1. Two controversial terms need clarification at the outset: colony and Algerians . Administratively defined as a département , Algeria was not officially a colony. Nevertheless, this was a bureaucratic categorization and did not affect the power structure, which was based on the dominance of the French over Algerians. Algerians is an umbrella term that covers all the ethnic groups in contradistinction to colonizers. It has been used sporadically and casually in colonial discourse, with frequent counterarguments against the notion of a unified "Algerian nation" (and "Algerian people"). An intriguing argument for the longtime existence of the Algerian nation was put forward by Mostefa Lacheraf. Challenging statements by prominent Algerians (like Ferhat Abbas, who later changed his mind) and French (like Albert Camus, who did not) that denied nationhood to Algerians, Lacheraf maintained that opposition to France for 130 years could not have been pursued without national unity, if not in the form of a "nation-state" ( état nation ) in the form of a "community state" ( état communauté ). See Mostefa Lacheraf, L'Algérie: nation et société (Paris, 1965), 9. Lacheraf's association of the Algerian nation with resistance to colonialism is echoed by Christopher Miller, who broadens it to African nationalism: "The original African nationalism is one of resistance to colonialism from within.'' For Miller, however, the origin of African nationalism is in the struggle, not the presence of a nation. See Christopher L. Miller, ''Nationalism as Resistance and Resistance to Nationalism in the Literature of Francophone Africa," Yale French Studies 82 (1993): 74-75.

2. French colonial policies regarding urbanism and architecture have constituted a major field of interest in recent scholarship. Janet Abu-Lughod's pioneering book, Rabat: Urban Apartheid in Morocco (Princeton, N.J., 1980), provided English-speaking readers with an acute critical study. About a decade later, Paul Rabinow published French Modern: Norms and Forms of the Social Environment (Cambridge, Mass., 1989) and devoted a large section to the urban policies of Marshal Hubert Lyautey in Morocco. Gwendolyn Wright's The Politics of Design in French Colonial Urbanism (Chicago, 1991) looked at the cities of Morocco, Vietnam, and Madagascar. On Algeria, there is only one book in English: David Prochaska's masterful Making Algeria French (Cambridge, England, 1990), which focuses on Bône (present-day Annaba). So far, Algiers has entered the discourse sporadically and solely in terms of Le Corbusier's unrealized projects for the city.

3. Eric J. Hobsbawm, The Age of Empire, 1875-1914 (New York, 1987), 76.

4. Edward Said, Culture and Imperialism (New York, 1993), 11-12 (italics in original).

5. Spiro Kostof, The City Shaped (London, 1992), 25, 9, 11.

6. Kevin Lynch, The Image of the City (Cambridge, Mass., 1960), 9, 4.

7. Henri Lefebvre, The Production of Space , trans. Donald Nicholson-Smith (Oxford, 1991), 17.

8. Frantz Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth , trans. Constance Farrington (New York, 1968), 38-39.

9. Le Corbusier, "Le Folklore est l'expression fleurie des traditions," Voici la France de ce mois 16 (June 1941): 31; idem, La Ville radieuse (Paris, 1933), 230-231.

10. Lefebvre, The Production of Space , 17.

11. Janet Abu-Lughod, "On the Remaking of History: How to Reinvent the Past," in Barbara Kruger and Phil Mariani, eds., Remaking History (Seattle, 1989), 112.

12. Kostof, The City Shaped , 11, 13.

13. Lefebvre, The Production of Space , 90, 116.

14. Eric J. Hobsbawm, "From Social History to the History of the Society," in Felix Gilbert and Stephen R. Graubard, eds., Historical Studies Today (New York, 1972), 14-16.

15. Homi K. Bhabha, "The Other Question: Difference, Discrimination and the Discourse of Colonialism," in Russell Ferguson, Martha Gever, Trinh T. Minh-ha, Cornel West, eds., Out There: Marginalization and Contemporary Culture (Cambridge, Mass., 1990), 72, 85-86.

16. Ibid., 71-87; H. Bhabha, "Of Mimicry and Man: The Ambivalence of Colonial Discourse," October 28 (October 1984): 125-133. See also Benita Parry, "Problems in Current Theories of Colonial Discurse," Oxford Literary Review 9, nos. 1-2 (1987): 27-58, especially 28-29 and 41-42.

17. Peter Hulme, Colonial Encounters: Europe and the Native Caribbean, 1492-1797 (London, 1986), 2.

18. Michel Leiris, "L'Ethnographe devant le colonialisme," Les Temps modernes 6, no. 58 (August 1950): 358, translated as "The Ethnolographer Faced with Colonialism," in Michel Leiris, Brisées: Broken Branches , trans. Lydia Davis (San Francisco, 1989), 112.

19. I thus extend Christopher Miller's argument that "a fair reading of African literature demands engagement within, and even dependence on, anthropology" to a fair reading of architecture and cities. See Christopher L. Miller, Theories of Africans (Chicago, 1990), 4.

20. The material discussed in this book revolves around certain key events and dates, but it is beyond the scope of my project to provide the historic background. I offer the following list not as a comprehensive bibliography on the history of Algeria, but as a selection that expands on the critical moments of my analysis. C.-R. Agéron, Modern Algeria: A History from 1830 to the Present, tr. and ed. M. Brett (London, 1991); idem, Politiques coloniales au Maghreb (Paris, 1973); idem, L'Histoire de l'Algérie contemporaine: de l'insurrection de 1871 au déclenchement de la guerre de libération (1954) (Paris, 1979); J. Berque, French North Africa: The Maghrib between the Two World Wars, tr. J. Stewart (New York, 1967); Frantz Fanon, A Dying Colonialism (New York, 1967); D. C. Gordon, The Passing of French Algeria (London, 1966); A. Hourani, A History of the Arab Peoples (Cambridge, Mass., 1991); C.-A. Julien, History of North Africa: Tunisia, Algeria, Morocco, from the Arab Conquest to 1830 (New York, 1970); Lacheraf, L'Algérie; A. Laroui, The History of the Maghrib (Princeton, N.J., 1977); John Ruedy, Modern Algeria: The Origins and Development of a Nation (Bloomington, Ind., 1994); L. Valensi, On the Eve of Colonialism: North Africa before the French Conquest 1790-1830 (New York, 1977). For comprehensive bibliographies, see Michael Brett's Bibliography, in Agéron, Modern Algeria: A History from 1830 to the Present, and Ruedy's Bibliographical Essay, in Modern Algeria: The Origins and Development of a Nation .

21. Consider Marshal Lyautey's famous statement on colonies as laboratories of modernism.

22. Albert Sarrault, Grandeur et servitude coloniales (Paris, 1931), 220-221.

23. Raoul Girardet, L'Idée coloniale en France (Paris, 1972), 176, 186.

24. Gustave Mercier, speech made in 1930 and quoted in Winifred Woodhull, Transfigurations of the Maghreb (Minneapolis, 1993), 41.

25. The Colonial Exposition held in Paris a year later nurtured the climate of "the greatest France." Literature on the 1931 Colonial Exposition is extensive; see, in particular, C.-R. Agéron, "L'Exposition coloniale de 1931: mythe républicaine ou mythe impériale?" in P. Nora, ed., La République (Paris, 1984), 561-591; Eugene Lebovics, True France (Ithaca, N.Y., 1992); Patricia Morgan, "The Civilizing Mission of Architecture: L'Exposition Coloniale Internationale de 1931 à Paris" (Ph.D. diss., Princeton University, 1994).

1. The term casbah was derived from the citadel located at the highest point of the fortifications surrounding the town.

2. In the words of colonial architectural historian A. Maitrot de la Motte-Capron, Algerian architecture expressed a very clear " amour du cube. " See A. Maitrot de la Motte-Capron, "L'Architecture indigène nord-africaine," Bulletin de la Société de Géographie d'Alger et de l'Afrique du Nord 37, no. 131 (1932): 293.

3. Roger Le Tourneau, "Al Djaza'ir," in Encyclopedia of Islam (Leiden, 1960), 519-520.

4. Ibid., 520; Djaffar Lesbet, La Casbah d'Alger. Gestion urbaine et vide sociale (Algiers, [c. 1985]), 194-195. In 1816, the citadel became the residence of the dey of Algiers.

5. André Raymond, The Great Arab Cities in the 16th-18th Centuries (New York, 1984), 10.

6. The Janina Palace burned in 1844; it was then demolished. Today the al-Jadid Mosque is on the present-day Place des Martyres (formerly Place du Gouvernement).

7. Le Tourneau, "Al Djaza'ir," 520; André Ravéreau, La Casbah d'Alger. Et le site créa la ville (Paris, 1989), 35-36; Jean Michel de Venture, Alger au XVIIIe siècle, second ed. (Tunis, [c. 1980]), 9-10.

8. Raymond, Great Arab Cities, 9. Le Tourneau, "Al Djaza'ir," 520-521; Ravéreau, La Casbah d'Alger, 35-36. While the records are clear about the cosmopolitan nature of the population of Algiers, the available population figures are vague, making it difficult to quantify the city's population for any period before 1830. They vary dramatically, from 60,000 at the end of the sixteenth century to 100,000 in 1634; from 50,000 at the end of the eighteenth century to 30,000 in 1830. For Algiers of this period, see also William Spenser, Algiers in the Age of Corsairs (Norman, Okla., 1965).

9. Jean-Michel de Venture, for example, describes the streets of eighteenth-century Algiers as "extremely narrow," not even wide enough for three persons to walk side by side. He also elaborates on the darkness of the streets caused by houses bridging the two sides and by projecting second stories. Venture, Alger au XVIIIe siècle, 3, 10.

10. Lamberto Deho and Daniele Pini, "Tipologia edilizia e morfologia urbana della Casbah di Algeri," Parametro 17 (June 1973): 30.

11. Ravéreau, La Casbah d'Alger, 40-42. Venture's observations in the eighteenth century contradict this statement; he characterizes the streets of Algiers as dirty and foul-smelling. See Venture, Alger au XVIIIe siècle, 10.

12. Janet L. Abu-Lughod, "The Islamic City--Historic Myth, Islamic Essence, and Contemporary Relevance," International Journal of Middle Eastern Studies 19, no. 2 (May 1987): 162-164.

13. Georges Marçais, "Maisons et villas musulmanes d'Alger," Documents algériens 26 (1 January 1948-31 December 1948): 347.

14. Ravéreau, La Casbah D'Alger, 40.

15. On the houses of Algiers, see Lucien Golvin, Palais et demeures d'Alger à la période ottomane (Aix-en-Provence, 1988). Although Golvin focuses on several case studies from upper-class houses, he includes some more modest examples and discusses the general principles.

16. Ravéreau, La Casbah d'Alger, 38-39. For the distribution of mosques, religious schools, public fountains, and baths, see Marcello Balbo and Guido Moretti, "La Casbah nello sviluppo di Algeri," Parametro 17 (June 1973): 7-8, and Lesbet, La Casbah d'Alger, 197-198.

17. Le Tourneau, "Al Djaza'ir," 520; André Raymond, "Le Centre d'Alger en 1830," Revue de l'occident musulman et de la Meditérranée 31, no. 1 (1981): 73-74. Relying on a number of sources, Raymond reconstructed a map of the central zone of the lower city in 1830 (see 84).

18. A waqf (known in the Maghreb as habous ) is a permanent endowment of land or real estate made by an individual and secured by a deed of restraint. Through this act, the owner stipulated that the property be used for good purposes. The principles to be followed were regulated in detail: the purpose had to be compatible with Islam and pleasing to God; the object of the endowment had to be of a permanent nature and made in perpetuity. Waqf s varied from religious buildings to educational ones, to all kinds of public works (roads, aqueducts, bridges), to charitable institutions (hospitals, hostels, laundries, kitchens, baths). Every waqf had a manager, in addition to several technically skilled people on salary, responsible for its repair; a local judge supervised the maintenance. For waqf s, see H. A. R. Gibb and H. Bowen, Islamic Society and the West, vol. 1 (New York, 1957), 2, 164; Encyclopedia of Islam (Leiden, 1960), 1096-97.

19. Roland Barthes, "Myth Today," in Susan Sontag, ed., A Barthes Reader (New York, 1982), 93-94, 104.

20. Woodhull, Transfigurations of the Maghreb, 19; J. Lorraine, Heures d'Afrique (1899), quoted in Yvonne Knibiehler and Régine Goutalier, La Femme aux temps des colonies (Paris, 1985), 40.

21. M. Bernard, D'Alger à Tanger (n.d.), 1, quoted in Judy Mabro, ed., Veiled Half-Truths: Western Travellers' Perceptions of Middle Eastern Women (London, 1991), 35.

22. Lucienne Favre, Tout l'inconnu de la casbah d'Alger (Algiers, 1933), 10 ("sex appeal" is in English in the original).

23. Le Corbusier, La Ville radieuse, 260.

24. Le Corbusier, Poésie sur Alger (1950; facsimile reprint, Paris, 1989), 16.

25. Le Corbusier, "Le Folklore est l'expression fleurie des traditions," 31.

26. L'Algérie de nos jours (1893), quoted in Mabro, Veiled Half-Truths, 31-32.

27. Favre, Tout l'inconnu de la casbah d'Alger, 249. The contrast between the French town and the casbah was conveyed to broad audiences in Julien Duvivier's popular film Pépé le Moko (1937), even though the movie was shot entirely in the studio.

28. Eugène Fromentin, Une Année dans le Sahel, seventh ed. (Paris, 1888), 24, 27-28. Ville blanche is italicized in the original text.

29. Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth, 51.

30. "Il Seminario al Comedor. Conclusioni," Parametro 17 (June 1973): 39.

31. Théophile Gautier, Voyage pittoresque en Algérie, ed. M. Cottin (1845; reprint, Geneva, 1973), 190.

32. See, for example, "Projets pour 1834," Service Historique de l'Armée de Terre, Château de Vincennes, Paris (hereafter SHAT), Génie. Alger. Art. 8, section 1, carton 3, which specifies, among other less important conversions, the resettlement of the Third Battalion of the African Army in a house on the Rue de la Casbah. "Projets pour 1834," ibid., mentions the continuation of the appropriation of houses near the casbah and their transformation into workshops. "Mémoire sur l'état actuel de la place. Projets pour 1837," ibid., carton 4, also notes the conversion of several houses near the casbah into workshops.

33. Quoted in Alf Andrew Heggoy, The French Conquest of Algiers, 1830: An Algerian Oral Tradition (Athens, Ohio, 1986), 22-23.

34. "Rapport au Comité du Génie. Séance du 1 octobre 1831," SHAT, Génie. Alger. Art. 8, section 6.

35. Le Baron Louis André Pichon, Alger sous la domination française, son état présent et son avenir (Paris, 1833), 118-119.

36. René Lespès, Alger, étude de géographie et d'histoire urbaines (Paris, 1930), 205-206.

37. "Rapport au Comité du Génie. Séance du 11 octobre 1831," SHAT, Génie. Alger. Art. 8, section 6.

38. Raymond, "Le Centre d'Alger en 1830," 75-76.

39. Lespès, Alger, 206-208; Pichon, Alger sous la domination française, 266-267; Ministère de la Guerre, "Extrait du Comité des fortifications, séance du 31 décembre 1833," Archives Nationales, Dépôt d'Outre-Mer, Aix-en-Provence (hereafter AOM). As this last document indicates, the desire to regularize the fourth side of the Place du Gouvernement to create " une place parfaitement rectangulaire " persisted. Another attempt to bring order to this side of the square by means of an obelisk or fountain dates from 1840. See correspondence between Directeur de l'Intérieur and Ministre de l'Intérieur, Algiers, 27 June 1840 and 19 July 1840, AOM.

40. "Rapport fait au Ministre de l'Intérieur," 8 January 1834, AOM.

41. Lespès, Alger, 213-221.

42. "Projet pour Alger" and "Projets pour 1834," SHAT, Génie. Alger. Art. 8, section 1, carton 3.

43. M. Pasquier-Bronde, "Alger. Son développement depuis l'occupation française," in J. Royer, ed., L'Urbanisme aux colonies et dans les pays tropicaux, vol. 1 (La-Charité-sur-Loire, 1932), 33-35; P.-L. Nougier, "La Transformation de l'ancien quartier de la Marine," Chantiers 14 (January-March 1954): n.p.

44. "Rapport au Conseil d'Administration, Direction de l'Intérieur," 27 August 1845, AOM; Lespès, Alger, 315-324; "Projet d'accordement de la Place du Gouvernement avec Boulevard de l'Impératrice," SHAT, Secrétariat du Comité des Fortifications, séance du 21 janvier 1865; Federico Cresti, "The Boulevard de l'Impératrice in Colonial Algiers (1860-1866)," Environmental Design 1 (1984): 54-59.

45. "Projet général d'agrandissement de la Casbah," SHAT, Génie. Alger. Art. 8, section 1, carton 5.

46. For discussions of the early phase of French planning in Algiers, also see Federico Cresti, "Algeri dalla conquista francese alla fine del secondo impero," and Luc Vilan, "Algeri o il lettro di procuste: la nascita della citta coloniali in Algeria nell'800," Storia urbana 10, nos. 35-36 (April-September 1986): 41-76, 77-106.

47. "Transformation du quartier Bab-Azoun," Procès verbal, 29 September 1917, AOM.

48. "Rapport du Comité des Fortifications. Séance du 14 mars 1884," SHAT, Génie. Alger. Art. 8, section 6.

49. Lespès, Alger, 398-400. Reminding the French authorities that already four of the largest and most beautiful mosques of Algiers had been demolished, Algerian advisors voiced a protest in 1885 against the demolition of the al-Kabir and al-Jadid. See ibid., 400, n. 2.

50. Pasquier-Bronde, "Alger," 38-39.

51. "Rapport au Conseil d'Administration, Directeur de l'Intérieur," 27 August 1845, AOM; "Extrait des registres des déliberations du Conseil Municipal de la ville d'Alger. Session extraordinaire. Séance du 26 novembre 1859," AOM.

52. Jean-Jacques Deluz, L'Urbanisme et l'architecture d'Alger (Algiers, 1988), 13.

53. Lespès, Alger, 278-279.

54. "Rapport," addressed to M. le Maréchal Compte Randon, gouverneur général d'Algérie, 5 May 1858, AOM.

55. Quoted in Lespès, Alger, 305.

56. Fromentin, Une Année dans le Sahel, 17-18.

57. Lesbet, La Casbah d'Alger, 39-48.

58. Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth, 38-39.

59. R. Randau, "Un Coin du vieil Alger qu'il faut préserver," L'Afrique du nord illustrée (1 April 1938).

60. Lespès, Alger, 170-171.

61. On Lyautey in Morocco, see Abu-Lughod, Rabat, 131-173; Rabinow, French Modern, 277-319; and Wright, Politics of Design in French Colonial Urbanism, 85-160.

62. Quoted in Abu-Lughod, Rabat, 141.

63. Quoted in Norman Daniel, Islam, Europe, and Empire (Edinburgh, 1966), 489.

64. Quoted in Abu-Lughod, Rabat, 143.

65. Quoted in ibid., 142.

66. Henri Prost, "Le Développement de l'urbanisme dans le protectorat du Maroc, de 1914 à 1923," in Royer, L'Urbanisme aux colonies, vol. 1, 60, 68.

67. Henri Prost, "Rapport général," in Royer, L'Urbanisme aux colonies, vol. 1, 21-22; see also Abu-Lughod, Rabat, 145.

68. Charles Montaland, "L'Urbanisme en Algérie, ses directives pour l'avenir," in Royer, L'Urbanisme aux colonies, vol. 1, 51; Pasquier-Bronde, "Alger," 39.

69. Jean Bévia, "Alger et ses agrandissements," L'Architecture 43, no. 5 (15 May 1930): 183.

70. Ella Shohat and Robert Stam, Unthinking Eurocentrism (London, 1994), 23.

71. "Vers un meilleur aménagement: les projets et les mesures préventives," Chantiers (March 1935): 180, 184. For Prost, Danger, and Rotival's master plan, see the next section in this chapter and Chapter 2.

72. René Lespès, "Les Villes," in Les Arts et la technique moderne en Algérie 1937 (Algiers, 1937), 25-26.

73. Ibid., 26.

74. Gouvernment Général de l'Algérie, Direction Générale des Affaires Indigènes et des Territories du Sud, Service de l'Economie Sociale Indigène, Pour les paysans et les artisans indigènes (Algiers, 1939), 140-141. To hasten and increase production and to provide more "precision" to the work, these schools and workshops promoted the use of modern machinery.

75. Le Corbusier, La Ville radieuse, 229, 244; idem, letter to the Prefect of Algiers, 18 May 1942, Fondation Le Corbusier (hereafter FLC); idem, Questionnaire C, 1931-35, FLC; idem, note for M. Sabatier, 6 May 1941, FLC; and idem, "Proposition d'un plan directeur d'Alger et de sa région pour aider aux travaux de la Commission du Plan de la Région d'Alger et comme suite à la séance du 16 juillet 1941," FLC. I have analyzed Le Corbusier's projects in Algiers in terms of their colonial implications in "Le Corbusier, Orientalism, Colonialism," Assemblage 17 (April 1992): 58-77.

76. Le Corbusier, "Proposition d'un plan directeur."

77. Ibid.

78. R. P. Letellier (des Pères Blancs), Les Indigènes de la Casbah (Algiers: 19ème Corps de l'Armée, Etat Major, Cours de formation islamique, 3 December 1941), 2-5. In 1952 a study reiterated the common pattern of one family per room, the room being 5 to 10 square meters, with very poor ventilation and daylight. See Paul Debauffre, "Habitat en Algérie," Documents nord-africains 42 (February 1952): 3.

79. E. Pasquali, "La Casbah en 1949," Bulletin municipal officiel de la ville d'Alger 10 (August 1949): 6. The density in the upper casbah was recorded as 2,600 to 3,800 people per hectare as compared to the average density of 1,060 people per hectare for the entire commune of Algiers. According to soem interpretations, this amounted to an overpopulation of 25,000 people. See Georges Boni, "Le Cas d'Alger," Bulletin économique et juridique 172 (April 1954): 138; "Bilan général de l'aide à la construction de 1946 à 1953," Documents algériens 42 (1 January 1953-31 December 1953): 95.

80. E. Pasquali, "Aperçus sur la 'Casbah' d'Alger de l'époque phénicienne à nos jours--Démographie de la Casbah," Bulletin municipal officiel de la ville d'Alger 3 (March 1951): n.p., and ibid., 4 (April 1951): n.p.

81. M. Kaddache, "La Casbah de nos jours," Documents algériens (1 January 1951-31 December 1951): 237, 240-241.

82. Ibid., 231-237.

83. Ibid., 229-230; Bulletin municipal officiel de la ville d'Alger 4, 5-6, (April, May-June 1950): n.p.

84. L'Echo d'Alger, 11 June 1959.

85. General de Gaulle quoted in République Française, Délégation Générale du Gouvernement en Algérie, Direction du Plan et des Etudes Economiques, Plan de Constantine 1959-1963. Rapport général (June 1960), 33, 336.

86. M. Baglietto, "Un Vaste projet municipal: l'aménagement de la Casbah," L'Echo d'Alger, 13 February 1960; idem, "Le Conseil municipal du Grand-Alger devant un problème humain: l'aménagement de la Casbah," L'Echo d'Alger, 17 February 1960.

87. Lesbet, La Casbah d'Alger, 61-62.

88. Albert-Paul Lentin, L'Algérie entre deux mondes. Le Dernier quart d'heure (Paris, 1963), 111. The entire city was divided into three zones: central Algiers and two-thirds of the casbah; the remaining one-third of the casbah and the west of Algiers; and east of Algiers. See ibid., 124.

89. Ibid., 126-134.

90. L'Echo d'Alger, 29 March 1956, 27-28 May 1956, 9 January 1957 (the newspaper reported that about five hundred men were registered as construction workers), and 23 September 1956. See also Henri Alleg, Jacques de Bonis, Henri J. Douzon, Jean Freire, and Pierre Haudiquet, La Guerre d'Algérie, vol. 2 (Paris, 1981), 183.

91. Lentin, L'Algérie entre deux mondes, 131-135.

92. El Moudjahid 74 (15 December 1960). The tract was signed by Union Générale des Travailleurs Algériens, Union Générale des Etudiants Musulmans Algériens, Jeunesse Algérien, and Union des Femmes Algériennes.

93. El Moudjahid 75 (19 December 1960): 352, 356, 358. One eventful day reveals the fervor and scale of collective action in the casbah. On II December 1960, at 9:45 a.m., 10,000 people crowded its streets, shouting "[Ferhat] Abbas to power" and "Muslim Algeria." At 2:30 p.m. hundreds of young people carrying FLN flags still marched the narrow streets to the chants of women crowded at windows. By 5:30 p.m. large crowds--FLN processions--again filled the streets of the casbah.

94. "Le Plan d'aménagement de la région algéroise," in Travaux nord-africains, 17 December 1932.

95. Deluz, L'Urbanisme et l'architecture d'Alger, 16. Although refined and detailed further by Tony Socard, the project became known as the Prost project.

96. Lespès, "Les Villes," 9; Joseph Sintes, "Le Quartier de la Marine et la Casbah" in Travaux nord-africains, 31 December 1932. According to Sintes, prostitution was so rampant that Muslim residents felt compelled to write "honnête maison" on their doors.

97. F. Gauthier, "Le Quartier de la Marine," Feuillets d'El-Djezair (July 1941): 33. Comité du Vieil Alger was established to preserve precolonial Algiers. Its activities included designation buildings that should be classified historic monuments, organizing lectures and walking tours in the casbah, and publishing a journal, Feuillets d'El-Djezair. Among its members were Georges Marçais and Muhammad Racim. See M. Orif, "De l'Art indigène à l'art algérien," Actes de la recherche en sciences sociales 75 (November 1988): 38.

98. "Vers un meilleur aménagement," Chantiers (March 1935): 186.

99. Ibid., 185.

100. Lespès, "Les Villes," 12; "Vers un meilleur aménagement," 186; Jean Alazard, "L'Urbanisme et l'architecture à Alger de 1918 à 1936," L'Architecture 50, no. 1 (15 January 1937): 25. The new housing projects were to be constructed in the Bab el-Oued Quarter and in the southern suburbs.

101. J.-P. Fauve, Alger capitale (Paris, 1936), 30, 36.

102. Ibid., 67, 69; J.-P. Fauve, "Confirmation mathématique des vues qui précèdent," 7 June 1934, FLC.

103. The idea of placing a skyscraper at the location was criticized even by those who were typically Le Corbusier's defenders. Fauve, for example, argued that the proposed building "profiled in a disastrous manner on the casbah, the pure gem of Algiers," despite the same vision of the project to develop a civic center near the Place du Gouvernement. See Fauve, "Confirmation mathématique."

104. Le Corbusier, "Note financière annexe au Projet C de l'urbanisation du Quartier de la Marine à Alger," 1934, FLC; idem, Questionnaire B, 1931-35, FLC; idem, "Proposition d'un Plan Directeur d'Alger et de sa région pour aider aux travaux de la Commission du Plan de la Région d'Alger et comme suite à la séance du 16 juillet 1941," FLC.

105. See Mary McLeod, "Le Corbusier and Algiers," Oppositions 16-17 (1980): 55-85.

106. Omar Racim's letter was published in Tribune d'Alger républicain, 16 August 1947. The editors qualified their position by stating that while they thought the letter was "interesting," the opinion expressed belonged solely to the author.

107. P. Loviconi, "La Transformation du Quartier de l'Ancienne Préfecture," Bulletin municipal officiel de la ville d'Alger 11 (September 1949): 11.

108. P. L. Nougier, "La Transformation de l'ancien quartier de la Marine," Chantiers 14 (1954): n.p.

109. Travaux nord-africains, 6 December 1956.

110. Ibid., 12 March 1959; Deluz, L'Urbanisme et l'architecture d'Alger, 74-76; Travaux nord-africains, 6 December 1956. By late 1956, 328 of the 1,250 projected units had been built in Bab el-Oued. Obviously, 1,250 units for 15,000 people displaced from the Marine Quarter meant very high densities for the new housing projects.

111. Travaux nord-africains, 19 March 1959.

112. Deluz, L'Urbanisme et l'architecture d'Alger, 74.

113. "Urbanisation du quartier de la Marine," Alger-revue municipale (spring 1959): 48.

114. Travaux nord-africains, 6 December 1956; Deluz, L'Urbanisme et l'architecture d'Alger, 74.

1. This chapter does not claim to be a comprehensive survey, but an outline that explains the essence of city-building activities under the French. For a thorough and meticulous survey of urban history on Algiers that covers the years 1830 to 1930, see Lespès, Alger. For a well-illustrated but brief summary of architecture and urbanism in Algiers under French rule (until the 1960s), see X. Malverti, "Alger: Meditérranée, soleil et modernité," in Institut Français d'Architecture, Architectures françaises outre-mer (Paris, 1992), 29-64. I have not dealt with the history of the harbor of Algiers. On this topic, see Yves Layes, Le Port d'Alger (Algiers, 1951).

2. Quoted in Pasquier-Bronde, "Alger," 33.

3. The term à la Vauban is used in 1951 by M. Molbert, chief engineer of the city of Algiers, who criticized the short vision of the first French planners in Algiers and who mocked the fact that the fortifications had to be demolished a century later "without having received a single gunshot." See M. Molbert, "L'Urbanisme et son application à Alger," Bulletin municipal officiel de la ville d'Alger 5 (May 1951): n.p. On fortifications, see Lespès, Alger, 235-237.

4. "Extraits du Journal des Débats du 18 juin 1842," SHAT, Génie. Alger. Art. 8, section 1, carton 7.

5. Lespès, Alger, 223, 336-337.

6. Molbert, "L'Urbanisme et son application à Alger"; Lespès, Alger, 251-257.

7. François Béguin, Arabisances (Paris, 1983), 106; Lespès, Alger, 255.

8. Lespès, Alger, 263-265.

9. Pasquier-Bronde, "Alger," 36-37; Deluz, L'Urbanisme et l'architecture d'Alger, 13; lespès, Alger, 357-364.

10. Lespès, Alger, 265-266.

11. Ibid., 325-329, 355; Louis Presse, Algérie et Tunisie (Paris, 1888), 12, 14-15. The location of a new casino was a much debated affair. Eugène de Redon proposed to place it in Bab el-Oued, with a commanding view of the sea; among other locations considered were the Boulevard Gambetta, Boulevard de la République, and Square Bresson. See Lespès, Alger, 425. The British interest in Algiers as a place of hivernage was short-lived.

12. Lespès, Alger, 340-42.

13. Ibid., 349-352.

14. Ibid., 376-383.

15. Ibid., 398-399.

16. Ibid., 400-401.

17. Ibid., 405-406.

18. Ibid., 411-413, 417.

19. Ibid., 413-414.

20. Ibid., 430-435; J. Alazard, ''L'Urbanisme à Alger,'' Le Monde colonial illustré 80 (April 1930): 92.

21. Lespès, Alger, 408-409. The increase by 22,000 in the indigenous population of the intra-muros between 1896 and 1926 is especially noteworthy. The overall population increase in the same area during these three decades was 34,000.

22. Molbert, "L'Urbanisme et son application à Alger."

23. Alazard, "L'Urbanisme à Alger," 93; Lespès, Alger, 438-439.

24. "Vers un meilleur aménagement," Chantiers (March 1935): 180; Molbert, "L'Urbanisme et son application à Alger"; Lespès, Alger, 8-9.

25. "Vers un meilleur aménagement," 180-183; Lespès, Alger, 16-18. Deluz, L'Urbanisme et l'architecture d'Alger, 19-20.

26. Lespès, Alger, 13.

27. Deluz, L'Urbanisme et l'architecture d'Alger, 20.

28. Literature on Le Corbusier's projects in Algiers is extensive. For an indepth discussion, see McLeod, "Le Corbusier and Algiers," 55-85. For the projects, see Le Corbusier, Ouevre complète, 1938-1946 (Zurich, 1964). Curiously enough, Le Corbusier was challenging Prost and Danger's proposals in another Mediterranean city at the time. With the support of Turkish modernist architects, he had taken on the design of an alternative master plan for Izmir. See Izmir Files, FLC.

29. Le Corbusier, Poésie sur Alger, 17, 11-13.

30. Le Corbusier, La Ville radieuse, 233.

31. Le Corbusier, Quand les cathédrales étaient blanches (Paris, 1937), 46-47.

32. Le Corbusier, Poésie sur Alger, 38, 44.

33. Cotéreau quoted in Deluz, L'Urbanisme et l'architecture d'Alger, 12.

34. Reynaud quoted in Girardet, L'Idée coloniale en France, 176-99.

35. Resituating Le Corbusier within the historic context of colonial urban design, R. Cozzolini and A. Petruccioli argue that Le Corbusier's viaduct scheme is derived from Chassériau's arcades. See R. Cozzolini and A. Petruccioli, "Algeri--Le Corbusier--Algeri," Spazio e Società 15-16 (September-December 1981): 110. Le Corbusier himself expressed his fascination with the arcades in numerous sketches and acknowledged their influence on his own designs.

36. Deluz, L'Urbanisme et l'architecture d'Alger, 18.

37. McLeod, "Le Corbusier and Algiers," 73.

38. An outstanding example that makes reference to the viaduct of Obus A is the Immeuble-Pont Burdeau from 1952. The long and narrow building is situated in a valley and is designed to connect the two hills on two sides. Its asphalt roof acts as a portion of a major traffic artery. For Le Corbusier's influence on architects practicing in Algiers, see Deluz, L'Urbanisme et l'architecture d'Alger, 41-52.

39. M. Sgroi-Dufresne, Alger 1830-1984: Stratégies et enjeux urbains (Paris, 1986), 18.

40. René Maunier, Sociologie coloniale (1932), quoted in Robert Descloitres, Jean-Claude Réverdy, and Claudine Descloitres, in L'Algérie des bidonvilles (Paris, 1961), 21.

41. Sgroi-Dufresne, Alger 1830-1984, 24-25.

42. Ibid., 29; Deluz, L'Urbanisme et l'architecture d'Alger, 55.

43. Sgroi-Dufresne, Alger 1830-1984, 29.

44. Ibid., 29-30; Deluz, L'Urbanisme et l'architecture d'Alger, 55, 57.

45. "Plan d'urbanisme de la région algéroise," Chantiers 2 (1951).

46. "Les Grandes lignes du Plan d'Urbanisme de la région algéroise," Chantiers 7 (1952).

47. The population of Algiers had increased from 308,321 in 1948 to 355,000 in 1954, pushing the overall density from 224 to 258 people per hectare. The change in the European population was from 179,546 to 192,890, whereas the Muslim population had grown from 128,775 to 162,150. it was noted alarmingly that within nine years, the number of Muslims living in Algiers would equal the number of Europeans and the total number would reach 460,000. See "Alger, ville dont la population s'accroit [chaque année] de 10,000 habitants," Algerrevue municipale (May 1955). According to computations by Sgroi-Dufresne, 99.2 percent of Hussein-Dey's population was Muslim, followed by 76.5 percent of Bouzarea, 70-71 percent of Algiers and Maison-Carrée, and 61.6 percent of Kouba. In contrast, the communes of St.-Eugène, Birmandreis, and el-Biar were heavily European. See Sgroi-Dufresne, Alger 1830-1984, 36.

48. Descloitres, Réverdy, and Descloitres, L'Algérie des bidonvilles, 30-31, 39-43, 52-53; "Alger, lutte pour resoudre le douloureux problème de la casbah et des bidonvilles," Alger-revue municipale (May 1955); Sgroi-Dufresne, Alger 1830-1984, 36. The segregation was especially striking in certain quarters. For example, in 1954, in Bab el-Oued 92 percent of a total population of 45,905 consisted of Europeans, and in the Rue Michelet area, where 52,674 people lived, this percentage was 94. In contrast, 97 percent of the 41,467 residents of the upper casbah were Muslims, and Mahieddine was 100 percent Muslim. See Descloitres, Réverdy, and Descloitres, L'Algérie des bidonvilles, 41.

49. Deluz, L'Urbanisme et l'architecture d'Alger, 63.

50. Jacques Chevallier, Nous, algériens (Paris, 1958), 141.

51. For the organization and personnel of the agency, see "Le Bureau du plan de la ville d'Alger," Alger revue (May 1955). Among the members of the team was Robert Descloitres, who studied the bidonvilles and later published the results of his studies.

52. Chevallier quoted in Sgroi-Dufresne, Alger 1830-1984, 48.

53. Association pour l'Etude du Développement de l'Agglomération Algéroise, Alger, méthode de travail, étude du site (Algiers, 1958), 4-5, 13.

54. Deluz, L'Urbanisme et l'architecture d'Alger, 64-65; Sgroi-Dufresne, Alger 1830-1984, 48-49.

55. Deluz, L'Urbanisme et l'architecture d'Alger, 66-67; Sgroi-Dufresne, Alger 1830-1984, 48-49.

56. L'Echo d'Alger, 7 May 1958. The first is in the ravine of the Femme Sauvage and reaching to Diar el-Mahçoul; the second is the Boulevard Aquilina between Climat de France and Boulevard Lettre-de-Tassigny. For the construction of the 500-meter-long boulevard Aquilina, named after a military commandant whose widow had provided the funds, a shantytown was bulldozed. A stela, placed at the entrance of the avenue, paid homage to Commandant Aquilina, to the "'apostle of bidonvilles, ' . . . who knew how to use the treasures of his endless goodness on these lands formerly occupied by bidonvilles, and deserves the respect and the affection of the disinherited."

57. Deluz, L'Urbanisme et l'architecture d'Alger, 101-102.

58. République Française, Délégation Générale, Plan de Constantine, 348.

59. Deluz, L'Urbanisme et l'architecture d'Alger, 105-106.

60. Ibid., 102; République Française, Délégation Générale, Plan de Constantine, 352. The concept of ZUP has survived in French urbanism to the present day and become identified with working-class neighborhoods with largescale housing projects. Today, immigrants from North Africa are concentrated in ZUPs of French cities.

61. L'Echo d'Alger, 26 February 1959.

62. For tram and trolley lines, see L'Echo d'Alger, 3 March 1959; for the subway project, see ibid., 19 November 1959.

63. Sgroi-Dufresne, Alger 1830-1984, 100.

64. See L'Echo d'Alger, 28 February 1959, 4 March 1959, 6 March 1959, and 11 March 1959.

65. Deluz, L'Urbanisme et l'architecture d'Alger, 106.

1. Djamila Amrane, Les Femmes algériennes dans la guerre (Paris, 1991), 45.

2. Marnia Lazreg, The Eloquence of Silence: Algerian Women in Question (New York, 1994), 99. Lazreg argues that the family served as a buffer against colonialism for women because it was central to their lives. I stretched the concept to the spatial realm.

3. Pierre Bourdieu, The Algerians, tr. Alan Ross (Boston, 1962), 157. Cultural resistance to colonialism is an important theme that has recently enjoyed scholarly attention. For example, Djilali Sari argues that the reappropriation and reaffirmation of Algerian cultural patrimony (as resistance to colonialism) began in the later part of the nineteenth century amid the "ruin and the rabble of the vestiges of the medinas" in literature, music, and visual arts. See Djilali Sari, "Role des médinas algériennes dans la dynamisation culturelle et identitaire," paper presented at the American Institute for Maghribi Studies Annual Conference, ''The Living Medina: The Walled Arab City in Literature, Architecture, History," Tangier, 29 May-3 June 1996. In her masterful study, Julia Clancy-Smith analyzed religious resistance to colonialism; see Julia Clancy-Smith, Rebel and Saint: Muslim Notables, Popular Protest, and Colonial Encounters (Berkeley, 1994).

4. "Rapport du chef du Génie sur la place d'Alger, 1831," SHAT, Génie. Alger. Art. 8, section 1, carton 1, quoted in Aleth Picard, "Architecture et urbanisme en Algérie: d'une rive à l'autre (1830-1962)," Revue du monde musulman et de la Méditerranée 73/74 (1996): 122.

5. The term ethnography as I use it adheres to James Clifford's definition, which distinguishes it from ethnology, social anthropology, and cultural anthropology. Ethnography is "a more general cultural predisposition that cuts through modern anthropology and that this science shares with twentieth-century art and writing. The ethnographic label suggests a characteristic attitude of participant observation among the artifacts of defamiliarized cultural reality." James Clifford, The Predicament of Culture (Cambridge, Mass., 1988), 121.

6. Philippe Lucas and Jean-Claude Vatin, L'Algérie des anthropologues (Paris, 1975), 26-27. From the 1880s on, racial differences between Berbers and Arabs were emphasized to serve a divide-and-conquer strategy. See Fanny Colonna and Claude Haim Brahimi, "Du Bon usage de la science coloniale," in le Mal de voir (Paris, 1976), 231-234.

7. As Colonna and Brahimi point out, Masqueray himself did not argue that the racial characteristics of Berbers allowed them to be assimilated more easily than the Arabs, but simply maintained that they were assimilables . See Colonna and Brahimi, Le Mal de voir, 238.

8. Bourdieu, The Algerians, 4, 59-65.

9. Lucas and Vatin, L'Algérie des anthropologues, 31.

10. Augustin Bernard, Enquête sur l'habitation rurale des indigènes de l'Algérie (Algiers, 1921), 123-124; Augustin Berque, "L'Habitation de l'indigène algérien," Revue africaine 78 (1936): 47-50.

11. Bernard, Enquête sur l'habitation rurale, 117-121.

12. Clifford, Predicament of Culture, 61, 122.

13. William Marçais, preface to Amélie-Marie Goichon, La Vie féminine au Mzab (Paris, 1927), vii-viii. Between these lines, it is possible to read an implicit agenda to delimit the boundaries of women's participation in the profession to the domestic sphere.

14. These books also strive, in varying degrees, to influence the colonial policies regarding Algerian women, family, and society. They thus present themselves as agents of the French order and civilization even when they dissent from colonial policies. Auclert's main areas of inquiry--marriage, polygamy, divorce, and prostitution--were studied by Goichon and Gaudry, too. If Auclert did not have the academic background to investigate the material culture and daily life patterns of Algerian women with a rigorous ethnographic methodology, she knew where to look. For example, her sporadic references to physical settings and to residential forms ("where life flowed inside the courtyards and in houses without windows") reemerged in Goichon's and Gaudry's work as areas that deserved to be explored with scientific scrutiny in order to shed light on daily life and social relationships. See Hubertine Auclert, Les Femmes arabes en Algérie (Paris, 1900), 4, 24.

15. Goichon, La Vie féminine au Mzab, 1. Seeing Algerian women as "guardians of tradition" is an enduring theme in ethnographic discourse. Three decades after Goichon, Bourdieu repeated a similar observation: "[Kabylian] women play an essential role in ensuring the permanence of tradition." See Bourdieu, The Algerians , 95.

16. Goichon, La Vie féminine au Mzab , 41, 24-25, 100-104. Goichon refers the readers to M. Mercier's Civilisation urbaine , a "technical study," for further information on houses of Mzab.

17. The educational role of photographic documentation in ethnography reached a threshold in Paris between 1937 and 1950, under the curatorship of Thérèse Rivière, herself a prominent ethnographer and photographer. Among the various exhibitions organized during Rivière's tenure, the 1943 display on Aurès occupies a special place. The 123 photographs Rivière selected among the 6,000 she had taken in 1935-36 were in the spirit of the ethnographic photography of Goichon and Gaudry. Rivière did not treat photography as subsidiary to text, however, but gave it a primary narrative function. For example, she recorded the work process by a chronological series of images that focused on detail. With the majority of her subjects as women at work, she expanded on Goichon's and Gaudry's work. As pointed out by David Prochaska, the women in Rivière's photographs were never depicted as sex objects; they therefore offered a corrective to the other colonial photographic genre, the commercial postcard. See David Prochaska, "L'Algérie imaginaire," Ghardiva (winter 1989-90): 33-35. A selection of Thérèse Rivière's photographs has been published by Fanny Colonna, who also wrote an introduction to the collection. See Fanny Colonna, Aurès/Algérie 1935-36. Photographies de Thérèse Rivière (Algiers, 1987).

18. Mathéa Gaudry, La Femme chaouia de l'Aurès (Paris, 1928), 280-286.

19. Ibid., 17-32, 25-26, 31, 287.

20. Thérèse Rivière, "L'Habitation chez les Ouled Abderrahman Chaouia de l'Aurès," Africa 11, no. 3 (1938): 294-304.

21. Laure Bosquet-Lefevre, La Femme Kabyle (Paris, 1939), 30, 182-183.

22. Germaine Laoust-Chantreaux, Kabylie, côté femmes. La Vie féminine à Aït Hichem, 1937-1939 (Aix-en-Provence, 1990), 30-44. Note that the study was not published at the time it was written.

23. Montaland, "L'urbanisme en Algérie," 51-52.

24. For example, Gaudry's book enjoyed immense success at the time. See Denise Brahimi, Femmes arabes et soeurs musulmanes (Paris, 1984), 168.

25. "L'Habitat musulman," Informations algériennes 19 (February 1942): 71.

26. René Lespès, "Projet d'enquête sur l'habitat des indigènes musulmans dans les centres urbains d'Algérie," Revue africaine 76, nos. 362-363 (1935): 433-434; idem, "Les Villes," 4.

27. L'Architecture d'aujourd'hui 3 (1936): 26; H. Marchand, La Musulmane algérienne (Paris, 1960), 47-50.

28. For the architectural representation of Islam in the world's fairs, see Zeynep çelik, Displaying the Orient: Architecture of Islam at Nineteenth-Century World's Fairs (Berkeley, 1992).

29. Berque, "L'Habitation de l'indigène algérien," 63, 87, 94. For a discussion of these projects, see Chapter 5.

30. Augustin Berque, L'Algérie, terre d'art et d'histoire (Algiers, 1937), 323-327. To adapt the indigenous house to European needs and habits, Berque proposed certain alterations that would enable the architects to design "dream villas" in Algeria.

31. Le Corbusier, La Ville radieuse , 230, 233; idem, "Le Folklore est l'expression fleurie des traditions," 31.

32. Ibid., 230.

33. Jean de Maisonseul, "Pour une architecture et un urbanisme Nord-Africains," Revue d'Alger 8 (1945): 353-358.

34. Ibid., 353-354.

35. Ibid., 355-356.

36. Ibid., 356-357.

37. Ibid., 357.

38. J. Scelles-Millie, "L'urbanisme en Algérie," Entr' Aide française 9 (November 1946): 7.

39. See Linda Nochlin, "The Imaginary Orient," Art in America 71, no. 5 (May 1983): 120-129, 186-191. For comprehensive surveys of Orientalist painters, see Linda Thornton, Women as Portrayed in Orientalist Painting (Paris, 1985) and idem, The Orientalists, Painter-Travellers 1828-1908 (Paris, 1983).

40. See Malek Alloula, The Colonial Harem , tr. Myrna Godzich and Wlad Godzich (Minneapolis, 1986).

41. Abdelghani Megherbi, Les Algériens au miroir du cinéma colonial (Algiers, 1982), 192.

42. R. P. Letellier (des Pères Blancs), La Famille indigène devant les problèmes sociaux modernes (Algiers, n.d.), 5-6.

43. Congrès Internationaux d'Architecture Moderne (CIAM) 9, Aix-en-Provence, Groupe CIAM Alger, "Bidonville Mahieddine," 1953, ELC.

44. Alleg et al., La Guerre d'Algérie , vol. 1, 144.

45. Descloitres, Réverdy, and Descloitres, L'Algérie des bidonvilles , 84-85. Berque indeed mentioned the bidonvilles in his article "L'Habitation de l'indigène algérien." A report from 1949 qualifies the bidonvilles as "ancient, sometimes fifty years old." See Jean-Claude Isnard, Les Problèmes du logement dans l'agglomération algéroise (Ecole Financière Nationale d'Administration, Section Economique et Financière, December 1949), mim. report, AOM.

46. Descloitres, Réverdy, and Descloitres, L'Algérie des bidonvilles , 91-103; Bourdieu, The Algerians , 64.

47. Descloitres, Réverdy, and Descloitres, L'Algérie des bidonvilles , 78-79, 27, 30-31.

48. Ibid., 35; Bourdieu, The Algerians , 64-65; Isnard, Les Problèmes du logement , 6; Alleg et al., La Guerre d'Algérie , vol. 1, 146. Unemployment figures were alarming. According to Bourdieu, in 1954, 30 percent of adult urban males were unemployed or worked only part-time; Alleg argues that about one out of every two (male) Algerians had neither a profession nor regular work.

49. Descloitres, Réverdy, and Descloitres, L'Algérie des bidonvilles , 56-59, 67-71; "Les Bidonvilles: Genèse et résorption. L'Experience du Clos-Salembier," Alger revue (spring 1961): 26.

50. Descloitres, Réverdy, and Descloitres, L'Algérie des bidonvilles , 13-18, 70-71. Although the poor conditions of squatter settlements in Algiers had alarmed the city officials quite early, no action was taken to improve them. For example, the municipality declared the settlements of el-Kattar and Mahieddine unsanitary in 1941, and decided to demolish the shacks and build rehousing projects for the residents. No part of the program was executed, but in 1943, the municipality built fountains, latrines, a main sewage line, and a main street in these settlements. See Isnard, Les Problèmes du logement , 7, 16.

51. Jean de Maisonseul, "Djenan el-Hasan," in Roland Simounet. Pour une invention de l'espace (Paris, 1986), 17. For Simounet's work in Algiers, see Chapter 5.

52. CIAM 9, Aix-en-Provence, Groupe CIAM Alger, "Bidonville Mahieddine," FLC.

53. Ibid. The largest CIAM congress to date, the Ninth Congress (1953) focused on a charter of habitation that aimed to bring a radical critique to the functionalist mechanism of the Athens Charter by emphasizing the notion of "man" and relations between "men." Under the leadership of architects such as Alison and Peter Smithson and Aldo Van Eyck, discussions shifted to ''patterns of inhabitation." Simounet thus found a sympathetic environment for his study of the merits of squatter housing.

54. "Pour un habitat humaine," L'Architecture d'aujourd'hui 60 (1955): 4.

55. See, for example, Descloitres, Réverdy, and Descloitres, L'Algérie des bidonvilles , 12.

56. Furthermore, villagers seeking refuge in the bidonvilles from the bombarded countryside enabled the older squatter settlers to acquire a comprehensive vision of the war. For example, in the summer of 1956, refugees from the burned and bombarded villages of Mitija (at the foot of the Atlas mountains) and Kabylia flocked to the Mahieddine settlement, the most extensive bidonville of Algiers. Their stories mixed with those of the urban resistance, complementing each other and unifying the struggle. See Alleg et al., La Guerre d'Algérie , vol. 1, 168-169.

57. Ibid., 144. The daily papers of Algiers frequently reported demolition and rehousing operations carried out by the army. For example, L'Echo d'Alger reported on 3 September 1957 that the 248 shacks in the bidonville known as Descuns in Maison-Carrée were bulldozed by army forces and the families were scattered into four areas. According to the same newspaper of 25 November 1957, similar operations had marked the end of another squatter settlement, the Glacière in Hussein-Dey. On 18 December 1959, L'Echo d'Alger printed a photograph showing the demolition of 225 squatter houses whose residents were relocated.

1. René Lespès, Pour comprendre l'Algérie (Algiers, 1937), 36.

2. Sarrault, Grandeur et servitude coloniales , 108, 102-103, 108, 116, 119.

3. Lespès, "Projet d'enquête," 434, 436.

4. Louis Morard, "L'Algérie: ce qu'elle est, ce qu'elle doit devenir," Le Monde colonial illustré 87 (November 1930): 272. The growing importance given to low-cost housing was fueled by the creation of the Office des Habitations à Bon Marché (HBM) de la Ville d'Alger (Office of Low-Cost Housing of the City of Algiers) in 1921. This office assumed the construction and management of low-cost housing projects. The first three groups of HBM housing, Rochambeau (1923), Bobillot (1925), and Picardie (1927), were for Europeans. See Chantiers (March 1935): 177-178.

5. A. Seiller and M. Lathuillière, "Le Problème de l'habitat indigène en Algérie," L'Architecture d'aujourd'hui 3 (1936): 22.

6. Lespès, "Projet d'enquête," 435-436; idem, Pour comprendre l'Algérie , 38.

7. Alazard, "L'Urbanisme et l'architecture à Alger de 1918 à 1936," 26.

8. Direction de l'Intérieur et Beaux-Arts, 3ème Bureau, "Proposition de la Commission des Réformes musulmanes," 4 March 1944, "Projet de décision soumis au gouvernement," 4 April 1944, and "Note sur l'habitar urbain musulman," 16 January 1946, AOM.

9. Tony Socard, "L'Urbanisme en Algérie," Rafales 135 (12-19 October 1946). For a discussion of these projects, see Chapter 5.

10. Scelles-Millie, "L'Urbanisme en Algérie," 6.

11. Deluz, L'Urbanisme et l'architecture d'Alger , 53-54.

12. Le Docteur Montaldo, "L'Habitat économique et social en Algérie," Technique et architecture 12, nos. 1-2 (1953): 46.

13. Jacques Stamboul, "L'Urbanisme," Encyclopédie mensuelle d'outre-mer (Paris, 1954), 208.

14. Paul Messerschmitt, "Problèmes actuels," Bulletin économique et juridique 172 (April 1954): 128. Messerschmitt cites a total of 40,000 residents in bidonvilles . According to a government report, the number is 53,000, with 17,200 people in Algiers proper, 22,000 in Hussein-Dey, and 14,000 in Maison-Carrée. See République Française, Présidence du Conseil, Commissariat Général au Plan de Modernisation et d'Equipement, Rapport général de la commission d'étude et de coordination des plans de modernisation et d'équipement de l'Algérie, de la Tunisie et du Maroc , June 1954, 131.

15. Messerschmitt, "Problèmes actuels," 128-129. For the Boucle-Perez housing project, see Chapter 5.

16. Cabinet du Ministre d'Algérie, Algérie (1957), 165.

17. Ibid., 128. HLMs ( habitations à loyer modéré ) were considered the main solution to housing problems in Algiers in the 1950s. Financing could be done in several ways, mostly by the offices of HLM with loans from the Caisse des Dépôts et Consignations; it was common to hold competitions for designs. Another means was by location-attribution with Sociétés Coopératives, Crédit Immobiliers, or Sociétés Mutuelles. For financing of HLMs, see Yves Duconge, "Problèmes du financement de la construction en Algérie," Bulletin économique et juridique 170 (April 1954): 133-135; for their organizational structure, see René Montaldo, "Le Rôle des organismes d'H.L.M. en Algérie," Bulletin économique et juridique 170 (April 1954): 130-132, 135. For the financing of low-cost housing in general, see Cabinet du Ministre d'Algérie, Algérie , 158-161.

18. "Rapport de M. André Bakouche, rapporteur général de la Commission d'Habitat, adopté par l'Assemblée Algérienne le 29 mars 1956," Travaux nordafricains , 29 March 1956.

19. Commissariat à la Reconstruction, "Arrête relatif à l'amélioration des populations rurales en Algérie," Algiers, 25 September 1956, AOM (this decree also applied to rural populations); Cabinet du Ministre d'Algérie, Algérie, 169, 164.

20. Sgroi-Dufresne, Alger 1830-1984, 47-48.

21. René Pottier, "Alger, ville pilote," Encyclopédie mensuelle d'outre-mer 68 (April 1956): 177.

22. L'Echo d'Alger, 14 August 1958.

23. Ibid., 13 July 1959.

24. The Constantine Plan for Algeria (New York, May 1961), 9.

25. République Française, Délégation Générale, Plan de Constantine, 1959-1963, 337. The other numbers were 32,000 for 1960, 42,000 for 1961, and 53,000 for 1962.

26. Ibid., 339, 341. For financial aspects of the housing programs of Plan de Constantine, see ibid., 342-347.

27. Europe France Outre-mer 388 (June 1962): n.p.

28. "Les Bidonvilles: Genèse et resorption," 28.

29. L'Echo d'Alger, 15 May 1959.

30. "Les Bidonvilles: Genèse et resorption," 28.

31. Ibid., 28-29.

32. Louis Bertrand, Alger (Paris, 1938), 139-140, 143.

33. Scelles-Millie, "L'urbanisme en Algérie," 7. See also Chapter 3.

34. Pottier, "Alger, ville pilote," 175.

35. Gouvernement Général de l'Algérie, Direction Générale des Affaires Indigènes et des Territoires du Sud, Service de l'Economie Sociale Indigène, Pour les paysans et les artisans indigènes (Algiers, 1939), 135-137. The report pointed to one such project under construction: Ain-Bouchekif, 15 kilometers outside Tiaret.

36. Berque, "L'Habitation de l'indigène algérien," 75-76. For various rural housing experiments, see ibid., 76-85.

37. Michel Cornaton, Les Regroupements de la décolonisation en Algérie (Paris, 1967), 60-61.

38. El Moudjahid, 10 May 1959.

39. Cornaton, Regroupements de la décolonisation, 57, 60-65.

40. Gouvernement Général de l'Algérie, Commissariat à la Reconstruction, "Arrêt relatif à l'amélioration de l'habitat traditionnel des populations rurales en Algérie," 25 September 1956, AOM.

41. Cabinet du Ministre de l'Algérie, Algérie, 165-166.

42. Cornaton, Regroupements de la décolonisation, 68-71; Bourdieu, The Algerians, 164. For Sarrault's use of the term, see Sarrault, Grandeur et servitude coloniales, 79.

43. Bourdieu, The Algerians, 163.

44. L'Echo d'Alger, 2 July 1959; Cornaton, Regroupements de la décolonisation, 74; El Moudjahid, 10 May 1959.

45. L'Echo d'Alger, 20 October 1959 and 29 July 1960.

46. Bourdieu, The Algerians, 169. Bourdieu maintains that even if the army officers had sought to consult the users, most likely they would have gotten no cooperation.

47. Cornaton, Regroupements de la décolonisation, 83-84. For an extremely effective visual presentation of the regroupement practices, see Marc Garanger, La Guerre d'Algérie (Paris, 1984), 42-57.

48. Bourdieu, The Algerians, 171. For Bourdieu's analysis of the Kabyle house, see ibid., 6-7.

49. Secrétariat Social d'Alger, De l'Algérie originelle à l'Algérie moderne (Algiers, 1961), 37.

50. Cornaton, Regroupements de la décolonisation, 84-89.

51. Rita Vindes, "Est-il permis que des enfants meurtent de faim dans les 'camps de regroupement' en Algérie," El Moudjahid, 5 January 1960.

52. Cornaton, Regroupements de la décolonisation, 99-102.

53. Quoted in ibid., 102.

54. El Moudjahid, 10 May 1959.

55. Descloitres, Réverdy, and Descloitres, L'Algérie des bidonvilles, 12.

56. Cornaton, Regroupements de la décolonisation, 94-95.

1. Deluz, L'Urbanisme et l'architecture d'Alger, 190.

2. I borrow the term arabisance from François Béguin, who defines it as "arabization of architectural forms imported from Europe." See Béguin, Arabisances, 1. These early projects have a strong link to the new medinas built in Morocco in the 1910s and the 1920s.

3. A. Loeckx and P. Vermeulen, L'Habitat moderne à Alger (1925-1975), part 2 (Leuven, 1988), 5-6, 45; Deluz, L'Urbanisme et l'architecture d'Alger, 40.

4. Jean-Jacques Deluz and Joëlle Deluz-La Bruyère, "L'Alloggio sociale a Algeri durante il periodo coloniale (1920-1962)," Storia urbana 10, nos. 35-36 (April-September 1986): 120.

5. "Les Réalisations," Chantiers (March 1935): 196.

6. Plan d'aménagement de Maison-Carrée. Dossier urbain, May 1933, AOM.

7. Deluz, L'Urbanisme et l'architecture d'Alger, 40; Deluz and Deluz-La Bruyère, "L'Alloggio sociale," 120. Of the intended 816 units covering 8 hectares, only 210 were constructed.

8. Chantiers 2 (1951).

9. Bulletin municipal officiel de la ville d'Alger 11 (September 1949); Chantiers 7 (1952); Loeckx and Vermeulen, L'Habitat moderne à Alger, part 2, 7-8.

10. Chevallier, Nous, algériens, 140.

11. Bulletin municipal officiel de la ville d'Alger 10 (October 1953): n.p.

12. F. Pouillon, Mémoires d'un architecte (Paris, 1968), 168, 171.

13. "Programme municipal de construction de 2000 logements," Chantiers 14 (1954); Travaux nord-africains, 6 October 1955; Deluz, L'Urbanisme et l'architecture d'Alger, 62.

14. Pouillon, Mémoires, 220. Pouillon's reference to designs for "the airplane captain" is a critique of Le Corbusier's urbanism.

15. Loeckx and Vermeulen, L'Habitat moderne à Alger, part 2, 20.

16. Pouillon, Mémoires, 205.

17. Pouillon proudly recorded that in fifteen days over five hundred palm trees were planted in Diar el-Mahçoul. See ibid., 196.

18. Loeckx and Vermeulen, L'Habitat moderne à Alger, part 2, 23.

19. Travaux nord-africains, 6 October 1955. Concrete was used for foundations, floor slabs, and for paving the terraces.

20. Type évolutif is a curious term that merits some discussion. The word évolutif does not refer to the housing type per se, but to the occupant--an immigrant coming from a bidonville, the casbah, or the countryside. Considered semi-urban, this person would be in the process of evolution (toward being urban, civilized, and ultimately Westernized), but not ''evolved" yet. For further discussion of the term, see Deluz and Deluz-La Bruyère, "L'Alloggio sociale," 130.

21. Travaux nord-africains, 6 October 1955.

22. Pouillon, Mémoires, 308.

23. Travaux nord-africains, 6 October 1955.

24. Lentin, L'Algérie entre deux mondes, 146.

25. L'Echo d'Alger, 22 March 1957. The reporter continued (tongue in cheek) that teachers who go through enormous difficulties to educate both Muslim and European children of Algiers were thus rewarded.

26. Mohamed Terki, "Bezouich," in Musée National du Moudjahid, Nora: Témoignages-Nouvelles (Algiers, 1984), 75.

27. For the construction of the new artery between the two projects, see L'Echo d'Alger, 6 July 1957 and 11 July 1957.

28. For further documentation on Diar es-Saada, see Bernard Félix Dubor, Fernand Pouillon (Paris, 1986), 48-55.

29. "Les Bidonvilles: Genèse et resorption," 24-25, 27.

30. For discussions of site plans, see Dubor, Pouillon, 67; Loeckx and Vermeulen, L'Habitation moderne à Alger, part 2, 27; and G. Geenen, A. Loeckx, and N. Naert, Climat de France (Leuven, 1991), 10-28.

31. Jacques Berque, "Médinas, ville neuves et bidonvilles," Cahiers de Tunisie, 21-22 (1958): 37; Geenen, Loeckx, and Naert, Climat de France, 15.

32. Geenen, Loeckx, and Naert, Climat de France, 34.

33. Ibid., 35.

34. Travaux nord-africains, 7 March 1957.

35. Ibid.

36. Pouillon, Mémoires, 206-208.

37. Dubor, Pouillon, 66.

38. Pouillon, Mémoires, 207.

39. Lentin, L'Algérie entre deux mondes, 146-147.

40. Pouillon, Mémoires, 205, 208.

41. Lentin, L'Algérie entre deux mondes, 147, 151.

42. Simounet's studies of squatter settlements are discussed in Chapter 4.

43. P.-A. Emery, "L'Architecture moderne en Algérie: 1930-1962," Techniques et architecture 329 (March 1980): 57; Maisonseul, "Djenan el-Hasan," in Roland Simounet, 20 (the words naturellement and simplement are underlined in the text). Simounet himself elaborated on the major difference between Pouillon and himself during an interview with the author: "Je respecte le site; Pouillon agresse le site" (I respect the site; Pouillon attacks the site). Furthermore, he criticized Pouillon for designing ''sans penser aux hommes" (without thinking of men). For Simounet, Pouillon's insensitivity to the site, context, and culture stemmed from his coming directly from France--unlike Simounet, who was "from Algeria." Simounet, interview with the author, Paris, 26 April 1993.

44. For this project, see "Cité 'La Montagne' à Hussein-Dey (Alger)," Cahiers scientifiques et techniques du bâtiment 32 (1958): n.p.; Deluz, L'Urbanisme et l'architecture d'Alger, 91-92; and Deluz and Deluz-La Bruyère, "L'Alloggio sociale," 133.

45. Simounet recalls that Béri contacted him fifteen days before the deadline to help them with the project. Intrigued by the problem and appalled at the inefficiency of Daure and Béri ("They had not designed a single unit. They only had naive sketches"; in addition, they were total outsiders to the culture: "They had never seen an Algerian woman make coffee before"), 26-year-old Simounet assumed the design of units. Simounet, interview with the author.

46. "Cité 'La Montagne.'"

47. Lentin, L'Algérie entre deux mondes, 26. The vaults did not act as strong barriers to vertical additions and the residents of these units, compelled by growing families, topped their vaulted spaces by concrete-frame-brick infill structures in a totally different architectural vocabulary.

48. La Montagne's other "horizontal" settlement, designed by architects Régeste and Bellisent, was to the west. Here the units had nonusable flat roofs; once again, the residents added extra stories to accommodate their families' needs. Although growth control was the admitted concern for the architects of both schemes, their design solutions could not prohibit additions. With the later random interventions, the Montagne Quarter acquired the image of a spontaneous development, resembling more the bidonvilles than the aesthetically selfconscious schemes of the same period. See Deluz, L'Urbanisme et l'architecture d'Alger, 92.

49. Ibid., 78. In some publications, this project is referred to as "de Solliers."

50. Simounet's contribution to the Carrière Jaubert remained restricted to the design stage; the project was completed by Daure and Béri in 1959. See Loeckx and Vermeulen, L'Habitat moderne à Alger, part 2, 53.

51. Deluz, L'Urbanisme et l'architecture d'Alger, 80.

52. Roland Simounet, 44.

53. Travaux nord-africains, 8 November 1956 and 28 March 1957; Roland Simounet, 44; Deluz, L'Urbanisme et l'architecture d'Alger, 80. Simounet argued that by grouping the bathrooms into a hammam, he could afford to give the residents more "luxurious" facilities. Simounet, interview with the author. Inevitably, temporary housing turned into permanent housing, making sanitary conditions even more intolerable. The residents had to wait until independence, when the city administration connected water to each unit.

54. Simounet claimed that he worked on the design of Djenan el-Hasan "in tranquility, with my heart [ tranquillement, avec mon coeur ]" and reached a solution that was "evident" and "very simple.'' Simounet, interview with the author.

55. The slope varied between 30° and 50°.

56. Travaux nord-africains, 8 November 1956 and 28 March 1957; Alger-revue (February 1957); Chantiers 32 (1959); Deluz, L'Urbanisme et l'architecture d'Alger, 78; Simounet, interview with the author.

57. Simounet described, for example, the food preparation process in the bidonvilles . Women worked sitting down and used large utensils; therefore European-style counters and sinks would not accommodate their needs and separate kitchens did not make sense. Simounet, interview with the author.

58. Chantiers 32 (1959).

59. For a critique of Djenan el-Hasan, see Loeckx and Vermeulen, L'Habitat moderne à Alger , part 2, 57-58.

60. Travaux nord-africains , 24 November 1955.

61. Ibid., 19 April 1956.

62. There were six units with four bedrooms, sixty-four with three, twenty-four with two, and a single one with only one bedroom. In addition, six shops were located on the ground floor.

63. Travaux nord-africains , 27 September 1956; Chantiers 32 (1959).

64. Travaux nord-africains , 6 October 1955.

65. Chantiers 32 (1959).

66. Travaux nord-africains , 3 November 1955, 2 February 1956, and 27 June 1957; Loeckx and Vermeulen, L'Habitat moderne à Alger , part 2, 43-44.

67. Travaux nord-africains , 8 November 1956 and 23 October 1958; L'Echo d'Alger , 22 October 1958. The complete project had twelve other buildings three to seven stories high, and again with terraces for communal use; the total number of units reached 464.

68. Deluz, L'Urbanisme et l'architecture d'Alger , 85-86.

69. ibid., 101.

70. Ibid., 101-102. Two ZUPs were designated for Algiers: Les Annassers, with some housing for indigenous people, and Rouiba-Reghaia.

71. Travaux nord-africains , 4 December 1958 and 6 March 1958.

72. L'Echo d'Alger , 29 September 1960. Meanwhile, the city continued to clear the bidonvilles , which still mushroomed in the Climat de France area. In 1960, the 120 newly built shacks were torn down to be replaced by twelve housing blocks. The four-story, "logéco" ( logement économique ) buildings would shelter a total of 188 families which were now temporarily settled in Diar el-Keif. See L'Echo d'Alger , 15 November 1960.

73. Travaux nord-africains , 24 July 1958.

74. L'Echo d'Alger , 4-5 September 1960; Loeckx and Vermeulen, L'Habitat moderne à Alger , part 2, 50.

75. Deluz and Deluz-La Bruyère, "L'Alloggio sociale," 139.

76. Deluz, L'Urbanisme et l'architecture d'Alger , 105; Chantiers 32 (1959).

77. For a critique of the Plan de Constantine, see Deluz, L'Urbanisme et l'architecture d'Alger , 105.

78. Women "terrorists," for example, entered the public realm not only through their activities, but also through the media. It became common to see their photographs printed in the colonial, metropolitan, and even international news. To cite one memorable instance, on 24 July 1958 L'Echo d'Alger printed a photograph of four legendary FIN figures: Zohra Drif, pointing a gun at the camera, Samia Lakdari (who had placed a bomb in the Milk Bar), Djamila Bouhired (condemned to death for her activities, though her sentence was converted to life imprisonment), and hassiba ben Bouali (killed later during an attack in the casbah). The caption mocked their struggle: "Emancipation for them consists of holding a gun or a pistol to be equal with murderers."

79. El Moudjahid , 31 May 1960.

80. Ibid., 3 August 1959 and 31 May 1960. While a significant number of women were active militants, others provided refuge for the members of resistance groups, acted as contact agents and guides, and collected funds; those with professional skills, mainly nurses and secretaries, also offered their services. In addition, women were instrumental in initiating literacy campaigns and providing education in hygiene in the countryside. For a comprehensive discussion on the multiple tasks of women during the war, see Amrane, Les Femmes algériennes dans la guerre , 115-147, and Lazreg, Eloquence of Silence , 138.

81. L'Echo d'Alger , 13 September 1958.

82. For women's participation in political demonstrations, see Amrane, Les Femmes algériennes dans la guerre , especially 202-215. Algerian women's participation in political rallies had begun much earlier. For example, veiled women took part in a political rights demonstration in Algiers in 1936. See Lazreg, Eloquence of Silence , 96

1. Ella Shohat, "Notes on the 'Post-Colonial,'" Social Text 31-32 (1992): 105; Masao Miyoshi, "A Borderless World? From Colonialism to Transnationalism and the Decline of the Nation-State," Critical Inquiry 19, no. 4 (summer 1993): 750, 728.

2. Said, Culture and Imperialism , xx.

3. Bourdieu, The Algerians , 187, 160.

4. Deluz, L'Urbanisme et l'architecture d'Alger , 123. Abderrahman Bouchema was the unique Algerian architect in the country. As an active opponent to the colonial regime, his career under the French remained limited to designing houses for Algerians. After 1963, his office became one of the most important in Algiers.

5. Leonard Kodjo quoted in Christopher Miller, Theories of Africans (Chicago, 1990), 102, note 71. Miller provides a short summary of Kodjo's unpublished paper titled "Noms de rues, nomes des maîtres" (1987), which focuses on street names in Abidjan, Ivory Coast. For an excellent analysis of street names in Annaba (formerly Bône) with reference to French colonization and Algerian decolonization, see Prochaska, Making Algeria French , 209-215.

6. A great deal has been written on bilinguality in Algeria. Consider, for example, Assia Djebar's thoughts on the topic:

French is my "stepmother" tongue. Which is my long-lost mother-tongue, that left me standing and disappeared? . . . Mother-tongue, either idealized or unloved, neglected and left to fairground barkers and jailers. . . . Burdened by my inherited taboos, I discover I have no memory of Arab love-songs. Is it because I was cut off from the impassioned speech that I find the French I use so flat and unprofitable? . . .

This language was formerly used to entomb my people; when I write it today I feel like the messenger of old, who bore a sealed missive which might sentence him to death or to dungeon. By laying myself bare in this language I start a fire which may consume me. For attempting an autobiography in the former enemy's language. (Assia Djebar, Fantasia: An Algerian Cavalcade , tr. Dorothy S. Blair [London, 1985], 214-215)

On the languages of Algeria today (written Arabic, Maghribi Arabic, dialects of Berber, and French), see Kenneth Brown, "Lost in Algiers: Ramadan 1993," Mediterraneans 4 (summer 1993): 15-16.

7. Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth , 209-210.

8. Lesbet, La Casbah d'Alger , 1; Lacheraf, preface to Ravéreau, La Casbah d'Alger , 28-29.

9. Lacheraf, preface, 10.

10. "Sauvegarde de la Casbah d'Alger," Techniques et architecture 329 (March 1980): 82-85. For accounts of postindependence projects for the casbah, see also Deluz, L'Urbanisme et l'architecture d'Alger , 118-119, and Lesbet, La Casbah d'Alger .

11. Bernard Pagand, "Constantine et les grandes médinas nord-algériennes entre ruines et projets," in Maghreb: Architecture et urbanisme. Patrimonie, tradition et modernité (Paris, 1990), 95-96.

12. Lesbet, La Casbah d'Alger , 64. Similar conditions dominate other Algerian cities as well. In Tlemcen, for example, the medina is now only a "place of transit" for newcomers, a situation that makes the already vulnerable fabric of the old city even more fragile. See Daoud Brikci, "Mutations des médinas d'Algérie: le cas de Tlemcen," paper presented at the American Institute for Maghribi Studies Annual Conference, 1996.

13. I borrow this terminology from Barthes's analysis of the Eiffel Tower. See Barthes, "The Eiffel Tower," in Sontag, Barthes Reader , 237.

14. The incident is cited in Lazreg, Eloquence of Silence , 197.

15. Brown, "Lost in Algiers," 13-14.

16. Nadir Abdullah Benmatti, L'Habitat du tiers-monde (cas d'Algérie) (Algiers, 1982), 168. According to the 1987 census, 44 percent of the country's population is younger than fifteen, and 72 percent younger than thirty. See Recensement général de la population et de l'habitat du 20 mars 1987 (Algiers, 1989), 110.

17. Deluz, L'Urbanisme et l'architecture d'Alger , 111-113; Sgroi-Dufresne, Alger 1830-1984 , 118.

18. Sgroi-Dufresne, Alger 1830-1984 , 233.

19. Deluz, L'Urbanisme et l'architecture d'Alger , 114-115; Sgroi-Dufresne, Alger 1830-1984 , 213; Benmatti, L'Habitat du tiers-monde , 178.

20. Benmatti, L'Habitat du tiers-monde , 179-182; Sidi Boubekeur, L'Habitat en Algérie (Lyon, 1986), 22-24, 177.

21. See, for example, New York Times , 6 June 1995.

22. Lazreg offers to replace the term fundamentalism by religiosity . She uses the term religiose movement to "identify the groups involved in order to emphasize the manipulation of religion as a tool of justification and acquisition of political power." See Lazreg, Eloquence of Silence , 209.

23. Assia Djebar, Femmes d'Alger dans leur appartement (Paris, 1979), 170-178. It is not Delacroix's "superficial Orient"--a popular subject in recent art historical discourse--that Djebar cares to dissect. She focuses instead on the subtler implications of the painting, especially the fact that the scene makes the observer conscious of his unwarranted presence in the intimacy of this room, which is enclosed on the women frozen in an act of waiting.

24. For a comparative discussion of various versions of Picasso's Femmes d'Alger , see L. Steinberg, "The Algerian Women and Picasso at Large," in Steinberg, Other Criteria: Confrontations with Twentieth-Century Art (New York, 1972), 125-234.

25. Djebar, Femmes d'Alger , 186-189. Djebar establishes a metaphorical relationship between fragments of women's bodies and the explosives they carried under their clothes. She also provides a critique of women's condition in Algeria in the aftermath of the independence by arguing that the grenades women hid under their clothes "as if they were their own breasts" exploded against them.

26. Steinberg, Other Criteria , 130. Picasso's sympathy for the Algerian War is expressed most blatantly in his drawing of Djamila Boupasha, whose accounts of torture had made her a cause célèbre in France and thoughout the world. The portrait was published in 1962 on the cover of Djamila Boupasha , written by Gisèle Halimi, with an introduction by Simone de Beauvoir.

27. Woodhull, Transfigurations of the Maghreb , 84-85.

28. These figures are taken from John A. McKesson, "Concepts and Realities in a Multiethnic France," French Politics and Society 12, no. 1 (winter 1994): 20.

29. Abu-Lughod, "The Islamic City," 160-161.

30. H. Adlai Murdoch, "Rewriting Writing: Identity, Exile, and Renewal in Assia Djebar's L'Amour, la fantasia," Yale French Studies 83 (1993): 87-89.

31. Samia Mehrez, "Azouz Begag: Un di Zafas di Bidoufile (Azouz Begag: Un des enfants du bidonville) or the Beur Writer: A Question of Territory," Yale French Studies 82 (1993): 25-42.