvrière en Alsace, p. 132. A medical report to the minister of the interior cited infant deathrates of 240/1,000 and 260/1,000 in 1876 and 1877, respectively, in La Grand Combe (Gard); see ADL 35M 4, Académie de Médecine, Rapport annuel de la commission permanente de l'hygiène de l'enfance (Paris: G. Masson, 1878).

21. In some cases the error is clear, such as when the officer of the état civil noted that a fetus was only three months old or stated that the infant had lived for fifteen minutes after birth. But because the officers did not always supply such descriptive detail, the degree of inaccuracy is impossible to determine. The enormous discrepancy in stillbirths between Saint Chamond and Saint Etienne provides ample reason to suspect the validity of recordkeeping. Saint Chamond recorded seventy-four stillbirths per thousand live births between 1856 and 1868, while Saint Etienne recorded only thiry-eight. See Bureau de la Statistique Générale, Statistique générale de la France, série 2, vol. 21 (Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1901, 1902, 1906). In the industrial centers of Alsace between 1877 and 1878, Cetty recorded forty-nine to sixty-five stillbirths per thousand live births. See Cetty, La famille ouvrière en Alsace, p. 182. For purposes of comparison between the two cohorts, the index of change in Table 18 includes stillbirths in both births and deaths.

22. For workers' concerns about wet-nursing, see the proceedings from the Congress of October 1876 in Tonim, pseudonym of Albert Minot, La question sociale et le congrès ouvrier de Paris: conditions rationnelles de l'ordre économique, social et politique: état de la capacité morale et politique du prolétariat (Paris: M. Blanc, 1877), p. 105. Women were forced to use wet nurses when they left the home to work. In addition to complaining that the practice caused infant deaths, they believed children also acquired bad morals. For the incidence of wet-nursing, see George Sussman, "The Wet-Nursing Business in Nineteenth-Century France," French Historical Studies 9 (1975): 304-28, and "The End of the Wet-Nursing Business in France, 1874-1914," Journal of Family History 2 (Fall 1977): 237-58; C. Rollet, "Allaitement, mise en nourrice et mortalité infantile en France à la fin du XIX^e siècle," Population 6 (1978): 1189-1203; Rachel Fuchs, Abandoned Children: Foundlings and Child Welfare in Nineteenth-Century France (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1984).

23. ADL 35M 4, Service d'hygiene, 1871-1886, "Conseil d'hygiène publique et du salubrité compte rendue 4 October 1874."

24. Ibid.

25. ADL, Archives de la Chambre de Commerce de Saint-Etienne, carton 25A dossier 3, Revue de la prévoyance de la mutualité forézienne: Bulletin administratif de l'union départementale des sociétés des secours mutuels de la Loire, 1907, no. 17. One study indicated that between 1873 and 1877 in Besançon, three-quarters of the babies who had died from diarrhea had been bottle-fed; see 35M 4, Rapport annuel de la commission permanente de l'hygiène de l'enfance, p. 12.

26. On earlier conceptions after the death of an infant, see Appendix B, Table B-10. The number of children born and the number who died under age five in closed families had a correlation coefficient of 0.72116 with a probability level of 0.0001. This measure, however, cannot be taken at face value. Duration of marriage was not taken into consideration here. Thus, if the infant mortality rate had been constant in all families, those in which marriages lasted a long time would naturally show more deaths as well as births.

27. ADL 28M 1, Société Protectrice de l'Enfance, 1872; 35M 4, "Enquête relative à protection des enfants en bas age," 4 Oct. 1874, p. 67; 28M 4, report of November 1891 on mutual societies, states that this society never functioned.

28. ADL, Archives de la Chambre de Commerce de Saint-Etienne, carton 25A dossier 3, Revue de la prévoyance de la mutualité forézienne. In his study of fertility in Germany, John E. Knodel found "abundant evidence connecting early weaning or lack of breast-feeding with high infant mortality during the latter part of the nineteenth century and early twentieth century": see The Decline of Fertility in Germany, 1871-1939 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1974), p. 165. See also John E. Knodel and Etienne van de Walle, "Breast-Feeding, Fertility and Infant Mortality: An Analysis of Some Early German Data," Population Studies 21 (1967): 109-31; Rollet, "Allaitement, mise en nourrice et mortalité infantile"; Tilly and Scott, Women, Work and Family, p. 132.

29. See Appendix B, Table B-19; for the decline of endogenous deaths in France, and the method of measuring and interpreting them, see Robert Nadot, "Evolution de la mortalité infantile endogène en France dans la deuxième moitié du XIX^e siècle," Population 25 (1970): 49-58.

30. This rate is based on women who died within forty-two days after a birth (MF-type families only). In the first cohort, 269 women bore 1,224 children, and 9 of these women died within forty-two days of the birth. One-third of these were first births. In the second cohort, 268 women bore 924 children, and 15 mothers died within forty-two days. Of those, one-quarter died after a first birth. The rate in Rouen between 1640 and 1800 was 11 deaths per 1,000 births. See Jean-Pierre Bardet, Rouen aux XVII^e et XVIII^e siècles: les mutations d'un espace social (Paris: Société d'Edition d'Enseignement Supérieur, 1983), 1:365.

31. ADL 90M 1, report of August 1869; J. Valserres, Les industries de la Loire (Saint Etienne: n.p., 1862), p. 322.

32. Of industrial centers in Alsace, Cetty noted, "Poor women have been seen to stay in the factory until the day their child is born. Others return to work two days later to avoid lacking bread. Poverty and misery oblige most of them to resume their wearisome occupations": La famille ouvirère en Alsace, p. 122. Workers themselves said the same thing at worker congresses. See Tonim, La question sociale et le congrès ouvrier de Paris, pp. 104-5.

33. Association Internationale pour la Protection Légale des Travailleurs, Le travail de nuit des femmes dans l'industrie: rapports sur son importance et sa réglementation légale (Paris: n.p., 1903), p. 178.

34. H. Rollet, L'Action sociale des catholiques en France, 1871-1901 (Paris: Bovin, 1947), p. 189. For the effects of night work, see ADL 90M 1, report of August 1869; Valserres, Les industries de la Loire, p. 322; Michelle Perrot, Les ouvriers en grève: France, 1871-1890, 2 vols. (Paris: Mouton, 1974), 1:320.

35. Tonim, La question sociale et le congrès ouvrier de Paris, p. 105.

36. For duration of marriages in both samples, see Appendix B, Table B-20.

37. For the effects of dye chemicals on health, see AN C956, Enquête 1848, Department of the Loire, arrondissement of Saint Etienne, and ADL 40M 118, engineer's report, 30 June 1884.

38. Judith Stone, The Search for Social Peace: Reform Legislation in France, 1890-1914 (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1985), p. 227n. 36.

39. For a detailed description of machines and work in the Aciéries de la Marine et du Chemin de Fer, see Valserres, Les industries de la Loire. For the tragic accident of 1901, see La Croix de Saint Chamond, 6 Jan. 1901.

40. ADL 24j (H), carton 102, "Enquête sur la mortalité comparative dans les hôpitaux de la France et de l'étranger: hôpital de Saint Chamond," 1861, 1862; "Statistique hospitalière," commune de Saint Chamond, 1864.

41. ADL 47M 147, "Extrait de registres de délibérations du conseil municipal de Saint-Etienne 5 mai 1858: rapport sur les conditions des logements à Saint-Chamond, Saint-Etienne et Rive-de-Gier."

42. ADL 47M 147, Conseil d'Hygiène Salubrité de l'Arrondissement de Saint-Etienne, "Rapport sur l'application de la loi de 19 avril 1850 sur logement insalubre dans l'arrondissement de Saint-Etienne," 4 May 1858 and 23 Feb. 1858.

43. ADL 40M 93, document 255, letter opposing the establishment of the Targe and Hospital metal factory, 24 March 1841.

44. ADL 40M 118, document 79: engineer's report, circa 1866.

45. Ibid., letter from the mayor of Saint Chamond to the prefect, 31 Oct. 1865; document 85, engineer's report, 4 Jan. 1866.

46. ADL 35M 4, Rapport annuel de la commission permanente de l'hygiène de l'enfance, p. 7.

47. ADL 40M 118, documents 365 and 369, May and June 1879.

48. Ibid., document 481, engineer's report, 30 June 1884.

49. For diseases, see ADL 24j (H), carton 102, 1861, 1862; the doctor's comment may be found in register 30^bis, 12 March 1889. For a fascinating history of the diagnosis and treatment of tuberculosis, see R. Dubos and J. Dubos, The White Plague (London: Little, Brown, 1952).

50. See Appendix B, Table B-21.

51. From reconstituted families originating from marriages no. 25, 22 Feb. 1861; no. 32, 5 May 1866; no. 26, 12 April 1862; GTGI, births, marriages, and deaths in Saint Chamond.

52. McLaren, Sexuality and Social Order, p. 148.

53. Ibid., p. 136.

54. Ibid., p. 152.

55. Claude Chatelard, Crime et criminalité dans l'arrondissement de Saint-Etienne au XIX^e siècle (Saint Etienne: Centre d'Etudes Foréziennes, 1981), pp. 90-94.

56. Cetty, La famille ouvrière en Alsace, p. 181.

57. ADL 35M 4, Rapport annuel de la commission permanente de l'hygiène de l'enfance, p. 8.

58. Bardet also suggests that poor health resulting from illness or malnutrition could cause a decline in fecundity: see Rouen aux XVII^e et XVIII^e siècles, 1:358-62.

59. Association Internationale pour la Protection Légale des Travailleurs, Le travail de nuit.

60. ADL 35M 4, Rapport annuel de la commission permanente de l'hygiène de l'enfance, p. 8.

1. AN F^1c V, Loire 1, "Analyse du mémoire du préfet sur l'industrie et des manufactures de ce département, l'an 9" (circa 1801).

2. Colin Lucas, The Structure of the Terror: The Example of Javogues and the Loire (London: Oxford University Press, 1973), pp. 39-53.

3. Stéphane Bertholon, Histoires de Saint-Chamond: notes et souvenirs d'un vieux couramiaud (Saint Etienne: n.p., 1927), p. 28; James Condamin, Histoire de Saint-Chamond et de la seigneurie de Jarez, depuis les temps les plus reculés jusqu'à nos jours (Paris: A. Picard, 1890), pp. 491-502.

4. AN F^1c III, Loire 7, "Extrait des déliberations du conseil municipal de Saint-Chamond," April 1814. Four months later the municipal council asked the king for a royal blessing and the Decoration of the Lys, the "honorable and distinctive sign of friends of the Bourbon throne." Saint Chamond was recommended by "its industries, and by the purity of its morals, by its attachment to the religion of our fathers whose pure religion never ceased being practiced." See "Discours au Roi, prononcé par le President de la députation de la ville de Saint Chamond," 27 August 1814.

5. AN F^1c III, Loire 7, April 1814, and AN F^1c III, Loire 8, May 1814. Words of support for this restored monarchy came, not from a displaced nobility rejoicing in an apparent return to the old order, but from an elite whose wealth derived from commerce and industry. At least nine of the twenty-one members of the municipal council were not only merchants or industrialists in their own right but were the fathers or family members of future industrialists: François Morel, Guillaume Sirvanton, François Magnin, silk merchants; Jean Claude Pascal, Antoine Moret, Simon Pierre Berne, Jean Baptiste Chaland, Grégoire Bertholon, Charles François Richard, all ribbon or braid merchants; Antoine Neyrand, forge master. Many of these same names and those of other industrialists and merchants appeared on the list of "eligibles" just prior to the July Revolution of 1830: Jean Baptiste Chaland, ribbon merchant; Louis Maximilien Finaz, notary; Antoine Flachat, Pierre Joseph Marie Granjon, François Magnin, all silk merchants; Charles François Richard-Chambovet, pioneer braid manufacturer; Antoine Thiollière, nail merchant. In 1830, Saint Chamond had as its mayor Jean Marie Ardaillon, a forge master, who was also a Legitimist. In 1831 he won a seat in the Legislative Chamber, for which braid manufacturer Richard Chambovet also competed. See AN F^1c III, Loire 4, list of eligibles for the Loire; and 28 May 1831-27 July 1831 for legislative elections.

6. F^1c III, Loire 8, July and August 1814; 19 March 1815.

7. J. Duplessy, Essai statistique sur le département de la Loire (Montbrison: n.p., 1818), p. 152.

8. Archives du Ministère de la Guerre, Vincennes, MR1266, "Rapport sur la reconnaissance de la route de Saint-Etienne à Saint-Chamond," 1837.

9. See, for example, André Jardin and André-Jean Tudesq, Restoration and Reaction, 1815-1848, trans. Elborg Forster (Cambridge, Eng.: Cambridge University Press, 1983), pp. 277-78.

10. AN F^1c V, Loire 1, "Analyse du mémoire du préfet sur l'industrie et des manufactures, l'an XI"; ADL G107, Hospice de la Charité, 1792-1868, 31 Oct. 1806. See also F. Raymond, Les hospices de Saint-Chamond: histoire, administration, origines, agrandissements, biens et revenus d'après les documents conservés dans leurs archives (Saint Chamond: A. Poméon, 1888), pp. 24, 31-33.

11. Duplessy, Essai statistique sur le département de la Loire, p. 393.

12. ADL, series S, Archives de la Chambre de Commerce de Saint-Etienne, carton 131 dossier 9, "Mémoire sur l'industrie," 10 March 1810; AN F^1c V, Loire 1, report of the General Council to the minister of the interior, Nov. 1811; Raymond, Les hospices de Saint-Chamond, p. 33.

13. AN F^1c V, Loire 1, reports of the General Council to the minister of the interior, 1819-1821; VII, Loire, reports of the subprefect of Saint Etienne to the district council of the arrondissement of Saint Etienne, 1840 and October 1848.

14. F. Raymond, Les hospices de Saint-Chamond, pp. 9-14.

15. Ibid., pp. 101-76.

16. ADL 24j (E), carton 59 and registers 30^bis and 30^ter; also Raymond, Les hospices de Saint-Chamond, pp. 159-62.

17. Raymond, Les hospices de Saint-Chamond, p. 159.

18. ADL G107, Hospice de la Charité, 31 Oct. 1806.

19. Ibid.; for the product of children's labor, see Raymond, Les hospices de Saint-Chamond, p. 179.

20. AN F^1c V, Loire 1, report of the General Council of the Loire to the minister of the interior, 1807; report of the subprefect to the district council of the arrondissement of Saint Etienne, 1819; VII, Loire, General Council of the arrondissement of Saint Etienne, report of the subprefect to the council, meeting in 1836; report of the subprefect of the arrondissement of Saint Etienne to the district council of the arrondissement, meeting of 1839.

21. ADL 10M 21, general report to the prefect, 7 April 1831. According to the author of this report, the local clergy influenced opinion through women, who were "devoted to their priests and thought just like them." These women in turn exercised "an empire over their husbands" who, well educated and enlightened, would otherwise be "liberal." This informant read poorly the depth of Catholic and Legitimist sentiment among Saint Chamond's ruling elite.

22. For Catholic reaction to the July Monarchy on the issue of education, see Robert Gildea, Education in Provincial France, 1800-1914: A Study of Three Departments (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1983), pp. 39-42. For the increase in the presence of religious orders in Saint Chamond, see Bertholon, Histoires de Saint-Chamond, p. 150; Condamin, Histoire de Saint-Chamond, pp. 550-53.

23. Gildea, Education in Provincial France, pp. 39-42.

24. Since the Revolution of 1789, the parish of Saint Ennemond had been joined with that of Saint Pierre. For instruction in Saint Chamond see Condamin, Historie de Saint-Chamond, p. 553, and M. Fournier, L'Essor d'une ville ouvrière: l'oeuvre sociale de la municipalité de Saint-Chamond (Saint Etienne: Imprimerie de la Loire Républicaine, 1934), p. 14.

25. Condamin, Histoire de Saint-Chamond, p. 553. These schools received attention and praise in AN F¹⁷ 9327, report on primary instruction, arrondissement of Saint Etienne, 1855. For "blackmail" from Brothers of the Christian Schools, see J. Donzelot, The Policing of Families, trans. Robert Hurley (New York: Pantheon, 1979), pp. 33, 77.

26. See Chapter 1.

27. ADL, series S, Archives de la Chambre de Commerce de Saint Etienne, carton 59 dossier 1, 22 Dec. 1833; 27 March 1834; 12 April 1834; 13 April 1834. See also A. Audiganne, Les populations ouvrières et les industries de la France dans le mouvement social du XIX^e siècle (Paris: Capelle, 1854), p. 328. For the uprising of silk workers in Lyon, see Robert J. Bezucha, The Lyon Uprising of 1834: Social and Political Conflict in the Early July Monarchy (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1974).

28. See, for example, John M. Merriman, "The Demoiselles of the Ariège," in 1830 in France, ed. John M. Merriman (New York: New Viewpoints, 1975), pp. 87-118; and William M. Reddy, The Rise of Market Culture: The Textile Trade and French Society, 1750-1900 (Cambridge, Eng.: Cambridge University Press, 1984), pp. 113-15.

29. Audiganne, Les populations ouvrières, p. 7.

30. William Coleman, Death Is a Social Disease: Public Health and Political Economy in Early Industrial France (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1982), pp. 73-82.

31. Donzelot, The Policing of Families, p. 66.

32. AN F^1c VII, Loire, report of the subprefect to the district council of the arrondissement of Saint Etienne, 1840. Efforts to rationalize charity assumed concrete form in the department of the Loire. The attempt to reorganize the arrangements for abandoned and orphaned children provides a case in point. Officials assumed that parents who abandoned their children, especially when they were infants, lacked family sentiment. They believed that if they made abandonment more difficult, parents would be encouraged to keep their children, which in turn would promote a stronger sense of family.

Parents gave up their children to charitable institutions in two ways: either they left infants at tours, revolving windows which insured anonymity, or they brought their identified children to the hospice with the intention of reclaiming them at some future point. Officials believed parents retrieved their children in order to put them to work. In 1840 the prefect complained that the cost of supporting these children was becoming exorbitant. He and the hospice administrators in Saint Etienne, which took in all abandoned children under age six from the entire arrondissement, had a twofold goal: reducing the costs of keeping the children, and forcing parents to assume responsibility for them.

Eliminating tours would, they believed, deter mothers from abandoning their children because they would no longer be able to do so anonymously. A second idea applied to those who brought children to the hospice hoping to retrieve them later: these children would be exchanged with those in distant hospices, on the assumption that geographical separation would discourage parents from giving up their children in the first place. Third, administrators decided that parents who came to reclaim a child would be charged for the expenses that child had incurred during his or her stay in the hospice. These administrators thus took every possible measure to reduce, in Donzelot's words, "the social cost of ... reproduction" among the poor and "obtain an optimum number of workers at minimum public expense": Donzelot, The Policing of Families, p. 16.

These efforts failed completely in the Loire. Exchanges of children with other hospices in order to send them farther away from parents entailed only inconvenience, with none of the desired results. Nor did they eliminate tours. "It is difficult," the prefect lamented, "to try to execute these measures in a region where workers live hand to mouth." Hospice administrators did ask for reimbursement from parents who came to reclaim their children but did not demand it of those who obviously could not pay. The prefect concluded that the "true remedy for abandoned children as well as for their illegitimate procreation, which is one of the causes for abandonment, is in the moralization [of the poor], in the organization of savings accounts, in mutual aid [societies], in schools, in mendicity depots, and in the development of industry and commerce." See AN F^1c V, Loire 1, year IX; F^1c VII, Loire, report of 1840 and report of 1848.

The imperatives of economic cycles and the harsh reality of periodic unemployment made rationalization of charity along utilitarian principles impossible. Saint Etienne's tour finally closed in 1846, when entries to the foundling hospital rose by 50 percent (from 62 to 92) and withdrawals declined by 50 percent (from 42 to 18). Its closure, the prefect noted, hardly inspired "rebirth of family sentiment" at a time of high unemployment; the situation resulted from "misery rather than depravity": AN F^1c VII, Loire, report of 1848. On abandoned children see also Rachel Fuchs, Abandoned Children: Foundlings and Child Welfare in Nineteenth-Century France (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1984).

33. Condamin, Histoire de Saint-Chamond, pp. 550-53.

34. ADL, series S, Archives de la Chambre de Commerce de Saint-Etienne, carton 131 dossier 9, Chambre Consultative des Arts et Manufactures, "Situation industrielle," 15 June 1837; carton 59 dossier 1, "Notes de la séance," 14 Sept. 1837; AN F^1c VII, Loire, report of the subprefect to the district council of the arrondissement of Saint Etienne, 1840.

35. Condamin, Histoire de Saint-Chamond, p. 553. A catechism class "for the preservation of young girls" was added to the ouvroir of the Filles de la Charité in 1847.

36. ADL G107, Hospice de la Charité, dossier 1, 31 Dec. 1839; see also 24j (E), carton 59 dossier 3, 5 Oct. 1880; 17 May 1884; Feb. 1885; 7 Dec. 1885; registre 30^bis, April 1884; June 1886; Aug. 1886; June 1887; Oct. 1888; Dec. 1891.

37. AN F^1c VII, Loire, report of the subprefect to the district council of the arrondissement of Saint Etienne, 1840.

38. Archives Paroissiales du Rhône, diocèse de Lyon, parish report for Saint Pierre by curé Antoine Adolphe, 1844.

39. ADL 24j (E), carton 59 dossier 4, 2 May 1848; see also 3 May 1848; 1 June 1848; and 10 June 1848.

40. Archives du Ministère de la Guerre, Vincennes, MR1266, "Rapport sur la reconnaissance de la route de Saint-Etienne à Saint-Chamond," 1837.

41. Raymond, Les hospices de Saint-Chamond, pp. 174-75, 159-61.

42. Peter Stearns makes this argument in Paths to Authority: The Middle Class and the Industrial Labor Force in France, 1820-1848 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1978); see especially pp. 36-46, 139-40. For problems in the Saint Chamond ribbon industry, see my Chapter 1.

43. Jardin and Tudesq, Restoration and Reaction, p. 278.

44. Audiganne, Les populations ouvrières, p. 341.

45. ADL 28M 1, letter to the prefect from the police commissioner of Saint Chamond, 31 March 1843.

46. Despite the absence of overt political activity, Saint Chamond did harbor a distinctly left-wing group. In May 1849, the mayor complained to the prefect that the Montagnard party had made unexpected progress and that the "police had closed their eyes to certain meetings." But while popular demonstrations and insurrections occurred on 13-15 June in Paris and Lyon, nothing happened in Saint Chamond. During the following months the government outlawed clubs and police systematically repressed them. The police commissioner of Saint Chamond noted only one republican club and by October still had not succeeded in finding its meeting place. But he assured the prefect that the club exercised "little influence" in the town. He did, however, take the precaution of seizing the writings of Louis Blanc and other socialist and republican materials from a bookstore. See ADL 10M 28, letter from the mayor of Saint Chamond to the subprefect, 18 Sept. 1848; 10M 31, police of Saint Chamond to the subprefect, 29 Dec. 1849; 10M 30, mayor of Saint Chamond to the prefect, 15 May 1849. For repression during the Second Republic throughout France, see John M. Merriman, The Agony of the Republic: The Repression of the Left in Revolutionary France, 1848-1851 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1978). The only incident of actual disorder that broke out prior to Louis Napoleon's coup occurred when a priest failed to appear at a forge worker's funeral arranged by the municipality. Rumor spread that the priest did not arrive because the worker was a republican. Whether workers blamed the priest or the municipality is not clear, but they began to riot and several were arrested. See AN BB³⁰ 361, "Parquet de la cour d'appel, Lyon au garde des sceaux," 20 July 1850. On the presidential elections in 1848, see F^1c III, Loire 4, letter from the prefect to the minister of the interior, 16 July 1850. Although local officials in Saint Chamond, as in other places of workingclass concentration, took precautions to insure peace at the time of Louis Napoleon's coup d'état in 1851, most Saint-Chamonais received the news with apathy, and others welcomed it. Only a few protested. For this and for the reaction of the upper classes to the coup, see ADL 10M 36, police commissioner of Saint Chamond to the prefect, 4 Dec. 1851, and document 20, 6 Dec. 1851.

47. Condamin, Histoire de Saint-Chamond, p. 557. Local notables easily found their niche in the emperor's government. Legitimist Victor Dugas was elected to the General Council of the Loire in 1852, and when he retired because of his age the following year, the minister of the interior warmly supported forge master Antoine Neyrand, another champion of Legitimist politics, as his replacement. See AN F^1c III, Loire 4, elections, 22 April 1853.

48. AN F^1c III, Loire 8, bimonthly report of the subprefect of Saint Etienne, 28 Oct. 1854.

49. Condamin, Historie de Saint-Chamond, p. 569; J. Valserres, Les industries de la Loire (Saint Etienne: n.p., 1862), p. 42.

50. L. Turgan, "Les établissements Oriol et Alamagny," in his Les grandes usines de la France, 16 vols. (Paris: Michel Levy, 1865-1884), 15:53.

51. ADL 10M 147, "Extrait du registre des délibérations du conseil municipal de Saint Chamond," Feb. 1864.

52. Fournier, L'Essor d'une ville ouvrière, p. 41.

53. ADL 40M 147, letter from the mayor of Saint Chamond to the prefect, 10 March 1864.

54. ADL 40M 147, "Extraits du registre des délibérations du conseil municipal de la ville de Saint Chamond," 1875-1879.

55. AN C3022, "Enquête sur la situation ouvrière," Loire, 1872-1875; ADL 92M 12, 4 and 6 August 1869; 88M 8, procès-verbaux against Bethenod, Balas, Dubouchet, March 1883. For contrasting and more "paternalistic" attitudes toward women, see Nancy Fitch, "The Effects of Capitalist Development on Family Life in Central France," paper presented at the Social Science History Association Meeting, 24 November 1985; see also Bonnie Smith, Ladies of the Leisure Class: The Bourgeoises of Northern France in the Nineteenth Century (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1981), pp. 123-61.

56. Bibliothèque de la Chambre de Commerce de Saint-Etienne, Association des Fabricants de Lacets, Question du travail de nuit dans les frabriques de lacets de Saint-Chamond, petition no. 2, 12 March 1887 (Saint Etienne, 1890), pp. 24-25.

57. Ibid., pp. 25-27; see also ADL 88M 18, petition to the minister of commerce and industry from the braid manufacturers in Saint Chamond, June 1886. These industrialists concerned themselves particularly with competition from Germany.

58. Gaudet's treatment of workers provides an early example of what large-scale industrialization would bring to Saint Chamond. In 1848, when the Petin forges were in Rive-de-Gier, Gaudet virtually bribed the workers away from what he considered the "dangerous effects of republican ideas" by providing financial assistance to any who needed it. Apparently these employers often provided such aid. Gaudet's biographer eulogized, "[These two men] were not alone in their success. How many workers achieved comfort, and can today, in their old age, enjoy a secure rest! How many others, less fortunate, received aid and assistance from [their] generous hands! For these two men, having been workers themselves, knew well the condition and needs of the worker, and knew also how to relieve their miseries." See Jules du Chevalard, Notice biographique sur M. J.-M. Gaudet, ancien maître des forges de Rive-de-Gier (Saint Etienne: n.p., 1887), pp. 14-22.

59. Quoted in AN C3022, "Enquêete sur la situation ouvrière," 1872-1875, Départment de la Loire, arrondissement de Saint-Etienne.

60. L. Jury, "L'Industrie des lacets," in L'Association pour l'Avancement des Sciences, XXVI^e session tenue à Saint-Etienne, août 1897, 2 vols. (Saint Chamond: A. Poméon, 1898), 2:19.

61. Condamin, Histoire de Saint-Chamond, p. 607.

62. Bertholon, Histoires de Saint-Chamond, p. 265.

63. M. Fournier, Tableaux de la vie saint-chamonaise (Saint Chamond: Bordron, 1949), p. 106.

64. In 1875, Emile Alamagny donated 100,000 francs and the Oriol-Gillier family gave 50,000 francs for the care of the sick and 20,000 francs for the aged. Braid manufacturer Irenée Brun donated 3,000 francs in 1885, and Oriol fils provided 150,000 francs for the construction of a new wing for the aged in 1901. See ADL 24j (E), carton 59 dossier 3, 7 Dec. 1885; register 30^bis, 18 May 1856 and 18 Aug. 1886; register 30^ter, 1898; see also La Croix de Saint-Chamond, 30 Jan. 1903; and for a list of other donors through 1888, see Raymond, Les hospices de Saint Chamond, pp. 167-73, 176-77.

An example of direct assistance, similar to actions taken in the first half of the century, came with the crisis of the early 1880s. It became so serious that in February 1885 the hospice administrative commission allocated 4,500 francs to hire unemployed workers to cultivate 3,000 square meters of hospice domains at 3f per day. In March they supplied another 4,500 francs to employ workers. In April they distributed 9,000 francs in direct charity. Serving on the commission at this time were Oriol fils, conservative republican and Catholic; Louis Jury, president of the Association of Braid Manufacturers, Catholic and monarchist; radical republican Bergé; opportunist republicans Fabreguettes, Imbert, Jean Louis Loubet, and the future mayor, Vial; and radical Charles Rochefort. They rationalized their decision by saying that the hospice would profit from improved lands and that if they did not spend this money on workers' wages, they would have to spend it on charity within the home. See ADL 24j (E), carton 59 dossier 3, 5 Feb. 1885; register 30^bis, 6 March 1885; 7 April 1885.

65. For payments from Déplace, Thiollière, Imbert, Gelas, and Garas to the hospital between 1873 and 1876, see ADL 24j (F), carton 106 dossier 2. Receipts for payments from the Aciéries de la Marine, the forges of l'Horme, the Neyrand brothers, the coal mines of Saint Chamond, the Imbert brothers, Joseph Lanet, and Olagnier for the year 1882 are in Series X, Saint Chamond Hospices, 1873-1893. These archives are quite disorganized, and records for other payments are either lost or scattered throughout other cartons, many of which are no longer available to the public. The listing of some mutual aid societies can be found in 28M 4, "Sociétés mutuels, Saint Chamond," Nov. 1891. In June 1896, a group of Catholic Workers founded a "Caisse de famille de Notre Dame du Travail" for "utilitarian, moral and religious purposes," which was dominated by monarchist employers. See 10M 115, report of the police commissioner, 19 Feb. 1897.

66. Turgan, "Les établissements Oriol et Alamagny," pp. 37-39.

67. La Croix de Saint-Chamond, 7 July 1891; 27 Jan. 1901; 3 Feb. 1901; L'Eclaireur, 7 July 1891.

68. Bertholon, Histoires de Saint-Chamond, pp. 134, 221; Condamin, Histoire de Saint-Chamond, p. 569; La Croix de Saint-Chamond, 23 Nov. 1902; Turgan, "Les établissements Oriol et Alamagny," p. 39.

69. The history of this family has been reconstructed from ADL 3E 208, marriage no. 69, 28 Sept. 1864, and subsequent births and deaths in the family. For an explanation of family reconstitution see Chapter 2 and Appendix A. Jean-Marie R.'s case can be found in ADL 24j (E), register 30^ter, 1 Feb. 1900.

70. Ibid.; ADL 49M 285, census of 1891.

71. The widower's case is in ADL, 24j (E), register 30^bis, October 1894 and December 1898; the quote about his aid is in the Dec. 1898 register entry. Marie Anne L.'s case has been reconstructed from register 30^ter, 22 Sept. 1898, and her reconstituted family beginning with 3E 208, marriage no. 16, 21 Jan. 1862; 49M 285, census of 1891. The quote about her condition is from the 22 Sept. 1898 register entry.

72. This case appears in ADL 24j (E), register 30^bis, June 1885. Further information about François C.'s family and their occupational histories are derived from his reconstituted family, beginning with 3E 208, marriage no. 53; 49M 285, census of 1891.

73. An article in La Croix de Saint Chamond, 17 March 1901, indicated that someone jumped out "of the only window at the hospices that did not have a grill." M. Fournier had no good words to describe the hospital, "which filled with dread the sick who crossed its threshold": L'Essor d'une ville ouvrière, p. 22. The strict "rules of order and discipline" in the hospices may be found in ADL 24j (E), carton 59 dossier 3.

74. Jean Imbert, Histoire des hôpitaux en France (Toulouse: Editions Privat, 1982), p. 339. In Saint Chamond, those for whom there was no space in the hospital or charity were sent to Lyon; they also received aid from the bureau de bienfaisance, the various religious orders, or the private charity for which Mme. Oriol and other ladies bountiful were so renowned. See Raymond, Les hospices de Saint-Chamond, pp. 94-99. See also ADL 24j (E), register 30^bis, 11 Oct. 1887 and 26 June 1889, on the lack of beds and the problems of administering medical aid outside the hospital.

75. Imbert, Histoire des hôpitaux, p. 344.

76. ADL 24j (H), carton 102; 24j (E), carton 59 dossier 3; 24j (F), carton 106 dossier 4; Imbert, Histoire des hôpitaux, p. 339. Records of employers' payment for sick days are scattered throughout the hospice archives, so a systematic analysis of payments is not possible. One sample set of receipts indicates that in 1882, eight employers paid for 970 sick days; see Series X, 1873-1883.

77. ADL 24j (F), carton 106 dossier 2, 23 June 1876; see also dossier 9, 1863.

78. ADL 24j (E), register 30^bis, March 1886; February 1891; June 1894; March 1895; register 30^ter, November 1898.

79. ADL 24j (E), register 30^bis, July 1894. Numerous similar examples may be found throughout these registers. The uncle of two children requested custody, and the investigation of his circumstances took two months; see register 30^bis, June 1893.

80. ADL 24j (E), register 30^bis, 3 Dec. 1890; 4 Feb. 1891.

81. ADL 24j (E), register 30^ter, 18 Aug. 1889.

82. M. Fournier, La vallée ardente: scènes de la vie populaire (Saint Etienne: Librairie Dubouchet, 1938), pp. 64-65.

83. Ibid., p. 158.

84. Le Moniteur de la Loire et al Haute-Loire, 16 Aug. 1877.

85. AN F¹⁷ 9327, report on primary instruction, arrondissement of Saint Etienne, 1855. Members of the municipal council came from the old, well-established Saint-Chamonais families of Gillier, Richard, Thiollière, Neyrand, and Dugas-Vialis. They adhered to Legitimist politics and practiced Catholicism devoutly. The new braid industrialists who appeared—Oriol and Brun—were equally Catholic and reactionary. For lists of municipal council members, see ADL 6M 20.

86. ADL T718, cantonal delegates for Saint Chamond in 1850; 17 March 1875; T721, 23 Feb. 1872.

87. AN F¹⁷ 9327, report on primary instruction, arrondissement of Saint Etienne, 1855.

88. AN F¹⁷ 9347, inspection of primary schools, arrondissement of Saint Etienne, 1860. Comments here about the psychological effect of abandoning patois are admittedly speculative. Eugen Weber discusses the importance among villagers in the Loire of continuing to speak patois. He quotes an 1864 report on instruction from the Loire: "In villages, anyone who tried to speak French wouldn't escape the jeers of his neighbors. He would be turned to ridicule": Peasants into Frenchmen: The Modernization of Rural France, 1870-1914 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1976), p. 312. It follows that abandoning patois would also have had great symbolic importance for the migrant. In his account of life in a Breton village, Pierre-Jakez Hélias stresses the humiliation of not knowing French, the "bourgeois" language. "Every time they had to deal with a city civil-servant and every time they ventured into a city, they were exposed to sly smiles and to jeers of all kinds. They were called 'straw-choppers,' for example, or 'gorse-grinders,' since their language seemed uncouth to those who didn't understand it." It is inconceivable that language and all it symbolized did not play a profound role in the integration of migrants into an urban setting. This subject is certainly one that merits more systematic exploration. As Hélias reminds us, "Like all populations who never express themselves other than orally, [the Bretons] were very sensitive to language, very heedful of it." See The Horse of Pride: Life in a Breton Village, trans. June Guicharnaud (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1978), pp. 151-52.

89. AN F¹⁷ 9327, report on primary instruction, arrondissement of Saint Etienne, 1855; 20 Jan. 1857, 1859, 1860; F¹⁷ 9338, report on instruction, arroundissement of Saint Etienne, 1857; F¹⁷ 9347, inspection of primary schools, arrondissement of Saint Etienne, 1860.

90. ADL T883, adult education, 1864-1867; letter to inspector of primary schools from Emma Canel, 13 June 1872; Bertholon, Histoires de Saint-Chamond, p. 134.

91. H. Rollet, L'Action sociale des catholiques en France, 1871-1901 (Paris: Bovin, 1947), p. 286; Pierre Pierrard, L'Eglise et les ouvriers en France (1840-1940) (Paris: Hachette, 1984), pp. 295-356.

92. ADL M244, tr. 427/6.

93. ADL 27M 2, police commissioner of Saint Chamond to the prefect, 28 April 1880; 10M 113, police of Saint Chamond, 15 July 1896; 10M 115, police of Saint Chamond, 13 Jan. 1897; Bertholon, Histoires de Saint-Chamond, pp. 176-78; Yves Lequin, Les ouvriers de la région lyonnaise (1848-1914). Vol. 2: Les intérêts de classe et de la république (Lyon: Presses Universitaires de Lyon, 1977), pp. 337-41, 468.

94. Rollet, L'Action sociale des catholiques en France, pp. 29-30.

95. Ibid. See also Pierrard, L'Eglise et les ouvriers, pp. 286-309.

96. Rollet, L'Action sociale des catholiques en France, pp. 255, 686-90; ADL 21M 48, police commissioner of Saint Chamond to prefect, 27 June 1903. This report did not state what kind of workers belonged to the cercles.

97. Rollet, L'Action sociale des catholiques en France, p. 83; Pierrard, L'Eglise et les ouvriers, pp. 343-53.

98. Rollet, L'Action sociale des catholiques en France, p. 286.

99. AN BB¹⁸ 1932A 96, "Patrons catholiques," 1892.

100. AN BB¹⁸ 1932A 96, "Oeuvre des cercles catholiques d'ouvriers: le Comité de Saint-Chamond, Association de Patrons," 1877.

101. Ibid., "Parquet de la cour d'appel de Lyon," arrondissement of Saint Etienne, 1892.

102. For example, a local notary in 1867 credited the work of religious orders with the city's harmony and implied that workers there shared their employers' beliefs: "It is thanks to them, to their lessons, to the training of youth by the moral and religious education that they have given it, that we owe the truly extraordinary tranquility which our city has always enjoyed, even during the troubled days of 1848." Quoted in Bertholon, Histoires de Saint-Chamond, p. 36.

103. Archives du Ministère de la Guerre, Vincennes, MR1266, "Rapport sur les environs de Saint-Chamond," 1843.

1. M. Fournier, L'Essor d'une ville ouvrière: l'oeuvre sociale de la municipalité de Saint-Chamond (Saint Etienne: Imprimerie de la Loire républicaine, 1934), p. 8.

2. M. Fournier, Tableaux de la vie saint-chamonaise (Saint Chamond: Bordron, 1949), p. 95.

3. AN F^1c III, Loire 9, prefect to the minister of the interior, 6 June 1858. See also David Gordon, Merchants and Capitalists: Industrialization and Provincial Politics in Mid-Nineteenth-Century France (University: University of Alabama Press, 1985), p. 96. Only the economic downturn of 1857 provoked protest. Someone posted a "seditious placard" in Saint Chamond that blamed the government for poverty among the French. While the police admitted "that our working class is in the greatest state of misery," they found the incident unimportant and nonthreatening to peace in the community. See ADL 10M 53, police of Saint Etienne to the minister of the interior, 13 Nov. 1875, and Tribunal of Saint Etienne to the prefect, 27 Dec. 1875. Even workers in Rive-de-Gier and Saint Etienne exhibited no unrest and expressed no overt interest in politics during these years.

4. Election results may be found in ADL 3M 11, May and June 1863; retrospective details about Imbert are in 3M 21, police commissioner of Saint Chamond to prefect, 20 Sept. 1885. Opposition candidates received an astonishing 81 percent of the vote in Saint Etienne, where the government had even tried to manipulate votes in its favor, and 53 percent in Rive-de-Gier. For a discussion of these elections in Saint Etienne, see Gordon, Merchants and Capitalists, p. 96.

5. AN F^1c III, Loire 9, 5 July 1865; 30 Sept. 1865; 20 Oct. 1865.

6. AN F^1c III, Lorie, 9, 11-14 June 1869.

7. ADL 10M 62, police commissioner of Saint Chamond to prefect, document 132, 1 July 1869; 10M 32, police commissioner of Saint Chamond to prefect, 1 July 1869.

8. ADL 10M 67, police commissioner of Saint Chamond to prefect, document 154, 11 Aug. 1870; 92M 12, police commissioner of Saint Chamond to prefect, document 40, dated 20, 21, 22 Aug. 1869.

9. ADL 27M 1, "Cercle des Travailleurs," 1870; police commissioner of Saint Chamond to prefect, 11 Jan. 1872.

10. ADL 27M 1, police commissioner of Saint Chamond to central commissioner, 24 Aug. 1873.

11. Gordon, Merchants and Capitalists, p. 116.

12. For Legitimist and clerical sentiment toward the Empire in 1869, see AN F^1c III, Loire 9, 31 Aug. 1869.

13. See Gordon, Merchants and Capitalists, chapter 4 and pp. 110-11.

14. For conservatives' fear of revolution and their show of support for Napoleon when he traveled through the region, see AN F^1c III, Loire 9, prefect to the minister of the interior, 31 Aug, 1869; ADL 10M 62, police commissioner of Saint Chamond to prefect, document 133, 30 Nov. 1869.

15. For this plebiscite, Napoleon III asked the French to approve or disapprove the liberal reforms of the past decade with a yes or no vote. The meaning of those votes inevitably contains paradox. A no vote could come from two contradictory sentiments: liberals cast negative votes to reject authoritarian government, while conservatives voted no to oppose liberal reforms. But many who opposed the liberal reforms—such as the Legitimists—found themselves in the paradoxical position of voting yes because they wanted to demonstrate their support for the Empire since it stood for order and authority. For a discussion of the paradoxes in this plebiscite, see Theodore Zeldin, Emile Ollivier and the Liberal Empire of Napleon III (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1963), pp. 154-56. The French population overwhelmingly endorsed the emperor. Within the arrondissement of Saint Etienne, rural communes favored the Empire, while the industrial cities opposed it. The vote distribution ranged from a yes vote of 97 percent in rural Bourg Argental to 27 percent in the cities of Saint Etienne and Le Chambon-Feugerolles. Indeed, Saint Etienne cast the largest proportion of negative votes of any city in France. Significantly, Saint Chamond deviated from its neighboring cities. Saint Chamond remained the strong-hold of conservatives who dreaded republicanism. For results of the plebiscite throughout the Loire, see Laurent Boyer, Les élections politiques dans le département de la Loire au temps de l'assemblée nationale et du Maréchal MacMahon (Paris: Sirey, 1963), p. 27. For Saint Etienne and the Stéphanois, see Gordon, Merchants and Capitalists, pp. 112, 153, 154.

16. ADL 6M 13, prefect of the Loire to the minister of the interior, 14 Dec. 1870; 27M 1, police commissioner of Saint Chamond to central commissioner, 24 Aug. 1873.

17. ADL 6M 13, prefect of the Loire to the minister of the interior, 14 Dec. 1870; 27M 1, police commissioner of Saint Chamond to central commissioner, 24 Aug. 1873; Stéphane Bertholon, Histoires de Saint-Chamond: notes et souvenirs d'un vieux couramiaud (Saint Etienne: n.p., 1927), p. 142.

18. ADL 10M 72, "Extrait du registre des déliberations du Conseil municipal de la ville de Saint-Chamond," document 18, 5 April 1871.

19. ADL 27M 1, police commissioner of Saint Chamond to central commissioner, 24 Aug. 1873; Bertholon, Histories de Saint-Chamond, p. 154.

20. James Condamin, Histoire de Saint-Chamond et de la seigneurie de Jarez, depuis les temps les plus reculés jusqu'à nos jours (Paris: A. Picard, 1890), p. 572.

21. ADL 27M 1, letter to prefect from police commissioner of Saint Chamond, 11 Jan. 1872.

22. ADL 27M 1, 8 Jan. 1872; 10 Jan. 1872; 11 Jan. 1872.

23. ADL 27M 1, letter from César Pouget to Le Radical, 21 March 1872.

24. ADL 27M 1, police commissioner of Saint Chamond to central commissioner, 24 Aug. 1873; central commissioner of police to prefect of the Loire, 25 Aug. 1873; gendarmerie to lieutenant, 25 Aug. 1873.

25. See Pierre Pierrard, L'Eglise et les ouvriers en France (1840-1940) (Paris: Hachette, 1984), pp. 259-312.

26. ADL M244 tr. 427/6, Le Républicain de la Loire et de la Haute-Loire, 17 March 1877; Bertholon, Histories de Saint-Chamond, p. 135.

27. For the cercles catholiques, see Chapter 5; documents concerning the Association of Catholic Employers may be found in AN BB¹⁸ 1932A 96, 1892. The number of employees in the Brun factories is in ADL 88M 16, 1890.

28. AN BB¹⁸ 1932A 96, "Patrons catholiques."

29. ADL 3M 13, gendarmerie of the Saint Chamond brigade to the commanding officer, 4 Oct. 1873.

30. ADL, series T, 721, cantonal delegates for instruction, 23 Feb, 1872; archives of the Forges et Aciéries de la Marine, "Histoire des forges et aciéries de la marine et d'Homecourt," unpublished manuscript, circa 1920; Bertholon, Histories de Saint-Chamond, p. 267; Boyer, Les élections politiques dans le département de la Loire, p. 161.

31. Mémorial de la Loire, 15 Feb. 1876, quoted in Boyer, Les élections politiques dans le département de la Loire, p. 162.

32. Bertholon, Histories de Saint-Chamond, p. 142; ADL 6M 20, 25 Sept. 1877.

33. ADL 92M 14, documents 47 (n.d.); 57, 5 May 1875; 56, 15 May 1875; 55, 11 May 1875; 69, 11 May 1875; 27M 1, "Liste nominatif des membres du Cercle de l'Industrie et du Commerce de la Ville de Saint Chamond," 12 Oct. 1872. For the tendency of dye workers to avoid overtime, see Michelle Perrot, Les ouvriers en grève: France, 1871-1890, 2 vols. (Paris: Mouton, 1974), 1:352-66.

34. ADL 92M 14, documents 51, 25 June 1875; 49, 26 June 1875.

35. ADL 92M 14, police commissioner of Saint Chamond to prefect, document 37, 2 June 1875; special commissioner of the police of railroads to the minister of the interior, document 27, 15 June 1875; document 29, 15 June 1875.

36. Boyer, Les élections politiques dans le département de la Loire, pp. 161-63.

37. Républicain de la Loire, Feb, 1876, quoted in ibid., p. 162.

38. Boyer, Les élections poliques dans le département de la Loire, p. 170.

39. ADL 6M 13, prefect of the Loire to the minister of the interior, 14 Dec, 1877.

40. Archives de la Préfecture de la Police de Paris (henceforth APP) B/A 171, document 15, 24 July 1878; ADL 92M 15, document 89, Aug, 1878; Bertholon, Histoires de Saint-Chamond, p. 185; M. Fournier, L'Essor d'une ville ouvrière: l'oeuvre sociale de la municipalité de Saint-Chamond (Saint Etienne: Imprimerie de la Loire Républicaine, 1934), p. 12.

41. APP B/A 171, documents 24 (n.d.); 15, 24 July 1875; 23, 25 July 1878; 27 July 1878; 9 Aug. 1878; 19 July 1878; ADL 92M 15, 13 July 1878; 54, 19 July 1874; 68, 23 July 1878; 69 (n.d.); 76, 26 July 1878; 88, 6 Aug. 1878; 64, 22 July 1878; 89, 7 Aug. 1878.

42. APP B/A 171, document 15, 24 July 1878; ADL 92M 15, document 89, Aug. 1878.

43. APP B/A 171, document 17, 27 July 1878; Lyon Républicain, 9 Aug. 1878.

44. APP B/A 171, 25 July 1878; ADL 92M 15, 6 Aug. 1878.

45. ADL 92M 15, document 66, July 1878.

46. Ibid.

47. ADL 93M 11, police commissioner of Saint Chamond to prefect of the Loire, 4 Sept. 1880.

48. Retrospective comments about Chavanne can be found in ADL, 10M 103, "Situation politique dans le département de la Loire," 11 Oct. 1894. See also Bertholon, Histories de Saint-Chamond, p. 146; Fournier, L'Essor d'une ville ouvrière, p. 12.

49. Maxime Perrin, Saint-Etienne et sa région économique: un type de vie industrielle en France (Tours: Arrault, 1937), p. 225. see also L. Babu, L'Industrie métallurgique dans la région de Saint-Etienne (Paris: Dunot, 1899), p. 156.

50. Babu, L'Industrie métallurgique, pp. 159-68.

51. ADL 92M 21, police commissioner of Saint Chamond to prefect of the Loire, 29 Dec. 1882.

52. AN F¹² 4658, 5 Jan. 1883; 30 June 1883; 5 July 1883, 17 July 1883, 24 July 1883; quote is from 17 July 1883. ADL 92M 21, 30 June 1883.

53. ADL 92M 21, police commissioner of Saint Chamond to prefect of the Loire, 9 July 1883. According to the police, fifteen strikers returned to the Haute-Loire, their department of origin, to do agricultural work. The remaining thirty-one stayed in Saint Chamond, "doubtless living off various workers' unions."

54. ADL 92M 21, police commissioner of Saint Chamond to prefect, 17 Aug. 1883; 93M 11, 20 Jan. 1884.

55. ADL 3M 22, prefect of the Loire to the minister of the interior, 25 June 1885; 16 Aug. 1885.

56. ADL 3M 21, Legislative Elections, 18 Oct. 1885.

57. The petition may be found in ADL, series T, 2058; on opposition to laicization of schools in Saint Chamond, see Condamin, Histoire de Saint-Chamond, p. 572, and Bertholon, Histoires de Saint-Chamond, p. 157.

58. ADL 3M 22, special police commissioner of Saint Etienne to the minister of the interior, daily report, 21 Oct. 1885.

59. ADL 3M 22, police commissioner of Saint Chamond to prefect, 20 Sept. 1885.

60. ADL 3M 22, special police commissioner of Saint Etienne to the minister of the interior, daily report, 21 Oct. 1885.

61. See ADL 24j (E), carton 59 dossier 3, 5 Feb. 1885; and Chapter 5, note 64.

62. ADL 3M 23, legislative elections, 1887 and 1888; 6M 20, municipal elections, 1888.

63. ADL 10M 102, police commissioner of Saint Etienne, reports of 1894.

64. ADL 10M 102, report of 25 Jan. 1894; 93M 67, police commissioner of Saint Chamond to prefect, 19 Jan. 1894.

65. These percentages are calculated on the basis of the Saint Chamond police commissioner's report that 6,437 people were employed in Saint Chamond in April 1894. Union members constituted roughly 13 percent of all men in Saint Chamond between the ages of twenty and fifty-nine and 6.4 percent of the entire adult population: ADL 10M 102, May 1894.

66. Edward Shorter and Charles Tilly, Strikes in France, 1830-1968 (London: Cambridge University Press, 1974), p. 152.

67. ADL 93M 11, special commissioner in Saint Etienne to the minister of the interior, 6 July 1892; 21M 48, police commissioner of Saint Chamond to prefect, 8 Jan. 1893, 15 Jan. 1893, 31 Dec. 1894; 93M 67, police commissioner of Saint Chamond to prefect, 19 Jan. 1894.

68. ADL 93M 67, police commissioner of Saint Chamond to prefect, 19 Jan. 1894.

69. Ibid.

70. Ibid.

71. ADL 21M 48, police commissioner of Saint Chamond to prefect, 8 Jan. 1893; 15 Jan. 1893; 20 Jan. 1893.

72. ADL 10M 102, 28 March 1894, Sept. 1894.

73. ADL 10M 103, report of police commissioner for month of July 1894; Fournier, Tableaux de la vie saint-chamonaise, p. 95.

74. For Limoges, see John M. Merriman, The Red City: Limoges and the French Nineteenth Century (New York: Oxford University Press, 1985), chapters 5 and 6. For the victory of the socialists in Saint Etienne, see ADL 10M 103, "Situation politique dans le département de la Loire," 11 Oct. 1894.

75. ADL 10M 103, Saint Chamond police commissioner's reports of July, Aug., and Sept. 1894.

76. ADL 24j (E), register 30^bis, May 1885; 11 Jan. 1886; March 1886; 16 Aug. 1888; 23 Oct. 1888; 20 Nov. 1888; 29 Nov. 1888; 12 March 1889; 2 Nov. 1891; 30 Jan. 1899. Men in the salle des vieillards were able to drink more than their share of wine when those who did not want their portion gave it away.

77. ADL 92M 39, police commissioner of Saint Chamond to prefect, 30 Aug. 1890; 2 Sept. 1890.

78. ADL 92M 42, letter from a Saint Chamond worker to prefect, 3 Oct. 1891.

79. ADL 92M 42, police commissioner of Saint Chamond to the prefect, 3 Oct. 1891.

80. ADL 92M 49, report of the national gendarmerie, 3 Jan. 1893; 7 Jan. 1893; 10 Jan. 1893; prefect to the minister of the interior, 23 Jan. 1893; 21M 48, police commissioner of Saint Chamond to prefect, 3 Jan. 1893; 5 Jan. 1893; 6 Jan. 1893; 7 Jan. 1893; 8 Jan. 1893.

81. ADL 21M 48, 5 Jan. 1893; 6 Oct. 1893; 92M 49, 3 Oct. 1891.

82. AN BB¹⁸ 2019-3480A 95, article from L'Eclaireur de Saint Chamond, 17 Nov. 1895; "Procureur dela République, Tribunal de Saint-Etienne au Procureur Général," 20 Nov. 1895; letter from M. Balet, 10 Dec. 1895; letter from Antonin Massey and André Villers, owners of L'Eclaireur, to the minister of justice, 11 Dec. 1895; letter from Balet, 17 Dec. 1895; reports of the minister of justice, 22 Feb. 1896; 30 Dec. 1895.

83. AN BB¹⁸ 2019-3480A 95, article from L'Eclaireur, 17 Nov. 1895.

84. AN BB¹⁸ 2019-3480A 95, reports of the minister of justice, 30 Dec. 1895; 22 Feb. 1896.

85. ADL 10M 102, report of police commissioner of Saint Chamond, 1 March 1894.

86. ADL 10M 102, report of police commissioner of Saint Chamond, 30 May 1894; Nov. 1894.

87. ADL 76M 125, Municipal Council of Saint Chamond, 18 Nov. 1893.

88. ADL 21M 48, 31 Dec. 1894.

89. ADL 93M 67, 17 Oct. 1895; 20 Oct. 1895; 18 Oct. 1895; 11 Nov. 1895.

90. ADL 21M 48, police commissioner of Saint Chamond to prefect, 7 Jan. 1893; for a discussion of the papal encyclicals, see Pierrard, L'Eglise et les ouvriers, pp. 357-411.

91. Pierrard, L'Eglise et les ouvriers, pp. 360-69.

92. ADL 21M 48, police commissioner of Saint Chamond to prefect, 7 Jan. 1893.

93. ADL 21M 48, police commissioner of Saint Chamond to prefect, 7 Sept. 1900; 21 Nov. 1902; also see Bertholon, Histoires de Saint-Chamond, p. 186.

94. La Croix de Saint-Chamond, 24 Feb. 1910.

95. Ibid., 25 Aug. 1901.

96. ADL 10M 15, police commissioner of Saint Chamond to prefect, 15 March 1897; 21M 48, police commissioner of Saint Chamond to prefect, 28 June 1899.

97. Robert Gildea, Education in Provincial France, 1800-1914: A Study of Three Departments (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1983), pp. 112-13.

98. ADL, series T, 505, laicization, 1 Feb. 1881.

99. ADL 21M 48, 29 Oct. 1900.

100. ADL 21M 48, article in Tribunal, 10 March 1901.

101. See Gildea, Education in Provincial France, pp. 112-13.

102. La Croix de Saint-Chamond, 7 April 1901.

103. Ibid., 26 May 1901.

104. Ibid.

105. ADL 21M 48, 19 Oct. 1900; 29 Oct. 1900; 3 Dec. 1900; La Croix de Saint-Chamond, 26 May 1901; 28 July 1901.

106. La Croix de Saint-Chamond, 5 May 1902.

107. Ibid., 10 Aug. 1902; L'Eclaireur de Saint-Chamond, 30 Aug. 1902.

108. ADL 21M 48, police commissioner of Saint Chamond to prefect, 9 March 1901.

109. ADL 93M 11, commissioner of police of Saint Chamond to prefect, 19 June 1902; Michael Hanagan, The Logic of Solidarity: Artisans and Industrial Workers in Three French Towns, 1871-1914 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1980), pp. 152-53.

110. ADL 93M 67, 1906-1914; 93M 11, March 1911-Feb. 1913; 92M 190, Jan. 1911-June 1912.

111. ADL 93M 67, 1906-1914; for Aciéries de la Marine, see especially 21 March-10 April 1911. See also Hanagan, The Logic of Solidarity, pp. 150-59.

112. Hanagan, The Logic of Solidarity, p. 128.

113. See Chapter 3, note 59.

114. Among the men and women who married between 1861 and 1870 and gave addresses in the parish of Saint Ennemond, 58.1 percent and 51.1 percent, respectively, either had been born in Saint Chamond or had lived there for more than twenty years. Among metal workers, 52.3 percent manifested the same degree of stability. These rates contrast sharply with those of the general population, listed in Appendix B, Table B-15. For the irreligiosity of Saint Ennemond, see La Croix de Saint-Chamond, 26 May 1901: thirty people in this parish signed a petition complaining about the religious indoctrination of their children in the école maternelle of Saint Ennemond. Throughout his works, M. Fournier portrays the indifference to religion and the independence among the inhabitants of this parish. See especially La vallée ardente: scènes de la vie popularie (Saint Etienne: Librairie Dubouchet, 1938), pp. 56-59, 216, 223. See also parish reports in the Archives Paroissiales du Rhône, diocèse de Lyon, and Bertholon's characterization of the "Mognods" in Histoires de Saint-Chamond, pp. 33-34, 231.

115. Examples may be found in Fournier, La vallée ardente, pp. 108-9, 216-17, 331, 351-53, 365; and M. Fournier, Les forgerous (Saint Chamond: Bordron, 1939), pp. 11-16, 20-21.

116. Fournier, La vallée ardente, p. 31.

117. Merriman, The Red City; Joan W. Scott, The Glassworkers of Carmaux: French Craftsmen and Political Action in a Nineteenth-Century City (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1974).

1. Hans Medick hypothesized that proto-industry fostered a system of interchangeable roles. See "The Proto-Industrial Family Economy: The Structural Function of Household and Family during the Transition from Peasant Society to Industrial Capitalism," Social History 3 (1976): 291-315.

2. J. B. Say, A Treatise on Political Economy; or, The Production, Distribution, and Consumption of Wealth, trans. C. R. Prinsep (4th American ed. Philadelphia: John Grigg, 1830), and Say, Cours complet d'économie politique pratique, 2 vols. (2d ed. Paris: Guillaumin, 1840); see discussion in William Coleman, Death Is a Social Disease: Public Health and Political Economy in Early Industrial France (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1982), pp. 59-81. See also Louis Chevalier, Laboring Classes and Dangerous Classes in Paris during the First Half of the Nineteenth Century, trans. Frank Jellinek (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1973), pp. 455-56.

3. Claude Tillier, Mon oncle Benjamin (Paris, 1881), p. 78, quoted in Angus McLaren, Sexuality and Social Order: The Debate over the Fertility of Women and Workers in France, 1780-1920 (New York: Holmes & Meier, 1983), p. 125.

4. McLaren, Sexuality and Social Order, pp. 125-35.

5. See Rachel Fuchs, "Morality and Poverty: Single Mothers and Welfare Inspectors in Paris, 1880-1904," paper presented at the annual meeting of the Society for French Historical Studies, Quebec, 21 March 1986.

6. Peter Stearns, Paths to Authority: The Middle Class and the Industrial Labor Force in France, 1820-1848 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1978).

7. Michelle Perrot, "The Three Ages of Industrial Discipline in Nineteenth-Century France," in Consciousness and Class Experience in Nineteenth-Century Europe, ed. John M. Merriman (New York: Holmes & Meier, 1979), pp. 149-68. Perrot argues that this set of relationships ended when employers ceased being visible in the workplace. For an excellent discussion of how paternalism operated after the employer left the workplace, see Donald Reid, "Industrial Paternalism: Discourse and Practice in Nineteenth-Century French Mining and Metallurgy," Comparative Studies in Society and History 27 (October 1985): 579-607.

1. Larry Logue, who is the primary author of this section, devised and implemented the program to correct for missed births in the data from Saint Chamond.

2. Louis Henry, "The Verification of Data in Historical Demography," Population Studies 22 (1968): 61-81.