1. Mary Somerville, Physical Geography , vol. 1 (London: Murray, 1848), 1.

2. Thomas Carlyle, "Signs of the Times," in Critical and Miscellaneous Essays , vol. 1 (1829); included in Thomas Carlyle's Works , vol. 15 (London: Chapman and Hall, 1887), 474.

3. Oliver MacDonagh, "The Nineteenth Century Revolution in Government: A Reappraisal," Historical Journal 1 (1958): 57.

1. Charles Turner, "Old Ruralities," in The Collected Sonnets of Charles (Tennyson) Turner , ed. F. B. Pinion and M. Pinion (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1988), 168.

2. Jacquetta Hawkes, A Land (London: Cresset Press, 1951), 143.

3. Lewis Mumford, Technics and Civilization (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1934), 169.

4. Ibid., 154-55. Mumford borrowed the term paleotechnic from Patrick Geddes to define an industrial society fueled by coal, powered by steam, and structured by iron.

5. Francis Klingender, Art and the Industrial Revolution , ed. and rev. Arthur Elton (Chatham: Adams and MacKay, 1968), 83, 85-86, 141, 153-56; Arthur Elton, "Art and the Industrial Revolution," introductory essay to Art and the Industrial Revolution (Manchester City Art Gallery, 1968), 10-12.

6. A theme in Herbert Sussman's Victorians and the Machine (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1968).

7. Quoted in Donald Worster, ed., The Ends of the Earth (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), 11.

8. P. H. Ditchfield, Vanishing England (London: Methuen, 1910), 3-4.

9. Colin Rosser and Christopher Harris, The Family and Social Change , abr. ed. (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1983), 32; John Barr, The Assault on Our Senses (London: Methuen, 1970), 14. Max Nicholson, The New Environmental Age (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), 25, writes that Victorian commercial and industrial development was "uncompromising in its materialism and in its pursuit of expansion and progress" and that these forces were so in ascendance that "the tender plant of caring for nature had to be cosseted among the more perceptive minority."

10. Sylvia Crowe, The Landscape of Power (London: Architectural Press, 1958), 10, comments that the legacy of dereliction inherited from Victorian industrialists "is nothing compared with the havoc we shall leave to our descendants."

11. Marion Shoard, The Theft of the Countryside (London: Temple Smith, 1980), 47.

12. In addition to the work-by Marion Shoard, see John Blunden and Graham Turner, Critical Countryside (London: BBC, 1985); Nan Fairbrother, New Lives, New Landscapes (New York: Knopf, 1970); Michael Allaby, The Changing Uplands (Cheltenham: Countryside Commission, 1983).

13. J. H. Clapham, An Economic History of Modern Britain , vol. 2, Free Trade and Steel, 1850-1886 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1926), 489, 498-518.

14. David Landes, The Unbound Prometheus (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1970), 1-3.

15. "Review of the Report of the Agricultural Committee," Journal of Steam Transport and Husbandry (December 1833): 1-10.

16. Asa Briggs, The Power of Steam (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982), 93.

17. Landes, Unbound Prometheus , 290-92. He includes a table, p. 221, indicating that, starting in 1840, when the capacity of all British steam engines in thousands of horsepower was 620, capacity nearly doubled each decade until 1880 and doubled again, to 13,700, by 1896. Stephen Hill, The Tragedy of Technology (London: Pluto Press, 1988), 129, thinks it was in the 1850s that industrialism, with the steam engine at its center, became "widely visible" and "penetrated the consciousness of the people": In 1800 there were 490 Watt engines at work; by the 1850s, the number of steam engines had grown to half a million. For a discussion of the difficulty in making accurate estimates, see G. N. von Tunzelmann, "Coal and Steam Power," in Atlas of Industrializing Britain , 1780-1914, ed. John Langton and R. J. Morris (London: Methuen, 1986), 74-79.

18. From Turner, Collected Sonnets , 81.

19. Joel Mokyr, The Lever of Riches (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990), 133-39.

20. Landes, Unbound Prometheus , 282, 291.

21. Ian Winship, "The Gas Engine in British Agriculture c. 1870—1925," HT 9 (1984): 182-83.

22. Fred Cottrell, Energy and Society (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1955), 81-84.

23. Bertrand Gille, The History of Techniques , vol. 1 (New York: Gordon and Breach, 1986), 686-88; Briggs, Power of Steam , 175; Richard Hills, Power from Steam (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), 281-92; Witold Rybczynski, Home (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1987), 148-49.

24. Eugene Ferguson, "Toward a Discipline of the History of Technology," Technology and Culture 15 (1974): 13-30; Angus Buchanan, "Technology and History," Social Studies in the Sciences 5 (1975): 489-99; R. A. Buchanan, "History of Technology in the Teaching of History," HT 3 (1978): 13-27; Asa Briggs, ''The Imaginative Response of the Victorians to New Technology: The Case of the Railways," in On the Move , ed. Chris Wrigley and John Sheperd (London: Hambledon Press, 1991), 58-75.

25. Jeremy Adelman, "The Social Bases of Technical Change: Mechanization of the Wheatlands of Argentina and Canada, 1890-1914," Comparative Studies in Society and History 34 (1992): 271-300, shows that controlled land prices and plentiful credit encouraged immigrants to Canadian prairies to form family farms and survive by increasing land productivity through investment in machinery; while immigrants to the Pampas, denied such opportunities, became leaseholders and wage laborers on large estates with no such incentives. Colin Duncan, "Legal Protection for the Soil of England: The Spurious Context of Nineteenth-Century 'Progress'," Agricultural History 66 (1992): 75-94, argues that short leases discouraged farmers from investing in off-farm fertilizers and other technologies for "fine-tuning" arable husbandry to local soil conditions, particularly after 1873.

26. Nathan Rosenberg, Perspectives on Technology (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1976), 141-210; see also the discussion of determinism in Langdon Winner, Autonomous Technology , chapter 2, "Engines of Change" (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1977), 44-106.

27. Charles Singer et al., eds., A History of Technology , vol. 5 (Oxford: Clarendon, 1958), 625.

28. A subject explored in depth by G. N. von Tunzelmann, Steam Power and British Industrialization to 1860 (Oxford: Clarendon, 1978); see also A. E. Musson, "Industrial Motive Power in the United Kingdom, 1800-1870," EHR , 2d series, 29 (1976): 415-39; Richard Hills, Power in the Industrial Revolution (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1970), 93; Gerald Graham, "The Ascendency of the Sailing Ship, 1850-1885," EHR 9 (1956): 74-88.

29. Eugene Ferguson, "Technology and Its Impact on Society," in Technology and Its Impact on Society , ed. Sigvard Strandh (Stockholm: Tekniska Museet, 1979), 276.

30. Leo Marx, The Machine in the Garden (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1964). For a succinct discussion of the theoretical difficulties in distinguishing between the real and the ideal, see Alan R. H. Baker, "Introduction: On Ideology and Landscape," in Ideology and Landscape in Historical Perspective , ed. Alan R. H. Baker and Gideon Biger (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992).

31. This point is developed and illustrated by Robert L. Thayer Jr., "Prag-

matism in Paradise: Technology and the American Landscape," Landscape 30 (1990): 1-11.

32. Blunden and Turner, Critical Countryside , 18-24.

33. For a lively discussion of the evolution and implications of that ideal, see Landscape Meanings and Values , ed. E. Penning-Rowsell and David Lowenthal (London: Allen and Unwin, 1986). Raymond Williams, The Country and the City (London: Chatto and Windus, 1973) remains a classic work on the subject.

34. George Perkins Marsh, Man and Nature , ed. David Lowenthal (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1965), 456.

35. Winner, Autonomous Technology , 98.

36. In a message included in Clough Williams-Ellis, ed., Britain and the Beast (London: Dent, 1937), vii-viii.

37. W. G. Hoskins, The Making of the English Landscape (1955; 2d ed., with introduction and commentary by Henry Taylor, London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1988), 183. David Mattless, "One Man's England: W. G. Hoskins and the English Culture of Landscape," Rural History 4 (1993): 187-207, discusses Hoskins's hostility toward modernity and his view that history went wrong sometime in the mid-nineteenth century.

38. Foreword to John Lenihan and William Fletcher, eds., Reclamation (Glasgow: Blackie, 1976), vii.

39. Colin Duncan, The Centrality of Agriculture (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1996), 54; see also Richard N. Adams, Paradoxical Harvest (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982), 73-74.

40. Shoard, Theft of the Countryside , 9.

1. George Godwin, An Appeal to the Public, on the Subject of Railways (London: Weale, 1837), 33. Michael Freeman, "Transport," in Atlas of Industrializing Britain , 1780-1914, ed. John Langton and R. J. Morris (London: Methuen, 1986), 88, 90, shows that between 1870 and 1900 "the size of the national space" had shrunk by between a quarter and a third.

2. Eric Jones, "The Environment and the Economy," in The New Cambridge Modern History , 13 (companion vol.), ed. Peter Burke (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979), 35-39; Richard Tucker and John Richards, "The Global Economy and Forest Clearances in the Nineteenth Century," in Environmental History , ed. Kendall Bailes (Lanham, Md.: University Press of America, 1985), 579-82; see also Ronald Robinson, "Introduction: Railway Imperialism," in Railway Imperialism , ed. Clarence Davis and Kenneth Wilburn (New York: Greenwood Press, 1991), 1-3.

3. David K. C. Jones, "Human Occupance and the Physical Environment," in The Changing Geography of the United Kingdom , ed. R. J. Johnson and J. C. Doornkamp (London: Methuen, 1982), 329; R. P. C. Morgan, "Soil Erosion in Britain," in Green Britain or Industrial Wasteland? ed. Edward Goldsmith and Nicholas Hildyard (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1986).

4. Piers Blaikie and Harold Brookfield, Land Degradation and Society (Lon-

don: Methuen, 1987), 101; Richard Haeuber, "Indian Forestry Policy in Two Eras: Continuity or Change?" Environmental History Review 17 (1993): 49-76.

5. The theme of Ramachandra Guha's The Unquiet Woods (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1990), 28-60, 194-95; see also essays by J. F. Richards and Michelle McAlpine, by Michael Adas, and by Richard Tucker in Global Deforestation and the Nineteenth-Century World Economy , ed. Richard Tucker and John Richards (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press Policy Studies, 1983).

6. Madhav Gadgil and Ramachandra Guha, This Fissured Land (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1993), 141-45; see also Richard Tucker, "The Depletion of India's Forests under British Imperialism," in The Ends of the Earth , ed. Donald Worster (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988).

7. Sarah Jewitt, "Europe's 'Others'? Forestry Policy and Practices in Colonial and Postcolonial India," Society and Space 13 (1995): 67-90.

8. Richard Grove, Green Imperialism (Cambridge: Cambridge Press, 1995), 11-12, 380-473; Grove, "Colonial Conservation, Ecological Hegemony and Popular Resistance: Towards a Global Synthesis," in Imperialism and the Natural World , ed. John M. MacKenzie (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1990), 15-38.

9. Raymond Bryant, "From Laissez-Faire to Scientific Forestry," Forest and Conservation History 33 (1994): 163, agrees that Brandis's "Minute on Forest Policy of 1855," ushered in the "dawn of scientific forestry" in British India; see also Richard Tucker, ''The Forests of the Western Himalayas: The Legacy of British Colonial Administration," Journal of Forest History 26 (July 1982): 112-23.

10. William Schlich, "Forestry in the Colonies and in India," Proceedings of the Royal Colonial Institute 21 (1889-90): 196-203; Richard Tucker, "Forest Management and Imperial Politics: Thana District, Bombay, 1823-1887," The Indian Economic and Social History Review 16 (1979): 273-300.

11. H. J. Perkin, The Rise of Professional Society: England since 1880 (London: Routledge, 1989).

12. John Ranlett, "'Checking Nature's Desecration': Late Victorian Environmental Organization," Victorian Studies 26 (1983): 198, says the founding of the CPS in 1865 was "a turning point in the public perception of society's relationship to nature."

13. P. D. Lowe, "Values and Institutions in the History of British Nature Conservation," in Conservation in Perspective , ed. A. Warren and F. B. Goldsmith (London: Wiley, 1983), 330-40.

14. George John Shaw-Lefevre (Lord Eversley), English Commons and Forests: The Battle During the Last Thirty Years for Public Rights over the Commons and Forests of England and Wales (London: Cassell, 1894), 23-25.

15. John Cantlie, Degeneration among Londoners (London: n.p., 1885), 24

16. Gill Chitty, "'A Great Entail'," in Ruskin and Environment , ed. Michael Wheeler (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1995), 119.

17. George Perkins Marsh, Man and Nature (1864), ed. David Lowenthal (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1965), 36.

18. Ibid., 13, 15-17.

19. Ibid., 108.

20. Marsh, Man and Nature , 52. Robert L. Thayer Jr., "Pragmatism in Paradise: Technology and the American Landscape," Landscape 30 (1990): 10, uses the phrase "an interconnected functional web of relationships."

21. Ibid., 38.

22. Ibid., 39-40.

23. Ibid., 36.

24. R. Kates, B. Turner, and W. Clark, "The Great Transformation," in The Earth as Transformed by Human Action , ed. B. L. Turner (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), 3, exaggerate when they claim that Man and Nature "was received enthusiastically by academic and lay audiences in North America and Europe."

25. Graeme Wynn, "Pioneers, Politicians and the Conservation of Forests in Early New Zealand," Journal of Historical Geography 5 (1979): 171-88; Wynn, "Conservation and Society in Late Nineteenth-Century New Zealand," The New Zealand Journal of History 11 (1977): 124-36; Marsh, Man and Nature , xxii.

26. J. M. Powell, Environmental Management in Australia, 1788-1914 (Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 1976), 59-66, 74-76.

27. Marsh, Man and Nature , xxii.

28. Richard Lambert (with Paul Pross), Renewing Nature's Wealth (Ontario Department of Lands and Forests, 1967), 158.

29. James Russell Lowell, "Marsh's 'Man and Nature'," North American Review 99 (1864): 20.

30. Grove, Green , 471, n. 287.

31. Marsh, Man and Nature , xxii, n. 31.

32. Ibid., xxi.

33. Athenaeum no. 1919 (6 August 1864): 176-77; Sir Henry Holland, "Review of 'Man and Nature' by Marsh," Edinburgh Review 120 (1864): 464-500.

34. David Lowenthal, George Perkins Marsh, Versatile Vermonter (New York: Columbia University Press, 1958), 237-38.

35. Ibid., 93; Lewis Mumford, The Brown Decades (New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1931), 72, stated, "Marsh was one of that group of capacious, perceptive minds who were the miracle of American scholarship before the Civil War."

36. The same tone is evident in an article, "The Natural History of Man," that he wrote much earlier for the Quarterly Review 86 (1849-50): 1-40, where he sets out to demonstrate that "the various races of mankind" all "derived from one single pair.''

37. Holland, "Review of 'Man and Nature,'" 478.

38. Marsh, Man and Nature , 279.

39. Ibid., 47, n. 46.

40. Holland, "Review of 'Man and Nature,'" 500.

41. Athenaeum no. 1919: 176.

42. William James, in an essay written in 1895, "Is Life Worth Living?" in Essays on Faith and Morals , R. B. Perry's selection(New York: Longmans, Green,

1947), 11, commented on the "awful power that neither loves nor hates, but rolls all things together meaninglessly to a common doom."

43. According to Donald Worster, "The Vulnerable Earth: Toward a Planetary History," in Ends of the Earth , ed. Worster (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), 7-8, Marsh's work marks the point when the tide began to turn against optimism. What Marsh saw, says Worster, "was not a nobler design emerging out of chaos but a violent ravaging of natural harmonies."

44. William Wordsworth, "Sonnet on the Projected Kendal and Windermere Railway," in The Prose Works of William Wordsworth , ed. W. J. B. Owen and J. W. Smyser, vol. 3 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1974), 339.

45. S. P. Hays, Conservation and the Gospel of Efficiency (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1959), 123-27; see also D avid Lowenthal, "Conserving Nature and Antiquity," in Man, Nature and Technology , ed. Erik Baark and Uno Svedin (London: Macmillan, 1988), 129-30.

46. Ibid., 141; René Dubos, The Wooing of the Earth (New York: Scribner's, 1980), 73-74.

47. Kates, Turner, and Clark, "Great Transformation," 3-5.

48. For the effect of this discussion on the period, see Clarence Glacken, "The Ideas of the Habitable World," in Man's Role in Changing the Face of the Earth , ed. William Thomas (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1956), 80; David K. C. Jones, "Man Moulds the Landscape," Geographical Magazine 45 (1973): 575; Eric Brown, "Man Shapes the Earth," Geographical Journal 136 (1970): 74-75.

49. Holland, "Review of 'Man and Nature,'" 466. The first volume of Henry Thomas Buckle's History of Civilization in England appeared in 1857 and the second in 1861, a year before Buckle's death.

50. Holland, "Review of 'Man and Nature,'" 445-48. The reference is to John Evelyn (1620-1706) whose Sylva, or a discourse of forest trees , published exactly zoo years before Man and Nature , also made an argument for the crucial importance of forests and reforestation.

51. Ibid., 486.

52. Ibid., 488.

53. George Perkins Marsh, The Earth as Modified by Human Action (New York: Scribner, Armstrong, 1874).

54. R. L. Sherlock, Man as a Geological Agent (London: Witherby, 1922): an abridged version, entitled Man's Influence on the Earth , was published in London by the Home University Library in 1931.

55. Sherlock, Man as Geological Agent , p. 86; see also J. N. Jennings, "Man as a Geological Agent," Australian Journal of Science 28 (1966): 150.

56. BPP , 3d Report (on Afforestation) of the RC on Coast Erosion, the Reclamation of Tidal Lands, and Afforestation, vol. 14 (1911): xiv.

57. Mumford, Brown Decades , 75.

58. Marsh, Man and Nature , 53.

59. Ibid.

60. Ibid., 12-15; see also, David Lowenthal, "George Perkins Marsh on the Nature and Purpose of Geography," Geographical Journal 126 (1960): 413-17.

61. Kenneth R. Olwig, "Historical Geography and the Society/Nature 'Prob-

lematic': the Perspective of J. F. Schouw, G. P. Marsh, and E. Reclus," Journal of Historical Geography 6 (1980): 36-37; Marsh, Man and Nature , 13-15.

62. Olwig, "Historical Geography," 37. The quotation is from Marsh's "The Study of Nature," The Christian Examiner 68 (1860): 36.

63. John Passmore, Man's Responsibility for Nature (New York: Scribner's Sons, 1974), 24, thinks that Marsh's enduring contribution was the insight that interventions never accomplish only what they intend.

64. Marsh, Man and Nature , 29. According to David Lowenthal, "Awareness of Human Impacts: Changing Attitudes and Emphases," in The Earth , ed. Turner, 129, Man and Nature "unleashed no bitter debate" partly because its revolutionary ecological insights rested on a number of premises that most people found comforting. Daniel Botkin, Discordant Harmonies (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990), discusses Marsh's mechanical view of natural processes and his theory of equilibrium in light of modern ecological approaches: see especially, pp. 8-9, 13, 32-49, 107-8, 188-92; see also Norman Christensen, "Landscape History and Ecological Change," Journal of Forest History , 33 (April 1989): 116-25. Victor Ferkiss, Nature, Technology, and Society (New York: New York University Press, 1993), 85, maintains that for all of his concern for the environment, Marsh was a Baconian in that he rejoiced at the possibility of emancipation from nature's power.

65. Worster, ed., Ends of the Earth , 302.

66. Robert Ritchie, The Farm Engineer (Glasgow: Blackie, 1849), 70-79.

1. T. Bedford Franklin, Good Pastures (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1944), 24.

2. Ibid., 25-27.

3. According to L. B. Wrenn, "Cotton Gins and Cottonseed Oil Mills in the New South," Agricultural History 68 (1994): 232-33, the processing of cottonseed oil on a commercial scale began in New Orleans in 1855. By 1879 there were 45 cottonseed mills in the Mississippi Valley. At the industry's peak in 1914, the number had grown to 882.

4. T. Bedford Franklin, A History of Agriculture (London: Bell and Sons, 1948), 160.

5. F. M. L. Thompson, "The Second Agricultural Revolution, 1815-1880," EHR , 2d series, 21 (1968): 63-65.

6. Ibid., 67-68, 75. According to James Johnston, Contributions to Scientific Agriculture (Edinburgh: Blackwood, 1849), 3-5, the Agricultural Chemistry Association of Scotland began to influence enlightened Scottish farmers as early as 1842.

7. Roy Brigden, Victorian Farms (Marlborough: Crowood Press, 1986), 196-206; John Sheail, "Elements of Sustainable Agriculture: The UK Experience, 1840-1940," AHR 43 (1995): 178-92.

8. Brigden, Victorian Farms , 70; Richard Grove, "Coprolite Mining in Cambridgeshire," AHR 24 (1976): 136-43; Joan Thirsk, "Suffolk Farming in the Nineteenth Century," in Suffolk Farming in the Nineteenth Century , ed. J. Thirsk

and J. Imray (Ipswich: Suffolk Record Society, 1958), 24. Philip Bagwell, The Transport Revolution (London: Routledge, 1988), 108, notes that Britain imported 1,700 tons of guano in 1841 and 200,000 tons in 1847, when the extent of the railway system had grown to 4,000 miles.

9. Jonathan Brown and H. A. Beecham, "Arable Farming," in The Agrarian History of England and Wales , vol. 6, ed. G. E. Mingay (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), 278-81; Thompson, "Second Agricultural Revolution," 68-70; Journal of the Board of Agriculture 13 (1906-7): 67-72; B. A. Holder-ness, "Agriculture and Industrialization in the Victorian Economy," in The Victorian Countryside , vol. 1, ed. G. E. Mingay (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1981), 191-95; F. Falkner, The Muck Manual (London: Murray, 1843), 39, 95. According to Barbara Kerr, Bound to the Soil (London: Baker, 1968), 52, Dorset farmers also dug up ant hills, mixed this soil with lime, and applied it to their fields.

10. See, for example, James Archibald Cambell, "Report on the Application of Sewage," THASS 1 (1866): 1-20. John J. Mechi used a "hose and pipe" system on his farm; see Mechi, "The Sewage of Towns as It Affects British Agriculture," Farmer's Magazine , 3d series, 17 (1860): 254-55. For a modern discussion, see Nicholas Goddard, '''A Mine of Wealth'? The Victorians and the Agricultural Value of Sewage," Journal of Historical Geography 22 (1996): 274-90.

11. Barrow Wall, "The Agriculture of Pembrokeshire," JRASE , 2d series, 23 (1887): 82-94.

12. Augustus Voelcker, "On the Commercial Value of Artificial Manures," JRASE 23 (1862): 277-78.

13. E. L. Jones, Agriculture and the Industrial Revolution (Oxford: Blackwell, 1974), 191-99.

14. Rowland Prothero [Lord Ernle], English Farming Past and Present (London: Longmans, 1912), 370.

15. Paul A. David, "The Landscape and the Machine: Technical Interrelated-ness, Land Tenure and the Mechanization of the Corn Harvest in Victorian Britain," in Essays on a Mature Economy: Britain after 1840 , ed. Donald McCloskey (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1971), 145-214. Mark Overton, "Agriculture," in Atlas of Industrializing Britain, 1780-1914 , ed. John Langton and R. J. Morris (London: Methuen, 1986), 36, estimates that between 1840 and 1900, output per worker rose by about seventy percent, some of this gain due to the use of steam-powered threshing machines but also the result of improvements in plows and horse-pulled machinery.

16. H. V. Massingham, introduction to H. E. Bates et al, The English Countryside (London: Batsford, 1939), 4-8.

17. Robert Allen, "Agriculture and the Industrial Revolution," in The Economic History of Britain Since 1700 , 2d ed., vol. 1, ed. Roderick Floud and Donald McCloskey (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 114.

18. C. K. Harley, "Skilled Labour and the Choice of Technique in Edwardian Industry," Explorations in Economic History 11 (1974): 391-414.

19. Norman Gash, Aristocracy and People (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1979), 321.

20. J. R. Walton, "A Study in the Diffusion of Agricultural Machinery in the

Nineteenth Century," Research Paper no. 5, School of Geography, Oxford (1973), 8, includes a chart showing adoption curves for various implements between 1820 and 1880.

21. E. J. Collins, "The Age of Machinery," in Victorian Countryside , vol. 1, ed. Mingay, 211-12.

22. David H. Morgan, Harvesters and Harvesting, 1840-1900 (London: Croom Helm, 1982), 15-19.

23. Hugh Prince, "Victorian Rural Landscapes," in Victorian Countryside , vol. 1, ed. Mingay, 18; W. Harwood Long, "The Development of Mechanization in English Farming," AHR 11 (1963): 15-26.

24. Ian Carter, Farmlife in Northeast Scotland , 1840-1914 (Edinburgh: Donald, 1979), 88-90.

25. Prothero [Ernle], English Farming , 372.

26. E. J. Collins, "The Diffusion of the Threshing Machine in Britain, 1790-1880," Tools and Tillage 2 (1972): 19-20; John Weller, The History of the Farmstead (London: Faber and Faber, 1982), 156.

27. Lord Willoughby de Eresby, Ploughing by Steam (London: Ridgway, 1850). His California plow and apparatus required seven men to operate and one man and a horse to haul coal and water for the engine.

28. Clark C. Spence, God Speed the Plow (Urbana, Ill.: University of Illinois Press, 1960), 105-34; David Grigg, English Agriculture (Oxford: Blackwell, 1989), 149-66; Brigden, Victorian Farms , 153-58; Bagwell, Transport Revolution , 131-32.

29. Jonathan Brown and H. A. Beecham, "Implements and Machines," in Agrarian History , vol. 6, ed. Mingay, 307.

30. T. Barker, "The Transport Revolution from 1770 in Retrospect," in On the Move , ed. Chris Wrigley and John Sheperd (London: Hambledon Press, 1991), 5-7.

31. Richard Moore-Colyer, "Aspects of Horse Breeding and the Supply of Horses in Victorian Britain," AHR 43 (1955): 47, 58.

32. Grigg, English Agriculture , 150; F. M. L. Thompson, "Nineteenth Century Horse Sense," EHR , 2d series, 29 (1976): 60-79; "Basic Slag," Journal of the Board of Agriculture 13 (April 1906-March 1907): 347.

33. J. A. Scott Watson and May Hobbs, Great Farmers (London: Selwyn & Blount, 1937), 90-100.

34. John J. Mechi, A Lecture on British Agriculture (London: Longmans, 1852), 15.

35. Ibid., 14.

36. John J. Mechi, How I Make Farming Pay (London: 1875), 5.

37. Ibid.

38. Mechi, Lecture on British Agriculture , 25.

39. Ibid., 27-28.

40. John J. Mechi, A Series of Letters on Agricultural Improvement (London: Longmans, 1845), introduction.

41. Léonce de Lavergne [Guilhaud], The Rural Economy of England, Scotland, and Ireland , trans. "A Scottish Farmer" (Edinburgh: Blackwood, 1855),

221-23; see also Stuart Macdonald, "Model Farms," in Victorian Countryside, vol>221-23; see also Stuart Macdonald, "Model Farms," in Victorian Countryside , vol. 1, ed. Mingay, 220-22.

42. H. Rider Haggard, Rural England , vol. 1 (London: Longmans, 1902), 528.

43. John Prout, Profitable Clay Farming under a Just System of Tenant Right , 3d ed. (London: Stanford, 1881), 7-36, 81. A second generation of the Prout-Voelcker team, W. A. Prout and John Voelcker, "Continuous corn growing in its practical and chemical aspects," JRASE 66 (1905): 47-51, reported that in 1905, the soil showed a net gain in phosphoric acid and potash and no loss of nitrogen, but it did lose some of its vegetable matter.

44. Prout, Profitable Clay Farming , 85-89.

45. Prout, who seems to have been far more concerned about the feasibility of using technology than Mechi, eventually sold his steam tackle and hired contractors to do the steam cultivating; see W. A. Prout and John Voelcker, "Continuous Corn Growing," 39.

46. According to E. J. Collins, "Harvest Technology and Labour Supply in Britain, 1790-1870," EHR 22 (1969): 453-73, improved hand tools, not mechanization, allowed a shrinking labor force to bring in harvests with increasing speed and efficiency; but see also J. A. Perkins, "Harvest Technology and Labour Supply in Lincolnshire and the East Riding of Yorkshire, 1750-1850," Tools and Tillage 3 (1976-1977): 47-58, 125-35. According to Jonathan Brown, Agriculture in England (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1987), 25-26, mostly horse-drawn machines harvested twenty-five percent of the English corn crop in 1871 and eighty percent in 1900.

47. Christabel Orwin, Progress in English Farming Systems (Oxford: Clarendon, 1930), iii—"A Specialist in Arable Farming," 7-24, and iv—"Another Departure in Plough Farming," 5, 14-16.

48. According to David Grigg, "Farm Size in England and Wales, from Early Victorian Times to the Present," AHR 35 (1987): 188, there was a reversal in this trend in the 1880s. Robert Allen, "Labor Productivity and Farm Size in English Agriculture before Mechanization: Reply to Clark," Explorations in Economic History 28 (1991): 478-92, argues that from the early eighteenth century to the early nineteenth the average open-field farm of the south Midlands grew from 65 to 145 acres and that this increase ''reduced agricultural employment and boosted output per worker to record levels."

49. Prince, "Victorian Rural Landscapes," 18, 21.

50. Ibid., 7.

51. Lavergne, Rural , 2-14. Why British agriculture should have been more innovative is a question Lavergne avoids. For a recent (revisionist) analysis, see Colin Duncan, The Centrality of Agriculture (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1996), 55-80.

52. J. A. Scott Watson, "English Agriculture in 1850-51," JRASE 111 (1950): 9-24; James Caird, English Agriculture in 1850-51 (1852; 2d ed., New York: Kelly Reprints, 1967).

53. David Howell, "Farming in South-East Wales, 1840-1880," in Modern South Wales: Essays in Economic History , ed. Colin Baber and L. J. Williams (Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 1986), 82-95.

54. J. Geraint Jenkins, "Technological Improvement and Social Change in South Cardiganshire," AHR 13 (1965): 94-103.

55. Malcolm Gray, "The Regions and Their Issues: Scotland," in Victorian Countryside , vol. 1, ed. Mingay, 82-84; J. A. Symon, Scottish Farming (Edinburgh: Oliver and Boyd, 1959), 178-80.

56. E. L. Jones, The Development of English Agriculture, 1815-1873 (London: Macmillan, 1968), 21.

57. The theme of two articles by Albert Pell, "The Making of the Land in England: A Retrospect," JRASE , 2d series, 23 (1887): 355-74, and "The Making of the Land of England: A Second Retrospect," JRASE , 3d series, 10 (1899): 136-41.

58. F. M. L. Thompson, English Landed Society in the Nineteenth Century (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1963), 245-56; Thompson, "Free Trade and the Land," in Victorian Countryside , vol. 1, ed. Mingay, 109; J. V. Beckett, The East Midlands from A.D. 1000 (Harlow: Longman, 1988), 207-8; P.J. Perry, British Farming in the Great Depression, 1870-1914 (Newton Abbot: David and Charles, 1974), 19-20, 65-66, 123-25, 142-45; J. D. Chambers and G. E. Mingay, The Agricultural Revolution, 1750-1880 (London: Batsford, 1966), 167-68; Jones, Development , 30; David Cannadine, Aspects of Aristocracy (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1994), 47-48; Richard N. Adams, Paradoxical Harvest (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982), 73-74.

59. J. L. van Zanden, "The First Green Revolution: the Growth of Production and Productivity in European Agriculture, 1870-1914," EHR 44 (1991): 215-39; Brown, Agriculture, 55-56 .

60. Prothero [Ernie], English Farming , 380, 384.

61. T. W. Fletcher, "The Great Depression of English Agriculture, 1873-1896," EHR , 2d series, 13 (1960-1961): 417-32; Fletcher, "Lancashire Livestock Farming during the Great Depression," AHR 9 (1961): 17-42.

62. J. T. Coppock, "The Changing Face of England: 1850 circa 1900," in A New Historical Geography of England , ed. H. C. Darby (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1973), 615-18.

63. Gray, "Regions and Their Issues," in Victorian Countryside , vol. 1, ed. Mingay, 83, 90-92.

64. Carter, Farmlife in Northeast Scotland , 76-85.

65. David Howell, Land and People in Nineteenth-Century Wales (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1977), 2-18.

66. Peter Hall, "England circa 1900," in New Historical Geography , ed. Darby, 691-92. Overton, "Agriculture," 48, notes that statistics show that between 1873 and 1911, the area devoted to market gardens grew by an ''astonishing" 145 percent—probably, he adds, an underestimate.

67. Ibid., 690-94; William Bear, "Flower and Fruit Farming in England," parts 1 and 2, JRASE , 3d series, 9 (1898): 286-316, 512-50, and part 3, JRASE 10 (1899): 267-313; E. A. Pratt, The Transition in Agriculture (London: Murray, 1906), 8-228; Linda Crust, "William Paddison: Marsh Farmer and Survivor of the Agricultural Depression, 1873-96," AHR 43 (1995): 193-204.

68. Fletcher, "Great Depression," 432.

69. E. J. Collins, "Agriculture and Conservation in England: An Historical

Overview, 1880-1939," JRASE 146 (1985): 38, 44-45; Prince, "Victorian Rural Landscapes," 24.

70. Muriel Arbor, "Dust-Storms in the Fenland Round Ely," Geography 31 (1946): 23-26.

71. H. C. Darby, The Draining of the Fens , 2d ed. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1956), 178.

72. Ibid., 225.

73. Darby, Draining of the Fens , 229-31; the photograph is opposite p. 245.

74. Oliver Rackham, The History of the Countryside (London: Dent, 1986), 379; Michael Weale, ed., Environmental Issues , 3d ed. (Ely: Ely Resources Centre, 1974), 24.

75. Although the definition of marl was never precise, the word was usually applied to clay that had a high calcareous content: see, W. M. Mathew, "Marling in British Agriculture: A Case of Partial Identity," AHR 41 (1993): 97-103.

76. J. A. Clarke, Fen Sketches (1852), 244-45, cited in Darby, Draining of the Fens , 239.

77. Mathew, "Marling in British Agriculture," 106-9.

78. Christabel Orwin and Edith Whetham, History of British Agriculture, 1846-1914 (London: Longmans Green, 1964), 272, 352-53; Grigg, English Agriculture , 203-4.

79. Mathew, "Marling in British Agriculture," 109-10.

80. Arbor, "Dust-Storms in the Fenland," 25-26; A. D. Hall, "The Growth of Sugar Beets," Journal of the Board of Agriculture 11 (1904-5): 577-81; Sidney Rogerson, Both Sides of the Road (London: Collins, 1949), 93-97.

81. Franklin, Good Pastures , 68-70.

1. George Perkins Marsh, Man and Nature , ed. David Lowenthal (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1965), 13.

2. Ibid., 38

3. Robin Atthill, Old Mendip (London: David and Charles, 1964), 48-53.

4. John Billingsley, A General View of the Agriculture of Somerset (London: W. Smith, 1797), 34-61.

5. Ibid., 83.

6. Ibid., 45.

7. John Watson, "On Reclaiming Heath Land," JRASE 6 (1845): 79.

8. Michael Williams, "The Enclosure and Reclamation of the Mendip Hills, 1770-1870," AHR 19 (1971): 65-81.

9. Thomas Dyke Acland, "On the Farming of Somersetshire," JRASE 11 (1850): 727-29; see also Acland, The Farming of Somersetshire (London: Murray, 1851), 9-15.

10. W. G. Hall, ed., Man and the Mendips (Mendip Society, 1971), 8, 37-44.

11. Hansard's Parliamentary Debates , 4th series, 2 (1892): 101.

12. Roy Millward and Adrian Robinson, Upland Britain (Newton Abbot: David and Charles, 1980), 136-45.

13. Robert Dodgshon, "The Origins of Traditional Field Systems," in The Making of the Scottish Countryside , ed. Martin Parry and T. R. Slater (London: Croom Helm, 1980), 76-81, and Ian Whyte and Kathleen Whyte, The Changing Scottish Landscape (London: Routledge, 1991), 55-58, give clear presentations of this model.

14. J. M. Linsay, "Forestry and Agriculture in the Scottish Highlands, 1700-1850: A Problem in Estate Management," AHR 25 (1977): 25; R. Alun Roberts, "Ecology of Human Occupation and Land Use in Snowdonia," JE 47 (1959): 317-23.

15. Albert Bil, "Transhumance Economy, Setting and Settlement in Highland Perthshire," Scottish Geographical Magazine 105 (1989): 158-67.

16. R. V. Birnie and P. D. Hulme, "Overgrazing of Peatland Vegetation in Scotland," Scottish Geographical Magazine 106 (1990): 28-36; S. A. Grant, L. Torvell, H. K. Smith, D. E. Suckling, T. D. Forbes, and J. Hodgson, "Comparative Studies of Diet Selection by Sheep and Cattle: Blanket Bog and Heather Moor," JE 75 (1987): 947-60; P. Anderson and D. W. Yalden, "Increased Sheep Numbers and the Loss of Heather Moorland in the Peak District, England," Biological Conservation 20 (1981): 195-213; C. H. Gimingham, Ecology of Heath-lands (London: Chapman and Hall, 1972), 171; Gimingham, An Introduction to Heathland Ecology (Edinburgh: Oliver and Boyd, 1975), 82-84.

17. R. Evans, "Erosion in England and Wales—The Present Key to the Past," in Past and Present Soil Erosion , ed. Martin Bell and John Boardman (Oxford: Oxbow Books, 1992), 53-54; Margaret Bower, "The Cause of Erosion in Blanket Peat Bogs," Scottish Geographical Magazine 78 (1962): 33-43. J. Geikie, the leading Victorian authority on the subject, attributed moorland erosion to climate, as the title of his article indicates: "On the buried forests and peat deposits of Scotland and changes in climate which they indicate," Transactions of the Royal Society, Edinburgh 24 (1866): 363-84.

18. Richard Muir and Nina Muir, Fields (London: Macmillan, 1989), 106.

19. Robert Dodgshon, "Ecological Basis of Highland Peasant Farming," in The Cultural Landscape: Past, Present, and Future , ed. Hilary Birks, H. J. Birks, Peter Kaland, and Dagfinn Moe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), 140-50.

20. David Turnock, "North Morar: The Improving Movement on a West Highland Estate," Scottish Geographical Magazine 85 (1969): 17-30; T. C. Smout, A History of the Scottish People, 1560-1830 (London: Collins, 1969), 349-51.

21. A conclusion E. Wyllie Fenton came to in "The Influence of Sheep on the Vegetation of Hill Grazings in Scotland," JE 25 (1937): 429.

22. Hugh Miller, Sutherland as it Was and Is or, How a County May be Ruined (Edinburgh: Johnstone, 1843), 6.

23. Robert Dodgshon, "The Economy of Sheep Farming in the Southern Upland during the Age of Improvement, 1750-1833," EHR 29 (1976): 555-56.

24. BPP , RC on Agriculture, 17 (1881): q. 37, 697.

25. James Hunter, "Sheep and Deer: Highland Sheep Farming, 1850-1900," Northern Scotland 1 (1973): 199-201.

26. Gimingham, Ecology of Heathlands , 178-80.

27. A. C. Imeson, "Heather Burning and Soil Erosion on the North Yorkshire Moors," Journal of Applied Ecology 8 (1971): 537-42; Oliver Rackham, The History of the Countryside (London: Dent, 1986), 320-22.

28. Gimingham, Introduction to Heathland Ecology , 10-12, 100.

29. George Malcolm and Aymer Maxwell, Grouse and Grouse Moors (London: Black, 1910), 62-63; R. N. Millman, The Making of the Scottish Landscape (London: Batsford, 1975), 134.

30. The military language is borrowed from Alex Watt, "Bracken Versus Heather, A Study in Plant Sociology," JE 43 (1955): 490-506.

31. Marjorie Sykes, "Bracken: Friend or Foe?" Ecologist 17 (1987): 241-42.

32. Millman, Making of the Scottish Landscape , 134; Hunter, "Sheep and Deer," 203-5.

33. Rackham, History of the Countryside , 319.

34. Charles Gay Roberts, "Sutherland Reclamation," JRASE 15 (1879): 444.

35. Ibid., 444-48.

36. James Macdonald, "On the Agriculture of the County of Sutherland," THASS , 4th series, 12 (1880): 76-85; P. T. Wheeler, "Land Ownership and the Crofting System in Sutherland since 1800," AHR 14 (1966): 46.

37. Macdonald, "Agriculture of the County of Sutherland," 28.

38. Eric Richards, "An Anatomy of the Sutherland Fortune: Income, Consumption, Investments and Returns, 1780-1880," Business History 21 (1979): 70.

39. Charles Kindleberger, Economic Growth in France and Britain, 1851-1950 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1964), 155.

40. C. S. Orwin, The Reclamation of Exmoor Forest (London: Oxford University Press, 1929), 34-39.

41. Colin Tyler and John Haining, Ploughing by Steam (Bath: Ashgrove Press, 1985), 94-98.

42. Michael Lane, The Story of the Steam Plough Works (London: Northgate Publishing, 1980), 93.

43. Tyler and Haining, Ploughing by Steam , 273-75; "Steam Cultivation," Engineering 18 (July 1874): 94-95.

44. Roberts, "Sutherland Reclamation," 409.

45. John Prebble, The Highland Clearances (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1969), 65-68.

46. Macdonald, "Agriculture of the County of Sutherland," 47.

47. George Malcolm, Deer Forests (Edinburgh: Douglas, 1890), 21-22.

48. Roberts, "Sutherland Reclamation," 486-87.

49. Willie Orr, Deer Forests, Landlords, and Crofters (Edinburgh: John Don-aid, 1982), 31.

50. Ibid., appendix vii, 191-210.

51. L. Dudley Stamp, The Land of Britain: Its Use and Misuse . (London: Longmans, Green, 1948), 165.

52. Thomas Johnston, quoted in Forbidden Land , by Tom Stephenson (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1989), 119. F. M. L. Thompson, The Rise

of Respectable Society (London: Fontana, 1988), 268, points out that "the vast majority of deer forests were still owned by the aristocracy at the end of the century," and that most of those aristocrats were Scots.

53. James Winter, Robert Lowe (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1976), 61-63.

54. Malcolm and Maxwell, Grouse and Grouse Moors , 23, 36.

55. See, for example, Philip Gaskell, Morvern Transformed (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1968), 109; Hunter, "Sheep and Deer," 213-14; H. L. Wallace, J. E. Good, and T. G. Williams, "The Effects of Afforestation on Upland Plant Communities: An Application of the British National Vegetation Classification," Journal of Applied Ecology 29 (1992): 180-94.

56. Orr, Deer Forests , 37-44; Stephenson, Forbidden Land , 124-27.

57. Anthony Trollope, The Duke's Children (1880, reprint, London: Oxford University Press, 1954), 301.

58. Hansard's Parliamentary Debates , 4th series, 2 (1892): 93-111.

59. Ibid., 116-17.

60. Stephenson, Forbidden Land , 120-41.

61. T. Bedford Franklin, A History of Scottish Farming (London: Nelson and Sons, 1952), 169.

62. Léonce de Lavergne [Guilhaud], The Rural Economy of England, Scotland, and Ireland , trans. "A Scottish Farmer" (Edinburgh: Blackwood, 1855), 338-39.

63. Marion Shoard, This Land Is Our Land (London: Paladin, 1987), 288-89.

64. Howard Hills, Freedom to Roam (Ashbourne: Moorland Publishing, 1980), 44-48. Allaby, Changing , 66-67, states: "Grouse shooting is by far the most potent force for the maintenance of extensive tracts of heather moorland."

65. Shoard, This Land Is Our Land , 269.

66. Orr, Deer Forests , 146.

67. Hunter, "Sheep and Deer," 220-22.

68. John Stirling-Maxwell, "Forestry in the Economic Development of Scotland," TRSAS 27 (1913): 161-71.

69. Linsay, "Forestry and Agriculture in the Scottish Highlands," 35.

70. Orr, Deer Forests , 83.

71. Turnock, "North Morar."

72. Millward and Robinson, Upland Britain , 49.

73. Builder 35 (1877): 21.

74. Rackham, History of the Countryside , 318.

75. The Independent (10 March 1995), 11.

1. Chandos Bruce [Marquess of Ailesbury], A History of Savernake Forest (Devizes: Charles Woodward, 1962), 82.

2. Ibid., 83-86.

3. Stephen Daniels, "The Political Iconography of Woodland in Later Geor-

gian England," in The Iconography of Landscape , ed. Denis Cosgrove and Stephen Daniels (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), 45.

4. Bruce, History of Savernake Forest , 86.

5. Ibid., 87-92; Peggy Walvin, Savernake Forest (Cheltenham: privately printed, 1976), 35-36.

6. Chandos Bruce [Marquess of Ailesbury], The Wardens of Savernake Forest (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1949), 301-2.

7. Bruce, History of Savernake Forest , 92.

8. Ibid.; Bruce, Wardens of Savernake Forest , 315-29.

9. Bruce, Wardens of Savernake Forest , 334.

10. Bruce, History of Savernake Forest , 94-96; Walvin, Savernake Forest , 39.

11. A coppice is a wood where mainly broad-leaved trees grow out of the stumps or "stools" left from previous cuttings. Standards are trees intended for timber and allowed to grow to maturity, planted within a coppice.

12. F. T. Evans, "Wood Since the Industrial Revolution: A Strategic Retreat?" HT 7 (1982): 47, points out that armored ships until the 1890s usually had hardwood planks behind the armor.

13. Victorians did not always make this distinction between the terms arboriculture and silviculture (then usually spelled sylviculture ); some tended to use arboriculture for any systematic forestry aimed at maximizing utility, whether or not the plantation was conceived of as a collection of individual trees or an abstract unit. However, when comparing continental practices with their own, they usually had this distinction in mind.

14. Roger Miles, Forestry in the English Landscape (London: Faber and Faber, 1967), 42.

15. Reprinted in TRSAS 22 (1909): 97-103.

16. A. C. Forbes, English Estate Forestry (London: Arnold, 1904), 30. Evans, "Wood," 40, notes that, according to a Forestry Commission census in 1924, fewer than half of Britain's three million acres of woodland were reasonably productive, and 27 percent produced nothing.

17. John Croumbie Brown, Modern Forest Economy (Edinburgh: Oliver and Boyd, 1884), 1-2; Richard Grove, "Origins of Western Environmentalism," Scientific American 267 (July 1992): 46, comments on Brown's career.

18. James Brown, The Forester (Edinburgh: Blackwood and Sons, 1847; 2d ed., 1851); subsequent page references are to the 2d ed.

19. Ibid., 10.

20. Ibid., 6-11.

21. John Simpson, The New Forestry (Sheffield: Pawson and Brailsford, 1900), 7-13, thought that there was no chance that British forestry could be put on a rational basis unless the conflict between silviculture and game preserving could be resolved.

22. H. L. Edlin, Trees, Woods, and Man , 3d revised ed. (London: Collins, 1970), 120-21; Miles, Forestry in the English Landscape , 47; Eoin Neeson, A History of Irish Forestry (Dublin: Lilliput Press, 1991), 139; William Addison, Portrait of Epping Forest (London: Hale, 1977), 43; N. D. G. James, A History of English Forestry (Oxford: Blackwell, 1981), 190-91; William Linnard,

Welsh Woods and Forests: History and Utilization (Cardiff: National Museum of Wales, 1982), 141, 145; Colin Tubbs, The New Forest: An Ecological History (Newton Abbot: David and Charles, 1968), 193-96.

23. Forbes, English Estate Forestry , 35.

24. John Simpson, British Woods and their Owners (Sheffield: Pawson and Brailsford, 1909), 11, 32.

25. A. C. Forbes, "Is British Forestry Progressive ?" TRSAS 15 (1898): 44-45.

26. James, History of English Forestry , 176-77.

27. Brown, Forester , 1-3.

28. Madhav Gadgil and Ramachandra Guha, This Fissured Land (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1993), 118-19.

29. R. W. Phipps, "Across the Watershed of Eastern Ontario" [from a section of his "Report on Forestry," 1884], Journal of Forest History (9 October 1965): 4-8. Robert Bell, "The Forests of Canada," British Association for the Advancement of Science 54 (1884): 856-60, described the explosive effect (''almost incredible") of fire where gummy tops of conifers were left to accumulate and dry out; see also George Perkins Marsh, Man and Nature , ed. David Lowenthal (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1965), 233-35.

30. Three works focus on the impact of resource exploitation on New Brunswick's political, social, and economic institutions: Graeme Wynn, Timber Colony, A Historical Geography of Early Nineteenth Century New Brunswick (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1981); Arthur Lower, Great Britain's Woodyard: British North America and the Timber Trade, 1763-1867 (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1973); R. Peter Gillis and Thomas Roach, Lost Initiatives (New York: Greenwood Press, 1986). For the ecological effects of resource exploitation on the eastern United States, see William Cronon's pioneering work, Changes in the Land: Indians, Colonists, and the Ecology of New England (New York: Hill and Wang, 1983), including the bibliographical essay, and Jamie Eves, "Shrunk to a Comparative Rivulet: Deforestation, Stream Flow, and Rural Milling in Nineteenth Century Maine," Technology and Culture 33 (1992):38-65. Alfred Crosby, Ecological Imperialism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), provides a broad survey of the effects of European biological imperialism from 900-1900; see also the articles in Richard Tucker and John Richards, eds., Global Deforestation and the Nineteenth-Century World Economy (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press Policy Studies, 1983).

31. Barrie Trinder, ed., Industrial Archaeology (Oxford: Blackwell, 1992), 668.

32. Richard C. Davis, ed., Encyclopedia of American Forest and Conservation History , vol. 1 (New York: Macmillan, 1983), 350-61; Peter Rutledge, "Steam Power for Loggers," Journal of Forest History 14 (April 1970): 18-29; Ken Drushka, Working in the Woods (Madeira Park, B.C. : Harbour Publishing, 1992), 61-73.

33. Miles, Forestry in the English Landscape , 59.

34. Or so Lord Lovat, Chairman of the Forestry Commission, maintained: Times (8 July 1920), 11.

35. Christopher Hussey, The Picturesque (London: Putnam's Sons, 1927), 36, 141.

36. John Ruskin, "The Poetry of Architecture," (1837-38), in The Works of John Ruskin , vol. 1, ed. E. T. Cook and Alexander Wedderburn (London: Allen, 1903), 102-3.

37. Times (17 September 1920), 9.

38. Daniels, "Political," 51; anyone familiar with Daniels's work will notice how much this section owes to his discussion of woodland as political iconography.

39. John Grigor, Arboriculture , 2d ed. (Edinburgh: Oliphant, Anderson and Ferrier, 1881), 208-10; Edlin, Trees Woods, and Man , 119; Mark Anderson, A History of Scottish Forestry , vol. 1 (London: Nelson, 1967), 585-94; A. C. O'Dell and K. Walton, The Highlands and Islands of Scotland (Edinburgh: Nelson, 1962), 148-49; R. N. Millman, The Making of the Scottish Landscape (London: Batsford, 1975), 142-44.

40. L. Dudley Stamp, Man and the Land (London: Collins, 1955), 193.

41. Simon Schama, Landscape and Memory (Toronto: Random House, 1995), 56.

42. Robert Pogue Harrison, Forests: The Shadow of Civilization (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992), 93; see also Schama, Landscape and Memory , chapter 3, "The Liberties of the Greenwood."

43. R. Cole Harris, P. Roulston and C. D. Freitas, "The Settlement of Mono Township," Canadian Geographer 14 (1975): 1-17.

44. George Rolleston, "The Modification of the External Aspects of Organic Nature Produced by Man's Interference," Journal of the Royal Geographical Society 49 (1879): 336.

45. Ibid., 320-33, 391-92.

46. See for example, "Afforestation of Waste Lands in Denmark, Holland, France, and Germany," TRSAS 22 (1909): 207-211.

47. Quoted in Neeson, History of Irish Forestry , 112; Peter Anderson Graham, Reclaiming the Waste (London: Country Life , 1916), 120-21; see also the comment of William Schlich, BPP , Coast Erosion and Afforestation, 2d Report (on Afforestation) of the RC on Coast Erosion, and the Reclamation of Tidal Lands, and Afforestation, 14 (1909): q. 19112. [Sometimes the s is added to Knockboy, sometimes not.]

48. Sheila Pim, The Wood and the Trees (Kilkenny: Boethius Press, 1984), 135-36; Neeson, History of Irish Forestry , 110-14, 119-21.

49. Testimony of J. P. Pye, BPP , Report of Departmental Committee on Irish Forestry 23 (1908): qq. 1771-1810.

50. Ibid., q. 1771.

51. T. Summerbell, Afforestation. The Unemployed and the Land (London: I. L. P. Publication, 1908), 3-13.

52. "Afforestation Conference in London," Quarterly Journal of Forestry 1 (1907): 373-74.

53. BPP , RC on Coast Erosion, 14 (1909); Miles, Forestry in the English Landscape , 50-51.

54. Miles, Forestry in the English Landscape , 138-41.

55. Ibid., 61; Tubbs, New Forest , 86-87.

56. Miles, Forestry in the English Landscape , 72.

57. C. E. M. Joad, The Untutored Townsman's Invasion of the Country (London: Faber and Faber, 1945), 136-37.

58. Nan Fairbrother, New Lives, New Landscapes (New York: Knopf, 1970), 23, 122-27, 232, 250, 335-36.

59. Oliver Rackham, Trees and Woodlands in the British Landscape , rev. ed. (London: Dent, 1990), 104-5, 190-92; M. E. D. Poore, "Agriculture, Forestry and the Future of the Landscape," in The English Landscape , ed. S. R. Woodell (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1985), 191-201.

60. D. O. Baylis, "Recreational Potential of Welsh Forests," in Environmental Aspects of Plantation Forestry in Wales , ed. J. E. Good (Grange-Over-Sands, Cumbria: Institute of Terrestrial Ecology, 1987), 52.

61. Robert Arvill, Man and Environment , 3d ed. (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1973), 56.

62. Literature on this subject is steadily expanding; the following is only a sample: essays in Good, ed., Environmental Aspects of Plantation Forestry ; essays, especially those by S. J. Essex and T. G. Williams, C. Watkins, G. F. Peterken, C. Lavers and R. Haines-Young, N. Allott, M. Brennen, P. Mills, and A. Eacrett in Ecological Effects of Afforestation , ed. Charles Watkins (Wallingford: C. A. B. International, 1993); H. L. Wallace, J. E. Good, and T. G. Williams, "The Effects of Afforestation on Upland Plant Communities: An Application of the British National Vegetation Classification." Journal of Applied Ecology 29 (1992): 180-94; Charles Watkins, Nature Conservation and the New Lowland Forests (Peterborough: Nature Conservancy Council, 1991).

63. Aldo Leopold, A Sand County Almanac (1949; reprint, New York: Ballentine Books, 1970), 240.

1. Cuthbert Johnson, The Advantages of Railways to Agriculture , 2d ed. (London: Simpkin and Marshall, 1837), 4-5, 9; see also the Reverend Dionysius Lardner, The Steam Engine , 5th ed. (London: John Talor, 1836), 171-77.

2. P.J. Ransom, The Victorian Railway and How It Evolved (London: Heinemann, 1990), 63-64. A gradient of 1 in 330 means x foot of change in incline or decline in 330 horizontal feet. Even at the time, locomotives were capable of far more than this.

3. Francis Whitshaw, The Railways of Great Britain , 2d ed. (1842; reprint, New York: Kelley, 1969), 224.

4. Francis Bond Head, Stokers and Pokers or the London and North-West Railway (1849; reprint, London: Cass, 1968), 15.

5. John Francis, A History of the English Railway (1851; reprint, New York: Kelley, 1968), 173-75.

6. Ibid., 187.

7. See "Investigator," Remarks on Proposed Railways (London: Roake and Varty, 1831), 81-84; Meeting of Proprietors and Occupiers of Houses and

Lands, and other Persons Interested in Property and Estates Between Paddington and Leighton (Hemel Hempstead, 1831); Meeting of the proprietors and occupiers of lands in the County of Northampton , (1831), 4.

8. R. Cort, Rail-Road Impositions Detected , 2d ed. (London: n.p., 1834), vi, 55, 87. Barham Livius, Letter on Steam Power on Canals (London: Hatchard, 1842), regretted that innovations aimed at adapting steam power to canal boats and lessening the effect of the speed of such boats on canal banks were not being followed up. An engineer, William Bridges Adams, Road Progress and Steam Farming (London: Luxford, 1850), hoped that future railways would be light and their tracks would be laid at the side of existing roads, improved for the purpose by leveling.

9. William Wordsworth, "To the Editor of the Morning Post," in The Prose Works of William Wordsworth , vol. 3, ed. W. J. Owen and J. W. Smyser (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1974), 352-53. J. Peace, Descant upon Railroads (London: John Bohn, 1842), 11, lamented the banishment of "remoteness": "Imagination is murdered, and her province seized upon by an ugly monster that with horrid magic hurries me 'This moment to Brystowe, the next to Carlisle.'"

10. John Ruskin, "The Extension of Railways in the Lake District," in The Works of John Ruskin , vol. 34, ed. E. T. Cook and Alexander Wedderburn (London: Allen, 1908), 137, 141.

11. BPP , Lords Committee, The Bill entitled "An Act for making a Railway from London to Birmingham" (London: 1831-32).

12. These details were not informed by anything more than the most rudimentary grasp of structural theory or soil mechanics: see J. P. M. Pannell, An Illustrated History of Civil Engineering (London: Thames and Hudson, 1964), 112. "A Resident Assistant Engineer," A Practical Inquiry into Laws of Excavation and Embankment on Railways (London: Saunders and Otley, 1840), remarks on the discrepancies in the testimony of celebrated engineers about large cuttings and embankments. "The subject," he wrote, (p. 15.) "is entirely new."

13. An Account of the Proceedings of the Great Western Railway Company (London: Smith & Ebbs, 1834), 42.

14. Whitshaw, Railways of Great Britain , 224; Frederick Williams, Our Iron Roads (1852: reprint, London: Cass, 1968), 113-14.

15. BPP , Lords Committee, Minutes of Evidence (1831-32), 135.

16. R.L. Sherlock, Man as a Geological Agent (London: Witherby, 1922), 81.

17. Thomas Roscoe, The London and Birmingham Railway (London: Tilt, 1839), 91-95; Peter Lecount, The History of the Railway connecting London and Birmingham (London: Simpkin and Marshall, 1839), 40-44; John Bourne, Historical and Descriptive Accounts of the Origin, General Execution, and Characteristics of the London and Birmingham Railway (London: Bourne, 1839); J. C. Jeaffreson, The Life of Robert Stephenson , vol. 1 (London: Longman, 1864), 191-95; Samuel Smiles, Lives of the Engineers , vol. 3 (1862; reprint, Newton Abbot: David and Charles, 1968), 312-314; Edward Osborne, Osborne's London and Birmingham Railway Guide (Birmingham: Simpkin and Marshall, 1840), 150-53. Robert Stephenson's plan for the underpinnings of the Blisworth cutting are included in S. C. Brees, Railway Practice , vol. 1 (London: John Williams Library of Science and Art, 1837).

18. Roscoe, London and Birmingham Railway , 96.; see also the photograph in Robin Glasscock, ed., Historic Landscapes of Britain from the Air (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 208.

19. Subcontractors for excavating the line for the London and Birmingham were required to spread one or two feet of topsoil on embankment walls and sow them with rye and clover: see Brees, Railway Practice , 5, 20.

20. Williams, Our Iron Roads , 137.

21. Osborne, Osborne's Railway Guide , 10.

22. Ibid., i, 150-54.

23. Wolfgang Schivelbusch, The Railway Journey , trans. Anselm Hollo (Oxford: Blackwell, 1980), 25.

24. Ibid., 57-72; see also Nicholas Faith, The Worm the Railways Made (London: Bodley Head, 1990), 35-57.

25. Arthur Freeling, The Railway Companion, From London to Birmingham, Liverpool, and Manchester (London: Whittaker, 1837), 19; James Scott Walker, An Accurate Description of the Liverpool and Manchester Railway (Liverpool: Cannell, 1830), 31; James Drake, Road Book (London: Hayward & Moore, 1839), 16-17; Hudson Scott, Scott's Railway Companion (Newcastle: H. Scott, 1857), 8; Frederick McDermott, The Life and Works of Joseph Firbank (London: Longman, 1887), 106.

26. F.R. Conder, Personal Recollections of English Engineers (London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1868), 71-72, 107-11.

27. Ibid., 211-13; see also Railroadiana or a New History of England (London: Simpkin and Marshall, 1838), vi-vii.

28. Thomas Hughes, Tom Brown's School Days (London: Macmillan, 1888), 5-7.

29. Terry Coleman, The Railway Navvies (Harmondsworth: Pelican, 1968), 45-47.

30. James Day, A Practical Treatise on the Construction and Formation of Railways (London: Weale, 1839), 58-59. Ian Kerr, Building the Railways of the Raj, 1850-1900 (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1995), 174-76, shows why the refusal of Indian laborers to cart away earth in wheelbarrows instead of in baskets on their heads was, from their point of view, perfectly rational.

31. Builder 4 (1846): 142.

32. Samuel Stueland, "The Otis Steam Excavator," Technology and Culture 35 (1994): 571-74.

33. Charles Douglas Fox, "Description of the Excavating Machine, or Steam Navvy, with the Results of its Use, on the West Lancashire Railway," PICE 52 (1878): 250-56; Messrs. Rushton and Co., "Remarks on Steam-excavating Apparatus, and its Results and Uses," PICE 52 (1878):266-69. According to Philip Bagwell, The Transport Revolution (London: Routledge, 1988), 93, mechanical earthmovers were used in the 1890s to help build the Great Central, the last main line railway.

34. W. Burnett Tracy, "The Manchester Ship Canal," Journal of the Manchester Geographical Society 12 (1896): 211-12.

35. "Manchester Ship Canal," Engineering 57 (26 January 1894): 130.

36. Ian Harford, Manchester and Its Ship Canal Movement (Staffordshire: Keele University Press, 1994).

37. Arthur Redford, The History of Local Government in Manchester , vol. 2 (London: Longroans Green, 1940), 378-80; Arthur Jacob, "The Conservancy of Rivers: The Valley of the Irwell" PICE 67 (1882): 237-45.

38. Anthony Wohl, Endangered Lives (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1983), 234-35.

39. Redford, Local Government in Manchester , 380, 385-86.

40. Bosdin Leech, History of the Manchester Ship Canal , vol. 2 (Manchester: Sherratt and Hughes, 1907), 21.

41. Wohl, Endangered Lives , 238.

42. Writes Robert Burgess, "In Search of a Paradigm," in Ecosystem Rehabilitation , vol. 2 (The Hague: Academic Publishing, 1992), 38, "we find in 1990 those who still believe that the highest and best use of a river is to carry away the wastes of human society."

43. Wohl, Endangered Lives , 238.

44. Testimony of Thomas Foster, the Trafford Estate representative and W. H. Watson before a House of Commons committee in 1883; reported in Leech, Ship Canal , vol. 1, 161.

45. See Sherlock, Man as a Geological Agent , 295.

46. Ibid., 175-76, 241.

47. V. Williams, The Manchester Guardian Weekly (May 8, 1994), 23.

48. L. F. Vernon-Harcourt, A Treatise on Rivers and Canals , 2 vols. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1882), and W. H. Wheeler, Tidal Rivers (London: Longmans, Green, 1893).

49. Vernon-Harcourt, Rivers and Canals , vol. 1, 1-5.

50. H. Yule Oldham, "The Manchester Ship Canal," Geographical Journal 3 (1894): 491.

51. Leech, Ship Canal , vol. 2, 22.

52. Ibid.

53. David Owen, The Manchester Ship Canal (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1983), 18-25.

54. Vernon-Harcourt, Rivers and Canals, 263-65 ; Wheeler, Tidal Rivers , 197.

55. William Forwood, Recollections of a Busy Life (Liverpool: Young and Sons, 1910), 107-8.

56. Wheeler, Tidal Rivers , 374-76.

57. Leech, Ship Canal , vol. 1, 284.

58. Hansard's Parliamentary Debates , 3d series, 289 (1884): 1386-87.

59. Engineering 57 (26 January 1894): 98.

60. Leech, Ship Canal , vol. 2, 35.

61. H. L. Saeijs, Changing Estuaries (The Hague: Government Publications Office, 1982), 17, 27; L. Eugene Cronin, "The Role of Man in Estuarine Processes," in Man's Impact on the Environment , ed. Thomas Detwyler (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1971), 266-94.

1. R. L. Sherlock, Man as a Geological Agent (London: Witherby, 1922), 21, 14-15, 324-28.

2. Ibid., 35-38.

3. According to John Barr, Derelict Britain (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1969), 48, there were at the date of publication about 30,000 badly pitted acres in England and Wales.

4. Ibid., 53-54.

5. Reprinted in Life in Cornwall in the Late Nineteenth Century , ed. R. M. Barton (Truro: Barton, 1972), 45.

6. A. C. Todd and Peter Laws, The Industrial Archaeology of Cornwall (Newton Abbot: David and Charles, 1972), 160.

7. Raphael Samuel, "Mineral Workers," in Miners, Quarrymen and Salt-workers , ed. Raphael Samuel (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1977), 5, 11-12; Barrie Trinder, The Making of the Industrial Landscape (London: Dent, 1982), 241.

8. Penny Magazine 246 (1835): 47; 260 (1836): 158; testimony of Thomas Tancred before the Midland Mining Commission, BPP 13 (1843): iv-v, quoted in Michael Reed, The Landscape of Britain (London: Routledge, 1990) 322, who calls that part of South Staffordshire one of the most "desolate and dehumanized industrial landscapes in Britain."

9. "Great Landslip at Dunkirk," Northwich and Knutsford Guardian (11 December 1880), 4; Albert Calvert, Salt and the Salt Industry (London: Pitman, 1919), 104, 113-15; K. L. Wallwork, "Subsidence in the Mid-Cheshire Industrial Area," Geographical Journal 122 (1956): 48; Sherlock, Man as a Geological Agent , 150; Chambers Journal , 5th series, 5 (1888): 750, 758-60; Builder 39 (1880 ii): 715-16; Illustrated London News 78 (1881): 11-12, describes the subsidence and supplies illustrations; Joseph Dickson, Inspector of Mines, noted in a report to the home secretary in 1873, BPP , Report on Landslips in Salt Districts, 53 (1873): 593, that in or about 1533 a treed hill had sunk and turned into a pond.

10. "Great Landslip," Northwich and Knutsford Guardian (11 December 1880), 4.

11. T. W. Freeman, H. B. Rodgers, and R. H. Kinvig, Lancashire, Cheshire, and the Isle of Man (London: Nelson, 1966), 175.

12. Sherlock, Man as a Geological Agent , 146-50.

13. Wallwork, "Subsidence in Mid-Cheshire," 46-50; F. G. Bell, "Salt and Subsidence in Cheshire, England," Engineering Geology 9 (1975): 240-44; BPP , Report on Landslips, 644.

14. BPP , Report on Landslips, 594.

15. Sherlock, Man as a Geological Agent , 149-50.

16. BPP , SC on Brine Pumping, 11 (1890-91): 235, 275.

17. BPP , Report on Landslips, 295.

18. Ibid., 644-47. William Stanley Jevons had caught the attention of politicians and the informed public with his warning about the depletion of Britain's coal supply when he published The Coal Question in 1865. See G. N. Von Tunzelmann, "Exhaustibility of British Coal in Long-Run Perspective," in Human Impact on the Environment: Ancient Roots, Current Challenges , ed. Judith Jacobsen and John Firor (Boulder, Colo.: West View Press, 1992).

19. The Leblanc process decomposes salt (sodium chloride) with sulfuric acid; the Solvay process decomposes ammonium bicarbonate and sodium chloride (in the form of brine) together as a first step.

20. Brian Didsbury, "Cheshire Saltworkers," in Miners , ed. Samuel, 180-84.

21. Calvert, Salt and the Salt Industry , 120.

22. Ibid., 121; Bell, "Salt and Subsidence," 246.

23. Bell, "Salt and Subsidence," 246-47. As L. Dudley Stamp warned in The Land of Britain: Its Use and Misuse (London: Longmans, Green 1948), 235, this solution is not necessarily a total and permanent one.

24. K. L. Wallwork, "Some Problems of Subsidence and Land Use in the Mid-Cheshire Industrial Area," Geographical Journal 126 (1960): 195-98; Freeman, Rodgers, and Kinvig, Lancashire , 175.

25. See Raymond Gemmell, Colonization of Industrial Wasteland (London: Arnold, 1977), 11, and D. W. F. Hardie, A History of the Chemical Industry in Widnes (Birmingham: I.C.I., 1950), 127.

26. Sherlock, Man as a Geological Agent , 14-15.

27. Ibid., 15-16, 151-52.

28. This is not to suggest that the problem has disappeared: see Ian Douglas, "Geomorphology and Urban Development in the Manchester Area," in The Geomorphology of North-West England , ed. R. H. Johnson (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1985), 347-52, and Howard Humphries et al., Subsidence in Norwich (HMSO, 1993).

29. See especially A. E. Musson, "Industrial Motive Power in the United Kingdom, 1800-1870," EHR , 2d series, 29 (1976): 415-39. According to Todd and Laws, Cornwall , 13, there were still 300 water-powered mills operating in Cornwall in 1880.

30. W. J. Reader, Imperial Chemical Industries: A History , vol. 1 (London: Oxford University Press, 1970), 11-30; Ian McNeil, ed., An Encyclopaedia of the History of Technology (London: Routledge, 1990), 223, 470-72. Samuel, "Mineral Workers," 42, mentions that two steam ("Goliath") cranes were used in 1875 at a sandstone quarry near Bradford.

31. BPP , Report of the Departmental Committee upon erionethshire Slate Mines, 35 (1895): 435.

32. Henry Tomkins, The Pavements of London (London: n.p., 1874), 3-16; James Winter, London's Teeming Streets, 1830-1914 (London: Routledge, 1993), 36-40, 118-34; H. Hamilton, "The Granite Industry," in Further Studies in Industrial Organization , ed. M. P. Fogarty (London: Methuen, 1948), 181-82.

33. Alexander Mackie, Aberdeenshire (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1911), 87

34. An aerial photograph is reproduced in Robert Smith, City of Granite (Edinburgh: John Donald, 1989), 41. "Muckle" means huge here. Aberdeen natives are noted for their respect for the adage, "Many a little makes a mickle, and many a mickle makes a muckle."

35. William Diack, Rise and Progress of the Granite Industry in Aberdeen (Aberdeen: Institute of Quarrying, 1950), 32.

36. Ibid., 31.

37. Ibid., 45.

38. T. Donnelly, "The Rubislaw Granite Quarries, 1750-1939," Industrial Archaeology 11 (1974): 226-27, 231. In Engineering 21 (1876): 267, there is an engraving of an American-made Steam Stone Cutter, displayed at the Philadelphia Exposition, which needed to be moved to the quarry face on rails.

39. Jacquetta Hawkes, A Land (London: Cresset Press, 1951), 109-10.

40. Hamilton, "Granite Industry," in Further Studies , ed. Fogarty, 182-83, 188.

41. Judd Alexander, In Defense of Garbage (Westport, Conn.: Praeger, 1993), 5-10, 154.

42. N. J. Coppin and A. D. Bradshaw, Quarry Reclamation (London: Mining Journal Books, 1982), 12-15.

43. Barr, Derelict Britain , 57-58. John Blunden and Graham Turner, Critical Countryside (London: BBC, 1985), 88, comment on the paradox that disused industrial workings and quarries "now provide inviting habitats for many plants and animals ousted from their more traditional rural haunts"; see also Lyndis Cole, "Urban Nature Conservation," in Conservation in Perspective , ed. A. Warren and F. B. Goldsmith (Chichester: Wiley, 1983), 273.

44. Dov Nir, Man, A Geomorphological Agent (Jerusalem: Keter, 1983), 73; T. U. Hartwright, "Development of Gravel-Pit Lakes for Leisure Purposes," in Minerals and the Environment , ed. M. J. Jones (Institution of Mining and Metallurgy, 1975), 333-34.

45. J. G. Kohl, England and Wales (1844; reprint, New York: Kelly, 1968), 61.

46. J. E. Cairnes, "Co-operation in the Slate Quarries of North Wales," Macmillan's Magazine 11 (1864): 182.

47. Trevor Thomas, "Wales: Land, Mines, and Quarries," Geographical Review 46 (1956): 80. Peter Lund Simmonds, Waste Products and Undeveloped Substances , 3d ed. (London: Hardwicke and Bogue, 1876), 420, noted that a French patent had been taken out for pulverizing slate refuse to make artificial stone.

48. Stamp, Land of Britain , 236.

49. Sherlock, Man as a Geological Agent , 52.

50. Cairnes, "Co-operation in the Slate Quarries," 182-83.

51. D C. Davies, A Treatise on Slate and Slate Quarrying (London: Crosby Lockwood, 1878), 25, 158, 165-67.

52. E. M. Bridges, Surveying Derelict Land (Oxford: Clarenden, 1987), 34.

53. M. J. Lewis, ed., The Slate Quarries of North Wales in 1873 (Plas Tan-y-Bwlch: n.p., 1987), 19.

54. John Burnett, A Social History of Housing, 1815-1970 (London: Methuen, 1983), 27, makes the point that this substitution of brick and slate for vernacular materials brought monotony and uniformity to towns and cities but also tended to make houses warmer, dryer, and healthier.

55. Merfyn Jones, "Y Chwarelwyr: The Slate of Quarrymen of North Wales," in Miners , ed. Samuel, 102.

56. Lewis, Slate Quarries of North Wales , 88-89.

57. Jean Lindsay, A History of the North Wales Slate Industry (Newton Abbot: David and Charles, 1974), 106.

58. Thomas, "Wales," 70; Lindsay, History , 92.

59. Lindsay, History , 157.

60. Davies, Treatise on Slate , 127.

61. Francis Klingender, Art and the Industrial Revolution , ed. and rev. Arthur Elton (Chatham: Adams and MacKay, 1968), 95, reproduces Crane's dramatic lithograph with commentary.

62. Penrhyn quarrymen testified that often the tramway tracks were not set well back from the gallery edge, as the picture suggests, but could be so close to the edge that stones sometimes fell off the wagons and injured workers below: BPP , SC Minutes of Evidence, Committee of Inquiry on Stone, Limestone, Slate and Clay Quarrying, 73 (1893-94): 57.

1. George Head, A Home Tour through the Manufacturing Districts in the Summer of 1835 , new edition (London: Murray 1836), 131-32.

2. Charles Dickens, The Old Curiosity Shop (1841; reprint, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1987), 335.

3. Roy MacLeod, "Government and Resource Conservation, 1860-1886," Journal of British Studies 7 (1968): 115-50; MacLeod, "The Alkali Acts Administration, 1863-1864," Victorian Studies 9 (1965-66): 86-112; Carlos Flick, "The Movement for Smoke Abatement in Nineteenth Century Britain," Technology and Culture 21 (1980): 29-50; P. Brimblecombe and C. Bowler, "Air Pollution in York, 1850-1900," in The Silent Countdown , ed. P. Brimblecombe and C. Pfister (Berlin: Springer, 1990); E. Ashby and M. Anderson, The Politics of Clean Air (Oxford: Clarendon, 1981); Anthony Wohl, Endangered Lives (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1983), 220-31, 246-53.

4. Elizabeth Gaskell, North and South (1854-55; reprint, Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1970).

5. A. J. Taylor, "Coal," in Victoria History of the Counties of England, A History of the County of Stafford , vol. 2, ed. M. W. Greenslade and J. G. Jenkins (London: Institute of Historical Research, London University, 1967), 98-99. For a detailed description of how mining was organized in the Victorian Black Country, see BPP , First Report of the Midland Mining Commission, 13 (1843).

6. Herne Bay Argus (20 September 1890), 3; "Basic Slag for Poor Pastures," Journal of the Board of Agriculture 11 (1904-5): 414-15; Journal of the Board of Agriculture 13 (1906-7): 549-53; Frederick Hackwood, Olden Wednesbury (Wednesbury: Ryder and Son, 1899), 33; The Chevalier C. de Schwarz, "Slag Cement," Engineering 75 (1903): 671-72.

7. E. G. Attwood and H. G. Evans, The Economics of Hill Farming (Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 1961), 181.

8. Dov Nir, Man, A Geomorphological Agent (Jerusalem: Keter, 1983), 71-72.

9. Peter Lund Simmonds, Waste Products and Undeveloped Substances , 3d. ed. (London: Hardwicke and Bogue, 1876), 460-61.

10. BPP , Midland Mining Commission, 13 (1843): 69.

11. Dick Wilson's comment on a paper given by Hal Moggridge, ''The Delights and Problems of Practice," in Landscape Meanings and Values , ed. E. Penning-Rowsell and David Lowenthal (London: Allen and Unwin, 1986), 113.

12. Trevor Raybould, "Aristocratic Landowners and the Industrial Revolution: The Black Country Experience, 1760-1840," Midland History 9 (1984): 59-86; Raybould, "Lord Dudley and the Making of the Black Country," Black-countryman 3 (1970): 53-58; Taylor, "Coal," 95-96.

13. S. Leonard Bastin, "Tree-Planting in the Black Country," JRASE 75 (1914): 71.

14. Ibid.

15. Eric Tonks, The Ironstone Quarries of the Midlands , Part 1, "Introduction" (Cheltenham: Runpost Publishing, 1988), 31-99, 116-32.

16. R. W. B. Newton, "Afforestation of Unrestored Land," Quarterly Journal of Forestry 65 (1951): 38-41. The Boughton Head Forester, R. I. Daykin, reports that, since the 1930s, the husbandry of these plantations has won several national competitions.

17. René Dubos, The Resilience of Ecosystems (Boulder, Colo.: Colorado Associated University Press, 1978), 3.

18. Roy Millward and Adrian Robinson, The South-West Peninsula (London: Macmillan, 1971), 102.

19. Augustine Henry, Forests Woods and Trees in Relation to Hygiene (London: Constable, 1919), 68-69; also described by P. Murray Thompson, "The Utilisation of Disused Pit-banks," TRSAS 27 (1913): 30-33.

20. See, for example, the note from A. Nell to Prof. Fisher and the letter from W. Schlich to Douglas Thring, Boughton Estate Papers (28 April 1909).

21. Henry, Forests Woods and Trees , 67; see also Peter Anderson Graham, Reclaiming the Waste (London: Country Life, 1916), 142-47.

22. Bastin, "Tree-Planting in the Black Country," 73; M. Guidi, N. Piussi, and P. Piussi, "The Influence of Old Rural Land-Management Practices," in Ecological Effects of Afforestation , ed. Charles Watkins (Wallingford: C. A. B. International, 1993), 60-62.

23. According to J. V. Thirgood, "Approaches to Land Reclamation in Britain and North America," in Environmental Management of Mineral Wastes , ed. Gordon Goodman and Michael Chadwick (Alphen aan den Rijn: Sijhoft, Noordhoff, 1978), 7, leveling and building had reduced this area to 8,000 acres by 1945.

24. Bastin, "Tree-Planting in the Black Country," 71. W. K. Gale, The Black Country Iron Industry (London: Iron and Steel Institute, 1966), 1-3, discusses problems of defining "Black Country" and offers this one: "that part of South Staffordshire and North Worcestershire in which the iron trade was carried on between the years 1750 and 1900."

25. Birmingham Daily Mail , "Beautifying the Black Country" (23 August 1884), 2.

26. Quoted in Glenn Watson, ed., Recycling Disused Industrial Land in the Black Country (Oxford: Oxford Polytechnic, Dept. of Town Planning, 1987), iv.

27. Birmingham Daily Mail , "Swallowed by Earth" (14 December 1903), 2.

28. Report of Thomas Tancred, BPP , Midland Mining Commission, 13 (1843): iv; referred to in Michael Reed, The Landscape of Britain (London: Rout-ledge, 1990), 322.

29. Elihu Burritt, Walks in the Black Country and Its Green Borderland (1868; reprint, Kineton, Gloucestershire: Roundwood Press, 1976), 1-3, 97.

30. Ibid., 87-88, 103-4.

31. Ibid., 97.

32. Birmingham Daily Mail (23 August 1884), 2.

33. Ibid., (24 January 1903), 2; Wednesbury, Faces, Places, and Industries (Wednesbury: Ryder and Son, 1897), 2, 24, 36; Hackwood, Olden Wednesbury , 32-33.

34. Frederick Hackwood, Odd Chapters in the History of Wednesbury (Wednesbury: n.p., 1919), 65; M. J. Wise, "The Midland Reafforestation Association, 1903-1924, and the Reclamation of Derelict Land in the Black Country," Journal of the Institute of Landscape Architects 57 (1962): 15.

35. Birmingham Daily Mail , "Black Country Trees" (22 January 1903), 2.

36. Quoted by Charles Bradlaugh, "Compulsory Cultivation of Land," [1887], in A Selection of the Political Pamphlets of Charles Bradlaugh , ed. John Saville (New York: Kelley, 1970), 19.

37. Hansard's Parliamentary Debates , 3d series, 316 (1887): 1510-11; Bradlaugh, "Compulsory Cultivation of Land," 4, 18-21; Birmingham Daily Mail , "Letter from F. W. H." (24 January 1903), 2; Hackwood, Olden Wednesbury , 34.

38. See, for example, the leading article in the Times (2 July 1887), 11.

39. The Black Country was blighted in the sense that the land surface was denuded and littered early in the nineteenth century. When it became a derelict area is more difficult to fix. By the 1850s some of the coal areas were exhausted. Ten years later much of the coal, ironstone, and limestone was being imported. By 1913 the number of blast furnaces in operation had declined from some zoo to 21. Therefore 1900 seems to be an acceptable date. See Gale, Black Country , 115-19.

40. Kenneth Olwig, Nature's Ideological Landscape (London: Allen and Unwin, 1984), 57-58.

41. Ibid., 64-79.

42. A. P. Grenfell, "Recent Progress in Afforestation," Quarterly Journal of Forestry 3 (1909): 26; Wise, "Midland Reafforestation Association," 15.

43. Grenfell, "Recent Progress in Afforestation," 26.

44. Ibid., 26-30; Bastin, "Tree-Planting in the Black Country," 70-75; testimony of P. E. Martineau, BPP , 2d Report (on Afforestation) of the RC on Coast Erosion, and the Reclamation of Tidal Lands, and Afforestation, 14 (1909): qq. 18840-927.

45. P. E. Martineau, "The Planting of Pit Mounds," Report of the British Association for the Advancement of Science 86 (1916): 494-95.

46. Ibid., 31. R. L. Sherlock, Man as a Geological Agent (London: Witherby, 1922), 318, mentions East Park, Wolverhampton, where municipal authorities fashioned a bowling green out of old slag heaps.

47. Engineering 110 (1920): 190.

48. E. D. Till, "The Arbor Day Movement," Pearson's Magazine 17 (1904): 203-9.

49. Henry, Forests Woods and Trees , 63-64, summarizes Teague's report and includes a photograph of the project.

50. Ibid., 65.

51. For a discussion of modern reclamation problems and proposals in the Black Country, see Watson, ed., Recycling Disused Industrial Land .

52. For an account of the background of the project and its aims and activities during the 1960s, see John Barr, Derelict Britain (Harmondsworth: Pelican, 1969), 79-156; see also K. J. Hilton, ed., The Lower Swansea Valley Project (London: Longmans, 1967) and the Lower Swansea Valley Project, Study Reports (Swansea: University College, 1966).

53. R. Weston, R. Gadgil, B. R. Salter, and G. T. Goodman, "Problems of Re-vegetation in the Lower Swansea Valley: An Area of Extensive Industrial Dereliction," in Ecology and the Industrial Society , ed. Gordon Goodman, R. W. Edwards, and J. M. Lambert (New York: Wiley, 1965), 297.

54. Colin Baber and Jeffrey Dessant, "Modern Glamorgan," in Glamorgan County History , vol. 5, "Industrial Glamorgan," ed. Arthur John and Glanmor Williams (Cardiff: Glamorgan County Historical Trust, University of Wales Press, 1980), 630.

55. A phrase used by Geoffrey Grigson, "Meanings of Landscape," quoted in John Peake, "The Industrial Heritage of Britain," Town and Country Planning 26 (1958): 199.

56. Barr, Derelict Britain , 79.

57. Stephen J. Lavender, New Land for Old (Bristol: Adam Hilger, 1981), 5-6; K. J. Hilton, "Restoring an Industrial Desert," Geographical Magazine 37 (1964): 373.

58. Charles Frederick Cliffe, The Book of South Wales (London: Hamilton, Adams, 1847), 155.

59. Ibid.

60. Quoted in Lavender, New Land for Old , 47, who gives a summary of some of the points made by defendants and plaintiffs in "The Cooper Smoke Trial," as reported in the Cambrian (16 March 1833).

61. R. O. Roberts, "The Smelting of Non-Ferrous Metals since 1750," in Glamorgan County History , vol. 5, "Industrial Glamorgan," ed. Arthur John and Glanmor Williams (Cardiff: Glamorgan County Historical Trust, University of Wales Press, 1980), 71-72.

62. Ibid.; Lavender, New Land for Old , 48-49.

63. Hilton, "Restoring an Industrial Desert," 373.

64. Michael Chishom and Jeremy Howells, "Derelict Land in Great Britain," in Dealing with Dereliction , ed. Rosemary Bromley and Graham Humphrys (Swansea: University College of Swansea, 1979), 17; E. M. Bridges, Surveying Derelict Land (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1987), 109.

65. B. R. Salter, "Afforestation of the Lower Swansea Valley," in Lower Swansea Valley Project , 1.

66. George Bell, Floreat Swansea (Swansea City Council pamphlets, 1912), reprinted in full in Hilton, ed., Lower Swansea Valley , 44-46.

67. Ibid., 87.

68. Stephen J. Lavender, "Community Involvement: The Work of the Conservator," in Dealing , ed. Bromley and Humphrys, 153-59; see also J. R. Oxen-ham, Reclaiming Derelict Land (London: Faber and Faber, 1966), 177-92.

69. Ruth Gadgil, "Plant Ecology of the Lower Swansea Valley," Study Report 10, Lower Swansea Valley Project , 97-102.

1. F. M. L. Thompson's provocative essay, "Towns, Industry, and the Victorian Landscape," appears in The English Landscape , ed. S. R. J. Woodell (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1985).

2. Ibid., 180-82. In Land Use and Living Spaces (London: Methuen, 1981), 15, 45-47, Robin Best's estimate of urban land use in 1901 for England and Wales is four times higher than Thompson's; however, since Best includes villages, isolated dwellings, farmsteads, and all land used for transportation under that category, the disparity is far less than it may seem. Like Thompson, Best believes that, considering the great population increase from the later eighteenth century, "the areal extension of towns was still not very substantial."

3. Best, Land Use , 46; John Blunden and Graham Turner, Critical Countryside (London: BBC, 1985), 24.

4. C. R. Bryant, L. H. Russwurm, and A. G. McLellan, The City's Countryside (London: Longman, 1982), 5-16, 35-36; Robin Pryor, "Defining the Rural-Urban Fringe," Social Forces 47 (1968): 202-15.

5. Peter Hall, H. Gracey, R. Drewett, and R. Thomas, The Containment of Urban England , vol. 1 (London: Allen and Unwin, 1973), 570.

6. Roy Brigden, Victorian Farms (Marlborough: Crowood Press, 1986), 219-27; F. Beavington, "The Development of Market Gardening in Bedfordshire, 1799-1939," AHR 23 (1975): 31-40.

7. Nathan Rosenberg, Perspectives on Technology (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1976), 236; Michael Chisholm, Rural Settlement and Land Use , 3d ed. (London: Hutchinson, 1979), 155.

8. John Sheail, "Underground Water Abstraction: Indirect Effects of Urbanization on the Countryside," Journal of Historical Geography 8 (1982): 395-408.

9. It does not necessarily follow that efforts to improve water supply and quality did, in fact, reduce the incidence of typhoid and cholera. See J. A. Hassan, "The Growth and Impact of the British Water Industry in the Nineteenth Century," EHR 38 (1985): 543-44.

10. Robert Thom, Report on Supplying Glasgow with Water (Glasgow: Edward Khull, 1837), 9. T. H. P. Veal, The Disposal of Sewage (New York: D. Van Nostrand, 1928), 4-5, notes that the 1861 report of the Committee on Sewage Disposal warned that river pollution from towns relying on middens and cesspools was almost as bad as from towns making use of water carriage systems to flush away sewage.

11. Thomas Duncan, "Description of the Liverpool Corporation Waterworks," PICE 12 (1853): 460.

12. Manchester City Council, A Record of Municipal Activity , ed. Matthew Anderson (1926), 172.

13. Ibid., 173; John Frederic La Trobe Bateman, History and Description of the Manchester Waterworks (Manchester: T. J. Day, 1884), 3-20; see also Bateman's "Description of the Manchester Waterworks," Engineering 4 (1867): 237, 240-42.

14. For an analysis of the shortcomings of private water ventures, see Hassan, "Growth of British Water Industry," 544-47.

15. Francois Vigier, Change and Apathy (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1970), 125.

16. Bateman, Manchester Waterworks , 42-59. There were mill owners downstream on the Ethrow; and, supported by a railway company with water development plans of its own, they campaigned against the measure in Parliament, see pp. 67-71; textile manufacturers in the city had much to gain by municipalization and were generally behind it.

17. BPP , RC on Water Supply 33 (1869): 593, q. 732.5.

18. Ibid., 27. Bateman gives credit here to the earlier work in Scotland of Robert Thom and his reports on works to supply water to Greenock and Edinburgh, A Brief Account of the Shaws Water Scheme (Greenock: Columbian Press, 1829).

19. In Report to Sir Michael Shaw Stewart on Supplying Greenock with Water [published together with A Brief Account of the Shaws Water Scheme ] (Greenock: Columbian Press, 1829), 49, Robert Thom did point out that an advantage of building a reservoir and aqueduct was that water-driven industry would thereby be served and, as a consequence, "no steam-engines, vomiting forth smoke, and polluting the earth and air for miles around" would be needed.

20. Bateman, Manchester Waterworks , 165-66.

21. Ibid., 114-31, 165-67; G. M. Binnie, Early Victorian Water Engineers (London: Telford, 1981), 173-83. According to Arthur Redford, The History of Local Government in Manchester , vol. 2 (London: Longmans, Green, 1940), 199-203, it was not until 1866 that supplies from Longdendale could be relied on during flood seasons.

22. R. Rawlinson et al., "Discussion on River Outlets," PICE 59 (1879): 66-67; Binnie, Early Victorial Water Engineers , 62-67.

23. "The Holmfirth Catastrophe," Annual Register (1852): 17, 478-81.

24. In the discussion following George Henry Hill's "The Thirlmere Works for the Water Supply of Manchester," PICE 76 (1896): 69-70, it was noted that the first masonry-faced concrete reservoir dam was constructed at Abbystead, near Lancaster, in 1876. An article on the masonry and concrete Vyrnwy Dam at Liverpool's reservoir, "The Vyrnwy Dam," Engineer (4 June 1886): 439, commented on Britain's continued backwardness in this type of construction.

25. G. M. Binnie, Early Dam Builders in Britain (London: Telford, 1987), 138-42, 161.

26. L. F. Vernon-Harcourt, A Treatise on Rivers and Canals , vol. 1 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1882), 139.

27. BPP , RC on Water Supply 33 (1869): 219, q. 1350.

28. Ibid., q. 1349.

29. The account of the disaster is taken from Samuel Harrison, A Complete History of the Great Hood at Sheffield (London: Harrison, 1864), and from "Disastrous Inundation at Sheffield," Annual Register (1864): 30-39.

30. BPP , RC on Water Supply 33 (1869): 410, q. 3940.

31. Rawlinson, "Discussion on River Outlets," 57.

32. This was the finding of Rawlinson's committee. Bateman, who had been criticized for using cast-iron pipes, disagreed, arguing that the cause of the dam's failure was a landslip under the east side of the embankment ( Builder 22 [1864]: 530; see also Binnie, Early Victorian Water Engineers , 264-77).

33. Harrison, Complete History of the Great Flood , 23.

34. Ibid., 11-92.

35. Ibid., 156-59.

36. Builder 22 (1864): 335. Emphasis is in the original.

37. Bateman, Manchester Waterworks , 208-9, 215-18. In his guidebook Highways and Byways in the Lake District (London: Macmillan, 1903), 244, A. G. Bradley informed tourists that they would find a good road on Thirlmere's western shore where once only an old packhorse trail had existed: "an innovation which no one will quarrel with."

38. Manchester City Council, Record of Municipal Activity (Manchester: 1926), 176.

39. Ibid., 216.

40. Edmund Hodge, Enjoying the Lakes (Edinburgh: Oliver and Boyd, 1957), 139.

41. Manchester City Council, Record of Municipal Activity (1925), 29.

42. William Wordsworth, "Kendal and Windermere Railway," The Prose Works of William Wordsworth , vol. 3, ed. W. J. Owen and J. W. Smyser (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1972), 339.

43. BPP , RC on Water Supply 33 (1869): 21, 26, 163, qq. 300, 378, 382-83. John Bateman described his proposal in On the Supply of Water to London from the Sources of the River Severn (Westminster: Vacher and Sons, 1865).

44. William Wordsworth, "Sonnet on the Projected Kendal and Windermere Railway," in The Prose Works of William Wordsworth , vol. 3, ed. W. J. Owen and J. W. Smyser (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1974), 339.

45. Helen Viljoen, ed., The Brantwood Diary of John Ruskin (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1971), 607.

46. Robert Somervell, Water for Manchester from Thirlmere (London: Simpkins and Marshall, 1877).

47. D. Somervell and D. Somervell, eds., Robert Somervell (London: Faber and Faber, 1935), 50-51.

48. Ibid., 52-56.

49. Manchester Guardian (14 September and 31 October 1877).

50. "Manchester and the Meres," Spectator (8 September 1877): 1118-19.

51. Ibid., 162.

52. John Ruskin, "Fors Clavigera," vol. 7, in The Works of John Ruskin , vol. 29, ed. E. T. Cook and Alexander Wedderburn (London: George Allen, 1907),

224-26; see also Keith Hanley, "The Discourse of Natural Beauty," in Ruskin and Environment , ed. Michael Wheeler (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1995), 23-25, and "In Wordsworth's Shadow: Ruskin and Neo-Romantic Ecologies," in Influence and Resistance in Nineteenth-Century English Poetry , ed. G. K. Blank and M. K. Louis (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1993), 227-31.

53. Punch 70 (5 February 1876): 34; the poem is called "Lady of the Lake Loquitur."

54. Times (20 October 1877): 11.

55. Ibid., 9.

56. Ibid.

57. Times (15 December 1877): 4.

58. Ibid.; see also Hodge, Enjoying the Lakes , 142-43.

59. Times (18 December 1877): 6.

60. Ibid. For a modern discussion about how restoration destroys continuity with the past, see Robert Elliot, "Faking Nature," Inquiry 25 (1982): 81-93.

61. BPP , SC on the Manchester Corporation Water Bill, Report 16 (1878): 61-63.

62. Times (23 March 1878): 11.

63. Tom Stephenson, Forbidden Land (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1989), 101-2, notes that Manchester and other cities receiving water from Longdendale had leased the catchment area to grouse shooters and closed it to ramblers.

64. Cook and Wedderburn, eds., Works of John Ruskin , vol. 34, 568.

65. From "Praeterita," vol. 3, in Works of John Ruskin , vol. 35, ed. Cook and Wedderburn, 553.

66. Ibid., vol. 22, 70; the passage is from the appendix to "Adriadne Florentina" [1873-76] and "The Extension of Railways in the Lake District," ibid., vol. 34, 137.

67. In "Fors," vol. 8 (April 1877), in Works of John Ruskin , vol. 29, ed. Cook and Wedderburn, 95, Ruskin accuses the bishop of "running after the error of Balaam for reward"; see also Ruskin's article in the Contemporary Review (February 1877), in Works of John Ruskin , vol. 34, ed. Cook and Wedderburn, vol. 29, 401-25.

68. Ibid., vol. 19, lv-lvii; vol. 29, 333; "Fors," vol. viii (January 1878); Hodge, Enjoying the Lakes , 139-40.

69. Hodge, Enjoying the Lakes , 140.

70. Hill, "Thirlmere Works," 107-8. But Hill notes in "The Manchester Water Works," Engineering 52 (1891): 435, that because the local bluish slatey rock was friable, new red sandstone was brought from Dumfriesshire to dress the dam.

71. Manchester City Council, Record (1926), 176; (1927): 178-82.

72. Ibid. (1925), 29.

73. Ibid. (1927), 182-84.

74. Roy Millward and Adrian Robinson, The Lake District (London: Eyre and Spottiswood, 1970), 88.

75. Norman Nicholson, Portrait of the Lakes (London: Hale, 1963), 122.

76. W. G. Collingwood, The Lake Counties , 2d ed. (London: Warne, 1932), 155.

77. B. L. Thompson, The Lake District and the National Trust (Kendal: Titus Wilson, 1946), 16.

78. H. D. Rownsley, Literary Associations of the English Lakes (Glasgow: James MacLehose and Sons, 1906), 239.

79. Hodge, Enjoying the Lakes , 147-57. According to H. A. L. Rice, Lake Country Portraits (London: Harville Press, 1967), 131, a friend once said of Rownsley's energy: "It was almost a lust of perpetual motion."

80. Hodge, Enjoying the Lakes , 141.

81. Millward and Robinson, Lake District , 256.

82. Elizabeth Porter, Water Management in England and Wales (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1978), 41-48.

83. Steven Bourassa, The Aesthetics of Landscape (London: Belhaven Press, 1991), provides a useful discussion of those conceptual problems and how they are being addressed in our own day.

1. BPP , SC on Open Spaces (Metropolis), Report 8 (1865): 58. Testimony before the SC on Public Walks 15 (1833) shows that many Londoners were conscious that this same shrinkage of open space was taking place before the railways arrived: see, for example, the remarks of George Offer who grew up near the Tower, q. 133.

2. The pioneering essays by H. J. Dyos, "Railways and Housing in Victorian London," Journal of Transport History 2 (1955): 11-21, 90-100, and "Some Social Costs of Railway Building in London," Journal of Transport History 3 (1957): 23-31, were greatly expanded by John Kellett, The Impact of Railways on Victorian Cities (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1969), and extended further by Jack Simmons, The Railway in Town and Country, 1830-1914 (Newton Abbot: David and Charles, 1986). They supply most of the material for this brief summary.

3. Lewis Mumford, "The Natural History of Urbanization," in Man's Role in Changing the Face of the Earth , ed. William Thomas (Chicago: University of Chicago Press., 1956).

4. R. L. Sherlock, Man as a Geological Agent (London: Witherby, 1922), 157.

5. Mumford, "Natural History," 382. For a more recent discussion of urban geomorphology, see David Nicholson-Lord, The Greening of the Cities (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1987), 95-98.

6. W. J. Loftie, In and Out of London (London: Society for the Promotion of Christian Knowledge, 1875), 15, 23.

7. Michael Hough, City Form and Natural Process (London: Routledge, 1989), 6-12.

8. Martin Wiener, English Culture and the Decline of the Industrial Spirit, 1850-1980 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981) 46-49.

9. John Ruskin, "The Stones of Venice," in The Works of John Ruskin , vol. 10, ed. E. T. Cook and Alexander Wedderburn, (London: Allen, 1904), 207.

10. Fifth Annual Report of the Metropolitan Public Gardens Association (London: 1887), 39. Annmarie Adams, Architecture in the Family Way (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1996), points out that barrenness was commonly believed to be the result of removing women from contact with nature's fecundity.

11. For a brief review of Pennethorne's plans for Victoria Park and how they worked out in practice and for bibliographical references to Victoria Park history, see James Winter, London's Teeming Streets (London: Routledge, 1993), 162-66.

12. Nicholson-Lord, Greening of the Cities , 30; see also Galen Cranz, The Politics of Park Design (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1982), 7-24.

13. Godwin has yet to find a biographer. For comments on his life and work, see Robert Thorne, "Building Bridges," in Victorian Values , ed. Gordon Marsden (London: Longman, 1990); Anthony King, "Architectural Journalism and the Profession: The Early Years of George Godwin," Architectural Review 19 (1976): 32-53; King, "Another Blow for Life: George Godwin and the Reform of Working Class Housing," Architectural Review 136 (1964): 448-52; King, introduction to the 1972 reprint of Godwin's Town Swamps and Social Bridges (New York: Leicester University Press, 1972), 7-26; King, "George Godwin and the Art Union of London, 1837-1911," Victorian Studies 8 (1964): 101-30; Ruth Richardson, ''George Godwin of The Builder," Visual Resources 6 (1989): 121-40; Winter, London's Teeming Streets , 155-60; see also Ruth Richardson and Robert Thorne, The Builder Illustrations Index, 1843-1883 (Guildford: Hutton and Rostron, 1994). In An Appeal to the Public, on the Subject of Railways (London: Weale, 1837), 30, Godwin wrote about his "delight" in "the amazing power to be gained by the use of steam."

14. George Godwin, London Shadows (1854; reprint, New York: Garland, 1985), 32. Most of the essays included appeared earlier in the Builder editorial pages, making it possible to attribute, according to style and characteristic devices, other items that came from Godwin's pen and to do so with some degree of confidence.

15. Godwin, Town Swamps , 91.

16. Godwin, London Shadows , 45. By contrast, Octavia Hill cited "the deeply-rooted habit of dirt and untidiness" as a major impediment to housing improvement; see Homes of the London Poor (1878; reprint, London: Cass, 1970), 45.

17. Godwin, London Shadows , 72-73.

18. Builder 28 (1870): 417.

19. Godwin, London Shadows , 70.

20. Builder 28 (1870): 417-18; 32 (1874): 211, 305; see also Winter, London's Teeming Streets , 156-60.

21. William Robinson, Gleanings from French Gardens (London: Warme, 1868); Builder 26 (1868): 401-2, gave this book an enthusiastic review.

22. Builder 20 (1862): 557. Builder , 26 (1868): 619, took credit for saving thirteen plane trees along Piccadilly from attacks by street wideners.

23. Builder 20 (1862): 557.

24. Hill, Homes of the London Poor , 28-30; see also Martin Gaskell, "Gardens for the Working Class: Victorian Practical Pleasures," Victorian Studies 23 (1980): 497-501.

25. The Rev. S. Haddon Parkes, Curate of St. George's, Bloomsbury, deserves to share the credit. For accounts of his flower-growing contests in the courts near Little Coram Street, see his Flower Shows of Window Plants, for the Working Classes of London (London: 1862) and his Window Gardens for the People (London: Partridge, 1864). The Stoke Newington Chrysanthemum Society was one of the oldest, having been founded in 1846; it changed its name to the National Chrysanthemum Society in 1884: see National Chrysanthemum Society, Centenary Book , 1846-1946 (Barnet, Hartfordshire: 1946), 9.

26. Builder 7 (1849): 525

27. Builder 15 (1857): 625.

28. Builder 20 (1862): 604.

29. Builder 15 (1857): 625.

30. The term "working man's plant" was used by Alfred Smee of the Bank of England, chairman of the recently formed Metropolitan Amalgamated Chrysanthemum Society, in The Gardener's Weekly Magazine and Floricultural Cabinet 5 (1863): 92; Samuel Broome, Culture of the Chrysanthemum as Preached in the Temple Gardens (London: 1857), 8.

31. Builder 17 (1859): 780-81.

32. Ibid., 780.

33. Builder 24 (1866): 664; Builder 25 (1867): 665.

34. Builder 34 (1876): 852.

35. Gaskell, "Gardens for the Working Class," 485; D. Crouch and C. Ward, The Allotment (London: Faber and Faber, 1988), 64-71.

36. Francis George Heath, The Fern Paradise , 8th ed. (London: Routledge, 1908), 47. Heath's claims were impressionistic, comparative data being hard to find.

37. Nicholson-Lord, Greening of the Cities , 29, comments on how the generic term, open space , epitomizes the bureaucratic way of seeing, or not seeing, landscape.

38. London County Council, London Parks and Open Spaces , Appendix (London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1924). According to G. Gibbon and R. Bell, History of the London County Council, 1889-1939 (London, Macmillan, 1939), 502, there were 782 persons to one acre of public open space in the administrative county of London; by 1939 the ratio had dropped to 519.

39. Builder 5 (1847): 533, 545, 565.

40. Lancet (25 February 1865): 206.

41. Reprinted in Builder 32 (1874): 305, 337.

42. John Maidlow, "The Law of Common and Open Space," in Six Essays on Commons Preservation , by Henry Peek (London: Sampson, Low, Son, and Marston, 1867), 2.

43. Robert Hunter, "The Preservation of Commons in the Neighborhood of the Metropolis," in Six Essays , by Peek, 363, 371; see also Winter, London's Teeming Streets , 168-69.

44. Ian Greenfield, Turf Culture (London: Leonard Hill, 1962), 144; F. Herbert Bormann, Diana Balmori, and Gordon Geballe, Redesigning the American Lawn (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1993), 23, 40; Kenneth Jackson, The Crabgrass Frontier (New York: Oxford University Press, 1985), 60-61. Adam Rome, "Building on the Land," Journal of Urban History 20 (1994): 418-19, notes that "the first important guide to suburban lawn care" in America appeared in 1870.

45. Hough, City Form , 151. According to Wade Graham, "The Grassman," New Yorker 72 (August 19, 1996): 35, some sixty percent of municipal water in the western United States now goes to lawn maintenance.

46. Henry Mayhew, London Labour and the London Poor (1861-62; reprint, New York: Dover Publications, 1968), vol. 1, 153-54.

47. Ibid., 155.

48. Steen Eiler Rasmussen, London the Unique City (1934; reprint, Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1982), 333-38.

49. Nicholson-Lord, Greening of the Cities , 18, uses "resource blindness" to describe the loss of connection between a food item and its roots or its live state.

50. Mayhew, London Labour , vol. 2, 73-74.

51. Ibid., vol. 1, 126, 129, 139.

52. Thomas Burke, The Streets of London (London: Batsford, 1941), 130; P. J. Waller, Town, City, and Nation (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1983), 52-53.

53. Builder 29 (1871): 670-71. Hornsey-Wood House, earlier in the century a tea house with a small lake, was built on what was once a large fen; therefore the name of the park (but probably not the London borough of Finsbury) refers to a geographic past; see Ben Weinreb and Christopher Hibbert, eds., The London Encyclopaedia (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1983), 277-78.

54. R. Maybe, Unofficial Countryside (New York: Collins, 1973); Nicholson-Lord, Greening of the Cities , 38-113; Hough, City Form ; Michael Hounsome, "Bird Life in the City," in Nature in Cities , ed. Ian Laurie (Chichester: Wiley, 1979), 188-93; Lyndis Cole, "Urban Nature Conservation," in Conservation in Perspective , ed. A. Warren and F. B. Goldsmith (Chichester: Wiley, 1983), 267-80.

1. Elizabeth Gaskell, Mary Barton (1848; reprint London: Panther Books, 1966), 15-17.

2. Quoted in James Walvin, Beside the Seaside (London: Penguin, 1978), 40-41.

3. Ibid., 31-33.

4. Hugh Cunningham, Leisure in the Industrial Revolution (London: Croom Helm, 1980), 160; John K. Walton, The English Seaside Resort (Leicester: Leicester University Press, 1983), 58-59.

5. Thomas Creevey, Creevey to Miss Ord (1837), The Creevey Papers , vol. 2, ed. Herbert Maxwell (London: Murray, 1903). Jack Simmons, The Railway in Town and Country, 1830-1914 (Newton Abbot: David and Charles, 1986), 236,

points out that between 1801 and 1841, the year the railway arrived, Brighton grew from 7,000 to 47,000.

6. James Walvin, Leisure and Society, 1830-1950 (London: Longman, 1978), 73.

7. Stephen G. Jones, Workers at Play (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1986), 2-3; David Rubenstein and Colin Speakman, Leisure, Transport, and the Countryside , vol. 277 (Fabian Research Series, 1969).

8. Quoted in S. Margetson, Leisure and Pleasure in the Nineteenth Century (London: Cassell, 1969), 82.

9. Ouida [Marie Louise de la Ramée], Views and Opinions (London: Methuen, 1895), 333-34.

10. Hugh Shimmin, Town Life [1858], passages of which are reprinted in Low Life and Moral Improvement in Mid-Victorian England , ed. John Walton K. and A. Wilcox (Leicester: Leicester University Press, 1991), 179-84.

11. Valarius Geist, "A Philosophical Look at Recreational Impact on Wild-lands," in Recreational Impact on Wildlands , Conference Proceedings (Seattle: U.S. Forest Service, 1978), 1-3, compares these conflicts to "The Tragedy of the Commons" dilemma.

12. Lucy Toulmin Smith, ed., The Itinerary of John Leland in about the Years, 1536-1539 , vol. 3 (Carbondale, Ill.: S. Illinois University Press, 1964); Leland described the terrain as "horrible with the sighte of bare stones"(p. 121).

13. Quoted by G. A. Lister, "The Coming of the Mountaineer," in The Mountains of Snowdonia , ed. Herbert Cart and George Lister (London: Bodley Head, 1925), 62.

14. James Bogle, Artists in Snowdonia (Tal-y-bont, Ceredigion: Y Lofta Cyf., 1990), 10.

15. Ibid., 71-72; George Barrow, Wild Wales (1862; reprint, London: Murray, 1923), 203-7.

16. David Archer, "Managing Public Pressure on Snowdon," in The Ecological Impacts of Outdoor Recreation on Mountain Areas in Europe and North America , ed. N. G. Bayfield and G. C. Barrow (Ambleside, Cumbria: Recreation Ecological Research Group, 1985), 155-60.

17. J. G. Kohl, England and Wales (1844; reprint, London: Cass, 1968), 61-69.

18. Barrow, Wild Wales , 199.

19. John Ranlett, "'Checking Nature's Desecration': Late Victorian Environmental Organization," Victorian Studies 26 (1983): 203.

20. Barrow, Wild Wales , 204.

21. Archer, "Managing Public Pressure," 156, 160; J. Allan Patmore, Recreation and Resources (Oxford: Blackwell, 1983), 182-83.

22. For a summary of the kinds of damage recreational uses can inflict, see Martin Speight, Discussion Papers in Conservation (London: Trinity College, Dublin, Department of Zoology, 1973), 3-27, and F. B. Goldsmith and R. J. Munton, "The Ecological Effects of Recreation," in Recreational Geography , ed. P. Lavery (Newton Abbot: David and Charles, 1974). For an examination of the effects on mountains, see N. G. Bayfield, "Effects of Extended Use of Footpaths in Mountain Areas of Britain," in Ecological , ed. Bayfield and Barrow;

R. Thomas, P. Anderson, and E. Radford, "The Ecological Effects of Woodland Recreation," Quarterly Journal of Forestry 8 (1994): 225-32.

23. Quoted in R. W. Butler, "Evolution of Tourism in the Scottish Highlands," Annals of Tourism Research 12 (1985): 377.

24. Jack Simmons, "The Power of the Railway," in The Victorian City , vol. 1, ed. H. J. Dyos and Michael Wolff (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1973), 277-310. H. J. Perkin, "The 'Social Tone' of Victorian Seaside Resorts in the North-West," Northern History 11 (1975): 180-94, argues that the local landholding system was the main determinant of social tone; M. Higgins, "Social Tone and Resort Development in North-East England: Victorian Seaside Resorts Around the Mouth of the Tees,'' Northern History 20 (1984): 187-206, agrees but introduces modifications, as does John K. Walton, "Railways and Resort Development in Victorian England: The Case of Silloth," Northern History 15 (1979): 191-209.

25. F. M. L. Thompson, "Towns, Industry, and the Victorian Landscape," in The English Landscape , ed. S. R. J. Woodell (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1985), 177; see also John K. Walton and P. R. McGloin, "The Tourist Trade in Victorian Lakeland," Northern History 17 (1981): 152-82.

26. P. Lavery, "Resorts and Recreation," in Recreational , ed. Lavery, 177-78.

27. J. A. Steers, The English Coast and the Coast of Wales (London: Fontana, 1966), 133. As Patmore, Recreation and Resources , 34-35, points out, the arrival of the horse tram in the 1870s, the electric tram several decades later, the motor charabanc in the early twentieth century as well as the popularization of bicycle touring from the 1880s and 1890s did begin to open up the country inland from seaside resorts to mostly middle-class tourism.

28. Wesley Dougill, "The British Coast and Its Holiday Resorts," The Town Planning Review 16 (1935): 2.66; Stanley Parker, "British Views of Retirement," Leisure Studies 2. (1983): 211-16; Walton, English Seaside Resort , 78-79.

29. Kenneth Lindley, Seaside Architecture (London: Hugh Evelyn, 1973), 103-18.

30. Francis Coghlan, The Steam-Packet and Coast Companion (London: Hughes, 1834), 36-42.

31. J. M. Golby and A. W. Purdue, The Civilisation of the Crowd (London: Batsford, 1984), 159; Walton, English Seaside Resort , 41.

32. Herne Bay Argus (8 March and 20 September 1880).

33. R. Kay Cresswell, "The Geomorphology of a South-west Lancashire Coastline," Geographical Journal 90 (1937): 335-36.

34. John Liddle, "Estate Management and Land Reform Politics: The Hesketh and Scarisbrick Families and the Making of Southport, 1842 to 1914," in Patricians, Power, and Politics in Nineteenth-Century Towns , ed. David Cannadine (Leicester: Leicester University Press, 1982), 135-52.

35. Francis Bailey, "The Origin and Growth of Southport," The Town Planning Review 21 (1950): 302-4.

36. John Travis, The Rise of the Devon Seaside Resorts, 1750-1900 (Exeter: University of Exeter Press, 1993), 189.

37. George Head, A Home Tour through the Manufacturing Districts of England in the Summer of 1835 , new ed. (London: Murray, 1836), 42-47.

38. J. S., A Guide to Southport (Liverpool: n.p., 1849), 23-32; E. Bland, Annals of Southport (Southport: Heywood, 1888); Perkin, "Social Tone," 185-86; Francis Bailey, A History of Southport (Southport: Angus Downie, 1955), 76, 123-43, 170, 187-91, 205-18; David Cannadine, Lords and Landlords: The Aristocracy and the Towns, 1774-1967 (Leicester: Leicester University Press, 1980), 65; New Illustrated Guide to Southport (Southport: n.p., 1875), 16-57.

39. Nathaniel Hawthorne, The English Notebooks , ed. Randall Stewart (New York: Modern Languages Assn., 1941), 397.

40. Ibid., 397-98, 461; W. H. Wheeler, The Sea-Coast (London: Longmans, 1902), 313-14, said that a fresh breeze lifted the sand 5 to 20 feet and a heavy gale, 200 feet.

41. Bailey, "Origin and Growth of Southport," 308-10.

42. E. W. Gilbert, "The Growth of Inland and Seaside Health Resorts in England," Scottish Geographical Magazine 55 (1939): opposite p. 20.

43. Edmund Dickson, "The Ribhle Estuary," in Southport (Southport: Fortune and Chant, 1903), 63-67.

44. Paul Theroux, The Kingdom by the Sea (New York: Pocket Books, 1984), 239.

45. W. H. Wheeler, Tidal Rivers (London: Longmans, 1893), 384-98; William Ashton, The Battle of Land and Sea (Southport: Ashton, 1909), 77-81.

46. Liddle, "Estate Management," 153-54.

47. James Barron, A History of the Ribble Navigation (Preston: Guardian Press, 1938), 18-45; Bailey, History of Southport , 216-18; Bailey, "Origin and Growth of Southport," 316.

48. Southport (Bristol: 1897), 10.

49. Sometimes in recent works the word is spelled groin . Most Victorians and Edwardians, perhaps embarrassed by connotations, preferred groyne .

50. Ibid., 15; T. W. Freeman, H. B. Rogers, and R. H. Kinvig, Lancashire, Cheshire and the Isle of Man (London: Nelson, 1966), 238.

51. Lindley, Seaside Architecture , 461; a postcard view of the chute and the flying machine appears on p. 65. An Aunt Sally was a figure of a woman at which players threw missiles, the object being to break the pipe in her mouth and win a prize.

52. Bailey, History of Southport , 173.

53. Walvin, Beside the Seaside , 164.

54. E. Temple Thurston, The 'Flower of Gloster ' (London: William and Norgate, 1911), 127.

55. John Lowerson, Sport and the English Middle Classes , 1870-1914 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1993), 128-29.

56. Horatio Gordon Hutchinson, "Golf," in The Encyclopaedia Britannica , vol. 12 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1911), 221.

57. Walton, English Seaside Resort , 43, 109, 184-5.

58. H. S. C. Everard, A History of the Royal and Ancient Golf Club, St. Andrews from 1754-1900 (Edinburgh: Blackwood, 1907), 101-2.

59. John Lowerson and John Myerscough, Time to Spare in Victorian England (Hassocks, Sussex: Harvester Press, 1977), 126.

60. Hutchinson, "Golf," 220; Harry Vardon, The Complete Golfer , 13th ed. (London: Methuen, 1912), 207.

61. Robert Browning, A History of Golf (London: Black, 1955), 141-42; Geoffrey Cornish and Ronald Whitten, The Golf Course (Leicester: Windward, 1981), 32; Lowerson, Sport and the English Middle Classes , 138, 144. The Natural Environment Research Council, Amenity Grassland — The Needs for Research , 19 (1977): 8, estimates that 1,714 golf courses covered some 52,000 hectares of Britain's surface in the year the report was published.

62. Browning, History of Golf , 167.

63. H. S. Colt, "Landscape," in Some Essays on Golf-course Architecture , by H. S. Colt and C. H. Alison (London: Country Life , 1920), 14-15, 51; Colt, "Construction of New Courses," in The Book of the Links , ed. Martin Sutton (London: W. H. Smith, 1912), 4, 14.

64. Planning and Development Services Department, District of Surrey, British Columbia, Golf Courses (1989): 1-3. Reginald Beale, Lawns for Sports (London: Marshal, Hamilton, Kent, 1924), 3, writes that the only practical way to develop an estate today is by running a golf course or other sports ground in connection with it.

65. Hutchinson, "Golf," 220.

66. Colt, "Construction of New Courses," 15.

67. David Cannadine, "Victorian Cities: How Different?" Social History 2 (1977): 482.

68. Lowerson, Sport and the English Middle Classes , 136.

69. Michael Hough, City Form and Natural Process (London: Routledge, 1989), 189.

70. David Rubinstein, "Cycling in the 1890s," Victorian Studies 21 (1977): 47-52, 59-61.

71. Helen Walker, "The Popularisation of the Outdoor Movement, 1900-1914," British Journal of Sports History 2 (1985): 140-53; David Prynn, "The Clarion Clubs, Rambling, and the Holiday Associations in Britain since the 1890s," Journal of Contemporary History 11 (1976): 65-77; Jan Marsh, Back to the Land: The Pastoral Impulse in England, from 1880 to 1914 (London: Quartet Books, 1982); Gordon Cherry, "Changing Social Attitudes Towards Leisure and the Countryside in Britain, 1890-1990," in Leisure and the Environment , ed. Sue Glyptis (London: Belhaven Press, 1993), 23-24; Tom Stephenson, Forbidden Land (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1989), 57-80; Howard Hill, Freedom to Roam (Ashbourne: Moorland, 1980), 18-41; Peter Donnelly, "The Paradox of Parks: Politics of Recreational Land Use before and after the Mass Trespasses," Leisure Studies 5 (1986): 211-31.

72. Lowerson, Sport and the English Middle Classes , 146-47.

73. See, for example, Jon Elchells, "Golf Answers Back," Landscape Design 210 (1992): 41-43.

74. Michael Bunce, The Countryside Ideal (London: Routledge, 1994), 114-17.

75. Paul Cloke, "The Countryside as a Commodity: New Rural Spaces for

Leisure," in Leisure , ed. Glyptis, 56; Daniel Boorstin, "The Lost Art of Travel," chap. 3 in The Image (New York: Harper and Row, 1961).

76. Peter Bailey, "'A Mingled Mass of Perfectly Legitimate Pleasures': The Victorian Middle Class and the Problem of Leisure," Victorian Studies 21 (1977): 24-25.

1. Henry De la Beche, A Geological Manual (London: Treuttel and Wúrtz, 1831), 70-74.

2. Vernon Harcourt, in a discussion following a paper by Ernest Romney Matthews, "Erosion of the Holderness Coast of Yorkshire," PICE 159 (1904): 95-99, credits the reports from a committee of the British Association in the mid-1880s for having awakened the public to the problem.

3. W. H. Wheeler, The Sea-Coast (London: Longmans, 1902), v.

4. Ibid., 1-34; J. B. Redman, "The South-East Coast," Report of the Committee of the British Association on the Rate of Erosion of the Sea-coasts of England and Wales, British Association 54 (1884): 409.

5. R. L. Sherlock, Man as a Geological Agent (London: Witherby, 1922), 240-45; Alfred Carey, "Coast Erosion," PICE 159 (1904): 48-50; Matthews, "Erosion of the Holderness Coast," 65-67; testimony of Horace Woodward, BPP , RC on Coast Erosion and the Reclamation of Tidal Lands, 1st report, 34 (1907): qq. 3310-12, 3331, of Audrey Strahan, qq. 3541-45, of Richard Hansford Worth, qq. 3971-76, and of George Hambry, qq. 6641-54; Nicholas Everitt, "Fighting the Sea on the East Coast," East Anglian Daily Times (26 July 1902): 5, and (28 July 1902): 5.

6. Redman, "South-East Coast," 409.

7. Wheeler, Sea-Coast , v, 1-6, 23, 33-34, 307-11. For a detailed account of interventions at Brighton and Hove and their unfortunate results, see "Groynes on Shifting Beaches," Engineer (6 August 1886): 113, and Edmund Gilbert, Brighton, Old Ocean's Bauble (Hassocks, Sussex: Harvester, 1975), 38-39.

8. "The Contest for the Coast," Chambers's Journal , 5th series, 8 (1891): 241-43.

9. Jacquetta Hawkes, A Land (London: Cresset Press, 1951), 9.

10. Beckles Willson, Lost England (London: George Newnes, 1902), 9-10.

11. From the Referee , quoted in Herne Bay Press (17 February 1906), 2.

12. Carey, "Coast Erosion," 42-57.

13. Quoted in Herne Bay Press (3 February 1906), 2.

14. BPP , RC on Coast Erosion 34 (1907): 54, q. 1031, pp. 289-91. Because much of Scotland's coastline consisted of hard rock and was, therefore, considered relatively safe from attack, the commissioners confined most of their investigations to England, Wales, and Ireland.

15. Brian W. Clapp, An Environmental History of Britain since the Industrial Revolution (London: Longman, 1994), 101.

16. Barrie Trinder, The Making of the Industrial Landscape (London: Dent, 1982), 241.

17. Bertram Blount, "Cement," Encyclopaedia Britannica , vol. 5 (1911),

653-59; "Of the Use of Concrete in Marine Construction," Engineering 34 (1882): 480-81; A. C. Davis, Portland Cement (London: Concrete Publications, 1934), 1-15; J. H. Clapham, An Economic History of Modern Britain , vol. 2, Free Trade and Steel (Cambridge: CUP, 1926), 44-46.

18. Henry Young and Gilbert Redgrave, "The Manufacture and Testing of Portland Cement," PICE 62 (1880): 67-69; Edwin Bernays, "Portland Cement, Concrete, and Some Applications," ibid., 87-88;J. M. Preston, Industrial Medway (Rochester: J. M. Preston, 1977), 71-81.

17. Bertram Blount, "Cement," Encyclopaedia Britannica , vol. 5 (1911),

18. Henry Young and Gilbert Redgrave, "The Manufacture and Testing of Portland Cement," PICE 62 (1880): 67-69; Edwin Bernays, "Portland Cement, Concrete, and Some Applications," ibid., 87-88;J. M. Preston, Industrial Medway (Rochester: J. M. Preston, 1977), 71-81.

19. L. Erdmenger, "The Cement Question in England," PICE 64 (1881): 349-50.

20. Joel Mokyr, "Technological Inertia in Economic History," Journal of Economic History 52 (1992): 333.

21. Redman, "South-East Coast," 407.

22. BPP , RC on Coast Erosion, 34 (1907): 32, q. 349.

23. Ibid., 27, qq. 223-24.

24. Ibid., testimony of Col. F. J. Day, qq. 87-96. Day's statistics about what was happening to the foreshores were confused by the fact that some measurements were based on normal high-tide lines and others were calculated on the unusually high spring tide lines. The legal definition of a foreshore, according to the final report of the RC on Coast Erosion, 14 (1911): 103, was the portion covered by tides, the landward limit consisting of the line reached by the sea at the medium high tide between the spring and the neap.

25. See testimony of T. H. Pelham, Asst. Sec. of the Board of Trade, BPP , RC on Coast Erosion, 34 (1907): 20, qq. 48-52.

26. Walter White, A Londoner's Walk to the Land's End (London: Chapman and Hall, 1855), 127-30.

27. Richard Hansford Worth, "Geological Conditions Affecting the Coast-Line from Exmouth to Plymouth," reprinted in the appendix to the report of the RC on Coast Erosion, 34 (1907): pp. 705-8; see also BPP , RC on Coast Erosion, the Reclamation of Tidal Lands, and Afforestation, 3d Report (on Afforestation) 14 (1911): 78, point 73.

28. Eugene Ferguson, Oliver Evans: Inventive Genius of the American Industrial Revolution (Greenville, Del.: The Hagley Museum, 1980), 39-41. "Oruktor Amphibolos" means "Amiphibious Digger."

29. J. J. Webster, "Dredging Operations and Appliances," PICE 89 (1887): 2-32.

30. Richard Hansford Worth, "Hallsands and Start Bay," Report and Transactions of the Devonshire Association 36 (1904): 325-28.

31. Eric Bird, Coasts , 3d ed. (Oxford: Blackwell, 1984), 83.

32. Ibid., 708.

33. Roy Millward and Adrian Robinson, The South-West Peninsula (London: Macmillan, 1971), 158. Sherlock, Man as a Geological Agent , 241-43, mentions a number of other places where mining of shingle had particularly deleterious effects: the south coast of the river Wear, thirty-four miles of the Holderness coast, Walton in Essex, Clacton, Scotland's Loch Ryan, Goldspie, Culbin Sands, East Sands near St. Andrews, and Macduff Harbour—in Ireland, several places on the coast of County Antrim.

34. Worth, "Hallsands and Start Bay," part 1, Transactions 36 (1904): 302-46; part 2, 41 (1909): 301-8; part 3, 55 (1923): 131-47; see also his testimony before the 1907 commission, vol. 34, 160-62, and A. H. W. Robinson, "The Hydrography of Start Bay and Its Relation to Beach Change at Hallsands," Geographical Journal 121 (1961): 63-77.

35. BPP , RC on Coast Erosion, 34 (1907): 333-34, qq. 9699-701, 9705-23, 9752-59, 9760-66. In their final report, the commissioners expressed their opinion that the threat to Rhyl had been somewhat exaggerated, BPP , RC on Coast Erosion, 14 (1911): 79, 101-2.

36. Herne Bay Press (3 February 1906), 4; (10 February 1906), 2; BPP , RC on Coast Erosion, the Reclamation of Tidal Lands, and Afforestation, 14 (1909): qq. 11606-84.

37. This and the following references to Ramsey's testimony can be found in BPP , RC on Coast Erosion, 34 (1907): 299-306, 726, 786-88.

38. Herne Bay Press (14 April 1894), 4.

39. Wheeler, Sea-Coast , 294-97. For a clear, brief description of the scouring process, see Andrew Goudie, The Human Impact on the Natural Environment (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1982), 226-31.

40. BPP , RC on Coast Erosion, 34 (1907): 307, q. 8816; 309, q. 8872. Sherlock, Man as a Geological Agent , 243-44, lists as places where building defenses led to serious erosion elsewhere: Bridlington, Sheringham, Cromer, Corton near Lowestoft, Hastings, Bexhill, Eastbourne, Brighton, Hove, Black-pool, and Silloth.

41. BPP , RC on Coast Erosion, 34 (1907): 299, q. 8514; 301, q. 8560; 302, q. 8615; 304, q. 8706.

42. J. A. Steers, Coastal Features of England and Wales (Cambridge: Oleander Press, 1981), 167-68; Sherlock, Man as a Geological Agent , 247-48; BPP , RC on Coast Erosion, 14 (1911): 19-20, 59.

43. James Oldham, "On Reclaiming Land from Seas and Estuaries," PICE 21 (1861-62): 454-65; see also John Wiggins, The Practice of Embanking Lands from the Sea (London: Weale, 1852).

44. Wheeler, Sea-Coast , 237

45. BPP , RC on Coast Erosion, 34 (1907): 21, qq. 81-85.

46. Ibid., 73, qq. 1457, 1460, 1463, 1469-70.

47. H. Jesse Walker, "Man's Impact on Shorelines and Nearshore Environments: A Geomorphological Perspective," Geoforum 15 (1984): 398.

48. In 1895 Fanny Talbot gave the just-formed National Trust its first stretch of coastline, Dinas Oleu, four acres of Welsh hillside on the Mawddach Estuary. "I wish to put it into the custody," she said, "of some society that will never vulgarise it or prevent wild Nature from having its own way." "Her thoughts," comments Charlie Pye-Smith, In Search of Neptune (London: National Trust, 1990), 9, "were entirely parochial."

49. Geoffrey Clark, "The Coastlands," in H. E. Bates et al., The English Countryside (London: Batsford, 1939), 212.

50. Reported in "Changes on the Coasts of the British Isles," Engineering 82 (1906): 312-32.

51. Ibid., 104-5, qq. 2184-85.

52. BPP , RC on Coast Erosion, 34 (1907): 109, qq. 2296-97.

53. Ibid., 713. The extracts are from Rural England , vol. 2 (1902): 467-68.

54. BPP , RC on Coast Erosion, 14 (1909): qq. 11965-12115.

55. "Palmerston on Fixing Blowing Sands," Builder 3 (1845): 167

56. H. L. Edlin, "The Culbin Sands," in Reclamation , ed. John Lenihan and William Fletcher (New York: Academic Press, 1976), 4-7; see also George Bain, The Culbin Sands or the Story of a Buried Estate (Nairn: Nairnshire Telegraph , 1922); Forestry Commission, Britain's Forests: Culbin (HMSO, 1951); W. Mackie, "The Sands and Sandstones of Eastern Moray," Transactions of the Edinburgh Geological Society 7 (1899): 148; J. D. Ovington, "The Afforestation of Culbin Sands," JE 38 (1950): 303-19; Edward Salisbury, Downs and Dunes (London: Bell, 1952); J. A. Steers, The Sea Coast (London: Collins, 1953); Steers, The Coastline of Scotland (Cambridge: CUP, 1973), 217-20.

57. Edlin, "Culbin Sands," 11.

58. BPP , RC on Coast Erosion, 14 (1909): q. 12101.

59. David Pinder and Michael Witherick, "Port Industrialization, Urbanization and Wetland Loss," in Wetlands , ed. Michael Williams (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1990), 234-66.

60. Charlie Pye-Smith and Chris Rose, Crisis and Conservation: Conflict in the British Countryside (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1984), 111-17; David Mercer, "Recreation and Wetlands: Impacts, Conflict, and Policy Issues," in Wetlands , ed. Michael Williams, 267-95.

1. Roy Rappaport, Pigs for the Ancestors (1968; new, enlarged ed., New Haven: Yale University Press, 1984); Rappaport, "The Flow of Energy in an Agricultural Society," Scientific American 225 (1971): 116-32, gives a summary of the book's argument and concludes by contrasting the conservative ways of the Tsembaga and the destructive ways of industrial societies.

2. Rappaport answered his critics in the 1984 edition of Pigs , 299-479. For a brief and sympathetic appraisal of the model's strengths and limitations, see Donald Worster, The Wealth of Nature (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993), 36-44.

3. Geoffrey Channon, "The Aberdeenshire Beef Trade with London: A Study in Steamship and Railway Competition, 1850-69," Transport History 2 (1969): 1-24; C. H. Lee, "Some Aspects of the Coastal Shipping Trade: The Aberdeen Steam Navigation Company, 1835-80," Journal of Transport History , new series, 3 (1975): 94-107; see also Sarah Palmer, "'The Most Indefatigable Activity' The General Steam Navigation Company, 1824-50," Journal of Transport History , 3d series, 3 (1982): 1-22.

4. R. Edmonds, "A statistical account of the parish of Madron," Journal of the Royal Statistical Society 11 (1838): 207, quoted in Alan Harris, "Changes in the Early Railway Age: 1800-1850," in A New Historical Geography of England , ed. A. C. Darby (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1973), 509.

5. Colin Duncan, "Legal Protection for the Soil of England: The Spurious Context of Nineteenth Century 'Progress'," Agricultural History 66 (1992): 93.

6. Martin Wiener, English Culture and the Decline of the Industrial Spirit, 1850-1980 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981), xiv, 145.

7. Jonathan Bate, Romantic Ecology (London: Routledge, 1991). Stephen Daniels, Fields of Vision (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1993), 217-36, demonstrates how Constable's landscapes (or rather the social reconstructions of those landscapes) have been used to promote the cause of rural preservation in this century.

8. Margaret Drabble, A Writer's Britain (London: Thames and Hudson, 1979), 161.

9. Especially useful in understanding the presuppositions and implementations of this small "c" conservatism are: John Barrell, The Idea of Landscape and the Sense of Place: An Approach to the Poetry of John Clare (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1972); J. C. D. Clark, English Society, 1688-1832: Ideology, Social Structure, and Political Practice (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985); Denis Cosgrove, Social Formation and Symbolic Landscape (London: Croom Helm, 1984), 189-222; Nigel Everett, The Tory View of Landscape (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1994); Alun Howkins, "J. M. W. Turner at Petworth: Agricultural Improvements and the Politics of Landscape," in Painting and the Politics of Culture, 1700-1850 , ed. John Barrell (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992); David Roberts, Paternalism in Early Victorian England (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1979); F. M. L. Thompson, English Landed Society in the Nineteenth Century (London: Rout-ledge and Kegan Paul, 1963).

10. Bate, Romantic Ecology , 18, uses the phrase but does not endorse it.

11. Ann Bermingham, Landscape and Ideology (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1986), 9-15, 157-72. The last chapter of Everett, Tory , called "The Nature of Toryism," is an attempt to answer this kind of "Marxisant" art history; see also Malcolm Andrews, The Search for the Picturesque: Landscape Aesthetic and Tourism in Britain, 1760-1800 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1989); Cosgrove, Social ; Carol Fabricant, "The Aesthetics and Politics of Landscape in the Eighteenth Century," in Studies in Eighteenth-Century British Art and Aesthetic , ed. Ralph Cohen (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1985); Gary Harrison, Wordsworth's Vagrant Muse (Detroit: Wayne State Press, 1994); Roger Sales, English Literature in History, 1780-183: Pastoral and Politics (London: Hutchinson, 1983); C. E. Searle, "Custom, Class Conflict, and Agrarian Capitalism: The Cumbrian Customary Economy in the Eighteenth Century," Past and Present 110 (1986): 106-33; Raymond Williams, The Country and the City (London: Chatto and Windus, 1973).

12. Bruce Ferguson, "The Concept of Landscape Health," Journal of Environmental Management 40 (1994): 135, gives this definition: "Landscape health is the landscape taking care of itself."