1. David Schiff, "The Bounds of Music: The Strange New Direction of Musical Criticism," New Republic , 3 February 1992, 32-37.

2. See Women in Music , ed. Carol Neuls-Bates (New York: Harper & Row, 1982); Women Making Music , ed. Jane Bowers and Judith Tick (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1986) Women and Music in Cross-Cultural Perspective , ed. Ellen Koskoff (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1987); Marcia Citron's wide-ranging Gender and the Musical Canon (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993); Women and Music: A History , ed. Karin Pendle (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1991) and the rich bibliography therein; and the New Grove Dictionary of Women Composers , ed. Julie Anne Sadie and Rhian Samuel (New York: Norton, 1994). A recent overview of the literature on women and music is Susan C. Cook and Judy S. Tsou, "Introduction: 'Bright Cecilia'," in Cecilia Reclaimed: Feminist Perspectives on Gender and Music , ed. Cook and Tsou (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1994)1-14. See also Margaret Ericson, Women and Music: A Selective Annotated Bibliography on Women and Gender Issues in Music (New York: G. K. Hall, 1996).

3. Jazz, for example, shows—especially in recent decades—many of the features of an almost recherché "high-art" tradition, in the sociologist's sense of the term; rock music is performed in concert and is often, in its own way, serious; and many Broadway musicals and Hollywood movies rely on fully notated and orchestrated scores no less than do operas and oratorios.

4. For further discussion of the terminological issue (and some arguments in defense of the term "Western art music"), see the first half of Chapter 10 below, or the fuller version: Ralph P. Locke, "Music Lovers, Patrons, and the 'Sacralization' of American Culture," Nineteenth-Century Music 17 (1993-94): 149-73, and 18 (1994-95): 83-84. Richard Crawford has recently offered a new dichotomy: Beethoven's symphonies are a "composer's music" as opposed to various types of "performer's music," such as jazz. See his The American Musical Landscape (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1993), 41-107, 250-303.

5. See excerpts from etiquette manuals, in Elizabeth Aldrich, From the Ballroom to Hell: Grace and Folly in Nineteenth-Century Dance (Evanston, Ill.: Northwestern University Press, 1991), 125-28; see also two articles by Julia Eklund Koza: "Music Instruction in the Nineteenth Century: Views from Godey's Lady Book , 1830-77," Journal of Research in Music Education 38 (1990): 245-57, and "Music and the Feminine Sphere: Images of Women as Musicians in Godey's Lady Book , 1830-77," Musical Quarterly 75 (1991): 103-29. The evidence gathered and sorted by Aldrich and Koza—and by Judith Tick in her magisterial American Women Composers before 1870 (Ann Arbor, Mich.: UMI Research Press, 1983), reprint, with a new preface by Ruth A. Solie (Rochester, N.Y.: University of Rochester Press, 1996)—serves to reinforce the basic arguments of Ann Douglas, The Feminization of American Culture (New York: Knopf, 1977), a book that focuses almost entirely on literary evidence (including sermons). Further on American women and "art" music, see chapters by Adrienne Fried Block and by J. Michele Edwards in Women and Music , ed. Pendle, 142-72 and 211-57 (additional chapters treat American women working in popular music and jazz), and by Block and by Bonny H. Miller in Cecilia Reclaimed , ed. Cook and Tsou, 107-33 and 156-82. Basic to any research on these topics are Donald W. Krummel, Jean Geil, Doris J. Dyen, and Deane L. Root, Resources of American Music History: A Directory of Source Materials from Colonial Times to World War II (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1981); Women in American Music: A Bibliography of Music and Literature , ed. Adrienne Fried Block and Carol Neuls-Bates (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1979); The New Grove Dictionary of American Music , ed. H. Wiley Hitchcock and Stanley Sadie, 4 vols. (New York: Macmillan, 1986); and the New Grove Dictionary of Women Composers .

6. Harold T. Randolph, "The Feminization of Music," Music Teachers National Association Proceedings , 17th ser. (1922): 194-200, quoted in Catherine Parsons Smith, "'A Distinguishing Virility': On Feminism and Modernism in American Art Music," in Cecilia Reclaimed , ed. Cook and Tsou, 90-106. Among other distressed male musicians was the critic-composer Deems Taylor (best known today for his later role as the narrator in Walt Disney's Fantasia ): "this well-nigh complete feminization of music is bad for it . . . [and] aggravates our already exaggerated tendency to demand that art be edifying" (quoted by Smith, from Taylor's article "Music," in Civilization in the United States , ed. Harold Stearns [New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1922], 211).

7. Among twentieth-century performers, singers often have written memoirs, e.g., Nellie Melba and Beverly Sills, and recent years have seen fine, detailed books published on Callas's recorded legacy and on the violinist Maud Powell. No fewer than three excellent books are now available on the pedagogue and conductor Nadia Boulanger. Performers in the nineteenth century were also often composers (and were often pedagogues, too). See Nancy B. Reich, Clara Schumann: The Artist and the Woman (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1985); also other studies cited in Reich's "European Composers and Musicians, ca. 1800-1890" and in Marcia J. Citron, "European Composers and Musicians, 1880-1918," both of which are chapters in Women and Music , ed. Pendle, 97-122 and 123-72. Oddly the twentieth-century chapters in Pendle's book (except those on popular music) focus almost exclusively on composers; the net result is that the book leaves unmentioned some of the most prominent, influential, and (to some extent) well-paid musicians, including world-renowned instrumentalists (e.g., Myra Hess, Clara Haskil, Marie-Claire Alain, women in string quartets) and opera singers (Callas, Marian Anderson, Kirsten Flagstad, Elisabeth Schwarzkopf, Christa Ludwig, Leontyne Price, Joan Sutherland, Marilyn Home). On the omission of teachers and patrons, see n. 18.

8. Lubov Keefer's Music Angels: A Thousand Years of Patronage (Baltimore: Sutherland Press, 1976) is engaging but uncritical and error-ridden. (American patrons of dance, symphony, and the like are discussed on pp. 157-84. The earlier chapters owe much to standard reference works and perhaps also to Sophie Drinker's idiosyncratic but insightful Music and Women , a work discussed in Chapter 9 below.) Much shorter but more reliable (and carefully documented) is Linda Whitesitt, "Women's Support and Encouragement of Music and Musicians," in Women and Music , ed. Pendle, 301-13. The brief attention given various patrons of turn-of-the-century American composers in Nicholas E. Tawa's The Coming of Age of American Art Music: New England's Classical Romanticists (New York: Greenwood Press, 1991), esp. 17-19, 35-37, is a step in the right direction; see also Victor Fell Yellin's review in Music Library Association Notes 48 (1991-92): 1237-41.

9. Several of these, including one by Marc Blitzstein, are discussed in Chapter 8, and several more (by Sinclair Lewis et al.) are mentioned in Chapter 10. Samuel R. Rosenbaum, an important figure in classical-music life in the 1950s and 1960s, shared with his readers a "popular anecdote" (i.e., a supposed rib-tickler) to the effect that in America the love affair between a musician and a wealthy woman results not in a baby (as would be the case in Europe) but in a new symphony orchestra ("Financial Evolution of the Orchestra," in The American Symphony Orchestra , ed. Henry Swoboda [New York: Basic Books, 1967], 172).

10. The tendency of scholars to ignore, at least until very recently, unpaid "cultural work" in music (and also ill-paid work within the music profession, such as that of the private piano teacher, referred to in a later paragraph) is apparent at a glance in "An Annotated Bibliography of Recent Writings on Women in Music," compiled by Nancy Reich and others for Women's Studies / Women's Status , CMS Report 5 (Boulder, Colo.: College Music Society, 1988), 3-77. Some valuable work on music patronage through the ages (in Europe and America) is summarized in Whitesitt, "Women's Support." A fascinating collection of studies on patronage in and outside of music, in different times and places, is Paying the Piper: Causes and Consequences of Art Patronage , ed. Judith Huggins Balfe (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1993). Private arts patronage of course overlaps with several other topics that are receiving increasing attention from social scientists, notably the function of private foundations and the overall problem of arts funding (private, corporate, foundations, and government). See Dick Netzer's classic study, The Subsidized Muse: Public Support for the Arts in the United States (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1978), as well as several more recent sources: James Heilbrun and Charles M. Grey, The Economics of Art and Culture: An American Perspective (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993); America's Wealthy and the Future of Foundations , ed. Teresa Odendahl ([New Haven?]: Foundation Center and Council on Foundations, 1987); The Costs of Culture: Patterns and Prospects of Private Arts Patronage , ed. Margaret Jane Wyszomirski and Pat Clubb (New York: American Council for the Arts, 1989); Who's to Pay for the Arts? The International Search for Models of Arts Support , ed. Milton C. Cummings, Jr., and J. Mark Davidson Schuster (New York: American Council for the Arts, 1989); and The Arts in the World Economy: Public Policy and Private Philanthropy for a Global Cultural Community , ed. Olin Robison, Robert Freeman, and Charles A. Riley II (Hanover, N.H.: University Press of New England, 1994). On women's art clubs, see n. 38 (studies by McCarthy and by Blair).

11. See Rose Rosengard Subotnik, "Individualism in Western Art Music and Its Cultural Costs," in her Developing Variations: Style and Ideology in Western Music (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1991), 239-64. An analogy may be seen in the area of social policy: ever since the Civil War, union leaders, veterans' groups, and women's voluntary organizations, although they take no part in the state apparatus, have helped shape—i.e., have to some extent driven or "made"—federal programs, for example by pressing the government to establish pensions for soldiers and their widows—see Theda Skocpol, Protecting Soldiers and Mothers: The Political Origins of Social Policy in the United States (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, Belknap Press, 1992). In this book, Skocpol moves from the "state-centered" model of her earlier writings to a "polity-centered" model, as Alan Brinkley notes in his review ( New York Review of Books , 26 May 1994, 40); should we, then, be speaking of music's "polity"—its whole network of interested and influence-wielding parties?

12. Higginson's letters were published a year after his death, and Kahn's story has been often and well told in numerous histories of the Met, as well as in Mary Jane Matz, The Many Live's of Otto Kahn (New York: Pendragon Press, 1984) and John Kobler, Otto the Magnificent: The Life of Otto Kahn (New York: Scribner, 1988). Paul Fromm's activities have long been chronicled by himself and others (see, notably, A Life for New Music: Selected Papers of Paul Fromm , ed. David Gable and Christoph Wolff [Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Department of Music, 1988]). A not atypical example of how this gender imbalance in the historical record filters down is Milton Goldin's The Music Merchants ([New York?]: Macmillan, 1969), which divides the history of America's musical institutions into three ages, those of impresarios (e.g., soprano Jenny Lind's tours in the nineteenth century), patrons (who established the big orchestras and opera companies), and organizers (of such modern institutions as New York's Lincoln Center, or the National Endowment for the Arts). The patron is represented by two institutions, the Boston Symphony and the Metropolitan Opera; the former was founded and funded by a single man (Higginson), but here the Met, too, becomes the story of one male individual's (Kahn's) devotion, although the institution's continuing strength throughout the century can hardly be discussed meaningfully without reference to Mrs. August Belmont and the women of the Met Guild.

13. Judith Tick, review of The Musical Woman , vol. 2, American Music 8 (1990): 238.

14. The Musical Woman: An International Perspective , 3 vols. to date (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1984-).

15. Organized music making in America today includes such things as group singing in scouts and teen clubs, hymn singing in places of worship, amateur and student choruses (including doo-wop and vocal jazz ensembles), gospel choirs, barbershop-type groups (e.g., Sweet Adelines), musical comedies in colleges and elsewhere, town bands, community orchestras, and amateur rock or country bands. This is not an insignificant list of activities, but it still involves as participants a small percentage of the adult population; a far greater number, one suspects, neither play an instrument nor lift their voices in song in the presence of another person, except on a few social occasions (lullabies, Christmas carols, karaoke and "Happy Birthday" at parties). And, of course, few of the activities listed in this note involve Western art music.

16. School music programs, it is often said, may do more harm than good. But that is surely no reason to ignore them. Quite the contrary, we need to be better informed about the work that those who run such programs do, the circumstances in which they labor, and—to the extent that school music programs are detrimental—what we might do to renovate them.

17. An article in the third volume of The Musical Woman does treat public-school music. Consistent with the emphasis in the series, it focuses on the increasing presence of music by women composers (e.g., Lili Boulanger, sister of Nadia) in the schools, rather than on the women teachers themselves and their efforts and struggles, much less the parents (largely female) who fight for funding (or, in certain towns, increasingly, raise the funds themselves) to keep the music programs alive.

18. Similarly, but more explicitly, patrons, music therapists, and women active in music education, administration, publishing, and recording are excluded from J. Michele Edwards's chapter "North America since 1920" in Women and Music , ed. Pendle, 211-57; the reason given is that "additional research" is needed (p. 253). But at least their existence is noted, as it is not in analogous chapters on Britain and Europe.

19. As the cultural historian George Martin has bluntly noted, "Some men like to mock the women's committees [of the orchestras, opera companies, and choral societies]. These men are fools. In the United States the role of women in the support and spread of music has been vital" (George Martin, The Damrosch Dynasty: America's First Family of Music [Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1983], 135; and see detailed documentation on p. 455, n. 26).

20. Barry D. Karl and Stanley N. Katz, "Foundations and Ruling Class Elites," Daedalus 116, no. 1 (Winter 1987): 38-89.

21. See Nicholas Fox Weber's delightful, perceptive Patron Saints: Five Rebels Who Opened America to a New Art, 1928-1943 (New York: Knopf, 1992): "this book is about believers" (p. 363).

22. Weber ( Patron Saints ) discusses Lincoln Kirstein and Edward Warburg's work for modern (visual) art but also, in some detail, their building of modern ballet in America (with Balanchine, Stravinsky, and others); he also explores at length A. Everett Austin's funding of the premiere of Virgil Thomson's widely heralded "Negro" opera Four Saints in Three Acts (to a text by Gertrude Stein). See also (on Kirstein and other German-Jewish and WASP members of "Uptown Bohemia") Thomas Bender, New York Intellect: A History of Intellectual Life in New York City, from 1750 to the Beginnings of Our Own Time (New York: Knopf, 1987), 324-41.

23. Brooke Astor's campaign for Manhattan neighborhoods was explored in the New York Times Magazine , 17 November 1991, 40-43, 68, 72. Hull House even had its music and theater activities: see Hilda Satt Polacheck, I Came a Stranger: The Story of a Hull-House Girl , ed. Dena J. Polacheck Epstein (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1989), e.g., 80, 105, 107, 109-25.

24. Under "networking" we would also include recognizing the obligations that come with one's privileged position. The first symphonic broadcasts of a major orchestra, the New York Philharmonic, took place in 1922 when Ira Hirschmann proposed to Felix Fuld, his boss at the department store L. Bamberger & Co. (which owned and operated station WOR) that $15,000 a season was a small cost for the good publicity it would generate. Fuld rejected it as "a damn fool idea," but Mrs. Fuld, having learned of the plan from her husband, phoned Hirschmann the next morning and told him to go ahead. "She ended the conversation with the admonition, 'Remember this, young man, men have no imagina- soft

tion.'" Part of what may have convinced Mrs. Fuld was her husband's report that a dozen young female members of the clerical staff had told Fuld that they would indeed listen to such broadcasts (Hirschmann, Obligato: Untold Tales from a Life with Music [New York: Fromm International, 1994], 6-7).

25. See Judith Tick, "Charles Ives and Gender Ideology," in Musicology and Difference , ed. Ruth A. Solie (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1993), 83-106.

26. Joan Wallach Scott, "Gender: A Useful Category of Historical Analysis," in her Gender and the Politics of History (New York: Columbia University Press, 1988), 28-50, esp. 40-41, regarding Carol Gilligan. At the same time, though, we hope that the term "women's sphere" does not come to be rejected outright by scholars. Given that it clearly reflected, and reflects, many people's experience of social reality, it seems to us a "trope"—the term is Linda K. Kerber's—that may still be helpful. (Kerber, in contrast, goes on to argue that this trope's day is past: "Separate Spheres, Female Worlds, Woman's Place: The Rhetoric of Women's History," Journal of American History 75 [1988]: 9-39, quotation from p. 39.) Jane Rendall explores alternatives to the "sphere" metaphor but then admits that it is particularly well suited to (and was indeed used by) middle-class people in nineteenth-century Europe and the United States ("Nineteenth-Century Feminism and the Separation of Spheres: Reflections on the Public/Private Dichotomy," in Moving On: New Perspectives on the Women's Movement , ed. Tayo Andreasen, Anette Borchorst, Drude Dahlerup, Eva Lous, and Hanne Rimmen Nielsen [Århus, Denmark: Århus University Press, 1991], 17-37).

Still, scholars must seek to locate the woman's "sphere" in a precise ideological or evidentiary context (as we endeavor to do in this book) and must never forget that the real divisions between men's and women's realms can easily mask the interdependence of those realms. Janet Wolff rightly emphasizes the constraining effects of the women's "sphere" on the lives of real (middle-class) women and argues cogently for the complicity of "culture"—literature, the arts, and leisure activities—in its construction ( Feminine Sentences: Essays on Women and Culture [Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1990], esp. 12-33). On the interdependence of gender realms, even in such apparently male-dominated areas as foreign policy and the military, see Cynthia Enloe, Bananas, Beaches, and Bases: Making Feminist Sense of International Politics (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1990), and Gendering War Talk , ed. Miriam Cooke and Angela Woollacott (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993).

27. See Myriam Chimènes, "La Princesse Edmond de Polignac et la création musicale," in La Musique et le pouvoir , ed. Hugues Dufourt and Joël-Marie Fauquet (Paris: Aux amateurs de livres, 1987), 125-45, and Jeanice Brooks, "Nadia Boulanger and the Salon of the Princesse de Polignac" Journal of the American Musicological Society 46 (1993): 415-68.

28. Brief information on these and two dozen more of America's most prominent women music patrons (e.g., Marian MacDowell, Martha Baird Rockefeller) is given in Whitesitt, "Women's Support." Tully's largesse, it should be added, was often bestowed anonymously through the Maya Corporation, which she founded. Concerning Belmont, Patrick J. Smith writes: "[T]he [Met] Guild, the almost single-handed creation of the dynamic Mrs. August Belmont, helped shore up the finances of the house in the later 1930s and was vital in channeling the enthusiasm of less affluent operagoers" ( A Year at the Met [New York: Knopf, 1983], 71). Belmont's friend Mary Ellis Peltz organized and administered the Met Archive for years, without pay, and founded and edited the Guild's widely respected magazine Opera News . Dissertations on Minneapolis and St. Paul are listed in Women's Studies / Women's Status , 68-69 (nos. 189, 207); a dissertation on Elise Boyer Hall is no. 222 (p. 71). Another major figure is the composer Eleanor Everest Freer, who funded the annual David Bispham Medal honoring the best new opera composed in the English language; see Sylvia Miller Eversole, "Eleanor Everest Freer: Her Life and Music" (Ph.D. diss., City University of New York, 1992). Leon Botstein draws attention to yet another crucial patron, the founder of what later became the New York City Opera (a house dedicated to performing American opera and, in its early decades, opera in English translation): "Subjects for Debate: Women and Patronage in Music: Remembering Helen Huntington Hull (1893-1976)," Musical Quarterly 78 (1994): 641-45.

29. "Unlike Elizabeth Sprague Coolidge, Gertrude Clark Whittall is remembered less for fostering new music than for preserving old music. . . . [Her Strads, in their display cases in the Whittall Pavilion] have tended . . . to reify the traditional string quartet repertory played at the Library of Congress" (Joseph Kerman, "In Memory of Gertrude Clark Whittall," unpublished address given on the fiftieth anniversary of the concert series sponsored by Whittall at the Library of Congress, May 1987).

30. See Anthony Rooley, "On Patronage: 'Musick, that mind-tempering art'," in Companion to Contemporary Musical Thought , 2 vols., ed. John Paynter, Tim Howell, Richard Orton, and Peter Seymour (London: Routledge, 1992), 1: 226-47.

31. Nancy F. Cott, "What's in a Name: The Limits of Social Feminism, or Expanding the Vocabulary of Women's History," Journal of American History 76 (1989): 809-29. See also various detailed studies of aspects of volunteering and social policy: J. Stanley Lemons, The Woman Citizen: Social Feminism in the 1920s (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1973); Gertrude Himmelfarb, Poverty and Compassion: The Moral Imagination of the Late Victorians (New York: Knopf, 1991); Theda Skocpol, Social Policy in the United States: Future Possibilities in Historical Perspective (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995); and Michael B. Katz, Improving Poor People: The Welfare State, the "Underclass," and Urban Schools as History (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995). The literature on voluntarism generally is surveyed in William H. Brackney, Christian Voluntarism in Britain and North America: A Bibliography and Critical Assessment (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1995).

32. Lori D. Ginzberg, Women and the Work of Benevolence: Morality, Politics, and Class in the Nineteenth-Century United States (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1990). See also Sarah Deutsch, "Learning to Talk More Like a Man: Boston Women in Class-Bridging Organizations, 1870-1940," American Historical Review 97 (1991-92): 379-404. More generally, Anne Firor Scott's Natural Allies: Women's Associations in American History (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1991) well states the case for taking the work of women's institutions seriously, see review by Lois W. Banner, American Historical Review 98 (1992-93); 225-26.

33. Wendy Kaminer, Women Volunteering: The Pleasure, Pain, and Politics of Unpaid Work from 1830 to the Present (Garden City, N.Y.: Anchor Press, 1984), 5.

34. Ibid., xvi.

35. "About half of the 124 active volunteers on the Parental Stress Line are not parents. . . . And about 80 percent of them are women" (René Becker, "Volunteers," Boston Magazine 80, no. 12 [December 1988]: 204).

36. Kaminer, Women Volunteering , xiv-xvii. Particularly interesting are two interviews by Kaminer with women who volunteered in the arts and then went on to political organizing (e.g., disarmament, desegregation, reproductive choice), 79-84, 113-21. Further comments from deeply committed (and/or self-glorifying—see Chapter 10 below) volunteers and social-agency board members are given in Susan A. Ostrander, Women of the Upper Class (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1984), 111-39.

37. We are also disregarding for the moment the enormous contributions made in recent decades by the Ford Foundation, say, or the National Endowment for the Arts. The latter, we note, is no faceless bureaucracy but rather has often been guided and publicly validated by prominent and determined women, e.g., Nancy Hanks, Joan Mondale, and, recently, Barbra Streisand.

38. Similar patterns are found in art clubs and other women's groups: see Kathleen D. McCarthy, Women's Culture: American Philanthropy and Art 1830-1930 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press), 49, and Karen J. Blair, The Torchbearers: Women and Their Amateur Arts Associations in America, 1890-1930 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1994). We might note an irony: women have had to fight the reputation of being unable to work cooperatively. This and other ancient prejudices were regularly noted and combated in Women in Music , the newsletter edited by Frédérique Petrides, the conductor of the pathbreaking Orchestrette Classique. All 37 issues are reprinted in facsimile in Jan Bell Groh, Evening the Score: Women in Music and the Legacy of Frédérique Petrides (Fayetteville: University of Arkansas Press, 1991).

39. Symptomatic is the treatment of women patrons in New Grove Dictionary of American Music . The encyclopedia was originally scheduled to include an article on patronage, but the idea was scrapped, we are told, when the editors finally realized that not enough basic research existed. The justly praised article on "Women in [American] Music" by Judith Tick, though, does refer to the work of Jeannette Thurber, and there are entries on Thurber and a few other patrons (e.g., Coolidge, Gardner, Walton).

40. Richard Crawford, "Studying American Music," Institute for Studies of American Music Newsletter 14, no. 2 (May 1985), 1-2, 10-13, quotation from p. 11.

41. Pamela Perry, "The Role of Women as Patrons of Music in Connecticut during the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries" (DMA thesis, University of Hartford, 1986), [iv]; Catherine Parsons Smith, "Founding the Hollywood Bowl," American Music 11 (1993): 206-42. Another possible case of substitution is discussed in Vignette F, n. 10; the beneficiary in that case was Igor Stravinsky (in Europe), the money American. Of course, many women's contributions to American musical life and institutions have been honestly admitted from the start, .g., that of Jeanne Wynne Estes and Ruth Porter Doster, two early proponents of Bach choirs in Bethlehem, Pennsylvania (see Raymond Walters, The Bethlehem Bach Choir: An Historical and Interpretive Sketch [Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1918], 44-46, 204, 212-13, 215; and, confirming Estes's importance, Robin Leaver, "New Light on the Pre-History of the Bach Choir of Bethlehem, Bach: The Journal of the Riemenschneider Bach Institute 12 [1991], no. 2: 24-34).

42. In March 1990, the Isabella Stewart Gardner Museum lost a dozen precious art works in a widely reported burglary. The Tapestry Room, in which concerts have been held for decades, is the upper half of the original concert hall (see Chapter 3).

43. This naming question (should we say "Mrs. H. H. A. Beach" or "Amy Beach"?) foregrounds the irresolvable tension between historically authentic terminology and present-day usage, as do analogous questions (e.g., "Negro," "Black," "black American," "African-American").

44. Carolyn G. Heilbrun, Writing a Woman's Life (New York: Norton, 1988), 22 (summarizing, in part, Patricia Spacks).

45. Anthony Tommasini, Virgil Thomson's Musical Portraits (New York: Pendragon Press, 1986), 101, 110, 112, 115 (the "rock-bound"—Thomson's phrase—Constance Askew), 124, 139-40 (Guggenheim quotation), 151, 179, 196. Could Guggenheim have been amusing herself with the tart comments in Thomson's ch. 7 on the effects of private patronage on a composer's style? "Composers living on subsidies personal or impersonal [e.g., governmental], it reads, "tend to write introspective music of strained harmonic texture and emphatic instrumental style. . . . They think of themselves . . . as persecuted men. Appearing to be persecuted is, of course, their way of earning their living" (Virgil Thomson, The State of Music [1939; rev. ed., New York: Vintage Books, 1962], 90-91).

1. See Charles Hamm, Music in the New World (New York: Norton, 1983), 3-23, and Gilbert Chase, America's Music , 3d ed. (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1987), 395-412.

2. On the cultivated-vernacular dichotomy (actually a three-way split, with folk music), see H. Wiley Hitchcock, Music in the United States: A Historical Introduction , 3d ed. (Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall, 1988), 53-63.

3. See the thorough study by W. Douglas Bomberger, "The German Musical Training of American Students: 1850-1900" (Ph.D. diss., University of Maryland, 1991).

4. See Camilla Cai and Einar Ingvald Haugen. Ole Bull: Norway's Romantic Musician and Cosmopolitan Patriot (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1993), and Lowell Gallagher, "Jenny Lind and the Voice of America," in En travesti: Women, Gender Subversion, Opera , ed. Corinne E. Blackmer and Patricia Juliana Smith (New York: Columbia University Press, 1995), 190-215.

5. Henry A. Kmen, Music in New Orleans: The Formative Period, 1791-1841 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, [1966]), 56; more generally, see Katherine Bumpass, "The USA: A Quest for Improvement," in Music and Society: The Early Romantic Era, Between Revolutions: 1789 and 1848 , ed. Alexander Ringer, vol. [6] of Music and Society , ed. Stanley Sadie (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1991), 259-79. (The British edition of this series was entitled Man and Music .)

6. On instruments deemed acceptable to Western women in recent centuries, see Freia Hoffmann, Instrument und Körper: Die musizierende Frau in der bürgerlichen Kultur (Frankfurt a./M.: Insel Verlag, 1991).

7. Fascinating glimpses into the popularity of opera are offered in George Martin, Verdi at the Golden Gate: Opera and San Francisco in the Gold Rush Years (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1993), John Dizikes, Opera in America: A Cultural History (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1993), June C. Ottenberg, Opera Odyssey: Toward a History of Opera in Nineteenth-Century America (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1994), and Katherine K. Preston, Opera on the Road: Traveling Opera Troupes in the United States, 1825-60 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1994).

8. Nancy Atwood Sprague, Pleasant Memories of My Life , ed. Elizabeth Sprague Coolidge (New York: privately printed, 1916).

9. Richard Crawford, "Studying American Music," Institute for Studies of American Music Newsletter 14, no. a (May 1985), 1-2, 10-13, quotation from p. 11. Crawford develops these ideas in The American Musical Landscape (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1993), 41-107, 250-303.

10. Beth L. Miller, "The Ridgelys of Hampton: New Perspectives on Musical Life in Nineteenth-Century Baltimore," Journal of Musicological Research 14 (1994): 35-54.

11. Recent findings of Carol Pemberton and others on Lowell Mason and the Handel and Haydn Society are reported and carried further in Michael Broyles, " Music of the Highest Class": Elitism and Populism in Antebellum Boston (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992), and in the various articles of Lowell Mason: A Realistic Portrayal , a special issue of the Quarterly Journal of Music Teaching and Learning 3, no. 2 (Fall 1992). On concerts, see Strong on Music: The New York Music Scene in the Days of George Templeton Strong, 1836-1875 , ed. Vera Brodsky Lawrence, vol. 1 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1988), and vols. 2-3 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995- ).

12. For example, the concerts of the Winchester Orchestral Society (1909-17), in the town hall, were "crowded and enjoyed," and "many beautiful gowns were noted in the audience" ( Winchester Star , 18 April 1913 and 9 December 1910, cited in Ellen Knight, "Music in Winchester, Massachusetts: A Community Portrait, 1830-1925," American Music 11 [1993]: 283-82, quotation from pp. 278-79).

13. These developments are traced in Hitchcock, Music in the United States , and various articles (e.g., "music education," "orchestras," "phonograph," "publishing") in The New Grove Dictionary of American Music , 4 vols., ed. H. Wiley Hitchcock and Stanley Sadie (New York: Macmillan, 1986). The question of "serious" composers' search for an American identity is discussed in Chase, America's Music , 302-19, 341-59, 379-94, and Hamm, Music in the New World , 307-38, 410-59, and explored more fully in Barbara A. Zuck, A History of Musical Americanism (Ann Arbor, Mich.: UMI Research Press, 1980), and Barbara L. Tischler, An American Music: The Search for an American Musical Identity (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986). On pianos, see Ronald V. Ratcliffe, Steinway (San Francisco: Chronicle Books, 1989), and Cyril Ehrlich, The Piano: A History , 2d ed. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1990). See also two valuable overviews with annotated bibliographies: Bumpass, "USA," and Charles Hamm, "The USA: Classical, Industrial and Invisible Music," the latter in Music and Society: The Late Romantic Era, from the Mid-Nineteenth Century to World War I , ed. Jim Samson [British series title: Man and Music ] (Englewood Cliffs N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1991), 295-326.

14. Gillian B. Anderson, "Putting the Experience of the World at the Nation's Command: Music at the Library of Congress, 1800-1917," Journal of the American Musicological Society 42 (1989): 108-49. See also Oscar Sonneck and American Music , ed. William Lichtenwanger (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1983), and Carol June Bradley, American Music Librarianship: A Biographical and Historical Survey (New York: Greenwood Press, 1990), 69-83.

15. Robert A. McGaughey, "The Genius Was a Jerk," review of Charles Sanders Peirce: A Life , by Joseph Brent, New York Times Book Review , 7 February 1993, 11-12. The development of American museums is explored in Lillian B. Miller, Patrons and Patriotism: The Encouragement of the Fine Arts in the United States, 1790-1860 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1966), and in Lawrence W. Levine, Highbrow/Lowbrow: The Emergence of Cultural Hierarchy in America (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1988).

16. See, e.g., Therese M. Volk, "A History of Multicultural Music Education in the Public Schools of the United States" (Ph.D. diss., Kent State University, 1993). We return to this neglected aspect of music's history in various places below, notably Chapter 7 and Chapter 10.

17. See the trenchant discussion of consumerism in Christopher Lasch, The Culture of Narcissism: American Life in an Age of Diminishing Expectations (New York: Norton, 1978).

18. See Alan Trachtenberg, The Incorporation of America: Culture and Society in the Gilded Age (New York: Hill & Wang, 1982), esp. 78-88, 140-46, and Thomas Bender, New York Intellect: A History of Intellectual Life in New York City, from 1750 to the Beginnings of Our Own Time (New York: Knopf, 1987), 206-19 (on the commercial basis of New York's literary eminence—Scribner's publishing house, The Century magazine—and on the conductor Frank Damrosch's resolutely grassroots People's Chorus). Women of modest means, profiting from the general affluence, began to indulge, although at some self-sacrifice, in stylish clothing, boat excursions, and the like. See Kathy Peiss, Cheap Amusements: Working Women and Leisure in Turn-of-the-Century New York (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1985), excerpted in Women's America: Refocusing the Past , ed. Linda K. Kerber and Jane Sherron De Hart, 3d ed. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991), 267-75. On public entertainment generally, see David Nasaw, Going Out: The Rise and Fall of Public Amusements (New York: Basic Books, 1993).

19. Hilda Satt Polacheck, I Came a Stranger: The Story of a Hull-House Girl , ed. Dena J. Polacheck Epstein (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1989), 106; she speaks also of repertory opera performances for 25¢ at the Castle Square Opera Company, besides the grander productions she frequented somewhat later at the Auditorium.

20. See Kevin V. Mulcahy, "Government and the Arts in the United States," in The Patron State: Government and the Arts in Europe, North America, and Japan , ed. Milton C. Cummings, Jr., and Richard S. Katz (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987), 311-32; Dick Netzer, The Subsidized Muse: Public Support for the Arts in the United States (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1978); and Nicholas E. Tawa, Serenading the Reluctant Eagle: American Musical Life, 1925-1945 (New York: Schirmer Books, 1984), 106-19.

21. On the varieties of arts funding and their ramifications, see James Heilbrun and Charles M. Gray, The Economics of Art and Culture: An American Perspective (New York: Columbia University Press, 1993). The social activist Jane Addams's reliance on her own funds (she was "her own best benefactor") and on the funds and labor of two female friends is explored in Kathryn Kish Sklar, "Who Funded Hull House?" in Lady Bountiful Revisited: Women, Philanthropy, and Power , ed. Kathleen D. McCarthy (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press 1990), 110. Characteristic American patterns of giving (e.g., Julius Rosenwald and the concept of "matching funds") are sketched, although with a one-sided emphasis on the simple goodness of the donor, in Daniel J. Boorstin, Hidden History , ed. Daniel J. Boorstin and Ruth F. Boorstin (New York: Harper & Row, 1987), 193-209.

22. A classic, evocative study of the Gilded Age and its impact is Howard Mumford Jones, The Age of Energy: Varieties of American Experience, 1865-1915 (New York: Viking, 1971).

23. Susan Curtis, A Consuming Faith: The Social Gospel and Modern American Culture (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1991).

24. McGaughey, "Genius," 11-12.

25. Andrew Carnegie, The Gospel of Wealth and Other Timely Essays , ed. Edward C. Kirkland (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, Belknap Press, 1962), 32.

26. Barry D. Karl and Stanley N. Katz, "Foundations and Ruling Class Elites," Daedalus 116, no. 1 (Winter 1987): 38-89; also other articles in the same special issue of Daedalus (entitled Philanthropy, Patronage, Politics ).

27. Eric Clarke, Music in Everyday Life (New York: Norton, 1935); Randall Thomson, College Music: An Investigation for the Association of American Colleges (New York: Macmillan, 1935).

28. "Married women's property acts, devised state by state in the middle decades of the nineteenth century . . . gave married women the right to hold and manipulate their own earnings and property." The earliest enacted versions "protected only property willed or given to women," but, by the early twentieth century, revisions established a woman's right to full control over whether or not to work for wages and how to use her earnings. (Linda K. Kerber, "Separate Spheres, Female Worlds, Woman's Place: The Rhetoric of Women's History," Journal of American History 75 [1988]: 21-22.)

29. The present authors believe, along with many of these patrons, that classical music and democracy are not inherently incompatible; on the charges that such music is, by its nature, elitist, see Chapter 10.

30. Bateson invokes the musical image of jazz improvisation—"an artistic activity that is at once individual and communal, performance that is both repetitive and innovative"—to explain the shifting, adaptive life choices of five American women over the past few decades, now that a woman's life is no longer "dominated" by motherhood yet remains subject to "conflicting demands" (Mary Catherine Bateson, Composing a Life [(Boston): Atlantic Monthly Press, 1989], 2).

31. See Kathleen D. McCarthy, Women's Culture: American Philanthropy and Art, 1830-1930 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991), e.g., 71-75 (Cincinnati art museum), 196-209 (Museum of Modern Art).

32. The words are Karen J. Blair's, summarizing the work of clubwomen generally ( The Clubwoman as Feminist: True Womanhood Redefined, 1868-1914 [New York: Holmes & Meier, 1980], 119). Blair, in this passage, argues that the "Domestic Feminism" typical of the club-women made it, by "its very moderation," "attractive to millions of women who were able to enrich the quality of their own lives while transforming the world of culture and reform." She expands on the art, music, pageant, and theater clubs in The Torchbearers: Women and Their Amateur Arts Associations in America, 1890-1930 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1994), esp. 44-75. See also Theodora Penny Martin, The Sound of Our Own Voices: Women's Study Clubs, 1860-1910 (Boston: Beacon Press, 1987), not least the pages on "public ridicule and private satisfactions," 117-33.

33. On the "compensatory" search for "women worthies," an essential but limited version of women's history, see Gerda Lerner, The Majority Finds Its Past: Placing Women in History (New York: Oxford University Press, 1979), 145-46.

34. Kerber, "Separate Spheres," 11 (quoting Barbara Welter) and 15 (summarizing Kathryn Kish Sklar).

35. This topic is treated further in Ralph P. Locke, "Women in American Musical Life: Facts and Questions about Patronage," repercussions 3, no. 2 (Fall 1994), 81-95, and 4, no. 1 (Spring 1995), 102.

36. Marilyn Frye, The Politics of Reality: Essays in Feminist Theory (Trumansburg, N.Y.: Crossing Press, 1983), 1-16.

37. Carroll Smith-Rosenberg, "The Female World of Love and Ritual: Relations between Women in Nineteenth-Century America," Signs 1 (1975): 1-29, quotation from p. 16. Reprinted in her Disorderly Conduct: Visions of Gender in Victorian America (New York: Knopf, 1985). Among other studies of the nineteenth- and early-twentieth-century woman, see (besides various works cited in other notes in the Introduction and this chapter) The Nineteenth-Century Woman: Her Cultural and Physical World , ed. Sara Delamont and Lorna Duffin (London: Croom Helm, 1978); Harvey Green, with Mary-Ellen Perry, The Light of the Home: An Intimate View of the Lives of Women in Victorian America, with Illustrations from the Margaret Woodbury Strong Museum (New York: Pantheon Books, 1983); Frances B. Cogan, All-American Girl: The Ideal of Real Womanhood in Mid-Nineteenth-Century America (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1989); and the various testimonies gathered in Victorian Women: A Documentary Account of Women's Lives in Nineteenth-Century England, France, and the United States , ed. Erna Olafson Hellerstein, Leslie Parker Hume, and Karen M. Often (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1981).

38. Suzanne Gordon, Prisoners of Men's Dreams: Striking Out for a New Feminine Future (Boston: Little, Brown, 1991), esp. 1-16, 268-96.

39. Kerber, "Separate Spheres," 14-15, summarizing Carroll Smith-Rosenberg, Disorderly Conduct ; also Nancy F. Cott, The Bonds of Womanhood: "Woman's Sphere" in England, 1780-1835 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1977).

40. Quotation from Earl Barnes, "The Feminizing of Culture," Atlantic Monthly 109 (June 1912): 770.

41. Confirming evidence and further insights can be found in Blair, Torchbearers , esp. 1-75.

42. The Friday Club: The First Hundred Years, 1887-1987 , ed. Susan Dart (Chicago: privately printed, 1987), 5-6. Henrotin was raised in luxury—partly in Europe—and her banker husband headed the Chicago Stock Exchange.

43. Ibid., 17.

44. The story of American women's struggle for professional training, opportunity, and recognition in music is briefly told in Judith Tick's "Women in Music" article (with bibliography) in the New Grove Dictionary of American Music ; in the introduction to Women in American Music: A Bibliography of Music and Literature , ed. Adrienne Fried Block and Carol Neuls-Bates (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1979); and in two chapters of Women and Music: A History , ed. Karin Pendle (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1991): Adrienne Fried Block, "Women in American Music, 1800-1918" (142-72), and J. Michele Edwards, "North America since 1920" (211-57). Christine Ammer pulls together information and anecdotes in entertaining fashion in Unsung: A History of Women in American Music (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1980). Further research materials are listed in Donald W. Krummel, Jean Geil, Doris J. Dyen, and Deane L. Root, Resources of American Music History: A Directory of Source Materials from Colonial Times to World War II (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1981), and recent writings are listed in Women's Studies / Women's Status (see Introduction, n. 10) and the ongoing series The Musical Women: An International Perspective , 3 vols. to date (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1984-).

45. Kerber, "Separate Spheres," 14.

46. This fight for the right to do musical work for pay is thus related to various larger-scale women's battles. A recent and nuanced account of the latter is Christine Bolt, The Women's Movements in the United States and Britain from the 1790s to the 1920s (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1993).

47. "Minerva, we know, was partial to the flute until she discovered that in playing it she distorted her countenance most unlovelily ; but the disfigurement caused by the mild 'tooting' of the flute is as nothing compared to the hideous expansion of the cheeks induced by the action of the cornet. A lady with a cornet would be a monstrum horrendum " (from "Social Etiquette and Home Culture," in The Lounger in Society, pseud., Franklin Square Library [New York, 1881], 5-7, reprinted in Elizabeth Aldrich, From the Ballroom to Hell: Grace and Folly in Nineteenth Century Dance [Evanston, Ill.: Northwestern University Press, 1991], 127).

48. Adrienne Fried Block, assisted by Nancy Stewart, "Women in American Music, 1800-1918," in Women and Music , ed. Pendle, 142. On parallel phenomena in Europe, see also Nancy B. Reich, "Women as Musicians: A Question of Class," in Musicology and Difference , ed. Ruth A. Solie (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1993), 125-46.

49. Judith Tick, "Women in Music," in the New Grove Dictionary of American Music , 4: 554, 550. Census data indicate that "the proportion of women among teachers of music had grown from 41 percent [in 1870] to 81 percent [1910]" (Catherine Parsons Smith, "'A Distinguishing Virility': On Feminism and Modernism in American Art Music," in Cecilia Reclaimed: Feminist Perspectives on Gender and Music , ed. Susan C. Cook and Judy S. Tsou [Urbana University of Illinois Press, 1994], 90-106, quotation from p. 98).

50. Tick, "Women in Music," 551.

51. Block, "Women," 142.

52. Oscar Sonneck, Suum cuique: Essays in Music (New York: G. Schirmer, 1916), 131.

53. Quoted in Karen A. Shaffer and Neva Garner Greenwood, Maud Powell: Pioneer Violinist (Ames: Iowa State University Press, 1988), 276.

54. See Rupert Hughes's review of Margaret Ruthven Lang's concert overtures, quoted in Ann E. Feldman, "Being Heard: Women Composers and Patrons at the 1893 World's Columbian Exposition," Music Library Association Notes 47 (1990-91): 18.

55. Judith Tick, "Women as Professional Musicians in America, 1870-1900," Yearbook for Inter-American Musical Research 9 (1973): 95-133; also eadem, "Passed Away Is the Piano Girl: Changes in American Musical Life, 1870-1900," and Carol Neuls-Bates, "Women's Orchestras in the United States, 1925-45," both in Women Making Music: The Western Art Tradition, 1150-1950 , ed. Jane Bowers and Judith Tick (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1986), respectively 325-48 and 349-69.

56. Shaffer and Greenwood, Maud Powell , 200.

57. Mabel Daniels, letter to Elizabeth Sprague Coolidge, 18 February 1934. Coolidge Correspondence, Library of Congress.

58. Ethel Smyth, letter to Elizabeth Sprague Coolidge, 14 May 1926, Coolidge Correspondence, Library of Congress.

59. Christine Ammer, Unsung (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1980), 121.

60. Michael G. Kammen notes a similar diversity in the tastes and activities of women who collected art and Americana ( Mystic Chords of Memory: The Transformation of Tradition in American Culture [New York: Knopf, 1991], 163-93, 266-69). Many important collectors of musical instruments were women—e.g., Mary Elizabeth Adams Brown (who formed and donated to the Metropolitan Museum of Art the massive Crosby Brown Collection); see Laurence Libin, "Musicians and Musical Instruments at the Metropolitan Museum of Art" (unpublished).

61. On jokes and negative or positive stereotypes, see Introduction, esp. nn. 8, 9, 12, 19, and 38, and the concluding paragraph of the "Structure of This Book" section; also nn. 21 and 32 in the present chapter, the end of Chapter 8, and the opening and "Misapprehensions" sections of Chapter 10.

62. McCarthy, Women's Culture , xiv-xv. Other overviews of women patrons and philanthropists are offered in Kathleen D. McCarthy, Noblesse oblige: Charity and Cultural Philanthropy in Chicago, 1849-1929 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982), 173-79, and in various chapters of Lady Bountiful Revisited: Women, Philanthropy, and Power , ed. Kathleen D. McCarthy (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1990). On Rockefeller, see Bernice Kert, Abby Aldrich Rockefeller: The Woman in the Family (New York: Random House, 1993). On men and women donors of different kinds, see Francie Ostrower, Why the Wealthy Give: The Culture of Elite Philanthropy (Princeton Princeton University Press, 1995).

63. McCarthy, Women's Culture , 179-212, quotation from p. 180. See also Sandra M. Gilbert and Susan Gubar, No Man's Land: The Place of the Woman Writer in the Twentieth Century , 3 vols. (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1988-94), 1: 147; and Smith, "'A Distinguishing Virility'."

64. On salons generally, in this period, see Robert M. Crunden, American Salons: Encounters with European Modernism, 1885-1917 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1993); see also Steven Watson, Strange Bedfellows: The First American Avant-Garde (New York: Abbeville, 1991).

65. See esp. Linda Whitesitt, "The Role of Women Impresarios in American Concert Life, 1871-1933," American Music 7 (1989): 159-80. See also numerous references to music clubs in Blair, Clubwoman , and in eadem, The History of American Women's Voluntary Organizations, 1810-1960: A Guide to Sources (Boston: G. K. Hall, 1989).

66. The collectively hefty sum pulled in by the Metropolitan Opera Guild enables the Met to mount expensive new productions and publish its program book; the guild also publishes its own lively and expertly informative magazine, Opera News . In recent years, guild officers have included men as well as women. In 1994, about half of the officers of the guild (including two vice presidents, secretary, and assistant treasurer) were still women, but men held the powerful positions of chairman, president, chairman of the executive committee, treasurer, and managing director. Data from Alton E. Peters, "Metropolitan Opera Guild Annual Report," Opera News 59, no. 4 (October 1994): 49 (see also list of officers on p. 5).

67. "They framed into imperative demands upon their husbands, brothers, or friends in the Board . . . [their opinion that] this or that scene was performed entirely incorrectly and that the costumes were vile and that the prima donna ought to be taken out of the part. And what they said had no small power in directing the affairs of the opera house. The two or three who really knew things were wise enough to let the professional musicians alone" (W.J. Henderson, The Soul of a Tenor: A Romance [New York: Henry Holt, 1912], 68-69).

68. Consider, e.g., Mrs. Cecil Frankel of Los Angeles. Her father, A. G. Bartlett, was a cornetist, the president of the Bartlett Music Company, and a prominent supporter of the Los Angeles Philharmonic. She, in turn became president of the women's committee of the Philharmonic, organized the California Federation of Music Clubs in 1918 and served as its president, and, as a vice president of the national federation, brought the Philharmonic to the public schools for concerts, and personally sponsored—at the cost of thousands of dollars a year—the first professional string quartet recitals in southern California. She was also an amateur composer, under the name Bessie Bartlett Frankel (Catherine Parsons Smith and Cynthia S. Richardson, Mary Carr Moore: American Composer [Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1987], 110-13). A similar case—musical plus, in this case, political, as well as musico-political—is Anne Macomber Gannett (of Portland, Maine, wife of the newspaper publisher Guy Patterson Gannett), who was, at various times, an influential proponent of women's suffrage and a member of the Republican National Committee; a trustee of the New England Conservatory of Music; and board member and, beginning in 1941, president of the National Federation of Music Clubs. As vice president of the NFMC, she had urged that Congress set up a Federal Bureau of the Arts; under her presidency, in wartime, the NFMC among other things proposed that school teachers who spread "subversive and incendiary doctrines" be expelled; sponsored a radio program of Latin American music in order to support the country's good-neighbor policy; and opposed the musicians' union's ban on the making of recordings. She also helped found and set up the Berkshire Music Center at Tanglewood, served actively on the Metropolitan Opera Guild Board, and assisted the UNESCO planning team for rebuilding education in postwar Europe. See the authorized biography, by an anonymous author, Music in Her Sphere: A Biography of Anne Macomber Gannett (Portland, Maine: Guy Gannett Publishing Co., 1953), 2, 23, 36-79, 86-88, quotation from p. 43.t

69. An infamous case of women indeed taking charge is the program committee of the New York Philharmonic in 1909: four "strong-willed ladies"—as Howard Shanet puts it—plus two musicians from the orchestra. Their disagreements with Gustav Mahler as conductor have led them to be labeled clownish bunglers. ("He had ten ladies ordering him about like a puppet," Alma Mahler recalled.) But perhaps their side of the story has not been sufficiently told. See Howard Shanet, Philharmonic: A History of New York's Orchestra (New York: Doubleday, 1975), 215; also see Joseph Horowitz, Understanding Toscanini: How He Became an American Culture-God and Helped Create a New Audience for Old Music (New York: Knopf, 1987), 72-73 (including Alma's words).

70. Anne Firor Scott, Natural Allies: Women's Associations in American History (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1991), 2.

71. Corrine Moore-Lawson (of the Ladies' Musical Club of Cincinnati), cited in Chapter 2.

72. Cited in Chapter 2.

73. See Susan Moller Okin, Justice, Gender, and the Family (New York: Basic Books, 1989).

74. Carol Ann Feather, "Women Band Directors in American Higher Education," in The Musical Woman 2 (1984-85): 388-410.

75. The individuals are James Edmunds and Jackie Lyle, heads of the Performing Arts Society of Acadiana (New Iberia, Louisiana), which holds its events in the Heymann Center in Lafayette (Calvin Trillin, "Culture Shopping," New Yorker , 15 February 1993, 48-51).

76. See "Introduction," Karen Monson, "Byline Monson: Music Critic," and "Orchestra Manager on the Go: An Interview with Joan Briccetti," all in The Musical Woman , vol. 2 (1984-85): xvii-xxv, 59-70, 71-90. Also, see the Women in Opera issue of Opera News (July 1992) and, on Borda, "New Hands at the Helm," American Record Guide 55, no. 4 (July-August 1992): 10-14.

77. Northern cities have the further problem of wealthy people (and many merely comfortable people) taking their money to the Sunbelt, whether for the winter—i.e., most of the concert season—or the whole year.

78. On newspaper coverage see Nancy Malitz, "The Incredible Shrinking Arts Page," Opera News 57, no. 4 (October 1992): 18-19. On the ongoing need for board members "with status and acquaintanceship in the financial, mercantile and industrial community," see Robert Commanday, "Symphonies Suffer in California: Recession Takes Its Toll," San Francisco Chronicle , 27 December 1992, "Datebook," 36. The sudden blossoming of highly professional performing organizations in such places as Naples, Florida, is a relief for unemployed orchestral musicians and for touring chamber groups, but it does little to alleviate (and indeed feeds on—see n. 77) the implosion of the high-cultural infrastructure in many densely, populated cities of the Northeast, Midwest, Texas, and California.

79. Jane Moss, vice president of programming for New York's Lincoln Center for the Performing Arts, quoted in Jamie James, "Sex and the 'Singles' Symphony," New York Times , 2 May 1993, § H , 27.

80. In Rochester, New York, for example, the only professional opera performances (i.e., aside from the often remarkable student performances of certain operas, e.g., those of Mozart, that can safely be handled by young singers at the Eastman School) tend to take place in halls that are too big (in order to offset costs by selling large numbers of seats), with orchestras that are too small either relative to the size of the hall (too few string instruments on a part) or in absolute terms (nobody playing the second and third trombone, second oboe, and second bassoon lines), with a pocket-sized chorus, and inexperienced or uncharismatic singers in lead roles (especially when the production comes on tour from else-where). In contrast, the unstaged performances of Tosca and Walküre , act 1, done in "concert" dress, by the Rochester Philharmonic Orchestra with major guest soloists are more engaging, both musically, and, at times, dramatically. But it is a little like hearing only the audio track of a movie, and hardly an experience likely to build mass audiences for staged opera.

81. "Snap and Crackle over the Pops," Economist , 13 March 1993, 99. The article also quotes Samuel Lipman's judgment that the American elite are continuing to pour money into the visual arts "but have lost interest in supporting serious music." Betty Freeman has complained of this very pattern: people who eagerly attend art openings will not go to hear a new piece of music (interview in Rochester, 28 September 1991; see Vignette B).

82. On women volunteers, see Naomi Gerstel's sociological research, briefly reported in "Volunteerism and Women's Crowded Lives: 'Points of Light' in Sharper Focus," Massachusetts [alumni bulletin of the University of Massachusetts] 3, no. 2 (Winter 1992): 5.

1. The terms "vernacular" and "cultivated," as used by the music historian H. Wiley Hitchcock, are discussed further in Chapters 1 and 10.

2. On the "old way of singing" and on Lowell Mason and the church-music reform movement, see The New Grove Dictionary of American Music , ed. H. Wiley Hitchcock and Stanley Sadie, 4 vols. (New York: Macmillan, 1986), s.vv. "Psalmody," "Hymnody," and "Shape-Note Hymnody." Michael Broyles emphasizes certain surprising commonalities between the music published by Mason and the revivalist hymns despised by Mason and like-minded church leaders and musicians (" Music of the Highest Class": Elitism and Populism in Antebellum Boston [New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992], 33-91).

3. Rev. William H. Gleason, D.D., Pastor, Semi-Centennial Celebration of the First Reformed Protestant Church, Hudson, N.Y. (Hudson, N.Y.: M. Parker Williams, Register and Gazette, 1886), 39.

4. Ibid., 39-41, 46, 50. The organists and "leaders (choirmasters) are listed in a one-page appendix; Blanchard's middle initial there is "A." The two brief intervals in his term (noted above) were filled by Gleason (the author of the brochure; dates of service not given—p. 41) and, in 1861-62, by two people: Miss Maggie Heath as organist and Mr. John Graff as leader. Edwin C. Rowley, Esq., succeeded Blanchard in 1875, and Mrs. Emma Skinner assumed the position in 1883.

1. Further on Freeman, see John Rockwell, All American Music: Composition in the Late Twentieth Century (New York: Knopf, 1983), 67-68, 81, and especially Albrecht Dümling's detailed article- cum -interview, "First Lady zeitgenössischer Musik: Ein Porträt der kalifornischen Mäzenin Betty Freeman," Neue Zeitschrift für Musik 152, no. 2 (February 1991): 6-12.

2. The precise wording, from her September 1991 typed list (mentioned below and entitled "Betty Freeman Music Commissions & Assistance"): "John Cage: No direct commission but since the 1960's he has had a grant to do with as he wished. Cage dedicated to her The Freeman Etudes , 32 pieces for solo violin." "La Monte Young: Many years of support from 1961 through the 1970's for his living and performances."

3. "Upper partials" is the technical term for what are commonly called overtones. Much of Young's music consists of structured improvisations (often in "just intonation" rather than the equally tempered tuning of the modern piano) over long-held tones analogous to the drones played by the tanbura in the classical music of India.

4. Betty Freeman married her second husband, Franco Assetto, in 1979.

5. The traveling exhibit mentioned in the introduction to this interview has twice resulted an illustrated catalogue: Music People and Others: Fotografie di Betty Freeman (Milan: Nuova edizioni Gabriele Mazzotta, 1987), and Music People and Others: Photographs by Betty Freeman ([Berlin?]: n.p., [1991]). Both contain autobiographical data on Freeman.

6. Paul Fromm, 1906-87, immigrated from Germany to Chicago and owned the successful Great Lakes Wine Co. In 1952, to promote the composition and performance of new music, he created the Fromm Music Foundation, which for many years sponsored an annual Festival of Contemporary Music at the Berkshire Music Center at Tanglewood, the Boston Symphony Orchestra's summer home. A list of more than 150 commissioned works is printed in The New Grove Dictionary of American Music , ed. H. Wiley Hitchcock and Stanley Sadie, 4 vols. (New York: Macmillan, 1986), s.v. "Fromm Paul."

7. Several women are among the portraitees in one or the other version of Freeman's Music People catalogue: Joan La Barbara, Pauline Oliveros, Kaija Saariaho, and the artist Marian Zazeela (La Monte Young's wife and collaborator).

1. The chapter epigraph quotes Madeline Heineman Berger from John Bret Harte, "Bicentennial Profile: She [Berger] Brought Magic of Music to Dusty Desert Community," Tucson Citizen , 25 June 1975 (University of Arizona Library, Special Collections). In 1906 Berger helped found the Saturday Morning Musical Club, and she served as its president for 30 of the next 34 years.

2. Jennie June Croly, The History of the Woman's Club Movement in America (New York: Henry-G. Allen, 1898), 1.

3. See James R. Hines, "Musical Activity in Norfolk, Virginia, 1680-1973" (Ph.D. diss., University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 1974), 310, 313.

4. Club motto as quoted in Maryann M. Burns, "Portland Rossini Club" (typescript in Rossini Club Archives, Portland, Maine), 2.

5. Anna Dennis, "The Zoch Club, of Minneapolis, Minn.," in The Record of the Founding Meeting of the National Federation of Music Clubs , National Federation of Music Clubs, pub. no. R3 (1973) [hereafter cited as Record ], 97-98

6. Mrs. Sara B. Thresher, "The Mozart Club, of Dayton, Ohio," in Record , 57.

7. Mrs. William H. Myers, president, Morning Musical Club of Fort Wayne, Indiana, quoted in Record , 46.

8. Mrs. S. S. DeLano, president, Tuesday Musical Club of Detroit, Michigan, quoted in Record , 59.

9. Record , 4.

10. Ibid.

11. Ibid., 5.

12. Theodore H. Bauer, "Women's Clubs a Dominant Factor in Music," Musical Monitor 8, no. 9 (June 1919): [431].

13. C. A., "Woman—The Potent Influence in Our Musical Life," Musical America 12 (8 October 1910): 4. Mrs. Crosby Adams, author of "Musical Creative Work among Women," Music 9 (1895-96): 163-72, may have been C. A.

14. Past Presidents' Assembly of the National Federation of Music Clubs, Blue Book (N.p.: National Federation of Music Clubs, 1927), 1.

15. Reprinted in "Women's Musical Clubs," Musical Courier 4 (September 1904): 6.

16. These include the orchestras of Boston, Cincinnati, Cleveland, Detroit, Minneapolis, Philadelphia, Pittsburgh, New York Symphony, New York Philharmonic, and Russian Symphony of New York. The opera companies were the Ben Greet Players, the Chicago Grand Opera Company, and the San Carlo Opera Company. The chamber ensembles included the Cleveland, Flonzaley, Kneisel, Olive Mead, and Spiering string quartets; the Metropolitan Grand Opera Quartet, and the New York Opera Quartet.

17. By the second decade of this century, the NFMC had an extensive service platform that encouraged member clubs to demand the use of English by visiting concert artists, found local music libraries, give money to an Emergency Loan Fund for needy musicians, entreat local governments to nurture bands and orchestras, and champion music in public education. By 1930 the NFMC had a membership of 400,000 including 5,000 organizations and 2,000 junior clubs. (Ruth Haller Ottaway, "Music Clubs, A Significant Factor in National Development," in Volume of Proceedings of the Music Teachers National Association . . . December 29, 30, 31, 1930 [Oberlin, Ohio: Music Teachers National Association, 1931], [120].)

18. Cleveland Fortnightly Musical Club (18 February 1896), Minutes, 1895-96 Western Reserve Historical Society [hereafter WRHS], MSS 3509, container 1, vol. 2). The minutes for 3 March 1896 report that the club had gone ahead and secured Heinrich as soloist; a woman either could not be engaged or was too expensive.

19. The minutes of the Second Annual Meeting of the Cleveland Fotnightly Musical Club report that the club had sponsored the great Belgian violinist Eugene Ysaÿe and the Thomas Orchestra (Minutes, 1894-95, WRHS, MSS 3509, container 1, vol. 1).

20. As quoted in "The Woman's Club a Factor in General Music Culture," in "Woman's Work in Music," Etude 16 (May 1898): 132.

21. Minutes, 1895-1896, WRHS, MSS 3509, container 1, vol. 2.

22. The minutes of 14 April 1896 report a deficit of $1,988.37 for the four Thomas concerts, making it necessary to call for 80 percent of the guarantee fund (Minutes 1895-96, WRHS, MSS 3509, container 1, vol. 2). The following year the club was more effective in selling seats (the minutes do not reveal if different methods were tried). The treasurer's report indicates that the club received $5,673.25 ($3,704.25 from the sale of seats and $1,969.00 from guarantors) to offset expenditures of $5,645.97 (the orchestra was paid $4,000.00 for four concerts). This special budget for the orchestra concerts was kept separate from the regular club budget: receipts $4,343.86 ($2,504.00 from membership fees) and expenditures $3,989.06 (Fortnightly Musical Club, Cleveland, Members' Book, 1896-97, WRHS, MSS 3509, container 4, folder 4).

23. C. A., "Woman—The Potent Force in Our Musical Life," 3.

24. Record , 69.

25. Women mentioned include: Marie G. Deem of Valley City, North Dakota, Rebecca Switzer of Itasca, Texas, and Frances Weller of Peoria, Illinois, for bringing artists to their communities; Bettie Fleischman Holmes of Cincinnati for her work in establishing the Cincinnati Symphony; and Mrs. George O. Fuller and Mrs. E. C. Ellis of Kansas City for their efforts in raising the money to organize a permanent orchestra.

26. Address by Amor W. Sharp, 18 March 1913, printed by the Women's Music Club of Columbus, Ohio (Ohio Historical Society, MSS 446, box 1, folder 24), 9.

27. Ibid.

28. Ibid.

29. This is cited as the first time that blacks had been invited to participate in a state convention.

30. WRHS, MSS 3509, container 1, vol. 4.

31. Adella Prentiss Hughes, Music Is My Life (Cleveland: World Publishing Co., 1947), 56-57.

32. "Annual Report of Secretary," in The Fortnightly Musical Club, Cleveland, Ohio, Member's Book, 1901-1902 (WRHS, MSS 3509, container 4, folder 4, 12).

33. "Annual Report of the Symphony Orchestra Concerts Sixth Season, 1906-1907" (WRHS, MSS 3509, container 4, folder 4, 13).

34. Hughes, Music , 118.

35. As reported in Wilma Salisbury, "Adella Prentiss Hughes," Plain Dealer Magazine , 10 December 1978, as cited in Jennifer Lancashire Zapfe, "The Founding and Early Years of the Cleveland Orchestra" (master's thesis, University of Georgia, 1990), 12.

36. Ibid. Zapfe relates that Hughes, in her retirement speech (presumably as manager of the Cleveland Orchestra in 1933), acknowledged that she was fortunate to have family connections with the Castles, the Nortons, the Severances, the Mathers, the Wades and the Chrisholmes (clipping file, Fine Arts Division, Cleveland Public Library).

37. Fortune , November 1931, as cited in Zapfe, "Founding and Early Years of the Cleveland Orchestra," 11.

38. Barbara Sue Lamb, "Thursday Musical in the Musical Life of Minneapolis" (Ph.D. diss., University of Minnesota, 1983), 36-37.

39. Musical U.S.A. , ed. Quaintance Eaton (New York: Allen, Towne, Heath, 1949), 134.

40. Anna Eugénie Schoen-René's activities are described in her autobiography, America's Musical Inheritance: Memories and Reminiscences (New York: Putnam, 1941).

41. [Anna Tucker], The Atlanta Music Club, Silver Anniversary, 1915-1940 (n.p., n.d.), copy from the Atlanta Historical Society, 28.

42. M. S., "Public Service Must Be Aim of Manager, Says Mrs. Colbert," Musical America 33 (2 April 1921): 29.

43. See Leonie C. Frank, Musical Life in Early Cincinnati and the Origin of the May Festival (Cincinnati: Ruter Press, 1932), 23, and Louis Russell Thomas, "A History of the Cincinnati Symphony Orchestra to 1931," 2 vols. (Ph.D. diss., University of Cincinnati, 1972), 41.

44. Sophie Guggenheimer Untermeyer and Alix Williamson, Mother Is Minnie (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1960).

45. Anna Laura Kidder, "The Northampton Clef Club Story, 1905-1939" (Northampton Historical Society, Northampton, Mass., typescript), 33.

46. Ibid.

47. Lawrence Levine, Highbrow/Lowbrow: The Emergence of Cultural Hierarchy in America (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1988), 118, 129.

48. Ibid., 129-32.

49. Kathleen D. McCarthy, Women's Culture: American Philanthropy and Art, 1830-1930 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991), 61.

50. The Boston Symphony Orchestra is the clearest exception: during its first thirty years, it was the pet project of one devoted and musically cultured financier, Henry Lee Higginson.

51. Many other women have worked for the establishment of permanent orchestras in their communities. In 1907, Nettie Snyder helped to organize a fund to start the St. Paul Symphony, which she managed until 1909 (Linda Faye Parker, "Women in Music in St. Paul Minnesota, 1983], 91-92). The founding of the Houston Symphony Orchestra was organized by Ima Hogg, who served twelve terms as president of the board of directors, founded the women's committee, and directed fund-raising efforts. See Virginia Bernhard, Ima Hogg: The Governor's Daughter (Austin: Texas Monthly Press, 1984), 3. In Washington, Alice Byrnes, longtime leader of the Friday Morning Music Club, along with the composer Mary Howe and her husband Bruce, were prime movers in the establishment of the National Symphony. Mary Howe generously contributed both labor and money to the establishment of the orchestra. See Mary Howe, Jottings (Washington, D.C.: privately printed, 1959), and Sister Mary Virginia Butkovich, "Hans Kindler, 1892-1949" (Ph.D. diss., The Catholic University of America, 1965). The Greeley Philharmonic was an outgrowth of concerts presented by the Fortnightly Musical Club between 1908 and 1911; similarly the Grand Rapids Symphony was organized through the work of the St. Cecilia Society in that city.

52. Levine, Highbrow , 132.

53. The full history of the orchestra has been reconstructed in Thomas, "History of the Cincinnati Symphony."

54. Ibid., 101, quotes the Times-Star , 13 April 1894, 5, as assuring its readers that the "officers will be ladies," but the "advisory committee in charge of the funds . . . will be representative business men."

55. Ibid., quoting the Musical Courier , 9 January 1895.

56. Helen Herron Taft, Recollection of Full Years (New York: Dodd, Mead, 1914), 30. In her early twenties Taft held literary salons at her home that were frequented by her future husband, William Howard Taft, twenty-seventh president of the United States.

57. Cincinnati Symphony Orchestra Minutes (13 May 1895), vol. 1, p. 92, as quoted in Thomas, "History of the Cincinnati Symphony," 159.

58. Thomas, "History of the Cincinnati Symphony," 206-24, 326.

59. Ibid., 356.

60. Ibid., 144.

61. Ibid., 390-93.

62. Ibid., 393.

63. Anonymous notes from the program of the Philadelphia Orchestra of 27 and 28 March 1925, as quoted in Frances Anne Wister, Twenty-Five Years of the Philadelphia Orchestra, 1900-1925 (Philadelphia: Women's Committees of the Philadelphia Orchestra, 1925), 19.

64. Wister came from a wealthy and prominent Philadelphia family. Her father, William Wister, was an attorney. Her sister was married to the novelist Owen Wister (1860-1938), a distant cousin, author of The Virginian .

65. Wister, Twenty-Five Years , 61

66. Ibid., 63.

67. Ibid., 68, 70. In Philadelphia there were approximately 750 people who contributed to the guarantee fund over a period of sixteen years (1900-1916).

68. Howard Shanet, Philharmonic: A History of New York's Orchestra (New York: Doubleday, 1975), 209.

69. Ibid., 215-17. See also Alma Mahler, Gustav Mahler: Memories and Letters , enl. and rev. ed., trans. Basil Creighton, ed. Donald Mitchell (New York: Viking, 1969), 166, 184-85, 188-89; and Harold C. Schonberg, "Gustav Mahler," in The Great Conductors (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1967), 233-35.

70. Hughes, Music , 248-55. Zapfe, "Founding and Early Years of the Cleveland Orchestra," stresses Sokoloff's role in the forming of the Cleveland Orchestra but recognizes the financial importance of Hughes's efforts.

71. Zapfe, "Founding and Early Years of the Cleveland Orchestra," 18-19.

72. Hughes, Music , 283-84.

73. Ibid., preface, [13]

74. Wister, Twenty-Five Years , 69. "The discouraging part of the Guarantee Fund method of financing an orchestra lay in the fact that the work was never-ending. A certain number of guarantees expired each season and the guarantors had to be persuaded by all the arts of man and woman to renew their pledges. The fact that their money was to be immediately spent, militated, in the minds of many people, against the Fund. It is so much pleasanter to think of one's gift safely ensconced in a permanent fund yielding an income year after year for a favorite cause."

75. Ibid., 114-15.

76. Shanet, Philharmonic , 224-26.

77. Ibid., 294.

78. Thomas, "History of the Cincinnati Symphony," 614-16.

79. See Carolyn Heilbrun, Writing a Woman's Life (New York: Ballantine Books, 1988).

80. Marie Benedict, "Woman's Share in the Musical Civilization of the Public," Etude 19, no. 9 (September 1901): 318.

81. Rose Fay Thomas, "Women's Amateur Musical Club," Music (1899): 279.

82. McCarthy. Women's Culture , 145.

83. Ibid., xv.

84. Gregoria Fraser Goins, "History of the Treble Clef Club (Founded 1897)" (Gregoria Fraser Goins Papers, Moorland-Spingarn Research Center, Howard University, notebooks 36-15, folder 149, typed transcript of wire recording), [2].

85. Minutes of the Treble Clef Club, 1924-28 (Gregoria Fraser Goins Papers, Moorland-Spingarn Research Center, Howard University, 36-15, folder 152), 28 April 1926.

86. Enquirer , 8 February 1904, n.p., Cincinnati Symphony Orchestra Scrapbook, vol. 2, as quoted in Thomas, "History of the Cincinnati Symphony," 240.

87. Olivia H. Grosvenor, president of the Rubinstein Club of Memphis, in Record , 61. Many clubwomen left the concept of "separate spheres" unchallenged. See Karen Blair, The Clubwoman as Feminist: True Womanhood Redefined, 1869-1914 (New York: Homes & Meier, 1980), 119.

88. Croly, Woman's Club Movement , [1].

89. May Wright Sewall, "Women's Clubs—A Symposium," Arena 6, no. 33 (1893): 378.

90. Mary I. Wood, The History of the General Federation of Women's Clubs (New York: Norwood, 1912), 305.

91. Rheta Childe Dorr, What Eight Million Women Want (Boston: Small, Maynard, 1910), 13.

92. Amy Fay, "Women and Music," Music 18 (October 1900): 506.

93. Grover Cleveland in the Ladies' Home Journal (January 1902), as quoted in Sophonisba P. Breckinridge, Women in the Twentieth Century: A Study of Their Political, Social and Economic Activities (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1933), 32.

94. C. A., "Woman—The Potent Influence," 3.

95. "Press Women Hear Music and Wit," Musical Courier 49, no. 22 (30 November 1904): 33.

96. Quoted in Louise Llewellyn, "The Development of the Music Conservatory in America," Musical America 14 (24 June 1911): 13.

97. Linda Kerber, "Separate Spheres, Female Worlds, Woman's Place: The Rhetoric of Women's History," Journal of American History 75 (1988): 15.

98. See Judith Tick, "Charles Ives and the 'Masculine' Ideal," in Musicology and Difference Sexuality and Gender in Musical Scholarship , ed. Ruth A. Solie (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1993), 83-104. It is interesting to note that individual women's clubs do not appear to have played a leading supportive role in the funding of all-women's professional orchestras and ensembles. They did, however, provide opportunities for instrumentalists to perform in all-member groups for club programs.

99. Concerning the concept of gender, the feminist philosopher Elizabeth Minnich states: "When we look for gender, we bring to the surface the immensely complex construction of power, knowledge, identity, and culture of the articulated hierarchy—which . . . is informed by and informs also race and class, as well as other human systems of differentiation" ( Transforming Knowledge [Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1990], 141). Feminist theorists have led the way from our early notion of "gender as the socially constructed and highly varied cultural expression of biological sex (gender as a slightly more politicized understanding of the old 'sex role') to a point at which sex itself seems to be constructed by gender rather than the other way around" (ibid., 140). Following Minnich's lead, I use the term "sex/gender" to refer to what has been the most essential power-signifying system of the dominant culture.

100. See Kerber, "Separate Spheres," 32.

1. On ISG and her museum, see Louise Hall Tharp, Mrs. Jack (Boston: Little, Brown, 1965); Morris Carter, Isabella Stewart Gardner and Fenway Court (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1925; reprint, Boston: Isabella Stewart Gardner Museum, 1972); Kathleen D. McCarthy, Women's Culture American Philanthropy and Art, 1830-1930 , ch. 6, "Isabella Stewart Gardner and Fenway Court" (Chicago University of Chicago Press, 1991), 149-76; and further bibliography in Ralph P. Locke, "Isabella Stewart Gardner," in The New Grove Dictionary of American Music , ed. H. Wiley Hitchcock and Stanley Sadie, 4 vols. (New York: Macmillan, 1986). Catalogues of the Gardner Museum's holdings can be purchased from the museum, and specific holdings are explored in its annual journal, Fenway Court . Much can also be gleaned about Gardner from three rich biographical studies of her chief artistic advisor, Bernard Berenson: Ernest Samuels, Bernard Berenson: The Making of a Connoisseur (Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 1979); idem, with Jayne Newcomer Samuels, Bernard Berenson: The Making of a Legend (Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 1987); and Meryle Secrest, Being Bernard Berenson: A Biography (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Win- soft

ston, 1979). A well-informed overview of ISG's life and collecting can be found in Hadley's pages of commentary in Letters of Bernard Berenson and Isabella Stewart Gardner, 1887-1924, with Correspondence by Mary Berenson , ed. Rollin van N. Hadley (Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1987), xiii-xxvi, 3-4, 33-37, 241-42, 585-86; the letters themselves are studded with remarks on opera performances, private concerts, and encounters with musician friends and with other patrons of the arts. The epigraph to the present chapter is from a letter of 1894 in Carter, Isabella Stewart Gardner , 141.

2. Carter, Isabella Stewart Gardner , 160-61; Tharp, Mrs. Jack , 197-98.

3. Tharp, Mrs. Jack , 111, 196, 197, 316; Carter, Isabella Stewart Gardner , 199.

4. Quoted in Tharp, Mrs. Jack , 4. On the exclusiveness of Boston society, see Ronald Story, Harvard and the Boston Upper Class: The Forging of an Aristocracy, 1800-1870 (Middletown, Conn.: Wesleyan University Press, 1980), and Betty G. Farrell, Elite Families: Class and Power in Nineteenth-Century Boston (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1993).

5. In March 1990 the Gardner Museum made the news when it was robbed of a dozen art works by, among others, Rembrandt, Vermeer, Degas, and Manet; the case remains unsolved.

6. Most research on local history in music depends, of course, on newspapers. But the dailies and even the week or monthly "society" journals give only the briefest glimpses into such matters—crucial to the social history of American music—as performances at private parties and celebrations, or individual patronage of institutions. At least this seems to be the case with Town Topics (excerpts cited throughout Tharp, Mrs. Jack ; discussed there on p. 329) and Pittsburgh's Pittsburg [sic] Bulletin (unpublished study and index of the issues for the social year 1897-98 by Sharon Saunders).

7. Tharp, Mrs. Jack , 10; Judith Tick, "Passed Away Is the Piano Girl," in Women Making Music: The Western Art Tradition, 1150-1950 , ed. Jane Bowers and Judith Tick (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1986), 325-48; Clara Kathleen Rogers, The Story of Two Lives: Home, Friends, and Travel (Norwood, Mass.: privately printed, 1932), 36.

8. Tharp, Mrs. Jack , 39, 113. For glimpses of musical life in Boston at various times in ISG's years there, see, in addition to various books cited below (including accounts of the Boston Symphony and the Boston Opera Company, and various musicians' memoirs), three life-and-works studies of important composers: John C. Schmidt, The Life and Works of John Knowles Paine (Ann Arbor, Mich.: UMI Research Press, 1980); Ellen E. Knight, Charles Martin Loeffler: A Life Apart in American Music (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1993); and Victor Fell Yellin, Chadwick: Yankee Musician (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1990). See also David Francis Urrows, "Apollo in Athens: Otto Dresel and Boston, 1850-90," American Music 12 (1994): 345-88. (In those days, Boston fancied itself the "Athens of the New World," also the "Hub of the Universe": headlines in Boston newspapers still sometimes refer to the city as "the Hub.") Further insights are offered in a review essay by Pamela Fox: "Rebellious Tradition and Boston's Musical Spirit of Place: Elitism, Populism, and Lives Apart," Musical Quarterly 78 (1994): 220-45.

9. Carter, Isabella Stewart Gardner , 36, 38, 44, 61, 67, 69, 70, 73, 76-78, 81, 128; Tharp, Mrs. Jack , 57, 103, 133, 148. One might also mention trips to galleries, concerts, and the theater in England, Paris, and Bavaria, 1890 (Tharp, Mrs. Jack , 146). In Venice, 1884: "the music was good" at Mrs. Bronson's, ISG said (Tharp, Mrs. Jack , 103).

10. Tharp, Mrs. Jack , 44, 100-105, 116-17, 138-39, 146, 178. Carter, Isabella Stewart Gardner , 100-101. William Coles, "Isabella Stewart Gardner and the Brownings," Fenway Court , 1987, 24-29. On ISG's Wagnerian passion (in 1886 she seems to have attended three festival performances of Tristan and three of Parsifal in eight days), see Ralph P. Locke, "Leaves from Bayreuth," Fenway Court , 1975, 19-26, and Carter, Isabella Stewart Gardner , 101.

11. Tharp, Mrs. Jack , 110.

12. Ibid., 116, 139, 178, 243, all based on Gericke's letter to ISG (February or March 1889), which simply asks whether the Boston Symphony members (over thirty of them) could come at 10 A.M. to rehearse for the forthcoming concert there (including works of Wagner and others), or whether that would be too noisy for Mr. Gardner.

13. On gender roles in nineteenth-century America, see, e.g., Nancy F. Cott, The Bonds of Womanhood: "Woman's Sphere" in New England, 1780-1835 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1977), and Harvey Green, with Mary-Ellen Perry, The Light of the Home: An Intimate View of the Lives of Women in Victorian America (New York: Pantheon Books, 1983). In Boston, more than in many other cities, men dominated the institutions of high culture (e.g., the Atheneum, the Museum of Fine Arts, the Handel and Haydn Society, and, of course, Higginson's Boston Symphony). ISG's almost single-handed creation of an art museum—and holding of two weeks of "open days" on which two hundred people daily could, for $1.00 apiece, visit it—was a frank incursion into male cultural terrain, complete with its attendant risks. (One visitor tried to snip herself a souvenir from a tapestry.) Her home musicales, in contrast, built on a more familiar female pattern, in that they were mainly arranged for private guests, not thrown open to the unpredictable public.

14. Carter, Isabella Stewart Gardner , 173; also 14, 24, 34, 118, 128, 166. Carter was the aging Isabella's amanuensis and, at her instruction, the first director of the Gardner Museum. He had not, however, known her husband, so his remarks about the couple's relationship must have been based primarily on what he could glean from Isabella herself, from remarks of her friends and relatives, and from the letters and (rather unrevealing) diaries in the collection.

15. Tharp, Mrs. Jack , 191-93.

16. Carter, Isabella Stewart Gardner , 173: "Mr. Gardner had shielded and protected her, had done everything to make life go smoothly for her and to provide the setting and background for her fascinating personality. He was delighted to see her surrounded by brilliant men, artists, and musicians, and to have his house the centre of a coterie unrivalled in Boston." See Jack's pleased, self-mocking letter about the ride in "Guillermo's music boat" with which Isabella surprised her guests in 1892 (ibid., 128).

17. Letters , ed. Hadley, gives Jackie's birth date correctly on p. xiii, incorrectly on p. xviii. Tharp infers a second pregnancy and miscarriage; Carter cities the doctor's fear that ISG's always delicate health would be threatened by a second childbirth (the first had been traumatic); Hadley accepts Tharp's inference ( Letters , xviii). Sometime later, beginning in 1875, the Gardners did again have the (perhaps bittersweet) pleasure of being responsible for children, when Jack's three nephews, aged 9-14, were suddenly orphaned; the boys, though, lived primarily at boarding schools, not at 150-152 Beacon Street.

18. Tharp, Mrs. Jack , 35-44; Carter, Isabella Stewart Gardner , 25-29. On definitions and images of female depression in this period, see Diana Price Herndl, Invalid Women: Figuring Feminine Illness in American Fiction and Culture, 1840-1940 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1993).

19. One blowup by Jack, in 1898 (months before his sudden death), was the result of rumors that Berenson was "dishonest in money dealings" (i.e., asking clients to pay inflated prices, from which he would skim additional profit for himself and the firm for which he effectively worked, Colnaghi). Even so, Jack did not refuse to lend Isabella the money for four paintings that she wanted; rather, he warned Berenson (through Isabella) that his honesty was at stake, implying that he should bargain with the owners to keep the price as low as possible ( Letters , ed. Hadley, 154, also 36). Berenson complied, and the pictures, three Rembrandts and a Terborch (see text below), were purchased for the collection.

20. Letter of 1918 (?) in Carter, Isabella Stewart Gardner , 233; cf. 230-33.

21. Tharp, Mrs. Jack , 143, 157-58; Hadley states that the figure was closer to $1.75 million ( Letters , xix).

22. ISG did have to contend occasionally with Jack's "nay-saying trustees," as McCarthy puts it ( Women's Culture , 169, 174, 176). One instance (in Letters , ed. Hadley, 188) shows Gardner herself realizing that an available Titian, Sacred and Profane Love , was far out of her league. Nonetheless, she succeeded in depleting her various funds, much more fully than others would have thought wise, in order to snag the best art when it came on the market, often vying with major museums, including Boston's own Museum of Fine Arts.

23. See, e.g., Letters , ed. Hadley, 610.

24. Susan Metcalfe Casals to ISG, various dates; also Loeffler to ISG, no. 73, "Sunday." Ferruccio Busoni, Letters to His Wife , trans. Rosamond Ley (London: Edward Arnold, 1938), 70-72; also Loeffler to ISG, no. 46, 28 October 1904. On d'Indy, see text below, at n. 80.

25. Damrosch: Loeffler to ISG, no. 37, "Monday":; Damrosch to ISG, [1908]; ISG to Damrosch, 2 April [1908] (Library of Congress, with plans for a similar talk on Strauss's Salome the next year). The rest: Carter, Isabella Stewart Gardner , 205-6, 211-12, and Tharp, Mrs. Jack , 252, 254-55, cf. 206. The Kneisel performance with the Foote premiere was reviewed in the Boston Evening Transcript , 9 December 1908, 27 (according to the Foote scholar Wilma Reid Cipolla). There are degrees of "publicness" in concerts. The Kneisel concerts—true public events, as the existence of a published review attests—were held at ISG's home only because their usual hall was under repair. I do not know how widely the other two events (Damrosch, Flonzaley) were publicized. Perhaps notice of the Damrosch went only to subscribers to the Boston Opera Company; still, a small fee was definitely collected at the door from at least some people (from nonsubscribers?), for ISG forwarded the minuscule proceeds ($4.00 total) to Damrosch in the above-mentioned letter.

26. The Music Room was split after a final concert, by the soprano Alice Nielsen and George Proctor, for six or eight friends (Carter, Isabella Stewart Gardner , 240).

27. Carter, Isabella Stewart Gardner , 247, and Ralph P. Locke, "Charles Martin Loeffler: Composer at Court," Fenway Court , 1974, 30-37. ISG called Proctor "a musical protégé of mine" in a letter of 1901 to Bernard Berenson ( Letters , ed. Hadley, 253).

28. ISG to Hans Coudenhove, 15 November 1922, in Carter, Isabella Stewart Gardner , 251; cf. Tharp, Mrs. Jack , 249, 291.

29. On ISG's house-museum as aesthetic creation and exemplar of turn-of-the-century taste, see Anne Higonnet, "Where There's a Will . . . ," Art in America 77, no. 1 (May 1989): 65-75. The desire of ISG and others to create a new aesthetic-and-social context for art, replacing but perhaps also echoing its original context of church or palace, was made explicit in public lectures by her friend, the noted museum director Matthew Stewart Prichard (copies are in the Gardner Museum); this re contextualizing is not adequately addressed by some recent cultural historians, who stress solely the de contextualization of collected art and at most admit that the new context is a specious attempt at "harmony" (e.g., Rémy Saisselin, The Bourgeois and the Bibelot [New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1984]). ISG was also close to the historicizing architect Ralph Adams Cram: on his work (e.g., at the Episcopalian Church of the Advent) and his involvement in Boston's gay and lesbian subculture, see Douglass Shand-Tucci, Ralph Adams Cram: Life and Architecture , vol. 1: Boston Bohemia, 1881-1900 (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1995).

30. See three thank-you notes to ISG after visits: L. Earl Rowe (12 June 1908; he was an important museum director), Heinrich Gebhard (11 June 1908), and Garrick Mallory Borden (n.d.). There was, by design, no electric lighting installed in the three floors of galleries, although there was in the Music Room, the private quarters on the fourth floor, and, presumably, the kitchen and other service areas.

31. Apthorp to ISG, 12 February 1908, Helouan, Egypt.

32. Apthorp, review of the Boston Symphony performance at the home's unveiling, cited in Tharp, Mrs. Jack , 244. In November 1903 she purchased four tapestries and "placed" them on the Music Room stage—apparently on standing frames (see fig. 9)—"where they made the setting for whatever performance was given there" (Carter, Isabella Stewart Gardner , 215).

33. Apthorp review, cited in Tharp, Mrs. Jack , 244; also Ferruccio Busoni, Briefe an seine Frau , ed. Friedrich Schnapp (Zurich: Rotapfel-Verlag, 1935), 75 ("einen idealen Concertsaal"); Letters , ed. Hadley, 71; Loeffler to ISG, no. 55, Tuesday [24 April 1906]; Arthur Foote to ISG, 12 March 1906. Cf. Clayton Johns, Reminiscences of a Musician (Cambridge, Mass.: Washburn & Thomas, 1929), 54, Carter, Isabella Stewart Gardner , 190-91, and Letters , ed. Hadley, 313 (ISG sending Bernard Berenson the article by Apthorp and expressing her own pleasant surprise at the acoustics: "Perfection is the only word. Don't you call that luck?").

34. On the Whistlers, see Deborah Gribbon, "Whistler's Sketch of an Unfinished Symphony," Fenway Court: Isabella Stewart Gardner Museum , 1980, 26-33.

35. Sullivan to ISG, 21 July 1892.

36. Cf. Ignace Jan Paderewski and Mary Lawton, The Paderewski Memoirs (New York: Scribner, 1938), 208.

37. Johns, Reminiscences , 55-56, 68-71. Could these Dixeys be related to the renowned actor Herbert Edward Dixey?

38. Gebhard, Reminiscences of a Boston Musician ([Boston?]: [the author?], ca. 1945), [5, 9-11]. (This brief, unpaginated booklet lacks publishing data; no copy, to my knowledge, exists in any library. I am grateful to Ellen Knight for providing me with a photocopy.) The other host families mentioned are Bird, Higginson, Mason, Sears (again), and Slater; the Loeffler-Gebhard duo's repertoire around this time included Bach, Mozart, Beethoven, Schubert, Schumann, Brahms, Strauss, Grieg, Franck, Fauré, Debussy, d'Indy, Saint-Saëns, and Ropartz. Gebhard mentions, for the solo performance at Lowell's soirées, "Bach, Beethoven, Chopin, Debussy, DeFalla, etc."

39. Paderewski, Memoirs , 230-34.

40. Loeffler to ISG, no. 86, 29 January 1920.

41. Carter, Isabella Stewart Gardner , 148.

42. Tharp, Mrs. Jack , 243, 252-53 (quotation from letter of Elise Fay to her future husband, C. M. Loeffler); Carter, Isabella Stewart Gardner , 206. Tharp says (inaccurately?) Melba "and her entire company."

43. Carter, Isabella Stewart Gardner , 114-15, cf. 206.

44. How thrilling ISG's every move had become is apparent in the report, in Town Topics (December 1895), of this very activity: "There is quite a twitter among the Boston elect over the first appearance in a public concert tomorrow of Mrs. Gardner's latest and most interesting protégé, Tirindelli, the Venetian violinist. . . . Tirindelli is to play at Miss [Lena] Little's concert. Miss Little, too, is one of Mrs. Jack's favorites and through this lady's friend- soft

ship has become the accepted concert singer for the ultra swell coterie. It is rumored that Mrs. Jack, in a ravishing costume, will distribute the programs as she did at Clayton Johns' recital" (quoted in Tharp, Mrs. Jack , 195).

45. Tharp, Mrs. Jack , 3-4, 243. Cf. Paderewski, Memoirs , 229-30.

46. Carter, Isabella Stewart Gardner , 199-200.

47. Ibid., 205; Tharp, Mrs. Jack , 247-48, 381; Gebhard, Reminiscences [4-6]; Letters , ed. Hadley, 414-15.

48. M. A. DeWolfe Howe, The Boston Symphony Orchestra: 1881-1931 , rev. ed. (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1931), 69, 117-18, 121, 137-51; Gebhard, Reminiscences , [6-7, 9-10]; Quaintance Eaton, The Boston Opera Company (New York: Appleton-Century, 1965), 140-42; more generally, see Elaine Brody, "Vive la France: Gallic Accents in American Music from 1880 to 1914," Musical Quarterly 65 (1979): 200-211.

49. One of the surviving programs is reproduced in Locke, "Charles Martin Loeffler," 35. The Rameau pieces were presumably drawn from the Pièces de clavecin en concert (1741). The Mattheson sarabande was presumably the same one that later served as the theme for a set of variations in Loeffler's Partita for Violin and Piano (published 1930; the theme is stated by the piano alone). The Martini was presumably performed in the arrangement by Louis van Waefelghem, Loeffler's copy of which is now in the Library of Congress.

50. Mary Berenson to ISG, 10 December 1904, in Letters , ed. Hadley, 353.

51. Bernard Berenson had earlier (6 January 1897) written to ISG of the revelation of hearing, in Fiesole, "[Arnold] Dolmetsch with his ancient instruments, and old music," saying, "at last I am hearing the sort of thing I always have longed for" ( Letters , ed. Hadley, 73).

52. Carter, Isabella Stewart Gardner , 117-18 (private flamenco performance in the New York studio of the artist William Merritt Chase, arranged by Sargent, who shared the expense), 140-41, 123.

53. Paderewski, Memoirs , 215-18 and (quotation) 209.

54. Carter, Isabella Stewart Gardner , 122-23; cf. Johns, Reminiscences , 54, and Paderewski, Memoirs , 208-9 (other "at home" performances).

55. Carter, Isabella Stewart Gardner , 91.

56. Ibid., 172.

57. Tharp, Mrs. Jack , 216.

58. Ibid., 218.

59. Carter, Isabella Stewart Gardner , 167; cf. 128-29, 148.

60. ISG to the Berensons, 24 December [1904], in Letters , ed. Hadley, 355. Carter, Isabella Stewart Gardner , Tharp, Mrs. Jack , and Letters , ed. Hadley, all contain references to further occasions that (either explicitly or presumably) were enriched by music. Some of these were rather simple (ISG wrote of "amateur performances . . . for a charity" [ Letters , ed. Hadley, 330]), others quite elaborate, e.g., a "Come-Out" ball for her niece Catherine Gardner in winter 1904-5 that brought social luminaries in from New York ( Letters , ed. Hadley, 354, 357n) or a "Japanese Festival Village" set up for a week in the Music Room to raise funds for a tuberculosis hospital—the village, constructed and run by "the Japs" ("such neat, able, delightful little workmen!")—included singing and dancing, rickshaw rides, games, jiu-jitsu exhibitions, and hawkers selling penny toys ( Letters , ed. Hadley, 357n, 364). On "ladies' fairs," or "fancy fairs" (charitable bazaars and the like), see Fox, "Rebellious Tradition," 225.

61. Tharp, Mrs. Jack , 141, 194 (this, to be fair, apparently took place at an open rehearsal); cf. 186 and Loeffler's revealing description of "Tim Adams" (cited in Locke, "Charles Martin Loeffler," 32).

62. Carter, Isabella Stewart Gardner , 160, 172, 192, 194; Tharp, Mrs. Jack , 253-54. Foote (also regarding a third summer in Beverly, 1893): Arthur Foote, An Autobiography , ed. Wilma Reid Cipolla (New York: Da Capo Press, 1979), 57, 85-86, 88, 92, 140, 145. "Green Hill," which Jack inherited in 1884, was, as already noted, the scene of various concerts: these included performances by Julia Heinrich, Proctor, and Gebhard (17 May 1900), by Adamowski, Loeffler, and Johns (1891; Locke, "Charles Martin Loeffler," 32), and several by the singer Lawrence Smith Butler, who also sang to ISG in Paris (Carter, Isabella Stewart Gardner , 186, 219; Tharp, Mrs. Jack , 106-8, 117, 309). ISG sold "Green Hill" sometime before the end of 1919.

63. Complete programs in Carter, Isabella Stewart Gardner , 114-15.

64. Johns gave her the manuscript of his "Scythe Song," her favorite of his songs (Johns, Reminiscences , 64); nineteen Tirindelli manuscripts are also in the Gardner Museum.

65. "Plaisir d'amour": Locke, "Charles Martin Loeffler," 33-35. Grainger to ISG, 14 December 1906 and 28 February 1915 (responding to a letter from her asking the name of the piece, which he had played—as an encore?—in a public recital); see also letter from Grainger to ISG, 7 December 1918, formerly in Library of Congress, now in Grainger Museum, University of Melbourne, Australia.

66. Carter, Isabella Stewart Gardner , 234 (with a letter to her that suggests that those friends who were "up to" The Red Moon may have been mostly male). The somewhat demeaning tone of Carter's (Mrs. Gardner's?) remark about feet is echoed more explicitly in several other discussions of African-Americans (ibid., 11, 25-26), but admiration is also there—for the dancers' skill (Gardner was a fine dancer herself [ibid., 21, 30-32]) and for their vitality (cf. ibid., 107). As for May Irwin, a new generation of listeners and critics can now experience her brazen art on the 3-CD set Music from the New York Stage , vol. 1 (Pearl 9050), and reflect on its astonishing mixture of female self-assertion and rank racism.

67. Carter also mentions her distaste for "the cynical, sophisticated licentiousness which rewards so richly our theatrical producers" ( Isabella Stewart Gardner , 234).

68. ISG to Loeffler, Friday [late November 1910?], Library of Congress. Foote to ISG, 15 August 1892, telling her that the song she has asked about—presumably the oft-anthologized "Dreams"—is by Anton Strelezki: "It has been wonderfully popular, but not the sort of thing you care for." (It is indeed a piece of hollow, if tuneful, grandiloquence.)

69. Gericke to ISG, no. 5a [1889].

70. This series of recitals was spread over four years (beginning in 1889?): Johns, Reminiscences , 45; Carter, Isabella Stewart Gardner , 91. The surviving checkbooks list payments of $50 for each of the musicians on 2 February 1891 and 6 November 1891; $75, on 1 November 1892, 19 February 1892 ("for Bach"), and 10 March 1893 (this last was possibly a joint recital with Lena Little, since the singer also received a check—two, actually—that day).

71. 29 March 1894. Other musicians receiving checks in 1890-96 included Joseph Adamowski and Heinrich Gebhard (the latter for playing for Lena Little on 13 December 1895; presumably a tryout for her public recital, for which Gardner bought $17 worth of tickets on 20 December); also recorded are purchases of concert tickets and published music, and contributions to "Beethoven Club" ($12) and "Theodore Thomas Testimonial Fund" ($10).

72. Loeffler to ISG, no. 60, "Monday 27th" [1890?].

73. Gebhard to ISG, 25 May 1920; M. Carter to Loeffler, 26 April 1920 (Library of Congress); and over two dozen letters from Loeffler to ISG or vice versa from, mostly, 1919 to 1922 (selections in Locke, "Charles Martin Loeffler," 36).

74. Locke, "Charles Martin Loeffler," 32-36.

75. Gebhard, Reminiscences , [1].

76. Tharp, Mrs. Jack , 159-60, 179-80, 205-6, 224, 259, 274, 294-96; Carter, Isabella Stewart Gardner , 123, 145-46.

77. Busoni, Stücke für Pianoforte , Op. 33b, nos. 4-6: "Fantasia in modo antico," "Finnische Ballade," and "Exeunt omnes" (Leipzig: C. F. Peters, 1896); nos. 1-3 in the set are dedicated to Max Reger. Cf. Carter, Isabella Stewart Gardner , 141, and Nicolas Slonimsky, A Thing or Two about Music , repr. ed. (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1972), 167-70.

78. Bayreuth: Carter, Isabella Stewart Gardner , 100-101, and Johns, Reminiscences , 44-45, 49-50; cf. 12-15 and 25-37. Ischl: Carter, Isabella Stewart Gardner , 145-46, and Johns, Reminiscences , 61-62, cf. 82-86.

79. Johns, Reminiscences , 62.

80. Loeffler to ISG, no. 86, 19 January 1920; ISG to Loeffler, 13 April [1920] (Library of Congress); Loeffler to ISG, no. 92, 17 April 1920; Loeffler to ISG, no. 46, 28 October 1904; Tharp, Mrs. Jack , 252.

81. Rogers, recalling events in the Boston music rooms of ISG, Montgomery Sears, and Henry Lee Higginson ( Story , 36-37).

82. Carter, Isabella Stewart Gardner , 209-11.

83. Loeffler to ISG, no. 24, 30 June 1899; Richard Hammond (Composer's Music Corporation, New York) to ISG, 20 December 1920; see also Gustave Schirmer to ISG, n.d., and Locke, "Charles Martin Loeffler," 33.

84. Tharp, Mrs. Jack , esp. 114-15, 247-51.

85. Melba: Tharp, Mrs. Jack , 95, 254 (letter undated). Gebhard to ISG, 5 May, 26 June, and 30 August 1922. Margaret Ruthven Lang to ISG, 14 May 1905. Johns to ISG, 2 April 1919.

86. Copies still in the Gardner Museum or (on her Verlaine holdings) attested in her letter to him of 30 January 1923 (Library of Congress, dictated to Morris Carter); Melville: ISG to Loeffler, dictated, 30 December 1921 (Library of Congress). The Mattheson works are Exemplarische Organisten-Probe (1719), and Der vollkommene Kapellmeister (1739). He also lent her a book on Lourdes (ISG to Loeffler, dictated, 4 December 1922; Library of Congress).

87. Locke, "Charles Martin Loeffler." Rogers notes that Loeffler, always unsure of himself, needed "inspiration and stimulus from our sympathetic appreciation" ( Story , 248).

88. Much later, he dedicated to her the first of his Historiettes for string quartet and harp (1922), a piece inspired by Jules Laforgue; cf. his letter to ISG, no. 104, 22 March 1921.

89. Loeffler to ISG, no. 22, 10 August 1898; no. 43, Thursday [1903]; no. 71, 6 January 1914; no. 78, 17 November 1918; ISG to Loeffler, 30 January 1923 (cited in n. 83); Loeffler to ISG, no. 94, 15 May 1920; further, see Tharp, Mrs. Jack , esp. 114-15, 247-51; Locke, "Charles Martin Loeffler"; and Knight, Loeffler , passim, esp. the photos after p. 242, plus pp. 58, 68-69 (but "afterward" may mean "years later"), 120-30, 93-94, 104-5, 156-58, 162, 169 (he kept a copy of Sargent's portrait of her on his desk), 192, 197, 232 (Loeffler to Richard Aldrich in 1924: "Since I lost my great friend Mrs. Gardner, this town means next to nothing to me").

90. On his "addiction" (as he put it) to jazz and his serious professional and personal relationship with George Gershwin (arranged through Kay Swift, who was his pupil), see Knight, Loeffler , 231-42.

91. Tharp, Mrs. Jack , 320. There is, though, an appreciative letter from Frederick Shepherd Converse in the Museum; also a letter from Loeffler praising Converse (29 January 1920)—cf. Knight, Loeffler , 208-16.

92. Carter, Isabella Stewart Gardner , 188, 211. Her cosmopolitan absolutism resembles that of Elizabeth Sprague Coolidge (see letter to Carl Engel in Vignette G below).

93. Rogers, Story , 149. Cf. Tharp, Mrs. Jack , 70, 149, 159, 171, 180, 202, 224, 258-60 (younger men); Johns, Reminiscences , 64; and Carter, Isabella Stewart Gardner , 31-32, 102, 173.

94. Carter, Isabella Stewart Gardner , 112-14; Rogers, Story , 187-89.

95. Rogers, Story , 148-49 (ISG), also 35-36 (ISG, discreetly left unnamed by Rogers) and 73-74 (Rogers—who had earlier been an opera singer—and the pianist Gericke perform Gounod's Faust for ISG and Loeffler plus six others).

96. Mary Berenson's husband Bernard, once a protégé of the Gardners, became one of the leading art scholars and dealers of the day (he sold the Gardners numerous master-works). Corinna Smith's husband, Joseph Lindon Smith, was an active painter with a strong literary bent. Tharp reports that ISG tried to help Joe and Corinna get his parents' approval to marry and that she befriended Loeffler's sometimes lonely fiancée, Elise Fay ( Mrs. Jack , 203, 250; Tharp's exaggerated view of Fay is counterbalanced by the portrait in Knight, Loeffler , esp. 40-42, 63-65, 169-71). On the Mucks, see below, at nn. 108-9.

97. Another reason that literary women were something of an exception (see n. 99) may be that Gardner was herself so confident about her own verbal acuteness and therefore did not feel threatened by them or unable to engage on an equal level.

98. Rogers, Story , 149.

99. McCarthy stresses Gardner's relative, although by no means total, avoidance of women's clubs ("separatist" organizations), a similar phenomenon; she rightly notes, though, that Gardner had several significant female literary friends, including Maude Howe Elliott, Sarah Orne Jewett, and Annie Fields ( Women's Culture , 162-63); to these one should perhaps also add the poet Amy Lowell and one painter, Cecilia Beaux. (On Jewett's circle of supportive women friends, see Paula Blanchard, Sarah Orne Jewett [Reading, Mass.: Addison-Wesley, 1994]).

100. Knight, Loeffler , 120, 203; also further information from Ellen Knight (on Gardner's role).

101. B. J. and M. R. Lang to ISG, various dates.

102. See Katharine Foote Raffy's letters to ISG.

103. Eaton, Boston Opera Company , 8-9, 13, 97, 101, 162-63; Carter, Isabella Stewart Gardner , 142, 237; Henry Russell, The Passing Show (London: Thornton Butterworth, 1926), 154, 165-68 (Mrs. Gardner, knowing the animosity between Melba and the opera director Russell "begged us to be friends for art's sake"; "terms and other conditions were arranged through Mrs. Gardner"—the crucial paragraphs are also reprinted in Nellie Melba: A Contemporary Review , compiled by William R. Moran [Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1985], 177-78).

104. ISG to Loeffler, "Friday" (Library of Congress), responding to his letter no. 68, 24 November 1910.

105. Tharp, Mrs. Jack , esp. 60, 113-14, 193-94, 290, 292.

106. Johns, Reminiscences , 65-66. Cf. Tharp, Mrs. Jack , 290.

107. ISG to the Berensons, 10 November [1916], in Letters , ed. Hadley, 591.

108. Pourtau: Loeffler to ISG, no. 22, 10 August 1898; ISG to Loeffler, [the 19th of an illegible month; year not stated] (Library of Congress). Nikisch: Locke, "Charles Martin Loeffler," 31. Henschel, Gericke, Monteux, Rabaud: various letters from them (and/or Loeffler) to ISG.

109. Tharp, Mrs. Jack , 300-306, based largely on letters from the Mucks to ISG.

110. Higginson to ISG, various dates, including 15 February 1903 and 14 March 1906 ("quick stocks").

111. "Alborni" (Emma Albani?)—31 January 1905.

112. Higginson to ISG, 9 January [1910?]. He also urged her to go to a dinner meeting for an unspecified cause: "Have no fear, for they want but will not ask for money" (21 February 1905). An earlier note (6 March 1883) thanks her for a $200 gift to "the Annex" (i.e., the future Radcliffe College).

113. H. Earle Johnson, Symphony Hall, Boston (Boston: Little, Brown, 1950), 25; cf. 27, 29. The Boston Symphony's clipping books (1889-1900) reveal that she bid high prices for seats year after year (information from Ellen Knight; one such case is cited in Tharp, Mrs. Jack , 194). She also had a plaque installed in Symphony Hall to honor the widely reported heroism of the musicians of the Titanic , who continued to play—hymns, it was said—as the ship sank (Johnson, Symphony Hall , 20; Carter, Isabella Stewart Gardner , 237-38).

114. Hadley surely gives the wrong impression: "[W]ith [Ida Higginson's] husband Mrs. Gardner had helped found the Boston Symphony" ( Letters , 586).

115. Carter, Isabella Stewart Gardner , 237 (regarding the Boston Opera Company).

116. Cf. Loeffler to ISG, regarding opera: "What is of course of greatest value to the cause of keeping the Opera in Boston alive is your interest in it, your speaking to others about it. Your words go a long ways on all matters and those of art above all. We shall be grateful to you for any words encouraging and stimulating others" (no. 67, "Friday" [1910]; cf. no. 68, which precedes no. 67 [from Gardner, cited above] chronologically, 24 November 1910).

117. Higginson to ISG, 10 May 1900 (inviting her to tour the orchestra's new home, Symphony Hall, with him before its official opening), in Carter, Isabella Stewart Gardner , 186; cf. a long undated postscript (bearing the pagination 7) to a letter that otherwise does not survive): "I always knew that Jack would help me if need be, and I'd have asked him. I'm aging fast and wish to leave the orchestra set up well." Another deeply felt letter, written on his own wedding anniversary, states: "I can now only regard you as a benefaction & a friend to us [himself and his wife] & to me by whom you have always stood as staunchly as Jack did—& one can't possibly find a more loyal, courageous, nicer friend than he—Daily I miss him—very much" (5 December 1908). Also 10 January 1908: "I am ever mindful of your kindness or of Jack's."

118. ISG lent a number of Higginson's letters to his widow for possible use in his biography (letter of Ida Higginson, Christmas 1919). This—or ISG's destruction of many letters late in life—may explain why the first six pages are now missing from the letter with long postscript discussed in the previous note.

119. Higginson to ISG, 1 June 1905, also printed in Carter, Isabella Stewart Gardner , 208.

120. Gebhard, Reminiscences , [16].

121. Bernard Berenson to ISG, 3 December 1907, in Letters , ed. Hadley, 415.

122. Or, as the prominent conductor Walter Damrosch put it, ISG was "the leaven in the Boston lump" (Damrosch, My Musical Life [New York: Scribner, 1923], 115, 333-35, quotation from 334). Two reminiscences of ISG by musicians' wives have, like Damrosch's gone relatively unnoticed: the unpublished memoir of Marian MacDowell (Library of Congress) and Mrs. Reginald de Koven, A Musician and His Wife (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1926), 236-37.

123. The writings of Lawrence W. Levine, Paul DiMaggio, Bruce McConachie, and others reveal, but arguably overemphasize one-sidedly, the exclusivist aspects of private patronage in America's cultural life: see my "Music Lovers, Patrons, and the 'Sacralization' of Culture in America," Nineteenth-Century Music 17 (1993-94): 149-73, and 18 (1994-95): 83-84; a reduced version of that article is incorporated in Chapter 10 below. The full article also includes a more extensive discussion of the term "art music" (used without qualification in these concluding paragraphs).

1. A typed transcript of the letter was made available to me by the Isabella Stewart Gardner Museum. (The original is lost.) The text is published by kind permission of the museum and Keller's daughter, Joan Keller Alden.

2. Letters of Bernard Berenson and Isabella Stewart Gardner, 1887-1924, with Correspondence by Mary Berenson , ed. Rollin van N. Hadley (Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1987), xvi, 585, gives the date as 1919 in one place and, wrongly, as 1918 in another.

1. See David Stanley Smith, Gustave J. Stoeckel: Yale Pioneer in Music (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1939).

2. Quoted in Alice V. Waldecker, Norfolk, Ct., 1900-1975 (Winsted, Conn.: Winchester Press, 1976), 56.

3. Sydney Thompson, The History of the Ellen Battell Stoeckel Trust (n.p., n.d. [New Haven, ca. 1950?]), 11.

4. Winsted Evening Citizen , 3 June 1910.

5. Nils-Eric Ringborn, Jean Sibelius: A Master and His Work , trans. G. U. C. De Courcy (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1954), 125.

6. Letter of 5 June 1914 to Carpelan, cited in Erik Tawaststjerna, Sibelius , vol. 2: 1904-14 , trans. Robert Layton (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1986), 274.

7. Harold Johnson, Jean Sibelius (New York: Knopf, 1959), 161.

8. Sibelius to his brother, cited in Johnson, Jean Sibelius , 163.

9. Ibid., 160.

10. "Will Norfolk Music Festivals Be Resumed? Hartford Courant , 3 December 1922, sec. 5, 2.

11. A direct parallel is found in the "singing parties" run by the Drinkers a bit later (see Chapter 9 and Vignette J).

12. State of Connecticut Probate Court, Will to the estate of Ellen Battell Stoeckel.

1. New York Times , 29 January 1919, p. 13.

2. Olga Samaroff Stokowski, An American Musician's Story (New York: Norton, 1939), 48.

3. Samaroff to Dehon, 5 October 1908. All letters cited here, as well as other relevant private materials and photographs, are now the property of the International Piano Archives at College Park, Maryland, Olga Samaroff Stokowski Collection. Permission for publication here is gratefully acknowledged. For further documentation of certain points made in this essay, see Geoffrey McGillen, "The Teaching and Artistic Legacy of Olga Samaroff" (Ph.D. diss., Ball State University, 1988).

4. Samaroff to Dehon, 5 October 1908.

5. Samaroff to Dehon, 29 October 1908.

6. Dehon to Stokowski, 28 July 1911.

7. Cincinnati Enquirer , 13 June 1912, p. 1.

8. Dehon to Samaroff, 4 May 1922.

9. Samaroff to Jane Hickenlooper, 2 January 1923.

10. Harriett Johnson, Samaroff's trusted assistant in her music-education efforts, claimed this in an interview on 22 December 1985. Johnson later became a music critic for the New York Evening Post. Stokowski and Stravinsky, in their surviving letters, both wrote as if the payments of 1923-25 (totaling $6,000) came from a woman who preferred to remain anonymous; Robert Craft has recently surmised that this was a ruse: "Surely this person was Leopold Stokowski" ("Stravinsky, Stokowski, and Madame Incognito," in Craft's Stravinsky: Glimpses of a Life [New York: St. Martin's Press, 1992], 73-81, including excerpts from the letters). But Craft seems neither to have talked to Harriett Johnson nor even to have considered possible female candidates for the role, including such Stokowski supporters as Dehon, Harriet Lanier, and Mary Louise Curtis Bok.

11. Samaroff to Jane Hickenlooper, 6 April 1941.

12. Samaroff Stokowski, An American Musician's Story , 49.

1. Edward N. Waters, Victor Herbert: A Life in Music (New York: Macmillan, 1955), 52-53.

2. John Sullivan Dwight, who believed in and preached the doctrine of music listening as an innately ennobling experience, taught two, if not three, generations of Americans what was "correct" in music through his influential, Boston-based Dwight's Journal of Music . He had strong leanings toward German instrumental music and was not particularly appreciative of American music and musicians except as they conformed to his own views. Louis Moreau Gottschalk, for instance, felt himself to be a special target of Dwight's scorn. In 1841 Dwight solemnly assured a Harvard Musical Association audience that instrumental music, uncorrupted by language, was the highest form of musical expression, and that Beethoven's slow movements were in fact profound utterances of sacred music. That lecture is also cited in Michael Broyles, "Music and Class Structure in Antebellum Boston," Journal of the American Musicological Society 44 (1991): 451-93.

3. Body's letter to JMT and his accompanying notes are in the Boyd Memorial Foundation Collection of the Carnegie Library in Pittsburgh, Pa., filed as a "Class A" letter, dated 25 September 1918.

4. James Gibbons Huneker, Steeplejack , 2 vols. (New York: Scribner, 1920-21), 2: 65-66.

5. [Olin Downes], "Friend of Music," New York Times , 12 January 1946, 14. This article is unsigned; however, a copy bearing his signature was sent to a summer resident of the Onteora colony by Downes, implying that it was his (Archive of the Onteora Club Library).

6. My thanks to E. Davis Gaillard, librarian of the Onteora Club, Tannersville, N.Y., for making his personal files, which contain a great deal of previously unpublished information on JMT, available to me.

7. Other members of the quartet were Richard Grant White, Eugene Dabney, and its founder, Joseph W. Drexel.

8. See Kathleen McCarthy, "Candace Wheeler and the Decorative Arts Movement," in Women's Culture: American Philanthropy and Art, 1830-1930 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991), 35-36; also, Mary Blanchard, "The Intellectual Roots of an Aesthetic: Candace Wheeler and Her American Vision" (paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Studies Association, 1991).

9. "A Few Words on Aunt Cannie" (talk given by Jeannette Thurber Connor, daughter of Francis and Jeannette Thurber, on the occasion of the dedication of the Candace Wheeler Wild Flower Garden at Onteora, 7 September 1921; privately printed, [1921]), Onteora Club Library.

10. Ibid., 3.

11. Candace Wheeler, The Annals of Onteora (privately printed, n.d.), 16-18.

12. Ibid., 18-19.

13. Program Notes , New York Philharmonic concert of 7 November 1940.

14. This seems to have constituted the first full-dress production of Wagner's works as a series in the United States. In 1859 Carl Bergmann had given the American premiere of Tannhäuser at the old Stadt Theatre in the Bowery with the participation of the Arion chorus. A second production of a full Wagner opera did not take place until 1870, when A. Neuendorf put on Lohengrin at the same hall. While extracts had been presented in concert form at other times and places, those were the only performances of complete, fully staged Wagner operas preceding JMT's 1884 festival.

15. Rose Fay Thomas, Memoirs of Theodore Thomas (New York: Moffat, Yard, 1911), 283-85.

16. New York Evening Post , 23 October 1883.

17. Thomas, Memoirs , 285.

18. Charles Russell, The American Orchestra and Theodore Thomas (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, Page, 1927), 163.

19. Thomas, Memoirs , 278.

20. Russell, American Orchestra , 165.

21. New York World , undated clipping. This and a number of other newspaper citations given here are taken from undated, unpaginated, and sometimes unidentified clippings pasted into scrapbooks by JMT and now housed in the New York Public Library Performing Arts Division, filed under "National Conservatory of Music." (Hereafter cited as "JMT Scrapbooks.")

22. Inter-Ocean Journal , 26 March 1886 (JMT Scrapbooks).

23. Russell, American Orchestra , 176.

24. Ibid., 177.

25. "A Prima Donna Sues for Her Salary," New York Times , 5 February 1887 (JMT Scrapbooks).

26. New York Herald , 25 March 1887 (JMT Scrapbooks).

27. New York Times , 28 April 1887 (JMT scrapbooks).

28. Reprinted in Theodore Thomas, A Musical Autobiography (New York, Da Capo Press, 1964; reprint of the two-volume edition of 1905), 192.

29. Russell, American Orchestra , 168-69.

30. Thomas, Memoirs , 281.

31. New York Times , 1 January 1887, 4.

32. Ibid.

33. Theodore Thomas, A Musical Autobiography , ed. George Upton (1905; reprint, New York: Da Capo Press, 1964), 193.

34. The article appeared, for example, in the Omaha Herald , the Kansas City Times , and a number of other publications, running in different papers on 10 or 11 March 1887 (JMT Scrapbooks).

35. This account book, which runs from 1 December 1885 through 1898, was discovered by the present writer among the papers of Richard Irvin in the New York Historical Society, New York City.

36. Waters, Victor Herbert , 53.

37. I am indebted to Josephine Harrold Love for bringing the name of Edward Bolin (or Bohlen) to my attention. It has been difficult to track down his identity, however. He may have been the same person as Paul Bolin, identified as a piano student at the National Conservatory.

38. "National Conservatory Concert," New York Evening Post , 22 February 1899 (JMT Scrapbooks).

39. "National Conservatory," in Grove's Dictionary of Music and Musicians, American Supplement , ed. Waldo Selden Pratt and Charles N. Boyd (Phildelphia: Theodore Presser, 1920), 6: 306.

40. "Mrs. Thurber Talks: Gives Plans for Future," Boston Daily Globe , 11 January 1887 (JMT Scrapbooks).

41. Quoted by Merton Robert Aborn in "The Influence on American Musical Culture of Dvorak's * Sojourn in America" (Ph.D. diss., Indiana University, 1965), 70.

42. The National Conservatory of Music, 1887-88 , brochure.

43. Others who deserve to be listed include Romualdo de Sapio (director of opera and one of the two conductors of Adelina Patti's last New York performances), W. V. Holt (dic- soft

tion), Eleanor Warner Everest (voice, better known in later life as the composer Eleanor Everest Freer), and Madame Elena Corani (voice). In addition to three teachers of solfeggio (Alberto Frencelli, Leila LaFetra, and Johannes Wershinger), separate dictation sessions were supervised by a Sigr. Pizzarello. Mamert Bibeyran, who taught stage deportment and choreography, was also the choreographer and ballet master for the American Opera Company.

44. Quoted from an advertisement printed on the back of the National Conservatory Trio Club program of 18 February 1890, in the "National Conservatory" file of the New York Public Library.

45. "The National Conservatory of Music of America," Harper's Weekly , 34 (1890): 969-70.

46. The National Conservatory of Music, 1887-88 (brochure).

47. Ibid.

48. The petition may have failed as much because it came before Congress at an awkward time as for any other reason. President Grover Cleveland vigorously opposed "pork-barrel" increases in government spending and had specifically charged Congress not to use the large tax surplus for new projects. Furthermore, everyone's attention was riveted on election politics, with Benjamin Harrison challenging Cleveland in a heated contest centering on tariffs and taxes.

49. Congressional Record , 51st Cong., 2d sess., 1891, 22, pt. 4: 3804. To trace the history and discussion of this bill more fully, see also ibid., pt. 1: 197, 234, 956, pt. 4: 3821, 3854, and 3916.

50. Ibid., 3804.

51. New York Post , 18 March 1891. Cited at length in Waters, Victor Herbert , 54-55.

52. "Fine Spirit of Americanism in National Conservatory's Policy," Musical America , 16 October 1915, 14.

53. Harper's Weekly , 34 (1890): 969-70.

54. Approximately $165,000 per year, in 1988 dollars.

55. See Aborn, "Influence on American Musical Cultural of Dvorak's Sojourn," ch. 3, "The National Conservatory Prior to Dvorak: The Period from 1885-91," 52-80.

56. Ibid., 140. Aborn places this undated memo around the middle or end of April 1894.

57. This score was rediscovered in 1990 after having been lost for many years, and is now available in a critical edition with an accompanying cassette recording (Toronto: Sixty-Eight Publishers, 1991).

58. "Dvorak Leads for the Fund," New York Herald , 24 January 1894, 10.

59. The Plantation Dances were reportedly published in 1894 by the German firm of P. L. Jung. The only copy of the Jung edition (or any other) that I have located is a piano arrangement of, presumably, one movement of the suite (Library of Congress, M35.A); it is entitled Amerikanische Plantagentänze für Orchester . . . für Piano Solo , Op. 33, No. 2.

60. The other judges were Dudley Buck (1839-1909), William Wallace Gilchrist (1846-1916), Asger Hamerik (1843-1923), Rafael Joseffy (1853-1915), Benjamin Johnson Lang (1837-1909), John Knowles Paine (1863-1919), and William Lawrence Tomlins (1844-1930).

61. Others that may have studied with Dvorak were Edward (or Paul) Bohlen (or Bolin), Jenney Layton, and a person as yet unidentified whose last name was Zammernick.

62. Antonín Dvorak * : Letters and Reminiscences , ed. Otakar Sourek * , trans. Roberta Finlayson Samsour (reprint, New York: Da Capo Press, 1985), 167.

63. Quoted in an unsigned article in the Musical Magazine and Musical Courier , 4 July 1898, p. 117.

64. Safonov had come to New York as guest conductor of the Philharmonic on 4 March 1904, making such a dazzling impression that he was asked to remain for three more years.

65. Musical America , 4 September 1909, p. 17.

66. Editorial, New England Conservatory Quarterly , 1, no. 54 (May 1895), 90, quoted in Edward John FitzPatrick, Jr., "The Music Conservatory in America" (Ph.D. diss., Boston University, 1916), 507.

67. Musical Magazine and National Courier , 4 July 1898, p. 117.

68. See, e.g., his article, "America's Growth in Music Schools," Musical Leader 24 (1912): 24-25 (originally written for the New York Sun ).

69. Harper's Weekly 34 (1890): 970.

70. Ibid.

71. Abron, "Influence on American Musical Culture of Dvorak's * Sojourn," 314.

72. Quoted by Waters in Victor Herbert , 53.

1. Brooklyn Daily Eagle , 4 September 1894.

2. Anton Seidl: A Memorial by His Friends , ed. Henry Finck (New York: Scribner, 1899; reprint, 1983), 117.

3. Brooklyn Daily Eagle , undated clipping (June 1889?).

4. Seidl Society archive.

5. Spirit of the Times , 26 July 1890. I am indebted to Paul Charosh for bringing this article to my attention.

6. Seidl quoted in the Brooklyn Daily Eagle , 3 June 1891 "Scoff . . . pray," Brooklyn Daily Eagle , undated clipping (August 1890).

7. "Expression of restraint," Brooklyn Daily Eagle , 24 June 1894. "Ridiculously little," Musical Courier , undated clipping, Seidl Society archive.

8. Musical Courier , 22 June 1922 (recalling the years 1885-98). In Wagner Nights , I pursue the reasons why Gilded Age women "screamed with delight" when Wagner was performed. Two indispensable points of reference: T.J. Jackson Lears, No Place of Grace: Antimodernism and the Transformation of American Culture, 1880-1920 (New York: Pantheon Books, 1981), which ponders the hunger for "intense experience" in America at the close of the nineteenth century; and Willa Cather's 1904 short story "A Wagner Matinee" (in The Troll Garden [New York: New American Library, 1984]), a poignant account of Wagner jarring awake the dormant emotional world of a farmer's wife who as a young woman had taught music in Boston—an emotional world obscured by a life of submission and toil.

9. Anton Seidl , ed. Finck, 42.

10. Unidentified newspaper clipping dated 28 July 1889, in "Anton Seidl" clippings file at the Performing Arts branch of the New York Public Library.

11. Brooklyn Daily Eagle , undated clipping (June 1889).

12. Brooklyn Daily Eagle , 20 June 1894.

13. "New departure in the history of women's clubs," Brooklyn Daily Eagle , 5 August 1894. "Coney Island," Scribner's Magazine , July 1896. "Hustle and sell," Brooklyn Daily Eagle . 13 September 1891.

14. Brooklyn Daily Eagle , 21 June 1894.

15. Musical Courier , 27 April 1896.

16. David Nye, Electrifying America (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), 50. I am indebted to Kathleen Hulser for bringing this reference to my attention.

17. "Eager, intelligent faces," New York World , 1 April 1890. Libraries, music stores, and toque, unidentified clipping, dated 23 March 1890, Anton Seidl archive, Columbia University (rare books collection).

18. Lilli Lehmann, My Path through Life (New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1914), 279-81.

19. The keynote of American Wagnerism, ca. 1880-1900, was spiritual uplift. Even Tristan und Isolde , which certain Europeans found pessimistic, decadent, or nascently modernist, was interpreted as a meliorist drama in the United States.

20. New York World , 1 April 1890.

21. Brooklyn Daily Eagle , 5 March 1891.

22. At Brighton Beach during the summer of 1895, for instance, Seidl's orchestra gave 156 performances of works by Wagner. The number of performances of works by other composers included: Liszt, 50; Saint-Saëns, 46; Mendelssohn, 33; Beethoven, 29; Weber, 17; Schumann, 15; Haydn, 15; Schubert, 14; Bach 10; Mozart, 6; Brahms, 2. Brooklyn Daily Eagle , undated clipping (late August 1895), Seidl Society archive.

23. Brooklyn Daily Eagle , 5 August 1894.

24. Brooklyn Daily Eagle , 29 April 1894.

25. Anton Seidl , ed. Finck, 116.

26. Ann Douglas, The Feminization of American Culture (New York: Knopf, 1977), 8.

27. Ibid., 42.

28. Ibid., 10.

29. Ibid., 243.

30. According to the historian of American music Charles Hamm (in conversation and correspondence).

31. Douglas, Feminization , 10.

32. Ibid., 255.

33. Kathleen McCarthy, Women's Culture: American Philanthropy and Art, 1830-1930 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991), 113-15.

34. St. Paul Post-Dispatch , 2 December 1898.

35. Anne Firor Scott, Natural Allies: Women's Associations in American History (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1991), 2.

36. Ibid., 4.

37. Laura C. Holloway, Adelaide Neilsen: A Souvenir (New York: Funk & Wagnall, 1885), 5, 6, introduction.

38. Laura C. Holloway, Ladies of the White House (New York: Bradley, 1870), 561-66.

39. Ibid., introduction, 566.

40. Letters, Seidl Society archive, Brooklyn Historical Society.

41. "Applauded wildly," Brooklyn Daily Eagle , 8 September 1895. "Queen of the musical world," letter from Anton Seidl to Laura Langford, 15 May 1893, Seidl Society archive, Brooklyn Historical Society.

42. Alma Mahler, Gustav Mahler: Memories and Letters (London: John Murray, 1946), 160.

1. Pittsfield Eagle , 27 November 1931. The concert was part of a celebration honoring Coolidge on the occasion of her induction into the Légion d'honneur, for which she was nominated by Paul Claudel.

2. Coolidge had been an active member of several of Chicago's well-known women's clubs. She patterned her work in Pittsfield on that of the Settlement House in New York's Lower East Side and sought instructors who were employed there to help organize her work.

3. Persis Coleman was associated with Mills College in Oakland, and Coolidge often stayed with her when in California.

4. ESC to Persis Coleman, 12 January 1930, C. Cor.

5. ESC to Roy Harris, 26 July 1932, C. Cor.

6. Typescript fragment, C. Misc.

7. Frederic Coolidge's father, David Hill Coolidge, was a prominent Boston attorney and his brother Charles Allerton Coolidge became a renowned architect in the firm of H. H. Richardson.

8. Coolidge's son, Sprague, went on to become a distinguished professor of chemistry at Harvard after taking his Ph.D. there.

9. The Chicago Post , 18 January 1915, eulogized A. A. Sprague as "perhaps the most finely generous man in the generation of large-minded men who lifted Chicago up from a village to a great city." Sprague's conviction that men of means had an obligation to contribute generously to the common good thrust him into a leadership role in Chicago's Relief and Aid Society as well as numerous other charitable organizations. He became prominent in Chicago's commercial life as well as one of the organizers of the Northern Trust Co., served on the board of numerous corporations, and was a trustee of the Chicago Symphony, Rush Medical College, and the Art Institute.

10. Cited in Willliam Bedford. "Elizabeth Sprague Coolidge: The Making of a Patron" (Ph.D. diss., University of Missouri, 1964).

11. After A. A. Sprague formed a partnership with his brother, Otho Sylvester Sprague, and Ezra Warner, the firm became known as Sprague Warner, Inc.

12. Unidentified newspaper clipping, C. Misc. One of the plan's most remarkable features was the fact that the workers were never required to pay into it themselves.

13. On that occasion the gift was renamed "The Albert and Nancy Sprague Memorial Fund." Philo Adams Otis, The Chicago Symphony Orchestra: Its Organization, Growth, and Development, 1891-1924 (Chicago: Summy, 1925), 179-80.

14. Karleton Hackett, unidentified Chicago newspaper clipping, C. Misc.

15. ESC, letter to Fanny Glessner, 16 March 1915, Glessner journals, Chicago Historical Society, insert p. 183.

16. Not to be confused with the Sprague Home for Nurses of the Presbyterian Hospital of Chicago, which was built in 1912-13 with generous contributions from Otho and Albert Sprague. See Wholesale Grocer , June 1915, 12.

17. The money was given to the Pittsfield Anti-Tuberculosis Association, which Fred had helped to found, and the building was to be called the Frederic Shurtleff Coolidge Memorial Home.

18. See letters of Nicholas Murray Butler to ESC, 17 February and 1 March 1915, 3 April 1916, and 1 April 1918. C. Cor.

19. Nancy Sprague died before the building was completed. Of the $200,000 that she had given to Yale, $175,000 was designated for construction and, when the bids came in over that amount, Elizabeth supplied the additional $25,000 necessary.

20. Lucy Sprague Mitchell, letter to ESC, 15 April 1916. C. Cor. See also Joyce Antler, Lucy Sprague Mitchell: The Making of a Modern Woman (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1987), 218-20.

21. Berkshire Festivals of Chamber Music 1918-1938 (South Mountain, Mass.: privately printed, n.d.). Contains complete programs of the festivals.

22. Her determination to restrict her contributions exclusively to chamber music sometimes led to misunderstanding, as in the case of her refusal to contribute to the National Symphony even though her old friend Hans Kindler was the conductor and the request came from another good friend, Mary Howe, who had contributed generously to Elizabeth's work. In the end, Coolidge did give to the cause.

23. Hugo Kortschak, letter to ESC, May 1916. C. Cor.

24. There is evidence that she had already discussed the possibility of such an undertaking with her friend Edward De Coppet, founder of the Flonzaley Quartet. See ESC, letter to Hugo Kortschak, 10 May 1916. C. Cor.

25. Elizabeth Sprague Coolidge, Da Capo (Washington, D.C.: Coolidge Foundation, Library of Congress, 1952), 2.

26. Ibid., 3.

27. ESC, typescript of address at California Institute of Technology, 13 June, no year. C. Misc. Hereafter, "Cal. Tech."

28. Coolidge, Da Capo , 4.

29. "Cal Tech," 13.

30. For more complete treatment of Coolidge's friendship with Carl Engel, see Cyrilla Barr, "The 'Faerie Queene' and the 'Archangel': The Correspondence of Elizabeth Sprague Coolidge and Carl Engel," American Music 11 (1997): 159-82.

31. Of the nine works performed in the course of the three concerts, seven were either prize-winning compositions in the Berkshire Competition or were commissioned by Coolidge, and four of the seven composers represented were present in the audience.

32. She later increased the amount to $90,000.

33. The coincidence of names led to frequent and often amusing identification of Coolidge as the wife of the president. She delighted in referring to herself as "the other Mrs. Coolidge."

34. For example, Copland's Appalachian Spring , Stravinsky's Apollon Musagète , and Barber's Hermit Songs .

35. ESC to Richard Hale, 10 January 1925. C. Cor.

36. All concerts were public except the program at Gardone in D'Annunzio's villa, "La Vittoriale," which was given for a very few privileged guests.

37. Hindemith's journal, 11 April 1937, trans. Luther Noss, Yale University (typescript).

38. Carl Engel to ESC [14 April 1926]. C. Cor.

39. Alfredo Casella, Music in My Time , trans. and ed. Spencer Norton (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1955), 162.

40. D'Annunzio later changed the name to Corporazione delle nuove musiche, and the society became the Italian wing of the International Society for Contemporary Music. On the importance of D'Annunzio's friendship with these composers and his role as their advocate with Mussolini, see Harvey Sachs, Music in Fascist Italy (London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1987), and Fiamma Nicolodi, Musica e musicisti nel ventennio fascista (Fiesole: Discanto Edizioni, 1984).

41. See Alfredo Casella, "Corporazione delle Nuove Musiche," Christian Science Monitor , 20 June 1925. See also Casella to ESC, 13 July 1924. "Cette année pour agrandir notre champ d'action, nous donnerons aussi quelque[s] oeuvres anciennes. Par exemple, L'Orfeo de Monteverdi en représentation scenique, avec des décors modernes." C. Cor.

42. Casella, Music in My Time , 169.

43. For fuller treatment, see Cyrilla Barr, "The Musicological Legacy of Elizabeth Sprague Coolidge," Journal of Musicology 11 (1993): 250-68.

44. Edward MacDowell Memorial Association Inc. Reports , MacDowell Collection, box 72, MS Division, Library of Congress.

45. Marian MacDowell to ESC, 17 May [1924]. C. Misc.

46. She was instrumental in securing a position for Bloch at the Mannes School of Music, where she also guaranteed two-thirds of his salary, and she obtained the position for Milhaud at Mills College in Oakland.

47. See Coolidge's extensive correspondence with Carl Bricken, George Haight, and C. A. Dykstra, Pro Arte Collection, Division of Archives, University of Wisconsin, University of Wisconsin, Madison.

48. ESC to Thomas King, 16 September 1922. C. Cor.

49. Watson (née Cohn) was born in Breslau, Germany, in 1845, and settled in Chicago after her marriage to Dr. Louis H. Watson in 1874. Her studio on the south side of the city rivaled that of Amy Fay on the north. Among her greatest friends and ardent admirers was Teresa Carreño, who gave much of the credit for her career to Watson's influence. See Carreño letters, MacDowell Colony Papers, MS Division, Library of Congress, box 74.

50. Coolidge's compositions are all catalogued in the Library of Congress collection. Testimony of her diligence as a student of composition is contained in the reams of carefully worked out exercises preserved in C. Misc.

51. Casella, Music in My Time , 161.

52. ESC. Address to the American Federation of Music Clubs (undated typescript). C. Misc. Hereafter cited as Federation Paper.

53. See Barr, "Faerie Queene" on her disagreement with Carl Engel concerning the programming of American music. See also their letters on this subject in Vignette G.

54. ESC to Nicolas Moldavan, 20 January 1941. C. Cor.

55. ESC, Federation Paper.

56. ESC to Carl Engel, 7 February 1928. C. Cor.

57. ESC to Bruno David Ussher, 22 April 1937. C. Cor.

58. ESC to Carl Engel, 14 May 1932. C. Cor.

59. ESC, Federation Paper.

60. Walter Damrosch, My Musical Life (New York: Scribner, 1923), 94-95.

61. Washington Post , undated newspaper clipping. C. Cor.

62. ESC to Howard Hinners, 29 December 1937. C. Cor.

63. ESC to Juliet Noehren, 6 February 1944. C. Cor.

64. Daniel Gregory Mason, "Music Patronage as an Art," New Republic 4 (21 August 1915): 71.

65. Damrosch, My Musical Life , 94.

66. In addition, many of the composers with whom Coolidge was associated bequeathed their private papers and manuscripts to the Library of Congress.

67. ESC to Albert Arnold Sprague, [30 October 1904]. Insert in diary of Nancy Ann Atwood Sprague, Schlesinger Library, Radcliffe College, Cambridge, Mass.

68. Andrew W. Mellon, testimonial read to the Fifth Library of Congress Festival, 30 October 1931 (typescript). C. Misc.

1. Bibliothèque nationale, Département de la musique, N.L.a. 56, pièces 240-41. Translation by Jeanice Brooks.

2. The Blisses' commitment to these ideals was manifested not only in support for music and musicians. They donated Dumbarton Oaks to Harvard University in 1940 to found a research center for the study of medieval and Byzantine art and archaeology; Robert's collection of pre-Columbian art, formerly on loan to the Corcoran Gallery became the nucleus of the museum section of the mansion, along with Mildred's extensive gardening library. The 27-acre grounds were donated at the same time to the District of Columbia for use as a public park. These private donations were augmented by service on innumerable boards of various charities, arts organizations, and institutes of medical research. The remarkable music room has remained in use for concerts by chamber ensembles and noted soloists—see John Thacher, Music at Dumbarton Oaks, 1940 to 1970 (Glückstadt, Germany: privately printed, 1977).

3. Review by "E. E" in the Daily Post (Liverpool), 5 November 1938. Sir Jack Westrup's review in the Daily Telegraph (London), 5 November 1938, similarly states, "There was a new concerto by Stravinsky entitled 'Dumbarton Oaks' (the name of a house in California)." The anonymous Times (London) reviewer (7 November 1938) also thought Stravinsky was living in the house when the concerto was written.

4. The latter continued to be a problem in Bliss's relationship with Boulanger. A Janu- soft

ary 1942 letter (Bibliothèque nationale, N.L.a. 56, pièce 263) expresses Bliss's reluctance to take back a check she had written to Boulanger in order to write four new checks (totaling the same sum) to four of Boulanger's students. Bliss acquiesced to Boulanger's request, but insisted that Boulanger make it clear to the students that the money was a gift from their teacher and not from Bliss.

5. Beatrix Farrand was the landscape gardener who designed the grounds of Dumbarton Oaks with Mildred Bliss.

1. Fannie Barrier Williams, "The Woman's Part in a Man's Business," Voice of the Negro 1 (1904): 544.

The terms "African-American," "black American," "Colored," and "Negro" are used interchangeably in this chapter.

2. The most comprehensive general references for the history of black musicians are Eileen Southern, The Music of Black Americans , 3d ed. (New York: Norton, 1997), and eadem, Biographical Dictionary of Afro-American and African Musicians (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1982). See also Hildred Roach, Black American Music: Past and Present , 2d ed. (Malabar, Fla.: R. E. Krieger, 1992), and Tilford Brooks, America's Black Musical Heritage (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1984). Of bibliographical interest are Samuel A. Floyd, Jr., and Marsha J. Reisser, Black Music Biography (White Plains, N.Y.: Kraus International, 1987), and idem, Black Music in the United States: An Annotated Bibliography of Selected Reference and Research Materials (White Plains, N.Y.: Kraus International, 1983).

Studies focusing on black women include M. A. Majors, Noted Negro Women (Chicago: Donohue & Henneberry, 1893); Lawson A. Scruggs, Women of Distinction: Remarkable in Works and Invincible in Character (Raleigh, N.C.: L. A. Scruggs, 1893); Mildred Denby Green, Black Women Composers: A Genesis (Boston: Twayne, 1983); Notable Black American Women , ed. Jessie Carney Smith (Detroit: Gale Research, 1991); and Black Women in America: An Historical Encyclopedia , 2 vols., ed. Darlene Clark Hine (Brooklyn, N.Y.: Carlson, 1993). See also Notable American Women, 1607-1950: A Biographical Dictionary , 3 vols., ed. Edward T. James and Janet Wilson James (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, Belknap Press, 1971); and No - soft

table American Women: The Modern Period , ed. Barbara Sicherman and Carol Hurd Green (Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, Belknap Press, 1980).

3. On the contributions of black women performers in classical music, see Josephine Wright, "Black Women and Classical Music," Women's Studies Quarterly 12 (1984): 18-21; also eadem, "Black Women in Classical Music in Boston during the Late Nineteenth Century: Profiles of Leadership," in New Perspectives on Music: Essays in Honor of Eileen Southern , ed. Josephine Wright, with Samuel A. Floyd, Jr. (Warren, Mich.: Harmonie Park Press, 1992), 373-408. Wright mentions eight women composers and three impresarios of the nineteenth century.

4. Washington, D.C., New York, New Orleans, Baltimore, and Philadelphia led the list of 43 cities having 10,000 or more black residents in 1910. See Edgar Toppin, A Biographical History of Blacks in America from 1528 , 2d edition (New York: McKay, 1971), 152.

5. This period in African-American history is discussed in John Hope Franklin, From Slavery to Freedom , 5th ed. (New York: Knopf, 1980), 280-84. On the Great Migration, see also Rayford W. Logan, The Negro in the United States , vol. I: From Slavery to Second Class Citizenship, 1619-1945 (New York: Van Nostrand Reinhold, 1970); Cary D. Wintz, Black Culture and the Harlem Renaissance (Houston: Rice University Press, 1988), 6-29.

6. Two examples of gender discrimination cited by Paula Giddings are the furor raised when Ida Wells Barnett was elected financial secretary of the Afro-American Council and the exclusion of women from the prestigious American Negro Academy. Giddings, When and Where I Enter: The Impact of the Black Woman on Race and Sex in America (New York: William Morrow, 1984), 110-11, 116. Linda M. Perkins notes instances in which black women held positions of authority but received discriminatory treatment ultimately resulting in their leaving the positions. For example, Mary Jane Patterson was removed as principal of the M Street High School in Washington, D.C., so that a black man could be placed in the position. Perkins, "The Impact of the Cult of 'True Womanhood' on the Education of the Black Woman," Journal of Social Issues 39, no. 3 (1983): 25.

7. Mary Church Terrell, "Being a Colored Woman in the United States," Mary Church Terrell papers collection 102, box 3, folder 53, 1, Manuscript Division, MSRC. Cited by Cynthia Neverdon-Morton, Afro-American Women of the South and the Advancement of the Race, 1895-1915 (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1989), 2, 237 n. 3.

8. E. Franklin Frazier, The Negro Family in the United States . rev. and abr. ed. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1966), 102-3.

9. Giddings shows that, although sexual inequality was not the norm, black women activists were generally accorded a high degree of acceptance ( When and Where , 59).

10. The number of African-Americans in Washington, D.C., reached 28.5 percent during the first three decades of the twentieth century. By 1950, 35 percent of Washington's residents were African-American.

11. For a full discussion of nineteenth- and early-twentieth-century classical music traditions in Washington, D.C., see Doris Evans McGinty, "The Black Presence in the Music of Washington, D.C.," in More Than Dancing: Essays on Afro-American Music and Musicians , ed. Irene V. Jackson (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1985), 81-106.

12. Elsie B. Smith, "Mary Lorraine Europe, Musician: October 13, 1885-October 20, 1947" (unpublished paper), 2-3. Vertical File, MSRC.

13. Samuel Coleridge-Taylor, prominent in England both as conductor and composer, was greatly admired by African-Americans, who must have viewed his success as an impossible dream, and he demonstrated his kinship with black Americans through his settings of the poems of Paul L. Dunbar, his arrangements of spirituals for piano, and his visits to black communities in the United States. See further William Tortolano, Samuel Coleridge-Taylor: Anglo-Black Composer, 1875-1912 (Metuchen, N.J.: Scarecrow Press, 1977), and Geoffrey Self, Hiawatha Man: The Life and Works of Samuel Coleridge- Taylor (Brookfield, Vt.: Scolar Press, 1995).

14. For a reference to an unusual female brass band of 1903, see Doris Evans McGinty, "Black Women in the Music of Washington, D.C., 1900-20," in New Perspectives on Music: Essays in Honor of Eileen Southern , ed. Josephine Wright, with Samuel Floyd, Jr. (Warren, Mich.: Harmonie Park Press, 1992), 428.

15. Corda means "string" in Italian. The use of mandolins with traditional stringed instruments was not unusual, the trend having emerged in the United States around the turn of the century, especially in colleges and universities. The Corda Club performed in Philadelphia as well as Washington, D.C.

16. McGinty, "Black Women," 412-17.

17. Anna Cooper, Voice of the South (Xenia, Ohio: Aldine Printing House, 1892), 28.

18. Jacqueline Jones, Labor of Love, Labor of Sorrow: Black Women, Work, and the Family from Slavery to the Present (New York: Basic Books, 1985), 180; see also Florette Henri, Black Migration: Movement North, 1900-1920, The Road from Myth to Man (Garden City, N.Y.: Anchor Press / Doubleday, 1976), 34. According to John Hope Franklin, more than 28,560 Negro teachers were in the public schools in 1900, and of these teachers most, by far, were women, a trend in keeping with the general feminization of the teaching profession in America. Franklin, From Slavery , 272.

19. Larry Winters, born Lawrence Whisonant, first sang professionally with the Eva Jessye Choir and eventually became a principal baritone with the Hamburg (Germany) opera. See Southern, Biographical Dictionary , 411.

20. Camille Nickerson was a teacher in her father's School of Music in New Orleans before she joined the Howard University music faculty in 1926.

21. Lillian Dunn-Perry, music teacher and former president of the B-Sharp Club, expended great effort on enlarging the scholarship awards of the club. The club makes an annual scholarship award of $1,000 from a Perpetual Scholarship Fund in the name of her late husband, Robert N. Perry, Jr., also a former president of the B-Sharp Club.

22. D. Antoinette Handy's Black Women in American Bands and Orchestras (Metuchen, N.J.: Scarecrow Press, 1981) is the basic reference on black women instrumentalists.

23. Isabelle T. Spiller studied at the New England Conservatory of Music, Columbia Teachers College, and the New School for Social Research.

24. Handy, Black Women , 129; Southern, Biographical Dictionary , 356.

25. Doris E. McGinty, "Conversation with Revella Hughes: From the Classics to Broadway to Swing." Black Perspective in Music 16, no. 1 (Spring 1988): 100.

26. Ibid., 101.

27. Southern, Biographical Dictionary , 218; Chicago Defender , 30 October 1937.

28. For more information on Europe and Webster, see Doris Evans McGinty, "Gifted Minds and Pure Hearts: Mary L. Europe and Estelle Pinckney Webster," Journal of Negro Education 51, no. 3 (Summer 1982): 266-78.

29. Thomas W. Talley, "Appreciation of Mrs. Ella Sheppard Moore by a Fellow Student," Fisk University News , November 1914. Cited by Jessie Carney Smith, "Ella Sheppard Moore," in Notable Black American Women , 1005-10. See also Mary E. Spence, "The Jubilee of Jubilees," Southern Workman 51 (1922): 77.

30. Jean E. Cazort and Constance T. Hobson Born to Play: The Life and Career of Hazel Harrison (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1983), 118.

31. Helen Hagan (1891-1964), the first black pianist to present a solo recital in New York's Aeolian Hall (1921), was another distinguished pianist who later taught on college faculties. She taught at Tennessee State Agricultural and Mechanical College, became dean of the School of Music at Bishop College in Marshall, Texas, and finally, sometime after 1935, established the Helen Hagan Music Studio in New York. See Southern, Biographical Dictionary , 158.

32. Maud Cuney-Hare, Negro Musicians and Their Music (Washington, D.C.: Associated Publishers, 1936; reprint, New York: Da Capo, 1974), xi.

33. Tuskegee Institute had more than one well known vocal artist on its faculty. From 1932 to 1934 the faculty included Abbie Mitchell (1884-1960), a soprano who toured Europe as a recitalist, was a lead actress with the Lafayette Players, and also achieved fame as a performer in musical comedy on Broadway and in Europe. For more on her career, see Annetta Jefferson in Black Women in America , ed. Hine, 2: 802, 803; and Dictionary of American Negro Biography , ed. Rayford W. Logan and Michael R. Winston (New York: Norton, 1982), 441-43. Cleota Josephine Collins, concert soprano, was a member of the Tuskegee faculty in the 1930s; she also taught at Bluefield State College in West Virginia and later headed the voice department at Virginia State College. See later in this essay on A. Hackley scholarships. See also Southern, Biographical Dictionary , 79.

34. A few institutions for music instruction established by black women during the early twentieth century were the following: 1903 —Washington Conservatory of Music and School of Expression, Washington, D.C., (Harriet Gibbs Marshall); 1912 —Howard University School of Music, Washington, D.C. (Lulu Vere Childers); 1912 —Vocal Normal Institute, Chicago (Emma Azalia Smith Hackley); 1919 —Cosmopolitan School of Music and Fine Arts, Indianapolis (Lillian Morris LeMon); 1920 —Chicago University of Music, Chicago (Pauline Jones Lee); 1926 —Junior Preparatory Department of Music at Howard University, Washington, D.C. (Camille Nickerson); 1927 —Cardwell School of Music, Pittsburgh (Mary Cardwell Dawson).

35. The school was originally named the Washington Conservatory of Music and was renamed in 1911 when a department of elocution was added. For further discussion, see Doris Evans McGinty, "The Washington Conservatory of Music and School of Expression," Black Perspective in Music 7, no. 1 (Spring 1979): 59-75.

36. Harriet Marshall helped to establish yet another school. During her stay in Haiti, where her husband served with the U.S. legation, she co-founded the Jean Joseph Industrial School in 1926 with Rosina J. Joseph. Washington Conservatory of Music Collection, box 112-2, MSRC.

37. Washington Conservatory of Music Bulletin, 1931, 3. Washington Conservatory Collection, box 112-3, MSRC.

38. Boxes 112-4 to 112-8, Washington Conservatory of Music Collection, MSRC, contain correspondence dealing with the operation of the Conservatory.

39. After Marshall's death in 1941, her cousin Josephine V. Muse directed the activities of the Washington Conservatory until its closing in 1960.

40. Hackley to Marshall, 15 September 1903, Washington Conservatory of Music Collection, box 112-5, MSRC.

41. Mifflin W. Gibbs to Harriet Gibbs (Marshall), 4 April 1899, Washington Conservatory Collection, box 112-1, MSRC.

42. Florence Price wrote, "I have long regarded you as a pioneer whose efforts will not have been spent in vain." Price to Marshall, 26 October 1939. See also other correspondence from Price and letters from Shirley Graham Du Bois. Washington Conservatory Collection, box 112-5, MSRC.

43. H. C. King to Marshall, 15 April 1907 and 12 January 1914, Washington Conservatory of Music Collection, box 112-5, MSRC.

44. Rayford W. Logan, Howard University: The First Hundred Years, 1867-1967 (New York: New York University Press, 1969), 216.

45. Emma Azalia Hackley, The Foreign Scholarship (n.p.: E. A. Hackley, 1908), 3.

46. Ibid., 5.

47. M. Marguerite Davenport, Azalia: The Life of Azalia Hackley (Boston: Chapman & Grimes, 1947), 130. Hackley was not reticent in making her views concerning her art and the African-American voice known; she spoke on the subject and wrote articles for publication in newspapers. See, for example, New York Age , December 1914, January 1915, and March 1915 for a series entitled "Hints to Young Colored Artists." The most reliable biographical information is found in Ernestine Perkins Lewis Holly, "The Emma Azalia Hackley Memorial Collection of Negro Music, Dance, and Drama: A Catalogue of Selected African-American Materials" (Ph.D. diss., University of Michigan, 1978).

48. In her unpublished autobiography (Evans-Tibbs Collection, Washington, D.C.), Lillian Evanti describes being invited to audition for the Metropolitan Opera Company by the general manager, Giulio Gatti-Casazza, after he had heard her sing in Italy, and of experiencing great hope and eventual disappointment when the board refused to defy the racial policy of the organization. Caterina Jarboro made a debut with the Chicago Civic Opera (directed by Alfredo Salmaggi) in 1932 and subsequently sang in opera at the Hippodrome Theater in New York, but she was forced to return to Europe to continue her operatic career.

49. Anna Madah Hyers (1855-1920s [?]) sang in "Thirty Minutes around the Operas," the operatic finale of John Isham's Octoroons (see also n. 50), and Inez Clough (ca. 1860s/1870s-1933), along with Sidney Woodward, J. Rosamond Johnson, and William E. Elkins, sang in a forty-minute finale of choruses and solos from grand operas in Isham's Oriental America . M. Sissieretta Jones (1869-1933), known as the "Black Patti," was the star of the "Operatic Kaleidoscope" that ended part 2 of her vaudeville show, Black Patti's Troubadours.

50. Elizabeth Taylor Greenfield (ca. 1824-76), the first internationally known black singer, directed an opera troupe that performed in Washington, D.C., and Philadelphia in the 1860s. Her career as "The Black Swan" is discussed in James M. Trotter, Music and Some Highly Musical People (1878; reprint, New York: Johnson Reprint Corporation, 1969), and Arthur LaBrew, The Black Swan (Detroit: The Author, 1969). See also Kathleen Thompson in Black Women in America , ed. Hine, 1: 499-501. The sisters Anna Madah and Emma Louise Hyers (both of the late nineteenth century) organized the first black American concert company in the 1870s and used operatic literature as the core repertory. For a discussion of their early concert careers, see Eileen Southern, "An Early Black Concert Company: The Hyers Sisters Combination," in A Celebration of American Music , ed. Richard Crawford, R. Allen Lott, and Carol J. Oja (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1990), 17-35. Another noteworthy company was the Colored American Opera Company (sometimes referred to as the Colored American Opera Troupe), formed in Washington, D.C., in 1873. See McGinty, "Black Presence," 91-93. Theodore Drury established the Theodore Drury Colored Opera Company in 1899 and produced operas in New York, Philadelphia, and Boston throughout the 1920s and into the 1930s.

51. Evanti's most celebrated appearance in La traviata took place on 28 August 1943 as one of the Watergate Summer Concerts, so-called because the performances were presented on a barge moored on the Potomac River near the Lincoln Memorial. The concerts were favorites with Washington audiences, who had the opportunity to hear the National Symphony Orchestra in its "Sunset" series and special performances such as that of the NNOC. Other productions of La traviata by the NNOC in 1944 took place in Pittsburgh (25 January), New York (29 February), and Washington, D.C. (31 July). The NNOC repertoire of operas included Verdi's Aida , Gounod's Faust , and Clarence Cameron White's Ouanga . The NNOC also performed R. Nathaniel Dett's oratorio The Ordering of Moses . I am indebted to Wayne Shirley, Library of Congress Performing Arts Division, for information concerning the NNOC's 1944 season.

52. See n. 50 above.

53. See n. 32 above. Two other works published on the subject during the period covered in this essay are Maud Wanzer Layne, The Negro's Contribution to Music (Philadelphia: Theodore Presser, 1942), and Alain L. Locke, The Negro and His Music (1936; reprint, New York: Arno Press, 1969).

54. Black women writers on music for the larger newspapers included Virginia Williams of the Baltimore-Washington Afro-American ; the syndicated columnist Gladys Graham (1913-1976) of the Associated Negro Press (her column was called "Graham Crackers"); and Maude Roberts George (early twentieth century), writer for the Chicago Defender in the 1920s.

55. Analysis of Holt's columns in the Amsterdam News is found in Rawn W. Spearman, "Music Criticism by Nora Douglas Holt in the New York Amsterdam News : Saturday Edition (1944-1952)," in "Essays Submitted to the Summer Seminar for College Teachers" (typescript [sponsored by the National Endowment for the Humanities], Howard University, 1984). MSRC.

56. A handwritten statement of these particulars appears over Nora Holt's signature on the cover of Music and Poetry 1, no 1. I have seen only vol. 1, nos. 1-10, in the Beinecke Library at Yale University (James W. Johnson Memorial Collection: Carl Van Vechten papers).

57. Music and Poetry 1, no. 1 (1921), pages unnumbered.

58. Musical Messenger 1 (1889): 2. According to Josephine Wright, the publication ran for three to four years. Wright, "Black Women in Classical Music," 20.

59. Music and Poetry 1, no. 1 (1921), pages unnumbered.

60. Lillian LeMon (1932 to 1934), Maude Roberts George (1934 to 1935), Camille Nickerson (1935 to 1937), and Mary Cardwell Dawson (1939 to 1941).

61. The first extensive collection of African-American spirituals was Slave Songs of the United States , compiled by William Allen, Charles Ware, and Lucy McKim Garrison (1867). Collections generated from the Fisk Jubilee Singers experience include Theodore F. Seward, Jubilee Songs as Sung by the Fisk Jubilee Singers of Fisk University, Nashville, Tenn . (New York and Chicago: Biglow & Main, [1872]) and Jubilee Songs as Sung by the Jubilee Singers, Enlarged , comp. Theodore F. Seward and George L. White (New York and Chicago: Biglow & Main [1884]).

62. See Wright, "Black Women in Classical Music in Boston," 395.

63. See Black Music in the Harlem Renaissance , ed. Samuel A. Floyd, Jr. (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1990); Nathan Irvin Huggins, Harlem Renaissance (New York: Oxford University Press, 1971); and Bruce Kellner, The Harlem Renaissance: A Historical Dictionary for the Era (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1984).

64. The large library that Marshall collected was given to Howard University when the Washington Conservatory closed and is now held in the Sheet Music Collection of the Manuscript Division, MSRC.

65. Nickerson, herself of Creole origin, published separate pieces in choral and solo arrangements; Maud Cuney-Hare published a collection of Six Creole Folk Songs (New York: Carl Fischer, 1921).

66. Doris E. McGinty, "Conversation with Camille Nickerson: The Louisiana Lady," Black Perspective in Music 7, no. 1 (Spring 1979): 81-94. Nickerson was on the faculty of the School of Music at Howard University when she began her tours with the Creole Songs.

67. Musical America , 29 March 1919, 16; Southern, Biographical Dictionary , 157.

1. Henry Cowell, "Introduction to the 1962 Edition," in American Composers on American Music , ed. Henry Cowell ([Palo Alto:] Stanford University Press, 1933; reprint, New York: Frederick Ungar, 1962), x; Wilfrid Mellers, Music in a New Found Land (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987), 1.

2. Walter Damrosch, My Musical Life (New York: Scribner, 1926), 323.

3. Best known among modernist women composers during the 1920s were Ruth Crawford and Marion Bauer, and the three principal female editors of the day were Minna Lederman at Modern Music ; Louise Varèse, who assisted Carlos Salzedo at Eolian Review and wrote program notes for the International Composers' Guild; and Ely Jade (pseudonym for Germaine Schmitz) of Pro Musica Quarterly .

4. George Antheil to Mary Louise Curtis Bok, 7 July 1925, written from Paris, Antheil-DLC.

5. For more information, see K. H. Ruppel, "Die Prinzessin Edmond de Polignac," Melos 34, no. 6 (June 1967): 198-203.

6. Sandra M. Gilbert and Susan Gubar, No Man's Land: The Place of the Woman Writer in the Twentieth Century , vol. 1: The War of the Words (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1988), 147. The historian Dorothy Brown describes patronage in the 1920s as a "feminized" area, similar to teaching, social work, nursing, and librarianship (Dorothy Brown, Setting a Course: American Women in the 1920s [Boston: Twayne, 1987], 151), and Minna Lederman concurs, observing that being a patron in the 1920s was "like tithing" (Lederman, interview with the author, 3 March 1988).

7. One of the few studies of music patronage in America is Richard Crawford, "Professions and Patronage I: Teaching and Composing," in The American Musical Landscape (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1993), 41-69.

8. Varèse conducted only one concert by the orchestra in April 1919 and then resigned in the wake of a harsh critical response. A program for that concert, as well as a flier announcing the orchestra's spring season, lists Mrs. Harry Payne Whitney among a group of four women who formed the "executive committee" (Program Collection, NN).

9. Louise Varèse, Varèse: A Looking-Glass Diary , vol. 1: 1883-1928 (New York: Norton, 1972), 154.

10. Anne Firor Scott, Making the Invisible Woman Visible (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1984), 127.

11. Edith Wharton, The House of Mirth (1904; reprint, New York: Signet Classics, 1964), 9.

12. B. H. Friedman, with the research collaboration of Flora Miller Irving, Gertrude Vanderbilt Whitney (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1978), 181.

13. After the first ICG concert in February 1922, Whitney hosted a party at the Whitney Club that was attended "by practically the entire audience," and later there were parties for composers at the Whitney Club and at the home of Juliana Force, Whitney's secretary and active liaison to artists; there were also luncheons at Whitney's studio (Louise Varèse, Varèse , 1: 172, 153).

14. See esp. ibid., 153-55 and 259; Friedman, 387, 405.

13. After the first ICG concert in February 1922, Whitney hosted a party at the Whitney Club that was attended "by practically the entire audience," and later there were parties for composers at the Whitney Club and at the home of Juliana Force, Whitney's secretary and active liaison to artists; there were also luncheons at Whitney's studio (Louise Varèse, Varèse , 1: 172, 153).

14. See esp. ibid., 153-55 and 259; Friedman, 387, 405.

15. Whitney appears to have left only incomplete records of her philanthropy. The painter John Sloan wrote of her in 1949: "No one will ever know the extent of the private benefactions Mrs. Whitney performed through Mrs. [Juliana] Force. The records have been destroyed, probably at Mrs. Whitney's request. But . . . I know of innumerable artists whose studio rent was paid, or pictures purchased just at the right time to keep the wolf from the door, or hospital expenses covered, or a trip to Europe made possible" (Sloan, in Juliana Force and American Art: A Memorial Exhibition, September 24-October 30, 1949 [New York: Whitney Museum of American Art, 1949], 35-36). Whitney's contribution as an art patron is evaluated in Roberta K. Tarbell, "Gertrude Vanderbilt Whitney as Patron," in The Figurative Tradition and the Whitney Museum of American Art , ed. Patricia Hills and Roberta K. Tarbell (New York: Whitney Museum of American Art, 1980), 11-22, 171-72, and in Kathleen D. McCarthy, Women's Culture: American Philanthropy and Art, 1830-1930 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991) 214-44.

16. Another of the guild's patrons was Mrs. Christian Holmes, born Bettie Fleischmann and heir to the Fleischmann yeast fortune, who came to New York from Cincinnati around 1920. She had been head of the board of directors of the Cincinnati Orchestra (it was she who hired Leopold Stokowski as the Cincinnati Orchestra's conductor in 1909). An article published in the Cincinnati Times Star after her estate was settled gives a rare view into the dimensions of one person's patronage. Among the reported $20 million that Holmes gave away during her lifetime, $222,812 went to the Philharmonic Symphony Society of New York, $158,118 to the National Music League, and $36,500 to the American National Opera Company. By contrast, her gifts to the guild must have been too small to be reported ("Holmes Estate Is $7,836,623," Cincinnati Times Star , December 23, 1947; clippings, Cincinnati Historical Society). Other information about Holmes comes from Oliver Daniel, Stokowski: A Counterpoint of View (New York: Dodd, Mead, 1982), 50-53.

17. The split between the guild and the league ostensibly came over whether or not the performance of Pierrot lunaire should be repeated after its American premiere (Varèse opposed repeat performances, and those who eventually formed the league favored them). But a big power struggle was under way, principally between Varèse and Claire Reis, and it left hard feelings on both sides. Probably because of this, Louise Varèse gave little credit to Wertheim in writing the guild's history. She mentions Wertheim only twice: as one of Claire Reis's appointments to the guild's executive board and as a host of guild meetings (Louise Varèse, Varèse , 1: 177, 185). In addition to her financial and administrative involvement in the guild, Wertheim wrote at least one article promoting its work: Wertheim, "World-Wide Guild of Composers," Christian Science Monitor , 17 December 1922.

18. Alma's first husband, Maurice Wertheim, owned a Wall Street investment firm and was a major patron of the Theatre Guild. Their marriage ended in 1929. A recent "family history" of the Morgenthaus continues the focus on males, noting that Henry Morgenthau, Jr., had "real talent" as a singer, but that "a musical career was the last thing in the world [his father] had in mind for his only son. Music was all right, though, for the girls. Alma, one of my father's three sisters, trained her voice to the edge of professionalism; later she became a discriminating and demanding patron of avant garde composers like Arnold Schoenberg and Aaron Copland" (Henry Morgenthau III, Mostly Morgenthaus: A Family History [New York: Ticknor & Fields, 1991], 240.)

19. Barbara Tuchman, letter to the author, 11 December 1987; Anne W. Werner, interview with the author, 21 February 1988.

20. Minna Lederman, editor of Modern Music , has said that Wertheim contributed $1,500 annually to the journal during the first few years of its existence (Lederman, interview with the author, 1 April 1989).

21. While New York composers tended to fall into separate ideological camps after the split between the guild and league, there was some overlap. For example, a letter from Carl Ruggles to Blanche Walton, written in 1926, shows that Wertheim continued to reach out to Ruggles, one of the ICG's principal figures: "Curious: Dr. Bartlett forwarded a note from Mrs. Wertheim asking about me, and what I was doing, and I answered her a fortnight ago, but have received no reply" (Ruggles to Walton, postmarked 19 November 1926, Walton-NN).

22. Aaron Copland and Vivian Perlis, Copland: 1900 through 1942 (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1984), 112.

23. On Harris, see ibid., 129. "Mrs. Wertheim gave me $100 for Israel [Citkowitz]," Copland wrote to Nadia Boulanger on 19 December 1927 (Copland-DLC).

22. Aaron Copland and Vivian Perlis, Copland: 1900 through 1942 (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1984), 112.

23. On Harris, see ibid., 129. "Mrs. Wertheim gave me $100 for Israel [Citkowitz]," Copland wrote to Nadia Boulanger on 19 December 1927 (Copland-DLC).

24. More about Wertheim and her support of Cos Cob Press can be found in Carol J. Oja, "Cos Cob Press and the American Composer," Music Library Association Notes 45 (December 1988): 227-52. Wertheim's obituary, "Mrs. Morgenthau, A Patron of Arts," New York Times , 26 December 1953, is also informative. Through their dedications, Cos Cob imprints suggest something of Wertheim's patronage. Five scores were dedicated to her: Copland's Piano Concerto, Gruenberg's Jazz-Suite for Orchestra, Marion Bauer's "Chromaticon" from Four Piano Pieces, Roy Harris's Concerto for Piano, Clarinet, and String Quartet, and Israel Citkowitz's "Gentle Lady," published in the Cos Cob Song Volume .

25. For a discussion of women publishers, see Shari Benstock, Women of the Left Bank: Paris, 1900-1940 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1986).

26. Lederman, letter to the author, 17 July 1988.

27. Claire Reis, interview with Vivian Perlis, 5 February 1976, Oral History / American Music, Yale University. Wertheim's daughter, Anne Werner, recalls, too, however, that her mother's income diminished after she divorced Maurice Wertheim in 1929.

28. Ruggles to Walton, 7 February 1928, Walton-NN.

29. Henry Cowell, "Program Note" for a concert honoring Blanche Walton, given at the New School for Social Research, 12 April 1959 (typescript in the collection of Mildred Baker, New York City). See also Richard Jackson, "Blanche Wetherill Walton," in The New Grove Dictionary of American Music , ed. H. Wiley Hitchcock and Stanley Sadie (New York: Macmillan, 1986), 4 :474.

30. Walton, "Only a Sketch" (manuscript fragment of a memoir, n.d.), Walton-NN.

31. In 1901, Walton's husband Ernest was killed in a railway accident while commuting between his job with De Coppet on Wall Street and their home in New Rochelle, but Blanche and De Coppet remained friends afterward. At the time of her husband's death, she had two daughters—the younger was one year old and the elder was three. Only after raising them did she turn to patronage (Marion Walton Putnam, interview with the author, 19 April 1989, New York City).

32. Included in the Walton Collection are letters from the pianist Richard Buhlig and the composers Carlos Chávez, Aaron Copland, Roy Harris, Carl Ruggles, and Edgard Varèse.

33. Walton's gifts to the guild are documented in Varèse to Walton, 8 December 1924, Walton-NN.

34. "The Founding of the Society," AMS Bulletin 1 (1936): 1.

35. This is discussed by Judith Tick in "Ruth Crawford—Modernist Pioneer," in Ruth Crawford, Music for Small Orchestra (1926) [and] Suite No. 2 for Four Strings and Piano (1929 ), vol. 1 of Music of the United States of America (Madison, Wisc.: A-R Editions, 1993), xxii-xxiii.

36. This musicale is the topic of a letter from Copland to Walton. Since his "Trio" was to be among the featured compositions on the program, the musicale probably occurred after the completion of Vitebsk in 1929 (Copland to Walton, "Wed," no date, Walton-NN).

37. Cowell, "Program Note."

38. Louise Varèse, Varèse , 1: 153.

39. Waldo Frank to Claire Reis, 21 September 1956, Reis-NN (box 2).

40. According to Susan Noyes Platt ( Modernism in the 1920s: Interpretations of Modern Art in New York from Expressionism to Constructivism [Ann Arbor, Mich.: UMI Research Press, 1985]), Katherine Dreier "assumed an aggressive, didactic attitude toward the endeavor of the Société Anonyme." She was a "crusading spirit" who sought to "enlighten the unseeing masses who did not understand the new art because of their inability to see beyond externals" (8-9, 11). In 1923 Dreier published an influential treatise, Western Art and the New Era (New York: Brentano's).

41. Reis discussed her potential for a concert career as part of a series of interviews conducted by Vivian Perlis, this one on 21 January 1976. Tapes and a transcript are housed in Oral History / American Music at Yale University. This is an invaluable source, with the transcript running to some 300 pages. The quotation about charity is from Reis, "Outline" (undated typescript autobiographical statement), Reis-NN (box 1). Reis's obituary, "Claire Raphael Reis Dies at 89; Leader in New York Cultural Life," New York Times , 13 April 1978, also provides some biographical information.

42. Born in Brownsville, Texas, to a Jewish family, Reis moved to New York with her mother, sister, and brother shortly after her father's death in 1898. She first studied piano in France and Germany. "Notes on Contributors," Eolian Review 2, no. 2 (March 1923): 28, accompanying an article by Reis, says she worked with Tapper from 1908 to 1910. However, among Reis's papers is a photograph of Tapper, stating on the back that Reis studied with her from 1906 to 1913 (Reis-NN, box 1a).

Tapper (1859-1915) was an interesting figure in her own right. Born in Norway, she had studied in Leipzig with Carl Reinecke and Louis Maas, and was friends with Edvard Grieg, for whom she edited two volumes of piano compositions. Like many women, Tapper focused her career on nurturing others. A. Walter Kramer, editor of Musical America and another member of the circle that included Tapper and Reis, noted this trait: "And so she lived, for others, never for herself. . . . I know that she composed much and that she destroyed it, never wishing to have her music appear in print" (A. Walter Kramer, "Bertha Fiering Tapper: Altruist [obituary]," Musical America 22 [25 September 1915]: 9).

43. Reis, interview with Perlis, 21 January 1976.

44. Waldo Frank, Memoirs of Waldo Frank , ed. Alan Trachtenberg, introduction by Lewis Mumford ([Amherst]: University of Massachusetts Press, 1914 is a likely year for this event (undated by Frank); Ornstein had just returned to New York then after a highly acclaimed recital in London. There were other connections between Frank and Reis. His first wife was Margaret Naumburg, with whom Reis started the Walden School, and Reis's husband Arthur, whom she married in 1915, was business advisor to Frank's little magazine, The Seven Arts , which ran from 1916 to 1917. Arthur Reis was president of Robert Reis and Co., a firm established by his father, which manufactured men's underwear.

45. Reis, interview with Perlis, 21 January 1976.

46. Programs for the recitals are in Reis-NN (box 2). They included works by Scriabin, Debussy, d'Indy, Schoenberg ( Drei Klavierstücke , Op. 11), Ravel, Busoni, Casella, Cyril Scott, and Stravinsky ( Piano Pieces of 1915). Ornstein also performed his own Mélancolie, Danse arabe, À la chinoise, Dwarf Suite , Sonata (1914), and The Masqueraders .

47. Paul Rosenfeld to Claire Reis, 16 August 1915, Reis-NN (box 2).

48. Reis, typescript resume dated 6 January 1952, Reis-NN (box 1). The date of the inception of the People's Music League appears to have been 1911. In Reis's biography, included in "Notes on Contributors" ( Eolian Review 2, no. 2 [March 1923]: 28), it is given as that, also in several sets of typescript notes at Reis-NN (box 1). However, in one of her interviews with Vivian Perlis, Reis stated 1912 (21 January 1976), and Perlis gives that year in her article about Reis for The New Grove Dictionary of American Music , 4:28. As Reis tells it, her founding of the People's Music League came about under the aegis of Maurice Wertheim, husband of Alma Morgenthau, who gave her a letter of introduction to Frederic Howe of the People's Institute. Mrs. Maurice Wertheim (Alma Morgenthau) became a member of the advisory council of the People's Music League.

49. Reis, "Outline."

50. The event took place on 12 February 1922. A program for it is in Reis-NN (box 2).

51. Reis, "Outline."

52. Louise Varèse, Varèse , 1: 177, 186. Edgard Varèse's choice of the words "delicatessen parties" suggests anti-Semitism to me—a notion that Reis, however, later denied. Vivian Perlis asked her directly whether such bigotry had played a role in the split between the guild and league, especially since a substantial majority of those forming the latter group were Jewish, and Reis replied, "No, I definitely don't think there was any anti-Semitism at all. [Carlos] Salzedo was a Jew, his best friend" (Reis, interview with Perlis, 29 January 1976).

53. First quotation: Reis, interview with Perlis, 29 January 1976. Second quotation: Reis, "Notes Added to Music" (undated typescript), Reis-NN (box 1).

54. Claire Reis, "Contemporary Music and 'the Man on the Street,'" Eolian Review 2, no. 2 (March 1923): 24, 27.

55. Jerome Hart, "Modern Music: Its Appreciators and Depreciators," The Sackbut 4, no. 4 (November 1923): 102. Hart was a frequent contributor to The Freeman , a journal for which Daniel Gregory Mason also wrote (in fact he also discusses a contemporaneous article by Mason in this same piece), and his language in the Sackbut sounds similar to that of the critic Henry T. Finck, suggesting a pattern of linking revolution, feminism, and modernist music: "Schönberg learned a lesson from the militant suffragettes. He was ignored till he began to smash parlor furniture [and] throw bombs" ("Schoenberg and the Suffragettes," Musical Progress [New York: Harper & Bros., 1923], 393). The text of this excerpt is in turn very close to that of an unsigned review in the New York Post on 27 January 1914; Finck was then music critic for that paper. Connections between misogyny and modernist music are explored in Catherine Parsons Smith, "'A Distinguishing Virility': On Feminism and Modernism in American Art Music," in Cecilia Reclaimed: Feminist Perspectives on Gender and Music , ed. Susan C. Cook and Judy S. Tsou (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1994), 90-106.

56. Reis discussed her connection with the Women's City Club in an interview with Perlis, 6 May 1977. The Women's City Club remains active today, and through it the mission of social feminism lives on. A 1990 pamphlet describes the group as "an activist organization," which now focuses on issues such as dropout prevention in the schools, nuclear waste disposal, family planning and abortion rights, maternal and child health issues, and "sex equity for women in all walks of life."

57. The historian Anne Firor Scott, in a study of "Women's Voluntary Associations in the Forming of American Society," has made an observation that applies directly to Reis, "In the first two decades of the twentieth century almost every woman who had attained a degree of visibility in local, state, or national affairs had either gotten her start in a voluntary association, been supported by one, or belonged to several for prudential reasons" (Scott, Making the Invisible Woman Visible , 282). One of the few studies of women's music clubs is by Linda Whitesitt, "'The Most Potent Force' in American Music: The Role of Women's Clubs in American Concert Life," in The Musical Woman: An International Perspective , vol. 3, ed. Judith Lang Zaimont (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1991), 663-81.

58. Other league board members who had defected from the guild included Stephan Bourgeois, Frederick Jacobi, Louis Gruenberg, Minna Lederman, and Alma Morgenthau Wertheim.

59. Aaron Copland, "Claire Reis (1889 [ sic ]-1978)," Musical Quarterly 64 (July 1978): 387.

60. Hilda Reis Bijur, interview with the author, 16 November 1990, New York City. It is important to note that suffragists were not necessarily feminists. See Winnifred Harper, "The Younger Suffragists," Harper's Weekly 58 (27 September 1913): 7-8, discussed in June Sochen, The New Woman: Feminism in Greenwich Village, 1910-1920 (New York: Quadrangle Books, 1972), 26.

61. Dorothy M. Brown, Setting a Course: American Women in the 1920s , 34.

62. Reis, interview with Vivian Perlis, 21 January 1976.

63. The Philharmonic's auxiliary had been founded during the 1921-22 season, although its roots reached back at least to 1909. See Howard Shanet, Philharmonic: A History of New York's Orchestra [New York: Doubleday, 1975], 207-8, 245. Reis herself joined the Philharmonic's auxiliary board during its second year, but she later recalled, "I never felt that I was needed. But I did feel I was needed in the League, and therefore I had a greater sense of wanting to do what I could" (Reis, interview with Vivian Perlis, 3 March 1976). In organizing the league's auxiliary, however, Reis turned to some Philharmonic stalwarts, including especially Countess Mercati, chair of the league's auxiliary, who had also served on the executive committee for Varèse's New Symphony Orchestra (Louise Varèse, Varèse , 1: 140), and Mrs. Charles Guggenheimer—or Minnie Guggenheimer, as she was better known—who had not only had helped with Varèse's early orchestra but in 1918 also founded the famous Lewisohn Stadium Concerts, an inexpensive and popular summer series by the Philharmonic that she directed for some fifty years. See Sophie Guggenheimer Untermeyer and Alix Williamson, Mother Is Music (New York: Doubleday, 1960).

64. Varèse , 1: 140.

65. Claire R. Reis, Composers, Conductors, and Critics (New York: Oxford University Press, 1955; reprint, Detroit: Detroit Reprints in Music, 1974), 73.

66. Claire Reis, American Composers of Today (New York: International Society for Contemporary Music, U.S. Section, 1930); Reis, American Composers: A Record of Works Written Between 1912 and 1932 , 2d ed. (New York: United States Section of the International Society for Contemporary Music, 1932); Reis, Composers in America: Biographical Sketches of Living Composers with a Record of Their Works, 1912-1937 (New York: Macmillan, 1938); and Reis, Composers in America: Biographical Sketches of Contemporary Composers with a Record of Their Works , revised and enlarged edition (New York: Macmillan, 1947). Reis's other achievements include founding New York's Walden School, a private school for children, in the 1910s; later she also played a prominent role in establishing the New York City Center.

67. Copland, "Claire Reis (1889 [ sic ]-1978)," and Cowell, "Program Note."

68. Lederman, stated in a private conversation with the author.

69. Charles Ives, Memos , ed. John Kirkpatrick (New York: Norton, 1972), 130. The complexities of Ives's attitude toward women are explored in Judith Tick's "Charles Ives and the 'Masculine' Ideal," in Musicology and Difference: Sexuality and Gender in Musical Scholarship , ed. Ruth A. Solie (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1993), 83-104.

70. Editorial, "Music and Manliness," Musical America (2 February 1924): 20; as cited by Mary Herron DuPree in "The Failure of American Music: The Critical View from the 1920s," Journal of Musicology 2, no. 3 (Summer 1983): 311-12. Since many young composers of the 1920s were homosexual, women did not present the only threat to "manliness." Decades later, Louis Gruenberg would rue to Claire Reis, "I know I am in a perpetual stew and rage over my inability to transfer my feelings and impressions to paper, the sad state of music in America today since the politicians and homosexuals are dominating it" (letter, 1 December 1951, Reis-NN, box 2).

71. Nicolas Slonimsky, "The Patient, the Doctors, the Verdicts," Boston Globe , undated clipping (probably January 1929), Slonimsky-DLC. This was a review of Paul Rosenfeld's An Hour with American Music .

72. Rosenfeld, "Musical Chronicle: The New, or National, Symphony Orchestra," The Dial 69 (December 1920): 670.

73. Paul Rosenfeld, "Thanks to the International Guild: A Musical Chronicle," in By Way of Art (New York: Coward-McCann, 1928), 14. Rosenfeld's statement, when coupled with ones such as the following, suggest that the league—at least occasionally—was perceived as being more lightweight than the guild. Perhaps having a leadership that was mostly female contributed to this attitude: "The league seems to entertain a rather good-humored, even indulgent, notion of its responsibilities to the public. In making up its programs, it favors music which is fanciful and entertaining, rather than that which is intellectual and uncompromising" ("Modern Music Guilds and Their Messages," Christian Science Monitor , May 15, 1926, 16).

74. Copland, party list now attached to an undated letter (before 16 March 1930), "Monday," Walton-NN. A page in a scrapbook compiled by Claire Reis even includes clippings for such events at her house, including "a companionable tea" for the Pro Arte Quartet, a reception for Frederick Jacobi, and "an amazing party" after a league concert. All are unidentified and undated (Reis-NN, box 1a).

75. Deems Taylor, "Music," in Civilization in the United States: An Inquiry by Thirty Americans , ed. Harold E. Stearns (New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1922; reprint, Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1971), 205-6.

76. W.J. Henderson, "The Modern Music Jag," New Yorker , 21 February 1926, 21. This article is included among Claire Reis's papers (Reis-NN, box 1).

77. Vanity Fair 31 (February 1929): 54.

78. Jerome Moross to Catherine Parsons Smith, 20 July 1981. Quoted with Smith's permission.

1. The original is in Walton-NN.

2. It is also possible, however, that this party followed the previous concert on 16 March 1930, for an undated letter from Copland to Blanche Walton, now housed with the guest list in Walton-NN, states: "Our concert is scheduled for March 16, Sunday evening. I'll be able to send you a list of people to ask before the week is out. You might word it: To meet composers and assisting artists after the C-S Concert" (n.d., written on stationery for the Copland-Sessions Concerts).

3. Beginning in November 1924, the League of Composers had given approximately one concert per year of music by young Americans, although as the 1920s passed such works were increasingly integrated into its programs. The quotation about the Copland-Sessions Concerts comes from its manifesto, as found in its first program, "The Copland-Sessions Concerts of Contemporary Music" (22 April 1928), Walton-NN. For more information on the concert series, see Carol J. Oja, "The Copland-Sessions Concerts and Their Reception in the Contemporary Press," Musical Quarterly 65 (1979): 212-29.

4. It is interesting that Copland felt the need to identify Jacobi to Walton as an "American composer," suggesting that her world and Jacobi's were quite separate. Copland also misspelled the name of Temple Emanu-El, the famous Reform synagogue.

1. SHD, unpublished memoir, untitled typescript (henceforth cited as SHD, Memoir), 195. I am most grateful to Dr. Henry Drinker of Northampton, Massachusetts, for obtain- soft

ing a copy of this memoir for me, and to members of the family for permitting me to quote from it. A copy is also available in the Schlesinger Library, Radcliffe College, Cambridge, Mass.: Sophie Hutchinson Drinker Papers, carton 1, addendum 84-M182.

2. Sophie Drinker, Music and Women: The Story of Women in Their Relation to Music (New York: Coward-McCann, 1948). The epigraph to this chapter is from p. 251.

3. SHD, Memoir, 26.

4. Catherine Drinker Bowen, Family Portrait (Boston: Little, Brown, 1979), 62.

5. SHD, Memoir, 29.

6. Ibid., 35. Her daughter Cecilia Saltonstall believes that Sophie's parents refused to allow her to attend college (personal interview, 16 October 1990, 7; transcripts of this interview and of one with Ernesta Drinker Ballard are now available in the Sophia Smith Collection, Smith College, Northampton, Mass.).

7. SHD, diary entry for 23 January 1927 (unpaged). The diaries are in the Schlesinger Library, Radcliffe College: Sophie Hutchinson Drinker Papers, carton 1, addendum 84-M96, folders 3-6. Quoted by permission.

8. SHD, Memoir, 36.

9. Sophie and Harry's children grew up under the considerable pressure of belonging to two prominent families. Their daughter Ernesta Ballard wryly explained to me that the Drinkers were important because they were achievers, and the Hutchinsons because of their blue blood (personal interview, 6 December 1990, 5).

10. See Bowen, Family Portrait , ch. 4. On the association of music with the feminine, see Judith Tick, "Charles Ives and Gender Ideology," in Musicology and Diffidence: Gender and Sexuality in Music Scholarship , ed. Ruth A. Solie (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1993), 83-106, and the extensive bibliography provided there. That Harry Drinker's father was concerned, for just this reason, about his absorption in music is revealed in Bowen, Family Portrait , 60-61.

11. "The Strenuous Life," speech before the Hamilton Club, Chicago, 10 April 1899; available in many collections of Roosevelt's speeches. Harry Drinker was a senior at Haverford College and a football star in 1899, when "a rage for competitive athletics and for out-of-doors activities of all kinds was sweeping the campuses of the nation" (John Higham, "The Reorientation of American Culture in the 1890s," in The Origins of Modern Consciousness , ed. John Weiss [Detroit: Wayne State University Press 1965], 26). American men were "sent to the Dakotas for rough-riding exercise cures" in contrast to the rest cures prescribed for "nervous" women of the period, Tom Lutz notes in American Nervousness, 1903: An Anecdotal History (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1991), 32.

12. These records also offer tantalizing glimpses of the endless curiosities of cultural self-improvement presented to (mostly) women of Drinker's class in this period: she attended, among countless other offerings, a lecture on jazz by Olga Samaroff (26 January 1930) and "an exhibition of dancing & singing as it is supposed to have been done in Aeschylus' time" given by "an American lady . . . with bare feet" (15 April 1928). On Salome, see Lawrence Kramer, "Culture and Musical Hermeneutics: The Salome Complex," Cambridge Opera Journal 2 (1990): 269-94.

13. The partbooks are now in the Sophia Smith Collection, Smith College. They are the basis of SHD's 1952 book, Brahms and His Women's Choruses (privately published).

14. HSD to Sydney Greenbie, 8 May 1947. Sydney and Marjorie Greenbie Collection, Special Collections, Knight Library, University of Oregon. I am grateful to the Knight Library staff for their assistance in finding materials for me, and for permission to quote them. Of Harry's service on the Juilliard Board, from 1941 to 1961, Sophie writes, "his chief contribution there was, as elsewhere, interest in broadening the base of musical experience and culture by treating the non-professional music lover seriously. He retired when the policy of the Directors changed and when the Juilliard School gave up their department for training amateurs" (Memoir, 147).

15. See Nancy B. Reich, "Women as Musicians: A Question of Class," in Musicology and Difference , ed. Solie, 125-46.

16. SHD, Diary, 16 June 1933.

17. SHD, Music and Women , 244.

18. SHD, Memoir, 111.

19. The singing parties are described in SHD's memoir, pp. 111-16; Bowen, chapter 11; HSD, "Singing Together for Musical Experience," Music and Letters 14 (1933): 364-68; and Nora Waln, "The Sunday after Korea," Atlantic Monthly 187 (May 1951): 23-26. After 1960, when they ended, the Drinkers also privately published a list of those who had participated over the years, with the repertory they performed, entitled Accademia dei dilettanti di musica, 1930-1960 (privately published).

20. SHD, Memoir, 152.

21. SHD, Diary, 16 June 1933.

22. SHD to Marjorie Greenbie, 12 September [1946], Greenbie Collection, University of Oregon.

23. Bowen, Family Portrait , 58-59.

24. Along with Archibald T. Davison, Augustus Zanzig, and others, Surette was the source of the Concord Series of school and community song books, which the Drinkers used regularly in family singing (Ballard interview, 4).

25. Thomas Whitney Surette, Music and Life: A Study of the Relations between Ourselves and Music (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1917), 107, 103, and xii; emphasis in original.

26. D. G. Mason, foreword, in Augustus Delafield Zanzig, Music in American Life, Present and Future (New York: Oxford University Press, 1932), v. And see also Eric Clarke, Music in Everyday Life (New York: Norton, 1935).

27. Robert A. Gerson, "Music in Philadelphia" (Ph. D. diss., University of Pennsylvania, 1940), 255, 268. For a discussion of another line of attack in the campaign, see Linda L. Tyler, "Commerce and Poetry Hand in Hand': Music in American Department Stores, 1880-1930," Journal of the American Musicological Society 45 (1992): 75-120.

28. HSD, "Amateurs and Music" (address delivered at the North Central Music Educators Conference, Indianapolis, 19 March 1935), 11.

29. Tick, "Charles Ives and Gender Ideology," 102.

30. Waln, "Sunday after Korea."

31. Bowen, Family Portrait , 201.

32. When I asked Ernesta Ballard if regular participants could bring friends or house guests along with them, she replied that "nobody ever did that more than once" (Ballard interview, 7).

33. SHD, Memoir, 113-14. HSD describes the ground rules similarly in "Singing Together." Note that if Sophie's phrase "close harmony" refers to barbershop-style singing by the "impromptu male quartets," this prohibition supports the suspicion that vernacular musics were not thought by the Drinkers to advance their campaign of uplift. It points as well to their willingness to substitute their taste for the presumably unenlightened preferences of their guests.

34. HSD, "Singing Together," 365.

35. SHD, Memoir, 14; emphasis in original. Cecilia Saltonstall intended to pursue a career in performance at the Juilliard School or the Curtis Institute, but was strenuously discouraged by her parents (Saltonstall interview, 3, 8).

36. On the preoccupation with democracy, see, for instance, Burton W. Peretti, "Democratic Leitmotivs in the American Reception of Wagner," Nineteenth-Century Music 13 (1989): 28-38. With regard to American cultural jingoism, Lawrence Levine quotes a 1902 newspaper review commenting favorably on John Philip Sousa's band because "the average man can pronounce the names of the members of the organization" (Lawrence W. Levine, Highbrow/Lowbrow: The Emergence of Cultural Hierarchy in America [Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1988], 238). T.J. Jackson Lears has written about the intense ambivalence arising from—among other causes—problematic gender identities around 1900: "the loss of equipoise made selfhood seem more diffuse and problematic than ever before" ( No Place of Grace: Antimodernism and the Transformation of American Culture, 1880-1920 [New York: Pantheon Books, 1981], 222). It is striking that throughout her memoir, correspondence, and diaries, Sophie Drinker repeatedly uses the word "poise"—not in the beauty-pageant sense familiar now, but to describe a kind of mental and spiritual equilibrium she found difficult to maintain when tired or to reestablish after some upheaval in the family. She found it, later in life, in her intellectual work.

37. SHD, Memoir, 116.

38. Levine, Highbrow/Lowbrow . Of course, the conflation of art with the sacred so characteristic of romanticism and its offshoots has long been recognized and extensively studied; but Levine's particular focus on shifts in American culture and his explication of the sacralization phenomenon in association with changing class relations make his a particularly useful model for my purposes.

39. Harry and Sophie neither went to movies nor owned a radio; they heard no popular music or jazz, nor did they attend Broadway musicals. They both read exhaustively, but Ernesta Ballard told me that they had no interest in novels.

40. Levine, Highbrow/Lowbrow , 213.

41. Ibid., 146.

42. Joseph A. Mussulman, Music in the Cultured Generation: A Social History of Music in America, 1870-1900 (Evanston, Ill.: Northwestern University Press, 1971).

43. In any event, Levine points out that twentieth-century Americans have never understood this aspect of their cultural past ( Highbrow/Lowbrow , 241).

44. Lears, No Place of Grace , 53.

45. SHD, Diary, 11 May 1931.

46. Sixteen bound (unpaged) notebooks containing Drinker's research notes for Music and Women are in the Sophia Smith Collection, Smith College. The same notes, organized somewhat differently and bound in eighteen volumes, are housed in the Special Collections of the Van Pelt Library, University of Pennsylvania. The notes are in typescript, and both sets appear to be carbon copies, although they also contain inserted newspaper clippings, programs, correspondence, and so forth. The Pennsylvania set is especially full of original documents, including a letter from Amy Beach written just before her death. It is known that Drinker prepared these notebooks especially for deposit at Smith College, and that she employed a secretary at this time.

47. HSD, letter sent to the Philadelphia Public Ledger , 21 February 1916, quoted in full in SHD, Memoir, 46-47. Sophie's diaries occasionally mention Stokowski's controversial reception in Philadelphia, but I have not seen any indication of the Drinkers' own opinions of him.

48. SHD, Music and Women , 3-4.

49. Ibid., 297, 289-93.

50. Levine Highbrow/Lowbrow , 211.

51. Ibid., 189.

52. Mary Ritter Beard to Margaret Storrs Grierson, 6 March 1944. Mary Beard Papers, Sophia Smith Collection, Smith College; quoted by permission. In fact, notes scattered throughout Drinker's notebooks indicate the same uncertainty about who should be offered payment that marked the family's earlier interactions with performers. There is no doubt, however, that Sophie Drinker's financial situation was crucial in enabling her to work as an amateur on Music and Women . In a later letter Mary Beard identified one of those "other assets" of Sophie's that were perhaps unavailable to herself and her husband Charles in their own publications: "She will have 64 illustrations too! This feature is made possible by her husband's aid and comfort—so costly you know" (MRB to MSG, 25 July 1947).

53. As a member of the board of The Sheltering Arms, a home for unwed mothers, Sophie had hired from her own pocket a choral conductor for the "girls," who, however, did not appreciate the favor (SHD, diary, undated entry sometime in August 1926).

54. SHD, Memoir, 134.

55. Ibid., 179.

56. A more thorough discussion of Harry Drinker's intentions in making these translations appears in Samuel R. Rosenbaum, Henry S. Drinker: An Amateur of Music (a talk given on the occasion of HSD's receiving the 1958 Annual Tripos Award of the American Concert Choir and Choral Foundation, published as a supplement to the foundation's Bulletin "as a tribute from a small group of friends"), a copy of which is in the Sibley Music Library, Eastman School of Music, University of Rochester.

57. SHD never, however, argued that they were entirely so. Like many present-day feminists, Drinker faced what is now known as the "dilemma of difference" and tried to walk a careful line between claims made on behalf of women's special needs and interests and the perils of biological determinism.

58. On the relation of Drinker's work to this branch of feminist thought, see my essay, "Women's History and Music History: The Feminist Historiography of Sophie Drinker," Journal of Women's History 5 (1993): 8-31.

59. SHD, Music and Women , 174.

60. Levine, Highbrow/Lowbrow , 139.

61. SHD, Memoir, 117.

62. To be fair, Drinker at no point abandons her critique of the "patriarchal culture pattern" in which it is formidably difficult for women to obtain the training they need to become composers. But it is also true that she never subjects the composers of the great tradition to the scornful dismissal otherwise reserved for men who usurp women's cultural roles. For a more detailed discussion of the cultural and historiographic assumptions of Music and Women see my "Sophie Drinker's History," in Disciplining Music: Musicology and Its Canons , ed. Katherine Bergeron and Philip V. Bohlman (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992), 23-43.

63. In a similar way, Drinker's strong and outspoken feminism seems not to have found its way into family life. Both of her daughters remember being sick and tired" of hearing "women, women, women" from their mother, and yet both make clear that the most conventional of gender systems prevailed in their upbringing and in expressed expectations for their future lives.

64. SHD, untitled manuscript in the Schlesinger Library, Radcliffe College: Sophie Hutchinson Drinker papers, carton 1, addendum 84-M96, folder 29.

65. Ibid., 15. Quoted by permission.

66. Drinker always considered Cecilia's status as patron saint of music fraudulent. Rather, she said, Cecilia was a descendant and pale shadow of the great goddesses of prehistory, symbols of the wisdom and creative energy of women. See Music and Women , ch. 17, or the unpublished manuscript "Cecilia: From Muse to Saint," in the Schlesinger Library (Sophie Hutchinson Drinker Papers, carton 1, folder 24). The latter is an iconographic study linking representations of Cecilia to allegorical characters such as La Musica, and ultimately back to portrayals of the goddesses.

67. See, for example, Jeannie G. Pool, "The Legacy of Sophie Drinker," Paid My Dues: Journal of Women and Music 3 (1979): 28-29, 40-41.

68. The Drinkers evidenced many of the characteristics Lears has enumerated in No Place of Grace as associated with antimodernism; indeed, it can be argued that Sophie in young adulthood exhibited them more markedly than Harry did—a certain ennui about daily life and worries about the authenticity of the tasks it demanded, a tendency toward vaguely neurasthenic ailments, the incessant search for meaningful spiritual roots. Lears makes no provision for gendered differences in his account, but considering the starkly different forms that life and work took for men and for women during the period in question, it seems to me a possibility that might be studied with profit. On neurasthenia, see Lutz, American Nervousness, 1903 ; on Drinker's communal, anti-individualist focus, see my "Sophie Drinker's History."

69. During the years Drinker was working on Music and Women , a number of women composers were conducting active careers in the United States: Amy Beach, Marion Bauer, Ruth Crawford Seeger, Rebecca Clarke, Florence Price, and many more. Indeed, works by Edith Braun, Katherine Danforth Fisher, Mary Howe, and Marina Wister are listed in the repertory of works performed at the Drinkers' singing parties (HSD and SHD, Accademia dei dilettanti , 10-14).

70. "I had never been a feminist nor had anyone in my family tutored me in this train of thought. I took no part in the struggle for women suffrage. In fact, I was hardly aware that it was going on. At that point, I was absorbed in child-bearing, in the management of household affairs, and in my husband's companionship. But the time came when some sleeping part of me awoke and had to be heeded" (SHD, Memoir, 198).

1. The editors wish to thank Claribel Thomson and her husband Richard (a retired insurance executive) for sharing their memories of the Drinkers by phone in several conversations in January and May 1993, for answering our questions, and for Claribel's checking this written transcript and the editorial headnote. Richard recalled: "I was Henry Drinker's baritone soloist for those parties. I had spent some time in voice study at the Philadelphia Conservatory." Claribel was for fifty-one years, beginning in 1939, the organist at First Presbyterian Church in Ardmore, Pennsylvania.

Alfred Mann, noted authority on fugal theory, Handel, Mozart, and other topics, is professor emeritus of musicology at the University of Rochester's Eastman School of Music and former conductor of New York's Cantata Singers and the Bethlehem Bach Choir. The notes to his contribution are his own.

2. Sophie described Henry as "the host" of these gatherings in her book Music and Women (New York: Coward-McCann, 1948), 286. But she was no doubt deeply involved as well, as is suggested by certain remarks in the preface, jointly signed, to their list of the repertoire sung on Sunday nights and of the guests at those parties ( Accademia dei dilettanti di musica, 1930-1960 [n.p., (1966?)], 1-4).

3. Editors' note: Claribel Thomson is no doubt correct in describing thus the relatives and neighbors who attended most regularly (Henry's sister Catherine Drinker Bowen was concertmaster). But it should be added that the 23-page list of those who participated on one or more occasions includes many individuals who were unusually talented and active in the larger music world (or who were students at the time but later made substantial careers). There were numerous composers, ranging from high modernism to Broadway (Samuel Barber, Elliott Carter, Lee Hoiby, Mary Howe, Leo Ornstein, William Schuman, Kay Swift, Randall Thompson, Ralph Vaughan Williams, Karl Weigl), instrumentalists and the occasional opera singer (Rose Bampton, Ernest Hutcheson, Ralph Kirkpatrick, Boris Koutzen, Anton Kuerti, William H. Kincaid, John Perry, Olga Samaroff, Artur Schnabel, Marcel Tabuteau, the violin virtuoso Efrem Zimbalist and his son, Efrem, Jr., the future TV star), twelve members of the Trapp Family, some notable critics and music-loving literati (Quaintance Eaton, John Erskine, Christopher Lehmann-Haupt, Mrs. John Peltz, Henry Pleasants, Jr.), plus choral conductors and musicologists galore, from Europe and various parts of the United States. This information is drawn from the Drinkers' Accademia dei dilettanti . Catherine Drinker Bowen provides two additional famous names: the Russian composer and pianist Nikolai Medtner and the Norwegian explorer Vilhjalmur Stefansson ( Family Portrait [Boston: Little, Brown, 1970], 201).

4. The reference is to Bowen, Family Portrait , 64.

5. Samuel R. Rosenbaum, Henry S. Drinker: An Amateur of Music , published as a supplement to the Bulletin of the American Concert Choir and Choral Foundation, Inc. (n. p., [1958]), quotation from p. 4. This speech of tribute ("prepared for the presentation to Henry S. Drinker of the 1958 Annual Tripos Award . . . for services to the cause of choral music") is also reprinted, slightly abridged, as an article in American Choral Review . 4, no. 1 (October 1961): 5-9 Appended to the earlier printing is an address that Henry Drinker gave in 1935 to a conference of music educators: "Amateurs and Music."

6. The singer's technical "warm up": scales and arpeggios on open vowels.

7. "Auf Wiedersehen bei der Fermate!": A favorite slogan among amateurs, describing their somewhat shaky ensemble, in which "lost" members find each other again at the nearest fermata (i.e., a "hold": a chord or rest designed by the composer to be freely extended).

1. I apologize, as we did in the Introduction (around n. 3), for the potentially misleading but unavoidable terminology, and for the fact that I sometimes, for brevity's sake, speak of "music," without further qualification, when meaning only Western art music, e.g., in the phrases "music lovers" or "music patrons."

2. My work in this area was informed and encouraged by work on women's clubs (including art clubs) and on American women's philanthropic and community-service work by various recent scholars in women's history and social history. These include the works by Karen J. Blair, Lori D. Ginzberg, Wendy Kaminer, Kathleen D. McCarthy, and Anne Firor Scott, referred to in later notes. For some primary accounts of women's early benevolent work, see Victorian Women: A Documentary Account of. Women's Lives in Nineteenth-Century England, France, and the United States , ed. Erna Olafson Hellerstein, Leslie Parker Hume, and Karen M. Offen (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1981), 429-44. On motivations behind, and methods of, nineteenth-century benevolent work (primarily in England but applicable in many respects to the American situation), see Gertrude Himmelfarb, Poverty and Compassion: The Moral Imagination of the Late Victorians (New York: Knopf, 1991). On wealthy women's goals and activities today, including more on clubs, see Susan Ostrander, Women of the Upper Class (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1984). And on people of wealth, see two astonishing, complementary books: Nelson W. Aldrich, Jr., Old Money: The Mythology of America's Upper Class (New York: Knopf, 1988), and George E. Marcus, with Peter Dobkin Hall, Lives in Trust: The Fortunes of Dynastic Families in Late Twentieth-Century America (Boulder, Colo.: West-view Press, 1992). Marcus discusses Aldrich's book on pp. 189-205.

3. The 1940s comic-strip character Maggie, for example, was forever dragging her husband, Jiggs, off to concerts, where he promptly dozed off as a great masterpiece played away. The music critic B. H. Haggin addressed himself to a tonier but still captive husband in his appreciation primer, Music for the Man Who Enjoys "Hamlet " (New York: Knopf, 1944), 3: "You reach home . . . and you learn with dismay that this is the night of the third concert of the city's major series, that your wife is going, and you are going with her."

4. Two sociologists note that bigots often define prejudice as "disliking or hating people for no reason at all." Since they feel they have good reasons, they do not consider themselves bigots. "But what the bigot cites as reasons the social scientist defines as prejudice" (Gertrude J. Selznick and Stephen Steinberg, The Tenacity of Prejudice: Anti-Semitism in Contemporary America [New York: Harper & Row, 1969], xviii). Varied and valuable materials—including some eloquent passages from literary fiction—on the way we see others are gathered in On Prejudice: A Global Perspective , ed. Daniela Gioseffi (New York: Doubleday, Anchor Books, 1993).

5. Negative stereotypes will be dealt with in detail later in this chapter (e.g., at n. 77). Some varied examples of critical writings on patrons and philanthropists (male and female) are cited in the Introduction, nn. 8 and 12 (Keefer, Tawa, Goldin), and in Chapter 1, n. 21 (Boorstin) and 32 (Martin).

6. I use the terms "social history" and "sociology" somewhat interchangeably, despite the differences between the two disciplines in aims and method.

7. Given the context of the present book, I am referring, by "American," to the United States. Analogous phenomena, though, can be seen in Latin America—e.g., the Italian opera houses of Argentina and Brazil—and of course in Canada as well. There are parallels in Europe, too: the exportation of German symphony to France or of Italian opera to England or Russia.

8. Lawrence W. Levine. Highbrow/Lowbrow: The Emergence of Cultural Hierarchy in America (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1986).

9. Paul J. DiMaggio, "Cultural Entrepreneurship in Nineteenth-Century Boston: The Creation of an Organizational Base for High Culture in America," and "Cultural Entrepreneurship in Nineteenth-Century Boston, Part II: The Classification and Framing of American Art," Media, Culture, Society 4 (1982): 33-50, 303-22; the first part is also reprinted, in somewhat altered version, in Nonprofit Enterprise in the Arts: Studies in Mission and Constraint ed. Paul DiMaggio (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986), 41-61; see also idem, Organizing Culture (New York: Basic Books, forthcoming); Neil Harris, The Artist in American Society: The Formative Years, 1790-1860 , rev. ed. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982), the essays on museum advocacy, art collecting (J. Pierpont Morgan), and John Philip Sousa in idem, Cultural Excursions: Marketing Appetites and Cultural Tastes in Modern America (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990); Alan Trachtenberg, The Incorporation of America: Culture and Society in the Gilded Age (New York: Hill & Wang, 1982); and Thomas Bender, New York Intellect: A History of Intellectual Life in New York City from 1750 to the Beginnings of Our Time (New York: Knopf, 1987).

10. On Gramsci, see James Joll, Antonio Gramsci (New York: Viking, 1978), 117-34; Selections from the Prison Notebooks of Antonio Gramsci , ed. and trans. Quintin Hoare and Geoffrey Nowell Smith (London: Lawrence & Wishart, 1971); Antonio Gramsci: Selections from Cultural Writings , ed. David Forgacs and Geoffrey Nowell-Smith, trans. William Boelhower (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1985), esp. 1-15, 87-91, 183, 343-45, 377-80. A specific application of Gramscian thought to turn-of-the-century America is T. J. Jackson Lears, No Place of Grace: Antimodernism and the Transformation of American Culture, 1880-1920 (New York: Pantheon Books, 1981), esp. p. xv; Edward Said invokes Gramsci in his stimulating book Musical Elaborations (New York: Columbia University Press, 1991), 70, as does Derek B. Scott (explicitly on pp. x-xi and elsewhere by implication) in his perceptive book The Singing Bourgeois: Songs of the Victorian Drawing Room and Parlour (Milton Keynes, Eng.: Open University Press, 1989). The strengths and limitations of the Gramscian and, more generally, Marxist "base-superstructure" model are explored in Janet Wolff, The Social Production of Art (New York: New York University Press, 1981), 71-94. With specific regard to music, see Derek B. Scott, "Music and Sociology for the 1990s: A Changing Critical Perspective," Musical Quarterly 74 (1990): 385-410.

11. For Pierre Bourdieu on classical music (including statistics aligning musical tastes in France with social class), see his Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgment of Taste , trans. Richard Nice (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1984), 13-18, 74-76 (on children of music-playing mothers), 503-18. Two articles on American cultural life that draw on Bourdieu's concept of class identification through "cultural capital" are Paul J. DiMaggio and Francie Ostrower, "Participation in the Arts by Black and White Americans," and Rolf Meyersohn, "Culture in the Bronx: Minority Participation in the Arts," both in The Future of the Arts: Public Policy and Arts Research , ed. David B. Pankratz and Valerie B. Morris (New York: Praeger, 1990), respectively 105-40 and 141-49. Bourdieu's ideas are explored in John Guillory, Cultural Capital: The Problem of Literary Canon Formation (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993).

12. Charles Hamm, "The USA: Classical, Industrial and Invisible Music," in Music and Society: The Late Romantic Era, from the Mid-Nineteenth Century to World War I , ed. Jim Samson [British series title: Man and Music ] (Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall, 1991), 303 (the term "mystification" is invoked three more times: on 304 and 314-15; cf. also 302); Hamm relies heavily here on the arguments and Geertz-based terminology of Bruce A. McConachie, "New York Operagoing, 1825-50: Creating an Elite Social Ritual," American Music 6 (1988): 181-92, and also on Joseph Horowitz's trenchant sketch of the musical institutions of Gilded Age America in Understanding Toscanini: How He Became an American Culture-God and Helped Create a New Audience for Old Music (New York: Knopf, 1987), 13-42.

13. McConachie, "New York Operagoing," 181, 186. McConachie seems here to be borrowing the word "canaille" from a jovially sardonic newspaper article of the time, which he quotes on p. 184: "The canaille must keep themselves a respectable distance from Astor's Palace hereafter. Read and obey." This kind of journalistic lampoon of the rich, although revealing of the press's attempt to exploit and foster populist prejudices through hyperbolic writing, should surely not be treated as an objective description of the social and musical scene. Philip Hart has noted similar tactics and attitudes in the mass media of the mid twentieth century ( Orpheus in the New World: The Symphony Orchestra as an American Cultural Institution [New York: Norton, 1973], 258n), to which one might add a recent attack on the Rochester Philharmonic Orchestra's request for funding from the city: the columnist Bob Lonsberry derided classical-music lovers as un-American snobs ("Medicis") who force "the majority" of hardworking taxpayers to foot the bill for "the entertainment of the minority" ("If RPO Goes 'Poof' We'll Live," Rochester Democrat and Chronicle , 22 May 1994, § B , 1).

14. On the sacralized art museum and library, see Levine, Highbrow/Lowbrow , 146-60, and DiMaggio, "Cultural Entrepreneurship."

15. See Rose Rosengard Subotnik, "Individualism in Western Art Music and Its Cultural Costs," in her Developing Variations: Style and Ideology in Western Music (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1991), 239-64 and 350-53; two crucial articles by J. Peter Burkholder: "Museum Pieces: The Historicist Mainstream in Music of the Last Hundred Years," Journal of Musicology 2 (1983): 115-34, and "Brahms and Twentieth-Century Classical Music," Nineteenth-Century Music 8 (1984-85): 75-83; and various articles in Disciplining Music: Musicology and Its Canons , ed. Katherine Bergeron and Philip V. Bohlman (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992).

16. Levine, Highbrow/Lowbrow , 233.

17. Certain recent donors of concert halls (e.g., Emilie Spivey in Morrow, Georgia, and Joseph Meyerhoff in Baltimore) have likewise taken a personal interest in the acoustics and other details of the halls that bear their names or those of their families (Margaret Shakespeare, "A Hall by Any Other Name: The Stories behind Some Famous Musical Venues and Their Namesakes," Musical America 112, no. 1 [January-February 1992]: 33-37).

18. A particularly active force in this regard—as also in the revolutionizing of music education in the New York City public schools—was Frank Damrosch (George Martin, The Damrosch Dynasty: America's First Family of Music [Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1983], 152, 175-76).

19. Calvin Trillin, "Culture Shopping," New Yorker , 15 February 1993, 48-51, quotation from p. 49.

20. See, e.g., John H. Mueller, The American Symphony Orchestra: A Social History of Musical Taste (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1951), 35 (Higginson "set the pattern of things to come"), 78-90; Milton Goldin, The Music Merchants ([New York?]: Macmillan, 1969), 115-35; DiMaggio's "Cultural Entrepreneurship"; and Levine's Highbrow/Lowbrow , 122-32.

21. Levine, Highbrow/Lowbrow , 126-27.

22. Michael Broyles, " Music of the Highest Class": Elitism and Populism in Antebellum Boston (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992), 10.

23. Harris, Cultural Excursions , 91.

24. Joseph Horowitz, review of Theodore Thomas—America's Conductor and Builder of Orchestras, 1835-1905 , by Ezra Schabas, in Nineteenth-Century Music 14 (1990-91): 296-302, quotation from pp. 301-2.

25. See Horowitz, Understanding Toscanini .

26. Levine, Highbrow/Lowbrow , 234.

27. Ibid., 167. Outreach programs are more explicitly rejected by David Trend (in terms that Levine, with his unelaborated but resonant "mere," might or might not wish to endorse): such programs "amount to little more than efforts at force-feeding dominant aesthetics to people perceived as having no legitimate culture of their own" and "promote an oppressive assimilation to a common culture, implicitly offered as superior to others" (Trend, "The Politics of Philanthropy: Cultural Policy and the Public Interest," Afterimage [journal of the Visual Studies Workshop, Rochester], March 1993, 4-7, quotation from p. 6). As one instance of a far-from-oppressive outreach effort to reach schoolchildren and radio audiences, see William L. Cahn, Rochester's Own: A History of the Rochester Philharmonic Orchestra and Its Educational Programming (Rochester, N.Y.: Citizens for a Quality Philharmonic, 1989).

28. Levine, Highbrow/Lowbrow , 230-31; also 171-77.

29. Ibid., 236; cf. 226-28 (European music legitimated the social claims of people with new money; Levine bases his analysis on Veblen and Paul Starr); 104 (Levine repeats Ronald Davis's unsupported assertion that opera was "more a symbol of culture than a real cultural force"; cf. 168); 131 (Levine's sarcasm: symphonic concerts "for those who preferred to have their culture unsullied by compromise"); also 126-28 (more sarcasm, and quotations from Higginson taken out of context).

30. DiMaggio, "Cultural Entrepreneurship," 309.

31. Dwight, "The Peace Jubilee Summed Up," in What They Heard: Music in America, 1852-1881, from the Pages of "Dwight's Journal of Music ," ed. Irving Sablosky (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1986), 70.

32. Cited in M. A. DeWolfe Howe, The Boston Symphony Orchestra: 1881-1931 , rev. ed. (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1931), 6-7.

33. Dwight, "The Orchestral Problem Well-Nigh Settled," in What They Heard , ed. Sablosky, 252, 251.

34. In a youthful article of 1840, Dwight foresaw the need for a "nucleus," but—not yet the realist that he would soon become—trusted in the support of music lovers: "a constant audience of which the two or three hundred most musical persons in the community shall be the nucleus" (cited in Howe, Boston Symphony , 3).

35. Joan Shelley Rubin, The Making of Middlebrow Culture (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1992), xviii.

36. Levine, Highbrow/Lowbrow , 227, 235.

37. In Horowitz's review of Schabas's Theodore Thomas , 301.

38. See Judith Tick, "Women in Music," in The New Grove Dictionary of American Music , ed. H. Wiley Hitchcock and Stanley Sadie, 4 vols. (New York: Macmillan, 1986), 4: 554, 550, and census data cited in Catherine Parsons Smith, "'A Distinguishing Virility': On Feminism and Modernism in American Art Music," in Cecilia Reclaimed: Perspectives on Gender and Music , ed. Susan C. Cook and Judy S. Tsou (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1994), 90-106. And see also Chapter 1 of the present book, e.g., n. 18, on the People's Singing Classes that Frank Damrosch began running in 1892, and n. 20, regarding Depression-era singing classes.

39. Such considerations are at the heart of the recent social-historical and social-theoretical writings of Christopher Lasch, Robert N. Bellah, Michael Lerner, and others, as well as of those of "transformational feminists" such as Suzanne Gordon.

40. Two additional categories of evidence are richly suggestive but problematic in their own ways: writings of a popularizing nature (such as program notes) and complaints about the new audiences by traditionally trained musicians. Both of these are invoked at length in Leon Botstein "Listening through Reading: Musical Literacy and the Concert Audience," Nineteenth-Century Music 16 (1992-93): 124-45.

41. Herbert Satterlee (Morgan's son-in-law), quoted in Irving Kolodin, The Story of the Metropolitan Opera: A Candid History , 4th ed. (New York: Knopf, 1967), 57-58. The Morgan family also precipitated the ban on Salome in 1907 (ibid., 185-87).

42. Letters from Loeffler to Gardner, 10 August 1898 (on his Rhapsodies to texts of Rollinat, early version), 28 October 1904 (also on d'Indy's Second Symphony), and 29 January 1920 (passage quoted), in the Isabella Stewart Gardner Museum, Boston.

43. Bliss Perry, Life and Letters of Henry Lee Higginson (Boston: Atlantic Monthly Press, 1921), 107, 135, 267.

44. Otto H. Kahn, The Metropolitan Opera (New York, n.d. [1925]), 4-8, 12, 14-15, 18, 22-23. Perhaps, though, Gershwin's more political musicals (e.g., Let 'Em Eat Cake ) and his folk opera Porgy and Bess were in some measure a belated response to Kahn's call.

45. Dwight, "Music as a Means of Culture," Atlantic Monthly (1870), cited at length in George Willis Cooke, John Sullivan Dwight: Brook-Farmer, Editor, and Critic of Music (Boston: Small, Maynard, 1898), 65-66. A well-documented account and analysis of musical life at Brook Farm is given in Seymour R. Kesten's recent Utopian Episodes: Daily Life in Experimental Colonies Dedicated to Changing the World (Syracuse, N.Y.: Syracuse University Press, 1993), 206-16.

46. Ruth A. Solie, "In Search of the Woman at the Piano: Musicology and Social History" (a paper dealing primarily with European women read at the 1993 Schubertiade at the Ninety-Second Street YMHA, New York); Joseph Horowitz, "Finding a 'Real Self': American Women and the Wagner Cult of the Late Nineteenth Century," Musical Quarterly 78 (1994): 189-205 (the quotation, given by Horowitz on p. 191, and also in Chapter 5 above, is from Musical Courier , 22 June 1922, and recalls the Met in the years 1885-98); Peter J. Rabinowitz, "'With Our Own Dominant Passions': Gottschalk, Gender, and the Power of Listening," Nineteenth-Century Music 16 (1992-93): 242-52. (Horowitz's article is also incorporated into his Wagner Nights: An American History [Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1994].) Some sense of the listeners' passionate involvement with music can be gleaned from studies of specific cities, e.g., Broyles, " Music of the Highest Class"; Strong on Music: The New York Music Scene in the Days of George Templeton Strong, 1836-1875 , ed. Vera Brodsky Lawrence, vol. 1 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1988), and vols. 2-3 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995-); and Katherine K. Preston, Music for Hire: A Study of Professional Musicians in Washington (1877-1900 ) (Stuyvesant, N. Y.: Pendragon Press, 1992). See also the books on opera cited in Chapter 1, n. 7.

47. Kahn, Metropolitan Opera , 20-21.

48. Higginson, quoted in Howe, Boston Symphony , 128.

49. Higginson, quoted in ibid., 128, 87, 85.

50. The reminiscence, published in Harper's , is by George William Curtis and is quoted in Howe, Boston Symphony , 4 (Dwight also paraphrased it approvingly in "Music as a Means of Culture," cited in Cooke, John Sullivan Dwight , 65).

51. [Wilson Flatt,] "Parlor Singing," Atlantic Monthly 24, no. 10 (October 1869): 410-20, cited in Joseph Mussulman, Music in the Cultured Generation: A Social History of Music in America, 1870-1900 (Evanston, Ill.: Northwestern University Press, 1971), 174; the quotation from Gilbert Chase, America's Music , 2d ed., rev. (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1966), 165, is termed an unbalanced "indictment" by Mussulman on p. 4.

52. Nicholas E. Tawa gathers yet further evidence of intense and involved listening (specifically in turn-of-the-century Boston): the Harvard professor John Fiske "had a good bawl" at one concert, Celia Thaxter felt "borne skyward" by great music, Paine's First Symphony "received the wildest applause that I [Fiske] ever witnessed at a concert," and so on ( The Coming of Age of American Art Music: New England's Classical Romanticists [New York: Greenwood Press, 1991], 6-27, quotations from pp. 20 and [Paine concert] 22).

53. The remark is from Meyersohn's review of books by (or edited by) Subotnik, Said, and Leppert and McClary, Nineteenth-Century Music 16 (1992-93): 218.

54. The quoted words come from Botstein's spirited reassertion of the merits of great Western art music: "Making Classics: 'I Know What I Like' vs. 'I Like What I Know,'" Culturefront 2, no. 1 (Winter 1993), 28-29, 48-49.

55. Rubin, Highbrow/Lowbrow , xix-xx; Ann Douglas, The Feminization of American Culture (1977; reprint, New York: Anchor Books, 1988), "Preface to the 1988 Anchor Edition," xi-xii.

56. Vera L. Zolberg, Constructing a Sociology of the Arts (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), 207, 212, 208.

57. Janet Wolff, Aesthetics and the Sociology of Art (London: George Allen & Unwin, 1983), 11-12, 108.

58. Paul Charosh, "'Popular' and 'Classical' in the Mid-Nineteenth Century," American Music 10 (1992): 117-35.

59. Ibid., 128. A similar point is made by Richard L. Bushman: gentility seeped down into daily lives of the middle and even working classes ( The Refinement of America: Persons, Houses, Cities [Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1992], 208). On genteel parlor songs in England (and, by extension, in the United States), see Scott's Singing Bourgeois , viii, 1-44.

60. See Richard Crawford's historiographical overview of such dichotomous term-pairs as "folk" (or "light") vs. "serious" (or "classical"), also the less value-laden "vernacular" vs. "cultivated" ("Amerigrove's Pedigree: On The New Grove Dictionary of American Music," College Music Symposium 27 [1987]: 172-86; see also his The American Musical Landscape [Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1993], 41-107).

61. Charles Hamm, Music in the New World (New York: Norton, 1983), 338.

62. Hamm frequently equates a composer's use of American musical materials with a desire to write music that is accessible in style; he also links the opposites of both: not-American-sounding means relatively inaccessible (ibid., 416, 420-21, 437, 553, 554, 559, 560-62, 578).

63. Hamm himself provides evidence, although he does not draw the conclusion himself, that overt Americanness is neither a necessary nor sufficient precondition of accessibility (Ibid., 563-64 [Piston, relatively accessible although not markedly "American"], 567-71 [Carter, influenced by jazz, as the composer himself admitted, yet relatively hermetic], 612-13 [minimalism, rooted in non-Western procedures, yet often quite accessible]).

64. On dance engagements and erratic attendance at rehearsals, see Levine, Highbrow/Lowbrow , 113 and 124, quoting Theodore Thomas, the pianist William Mason, a player from the New York Philharmonic of that time, and the Boston Symphony Orchestra contract of 1881.

65. A Boston critic complained, in pre-Higginson days, that "'a dozen members [of the Harvard Musical Association Orchestra] were absent from the concert' because of 'other duties'" ( Dwight's Journal of Music , cited in Mueller, American Symphony Orchestra , 79). Deputizing continues in various places today; at Salzburg's distinguished summer Mozart festival, the administrators have only recently begun insisting that musicians who have played for the rehearsals fulfill their concert obligations themselves ("Salzburg Festival Director Brings VPO to Heel," BBC Music Magazine 2, no. 7 [March 1994]: 9).

66. All of these problems are noted in Howard Shanet, Philharmonic: A History of New York's Orchestra (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1975), 493-95, on the first season, 1842-43. Similar complaints were heard in Boston over the next few decades, but they diminished once orchestras were put on a firmer financial basis and rehearsed and performed more regularly—see Howe, Boston Symphony , 6, and Dwight's essays in What They Heard , ed. Sablosky, 71-80 (on the revelation made by the visiting Theodore Thomas Orchestra), 251-52.

67. Cited in Howe, Boston Symphony , 7.

68. Dwight: "The very rumor of a Boston so full of good music and of good work for musicians will draw other good ones to us" ( What They Heard , ed. Sablosky, 252).

69. See Niklas Luhmann, The Differentiation of Society , trans. Stephen Holmes and Charles Larmore (New York: Columbia University Press, 1982), esp. ix-xxxvii (translators' introduction), 53-54, 266, 355.

70. Trend, "Politics of Philanthropy," 6, based in part on Justin Lewis, Art, Culture, and Enterprise: The Politics of Art and the Cultural Industries (London: Routledge, 1990), 50. Trend, to be accurate, does not extend this argument to the symphony orchestra or opera, considering them manifestations of "elite expression" from the past, which in the 1990s need to be "dismantled" in order to allow a more democratic culture to blossom (David Trend, Cultural Pedagogy: Art/Education/Politics [New York: Bergin & Garvey, 1992], 5). The sociologist Herbert J. Gans is more evenhanded (but perhaps more unrealistic): "All people have a right to the culture they prefer, regardless of whether it is high or popular" and "everyone should get the culture they want, even if they cannot afford to pay for it" ( Popular Culture and High Culture: An Analysis and Evaluation of Taste [New York; Basic Books, 1974], ix, xi).

71. Levine rightly notes (following DiMaggio) that symphony orchestras in America came to rely on "paternalistic capitalism . . . not only as a means of funds but as a model of organization as well" ( Highbrow/Lowbrow , 132); cf. Kathleen D. McCarthy on "nonprofit entrepreneurship" ( Women's Culture: American Philanthropy and Art, 1830-1930 [Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991], 61).

72. Kaminer, Women Volunteering , 4.

73. Quoted in McCarthy, Women's Culture , 222.

74. Quoted in Kaminer, Women Volunteering , 5. For a similar reply to accusations that social reformers merely end up reinforcing social oppression, see Dorothy Gallagher's appreciative review of Kathryn Kish Sklar, Florence Kelley and the Nation's Work: The Rise of Women's Political Culture, 1830-1900 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1995), in New York Times Book Review , 9 July 1995, p. 9.

75. On the 1960s view, see Samuel R. Rosenbaum, "Financial Evolution of the Orchestra," in The American Symphony Orchestra , ed. Henry Swoboda (New York: Basic Books, 1967), 168.

76. David Trend does hint at this and notes cogently that much private patronage is simply public patronage without public scrutiny, in that "private donations are subsidized by the government in the form of forgone taxes. . . . The uncollected taxes on the MacArthur Foundation's $2 billion nest egg aproximate the total yearly budget of the NEA" ( Cultural Pedagogy , 33).

77. The remark comes from the conductor-historian David Wooldridge's startlingly misogynistic diatribe against Elizabeth Sprague Coolidge and women patrons generally. Such women, he states, use their "daddy's money" to indulge their "vague, uncomprehending awareness" of true art; Coolidge was a "bitch," eager to "castrate" Charles Ives, because his music was too dissonant for her taste ( From the Steeples and Mountains: A Study of Charles Ives [New York: Knopf, 1974], 171-72). Wooldridge's account of the meeting and correspondence between Coolidge and Ives and of their later correspondence is marred not only by prejudiced attitudes but also by major factual errors. Cyrilla Barr corrects the historical record in her forthcoming biography of Coolidge (New York: Schirmer Books).

78. W. J. Henderson, The Soul of a Tenor (New York: Henry Holt, 1912), 1, 3, 68; see also p. 69 (passage cited in Chapter 1, n. 67).

79. I have already mentioned some examples (e.g., Hokinson cartoons, Babbitt , Mrs. Claypool in A Night at the Opera ), but a few more may help show that the Misapprehensions to which I refer are not exaggerated abstractions, much less inventions of my own. Marc Blitzstein's parody of a patroness and her fawning violinist and painter (an instance particularly of Misapprehension E below) is quoted in Chapter 8 above, along with various other public attacks on patronesses in the 1920s and 1930s. Of similar slant is an article by Henry Cowell, "Kept Music," complaining of the taming influence of society ladies on composers. (See summary in Bruce Saylor, The Writings of Henry Cowell [Brooklyn: Institute for Studies in American Music, 1977], 12. I have been unable to locate a copy of this article; Saylor's summary speaks of "the power of musical society"; that it is wealthy women who are the primary object of attack seems likely from Cowell's sardonic title.) Lubov Keefer frankly states Misapprehension F, almost word for word, but seems at times to find the phenomenon of "vanity" endearing, which I would argue is perhaps even worse than castigating it unthinkingly ( Music Angels: A Thousand Years of Patronage [Baltimore: Sutherland Press, 1976], ix-x, 166). Linda Whitesitt repeats a version of Misapprehension C and suggests that it deserves examination ("Women's Support," 312). Wooldridge's pseudo-scholarly attack on Coolidge (see n. 77 above) is related to Misapprehensions A and B. Levine, Hamm, and others attack patrons as elitist Europe-worshipers, which borders on Misapprehension A. Worse than any of these, of course, is the veil of silence (noted in the Introduction) that some still cast over the woman patron: Levine, for example, almost systematically omits mention of women patrons (see discussion in Chapter 2 above). But my primary concern here is with sins of commission, not omission.

80. Emanuel Rubin, "Dvorak * at the National Conservatory," in Dvorak * in America , ed. John Tibbetts (Portland, OR: Amadeus Press, 1993), 53-81. Dvorak's * published remarks are reprinted in an appendix to Tibbetts's volume and discussed by various of the other contributors.

81. Karen J. Blair, Torchbearers: Woman and Their Amateur Arts Societies, 1890-1930 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1994), 44-75, 211-19, 239-48, quotation from p. 58, summarizing an article of 1910. Blair lists numerous other projects that clubwomen carried out "in the service of nationalism" (their own motto for it was "Hear America First"), including pressure for a cabinet position in the arts, support for a National Conservatory (see Chapter 4 above), support for conservatories, creative colonies (e.g., the MacDowell), and neighborhood music schools (as well as music in settlement houses and public schools), community sings, political pageants (especially in wartime), research on and dissemination of folk and Native American music, opera productions in English, and the competitions (and creative colonies, such as the MacDowell) that directly spurred the growth of American competition (pp. 55-75). Further, see Karen J. Blair, "Seattle Ladies Musical Club," in Experiences in a Promised Land: Essays in Pacific Northwest History , ed. G. Thomas Edwards and Carlos Schwantes (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1989), 124-38, esp. 125-29; and Catherine Parsons Smith and Cynthia S. Richardson, Mary Carr Moore, American Composer (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1987), 124-29 (on performances of works by Moore and other "native" composers at both all-women and mixed-gender clubs in Los Angeles); see also p. 57 (Women's Century Club concerts at the State Art Exhibits in Seattle), 108-9. On one interesting case, see Catherine Parsons Smith, "Athena at the Manuscript Club: John Cage and Mary Carr Moore," Musical Quarterly 79 (1995): 351-67.

82. For that matter, we tend to be inundated by the sounds of a relatively small number of "pop" singing voices, too. Top-40 stations but also "background-music" systems in supermarkets, doctors' waiting rooms, and even some Chinese restaurants currently fill our ears with Michael Bolton and Whitney Houston in incessant alternation.

83. Smith and Richardson, Mary Carr Moore , 57, 108-16, 126-29.

84. Blair, Torchbearers , 60-61. The Fadettes Orchestra, Blair notes, was "adopted by the Massachusetts State Federation of Women's Clubs, which . . . in annual reports . . . provided it with important exposure" (61).

85. I borrow this image of an "end run" from Alice Echols's review of a book on a later phenomenon, the white-gloved "moral mothers" who campaigned with great effect against the Vietnam War: review of Women Strike for Peace: Traditional Motherhood and Radical Politics in the 1960s , by Amy Swerdlow, The Nation 257, no. 20 (13 December 1993): 737-39, quotation from p. 739.

86. See, in Chapter 1, the passage in and at n. 69.

87. On this disavowal of women composers, even by other women composers, see Deborah Hayes's study of Peggy Glanville-Hicks, cited in Smith, "'A Distinguishing Virility,'" 92.

88. Of course, in the strictly political arena, writers such as the Grimké sisters (in the 1830s-60s), the framers of the Seneca Falls "Declaration of Sentiments and Resolutions" (1848), and Susan B. Anthony were already appealing to women's common interests (see The American Sisterhood: Writings of the Feminist Movement from Colonial Times to the Present , ed. Wendy Martin [New York: Harper & Row, 1972]). Conversely, there is some risk in positing an unproblematic set of common interests among present-day "sisters" of diverse racial, ethnic, religious, and class backgrounds: see the introduction to Unequal Sisters: A Multicultural Reader in U.S. Women's History , ed. Ellen Carol Dubois and Vicki L. Ruiz (New York: Routledge, 1990), xi-xvi.

89. Isabella Stewart Gardner's supposed attempt to run off with the novelist Francis Marion Crawford would be an extreme case of this, if Louise Hall Tharp's reconstruction of it in her biography of Gardner, Mrs. Jack (Boston: Little, Brown, 1965), 68-87, is credible. More generally, see Adie Nelson and Barrie W. Robinson, Gigolos and Madames Bountiful: Illusions of Gender, Power, and Intimacy (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1994).

90. These questions have been prominently debated and explored at the first three conferences on Feminist Theory and Music (University of Minnesota, Minneapolis, June 1991; Eastman School of Music, Rochester, June 1993; University of California at Riverside, June 1995) and are well aired in, for example, Susan McClary, Feminine Endings: Music, Gender, and Sexuality (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1991); Marcia J. Citron, Gender and the Musical Canon (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), esp. ch. 4, "Music as Gendered Discourse"; and Cecilia Reclaimed , ed. Cook and Tsou.

91. Blair, "Seattle Ladies Musical Club," 132, citing Rheta Childe Dorr, A Woman of Fifty (New York: Funk & Wagnalls, 1924), 119. Decker's "bombshell," as reported by Dorr, continued: "I think it is time we dropped the story of his Inferno and turned our attention to our own" (Dorr, Woman , 119).

92. To be fair, Decker's reference to public libraries suggests a more inclusive vision than Blair—perhaps influenced by the sharpness of the cultural dichotomy in our own day—allows her. After all, libraries, such as Decker urged women to create, are themselves a crucial element in improving the "cultural life of the nation" and include copies of Dante. Her point was thus that women of means should dally less over Dante themselves and do more to (among other things) help make it available to others. Indeed, Blair's recent book gives us a concrete suggestion of this sort from Decker: if a music club is suffering from lack of enthusiasm, "sing for someone else" (clipping from Providence Sunday Journal , cited in Torchbearers , 56).

93. I do not mean to be excluding in simplistic fashion all women from influence on the more public realms of politics; see Introduction, n. 26.

94. On Gannett, see Chapter 1, n. 68. Similarly, clubwomen sometimes moved into political positions. See, for example, a study of the first woman mayor of a major American city: Doris H. Pieroth, "Bertha Knight Landes: The Woman Who Was Mayor," in Women in Pacific Northwest History: An Anthology , ed. Karen J. Blair (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1988), 83-106. Diane L. Fowlkes offers an exploration of the situation today, focusing particularly on feminist activism, in White Political Women: Paths from Privilege to Empowerment (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1992).

95. Blair discusses these efforts—throughout the United States, and not just in Seattle (as the title might suggest)—in "Seattle Ladies Musical Club," 132-36. On the music and theater activities at Jane Addams's Hull House, see the memoirs of Hilda Satt Polacheck, I Came a Stranger: The Story of a Hull-House Girl , ed. Dena J. Polacheck Epstein (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1989), e.g., 80, 105, 107, 109-25. The settlement houses and Dewey-inspired laboratory schools made a point of introducing children to various "immigrant cultures" (e.g., Scandinavian folk dancing), not just high-art music: see Therese M. Volk, "A History of Multicultural Music Education in the Public Schools of the United States" (Ph.D. diss., Kent State University, 1993), 82-86.

96. Doris Evans McGinty, "Gifted Minds and Pure Hearts: Mary L. Europe and Estelle Pinckney Webster," Journal of Negro Education 51 (1982): 266-78.

97. Joseph Horowitz, The Ivory Trade: Music Competitions and the Business of Music (1990), rev. ed. (Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1994).

98. The closest candidate I've come across recently is Anne Ratner, a retired music teacher who organizes up to eighteen concerts a year in her Manhattan living room for the benefit of Camphill Village, a community for mentally handicapped adults. Performers have included the singers Dawn Upshaw and Cecilia Bartoli, the flutist Carol Wincenc, the clarinettist Richard Stoltzman, and the pianist Richard Goode, and the repertoire is most substantial. But even she has her own motivating reasons for doing what she does, including a passionate love of high-level music making and a desire to do something positive with her anguish over her daughter's autism (David Blum, "Giving the Salon Concert a New Style and Purpose," New York Times , 21 February 1993, § H , 31). For that matter, perhaps even Mother Teresa herself finds gratification and solace in her work (one hopes so!) and is thus, by some people's lights, no "Mother Teresa" (i.e., no saint).

99. Christine Franklin, interviewed in René Becker, "Volunteers," Boston Magazine 80, no. 12 (December 1988): 205.

100. Suzanne Gordon warns about the danger to feminism and to society generally of women's internalizing patriarchal values and neglecting cooperation and nurturing ( Prisoners of Men's Dreams: Striking Out for a New Feminine Future [Boston: Little, Brown, 1991], esp. 1-16, 268-96).

101. The fact is, though, that some of the most prominent male philanthropists (e.g., Samuel J. LeFrak, Ronald O. Perelman) are rather "entrepreneurial" in their giving: see Geraldine Fabrikant and Shelby White, "Noblesse oblige . . . with Strings: The Charity of the Rich Isn't Always What It Seems," New York Times , 30 April 1995, § 3, 1, 13. For more on the mixed and often understated motives of philanthropists (and volunteers), see Robert Wuthnow, Poor Richard's Principle: Recovering the American Dream through the Moral Dimension of Work, Business, and Money (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996), 265-91; Robert Wuthnow, Acts of Compassion: Caring for Others and Helping Ourselves (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1991); and Francie Ostrower, Why the Wealthy Give: The Culture of Elite Philanthrophy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995).

102. On the growing crisis in governmental funding for Italy's many opera houses, see various recent articles by Nigel Jamieson in Opera News magazine. The net result of inadequate public funding is not much different from inadequate private funding: some Italian houses "are a national disgrace," says Riccardo Chailly, principal conductor at the (well-funded) Teatro comunale of Bologna (Jamieson, "Funds and Games," Opera News 57, no. 10 [30 January 1993]: 34-35).

103. In contrast, certain recent strands of (postmodern, minimalist, technopop, etc.) music making and "performance art" find a home quite apart from universities: in artists' lofts, coffeehouses, and the like. It is difficult to generalize about such work, except to say that it has little to do with the traditional network of wealthy music patrons (and rather more to do, when it can get it, with funding from the NEA and the various state councils on the arts).

104. The exhibit resulted in two illustrated catalogues, both entitled Music People and Others (Milan: Nuova edizioni Gabriele Mazzotta, 1987; and [Berlin?]: n.p., [1991]). Further on Freeman, see Vignette B.

105. See Naomi Gerstel's sociological research, briefly reported in "Volunteerism and Women's Crowded Lives: 'Points of Light' in Sharper Focus," Massachusetts [alumni bulletin of the University of Massachusetts] 3, no. 2 (Winter 1992): 5. Various comparative studies of charitable giving are summarized in Susan Weidman Schneider, "Giving It Away: Jewish Women's Philanthropy Is Coming of Age," Lilith , 18, no. 1 (Winter 1993): 6-12, 29, 38-39. See also Sidney Verba, Kay Lehman Schlozman, and Henry E. Brady, Voice and Equality: Civic Voluntarism in American Politics (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1995).