1. Robert E. Bedeski argues that the Guomindang achieved some degree of success in recentralizing its power on the eve of the war; see "China's Wartime State," in China's Bitter Victory: The War with Japan, 1937-1945, ed. James C. Hsiung and Steven I. Levine (Armonk, N.Y.: M. E. Sharpe, 1992), pp. 33-49.

2. Besides Defend the Marco Polo Bridge, other noted titles bearing the name of the bridge include Tian Han's The Marco Polo Bridge (Lugouqiao), Hu Shaoxuan's The Marco Polo Bridge (Lugouqiao), and Zhang Jichun's Shedding Blood for the Marco Polo Bridge (Xuesa Lugouqiao). See ZGHJYD 2:98-104; GM 3.4 (25 July 1937): 260-267; XWXSL 2 (February 1979): 27.

3. A feeling of loss and alienation was particularly evident among college students. See Wen-hsin Yeh, The Alienated Academy: Culture and Politics in Republican China, 1919-1937 (Cambridge, Mass.: Council on East Asian Studies, Harvard University, 1990), p. 229.

4. In his Economic Growth in Prewar China (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1989), Thomas G. Rawski argues that China's economy did not stagnate but grew substantially before the war. See esp. chap. 6.

5. GM 3.4 (25 July 1937): 213-214.

6. Zang Kejia, "Chule kangzhan shenme dou mei yiyi," in Kangzhan song, ed. Tang Qiong (Shanghai: Wuzhou shubaoshe, 1937), p. 37.

7. Mu Mutian, "Yong zhanzheng huida zhanzheng," in ibid., p. 52.

8. Xiang Zhongyi, "Yujiu Zhongguo bixu kaifa minzhong yundong," Xin zhanxian 3 (1 January 1938): 75-76.

9. In recent years, Japanese scholars have been paying increasing attention to this incident. See, for example, Hora Tomio, ed., Nitchu senso Nankin daizangyaku jiken shiryo shu, 2 vols. (Tokyo: Aoki shoten, 1985); Hata Ikuhiko, Nankin jiken (Tokyo: Chuo koronsha, 1990); Furuya Tetsuo, ed., Nitchu sensoshi kenkyu (Tokyo: Yoshikawa kobunkan, 1984); and Ienaga Saburo, Taheiyo senso, 2d ed. (Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1990), pp. 230-232. Ienaga, for one, argues that the Japanese military commanders should bear the responsibility of the atrocities committed during the incident.

10. For a brief history of the early war years, see Hsi-sheng Ch'i, Nationalist China at War: Military Defeats and Political Collapse, 1937-45 (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1982), chap. 2; and Lloyd E. Eastman, "Nationalist China During the Sino-Japanese War, 1937-1945," in Cambridge History of China, vol. 13: Republican China, 1912-1949, pt. 2, ed. John K. Fairbank and Albert Feuerwerker (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), pp. 547-580.

11. The literature on popular culture is abundant, a recent offering being Chandra Mukerji and Michael Schudson, eds., Rethinking Popular Culture: Contemporary Perspectives in Cultural Studies (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1991). Other influential works include Peter Burke, Popular Culture in Early Modern Europe (London: Temple Smith, 1978); Herbert Gans, Popular Culture and High Culture: An Analysis and Evaluation of Taste (New York: Basic Books, 1974); C.W.E. Bigsy, ed., Approaches to Popular Culture (Bowling Green, Ohio: Bowling Green University Popular Press, 1976); and Leo Lowenthal, Literature, Popular Culture, and Society (Palo Alto, Calif.: Pacific Books, 1961). Two important books on this subject in the China field are David Johnson, Andrew J. Nathan, and Evelyn S. Rawski, eds., Popular Culture in Late Imperial China (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1985); and Perry Link, Richard Madsen, and Paul G. Pickowicz, eds., Unofficial China: Popular Culture and Thought in the People's Republic (Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1989).

12. See Natalie Z. Davis, "The Historian and Popular Culture," in The Wolf and the Lamb: Popular Culture in France, ed. Jacques Beauroy, Marc Bertrand, and Edward T. Gargan (Saratoga, Calif.: Anma Libri, 1977), p. 11. I am indebted to Davis for her discussion of these two approaches, which she dubbed "anthropological" and "literary-sociological" (see esp. pp. 9-12), though I think the term literary-cultural is better and more inclusive than literary-sociological.

13. Oxford English Dictionary, 2d ed. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1989), 12: 124-125, S.V. Popular, definitions 4 and 6.

14. This is demonstrated clearly in Johnson, Nathan, and Rawski, eds., Popular Culture in Late Imperial China.

15. See Chang-tai Hung, Going to the People: Chinese Intellectuals and Folk Literature, 1918-1937 (Cambridge, Mass.: Council on East Asian Studies, Harvard University), chap. 1.

16. See Bigsy, ed., Approaches to Popular Culture, chap. 1; and Lowenthal, Literature, Popular Culture, and Society, chap. 2.

17. David Welch, "Introduction," in Nazi Propaganda: The Power and the Limitations, ed. David Welch (London: Croom Helm, 1983), p. 2.

18. Symbols represent many things, and their meanings can be interpreted differently in different contexts. Symbols, as the anthropologist Michael Herzfeld puts it, "do not stand for fixed equivalences but for contextually comprehensible analogies" (quoted in Robert Darnton, "The Symbolic Element in History," Journal of Modern History 58.1 [March 1986]: 219).

19. For a concise discussion of image, see Susanne K. Langer, Mind: An Essay on Human Feeling, vol. 1 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1967), pp. 59, 67-68.

20. Clifford Geertz, The Interpretation of Cultures (New York: Basic Books, 1973), pp. 5, 89.

21. See Burke, Popular Culture in Early Modern Europe, esp. chap. 7; Natalie Z. Davis, Society and Culture in Early Modern France (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1975), esp. chap. 6; and Johnson, Nathan, and Rawski, eds., Popular Culture in Late Imperial China, esp. chaps. 5 and 6.

22. Of course, the Geertzian interpretive method is not without its problems. Although Geertz's theory offers historians a unified framework within which to study human experiences, how these experiences change over time is not addressed. His emphasis on the deciphering of meaning tends to ignore causal laws of explanation and diachronic analysis, a disadvantage when it comes to understanding the evolution of political culture in wartime China. Moreover, the assumption of a unified cultural system ignores conflicting interests and appropriations by the people involved. Thus, a more objective interpretation of wartime culture is possible only when change and conflict are taken into account. Chapter 6, on the Communists' experiment in creating a new social order in the territories under their control, is an attempt to address some of the differences and conflicts in this period.

23. Victor Turner, Dramas, Fields, and Metaphors: Symbolic Action in Human Society (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1974), p. 140.

24. See Keith M. Baker, "Introduction," in The French Revolution and the Creation of Modern Political Culture, ed. Keith M. Baker, vol. 1 (Oxford: Pergamon Press, 1987), pp. xi-xviii.

25. This book therefore differs from works that focus heavily on the political and diplomatic history of the period, for example John H. Boyle's China and Japan at War, 1937-1945: The Politics of Collaboration (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1972) and Lloyd E. Eastman's Seeds of Destruction: Nationalist China in War and Revolution, 1937-1949 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1984). Japanese historical studies on the China war, though few for political and emotional reasons, likewise center largely on military and political aspects, as in the case of Hora Tomio's Nankin daigyakusatsu (Tokyo: Gendaishi suppankai, 1984). It is only in recent years that historians and students of literature have begun to study the complex intellectual changes and cultural upheavals of these turbulent years. Notable works in this area are Edward M. Gunn's Unwelcome Muse: Chinese Literature in Shanghai and Peking, 1937-1945 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1983) and John Israel's "Chungking and Kunming: Hsinan Lienta's Response to Government Educational Policy and Party Control," in Kangzhan jianguoshi yantaohui lunwenji (Taibei: Institute of Modern History, Academia Sinica, 1985), pp. 343-376. Scholars in Taiwan and mainland China have independently developed a similar interest. The 1987 publication in Taiwan of a threevolume set of materials on wartime literature (comprising Qin Xianci, ed., Kangzhan shiqi wenxue shiliao; Li Ruiteng, ed., Kangzhan wenxue gaishuo; Su Xuelin, et al., Kangzhan shiqi wenxue huiyilu, all published by Wenxun Monthly Magazine [Wenxun yuekan zazhishe] in Taibei), for example, indicates a growing fascination with this period. The scholarly activities in mainland China are even more visible and vigorous, including studies on wartime drama and fiction by such scholars as Liao Quanjing ( Dahoufang xiju lungao [Chengdu: Sichuan jiaoyu chubanshe, 1988]) and Wen Tianxing (Wen, Guotongqu kangzhan wenxue yundong shigao [Chengdu: Sichuan jiaoyu chubanshe, 1988]), and the publication of a twenty-volume set entitled Zhongguo kang-Ri zhanzheng shiqi dahoufang wenxue shuxi (Chongqing: Chongqing chubanshe, 1989). Encouraging as this research is, so far it has been limited in focus and conventional in approach.

26. Gans, Popular Culture and High Culture, p. ix.

27. Just how many wartime films actually survive is still a mystery. In the past few years I have made several attempts to secure China's wartime films through official as well as personal channels in mainland China, Taiwan, and Hong Kong, including a visit to the Chinese Film Archives (Zhongguo dianying ziliaoguan) in Beijing in October 1989. But the effort proved unproductive and frustrating.

28. It is now widely known that, although Cheng Jihua, Li Shaobai, and Xing Zuwen discussed wartime films in detail in their two-volume History of the Development of Chinese Film (Zhongguo dianying fazhanshi) (Beijing: Zhongguo dianying chubanshe, 1963), they based their research largely not on actually seeing the films but on reading the printed materials (such as scripts and reviews) published at that time.

29. Recent works focusing on Communist base areas other than the Shaan-Gan-Ning Border Region (where Yan'an is located) and on local specificities have warned against looking at those regions as a homogeneous entity. See, for example, Yung-fa Ch'en, Making Revolution: The Communist Movement in Eastern and Central China, 1937-1945 (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1986); also Lyman Van Slyke, ''The Chinese Communist Movement During the Sino-Japanese War, 1937-1945," in Cambridge History of China, vol. 13, pt. 2, pp. 609-722.

1. See H.R. Kedward, Resistance in Vichy France: A Study of Ideas and Motivation in the Southern Zone, 1940-1942 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1978), pp. 229-248.

2. See, for example, G. William Skinner, ed., The City in Late Imperial China (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1977); Mark Elvin and G. William Skinner, eds., The Chinese City Between Two Worlds (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1974); Rhoads Murphey, Shanghai: Key to Modern China (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1953); and William Rowe, Hankow: Conflict and Community in a Chinese City, 1796-1895 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1989). Few of these works, however, deal with urban cultural activities.

3. See Rhoads Murphey, "The Treaty Ports and China's Modernization," in Elvin and Skinner, eds., Chinese City, pp. 17-71.

4. China Handbook, 1937-1943, comp. Chinese Ministry of Information (New York: Macmillan, 1943), p. 2; and China Year Book, 1936, ed. H.G.W. Woodhead (Shanghai: North China Daily News, 1936), pp. 382, 456.

5. For example, Emily Honig, in Sisters and Strangers: Women in the Shanghai Cotton Mills, 1919-1949 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1986), pp. 4-5, has demonstrated that there were divisions and antagonisms between workers from Subei and those from Jiangnan.

6. Perry Link, Mandarin Ducks and Butterflies: Popular Fiction in Early Twentieth-Century Chinese Cities (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1981), pp. 40, 79.

7. George E. Sokolsky, "China and America: A Study in Tempos," New York Times Magazine, 2 August 1931, p. 8.

8. A case in point was the tragic death of actress Ruan Lingyu on 8 March 1935. Ruan's funeral drew tens of thousands of worshippers and spectators, and even the noted literary magazine Taibai (Venus) devoted a special section to her death. See Taibai 2.2 (5 April 1935): 74-88.

9. See, for example, Wu Zuguang, Wu Zuguang lunju (Beijing: Zhongguo xiju chubanshe, 1981), p. 211.

10. Wang Ying, "Wang Ying xie gei Yingzi de xin," XWXSL 30 (22 February 1986): 34.

11. See Sidney Monas, "St. Petersburg and Moscow as Cultural Symbols," in Art and Culture in Nineteenth-Century Russia, ed. Theofanis G. Stavrou (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1983), pp. 26-39.

12. Articles on the difference between Jing pai and Hai pai abounded in the 1930s and 1940s. See, for example, a series of discussions on the subject in Shen bao, January-March 1934; also Taibai 2.4 (5 May 1935): 165-166.

13. According to Rudolf Löwenthal of Yanjing University, writing in the 1930s, "practically all the [book] publications are printed in the six cities: Shanghai, Nanking [Nanjing], Peiping [Beiping], Tientsin [Tianjin], Canton [Guangzhou] and Hankow [Hankou]. Only 0.6 percent of the titles or 1.1 percent of the volumes; i.e., 1.4 percent of the aggregate value, are issued in other places. Shanghai's predominance is shown by the fact that there have been issued in that city alone 92.5 percent of the titles or 91.8 percent of the number of volumes, representing 85.3 percent of the aggregate value. The six leading publishing houses of China, all of which are located in Shanghai, control approximately 30 percent of the whole market representing 40 percent of the value" ("Public Communications in China Before July, 1937," Chinese Social and Political Science Review 22.1 [April-June 1938]: 43). See also Link, Mandarin Ducks and Butterflies, chap. 3.

14. An unofficial guide to Shanghai, for example, boasted of over one thousand female dancers from the southern province of Guangdong, describing vividly how these women were willing to perform any sexual service for their customers; see Amorous Shanghai (Shanghai fengqing) [N.p.: Lantian shubao zazhishe, n.d.], p. 22. And the Mysterious Guide to Shanghai (Shanghai shenmi zhinan [Shanghai: Datong tushushe, n.d.]) gave details of the city's notorious brothels and dance rooms.

15. See Zhang Jinglu, Zai chubanjie ershinian (Hankou: Shanghai zazhi gongsi, 1938), p. 3. See also Shanghai shenghuo (Shanghai life), 3.5 (17 May 1939): 5.

16. Zhang Jinglu, Zai chubanjie ershinian, pp. 111-116, 122-128.

17. Interview with Liao Bingxiong, 3, 4 January 1990, Guangzhou. See also Huang Mengtian (Huang Mao), "Liao Bingxiong jiushi," Dagong bao (Hong Kong), 17 September 1983, p. 6.

18. See Ouyang Yuqian, "Huiyi Chunliu," in ZGHJYD 1:13-46.

19. For Lin Shu's translation of La dame aux camélias, see discussion in Leo Ou-fan Lee, The Romantic Generation of Modern Chinese Writers (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1973), pp. 44-46.

20. Ouyang Yuqian, "Huiyi Chunliu," p. 14.

21. According to a survey conducted by drama critic Tian Qin during the war, 387 translated titles of foreign plays were published in China from 1908 to 1938. Among the countries represented, France topped the list with 132, followed by England (127), Japan (84), Russia (70), the United States (43), Germany (42), and others. Shakespeare came in first on the individual authors' list with 20, followed by Chekhov (14), Shaw (12), and Ibsen (9). See Tian Qin, Zhongguo xiju yundong (Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1946), pp. 105-143, esp. pp. 105-107.

22. Hu Shi, of course, was not the first Chinese to write a modern play. Other attempts were made earlier, especially by the Nankai Middle School (after 1919, Nankai University) in Tianjin, which had an unusually early interest in Western-style plays. Among its distinguished graduates was the well-known playwright Cao Yu. See Wang Weimin, "Introduction," in Zhongguo zaoqi huajuxuan, ed. Wang Weimin (Beijing: Zhongguo xiju chubanshe, 1989), pp. 1-12.

23. Hsiao Ch'ien (Xiao Qian), The Dragon Beards Versus the Blueprints: Meditations on Post-War Culture (London: Pilot Press, 1944), p. 16.

24. Hong Shen, "Introduction," in Zhongguo xinwenxue daxi, ed. Hong Shen, vol. 9 (Shanghai: Liangyou tushu yinshua gongsi, 1935), p. 23; translation quoted from William Dolby, A History of Chinese Drama (London: Paul Elek, 1976), p. 205.

25. For a survey history of modern Western drama, see J. L. Styan, Modern Drama in Theory and Practice (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981), esp. vol. 1.

26. See James R. Brandon, Theatre in Southeast Asia (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1967), esp. chap. 17.

27. Quoted from Hong Shen, "Introduction," in Hong Shen, ed., Zhongguo xinwenxue daxi 9:24.

28. Ibid., pp. 16-23.

29. Ouyang Yuqian, "Tan wenmingxi," in ZGHJYD 1:48.

30. Xiong Foxi, "Wo de wenyi xizuo shenghuo," Wenyi chunqiu 4.2 (15 February 1947): 132.

31. Ibid., p. 135. For the decline of "civilized dramas," see also Hong Shen, "Introduction," in Hong Shen, ed., Zhongguo xinwenxue daxi 9:14-15.

32. See Hong Shen, "Introduction," in Hong Shen, ed., Zhongguo xinwenxue daxi 9:14-15; Xu Banmei, Huaju chuangshiqi huiyilu (Beijing: Xiju chubanshe, 1957), p. 28.

33. For detailed discussions of the traditional theater, see TaoChing Hsu, The Chinese Conception of the Theatre (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1985).

34. Hong Shen, "Introduction," in Hong Shen, ed., Zhongguo xinwenxue daxi 9:33-34.

35. Ibid., p. 27.

36. Quoted from Ge Yihong, ed., Zhongguo huaju tongshi (Beijing: Wenhua yishu chubanshe, 1990), p. 50.

37. Hong Shen, "Introduction," in Hong Shen, ed., Zhongguo xinwenxue daxi 9:23-33. See also Ge Yihong, ed., Zhongguo huaju tongshi, pp. 47-54.

38. See Tian Han's 1920 letter to Guo Moruo, in Tian Han (Tian Shouchang), Zhong Baihua, and Guo Moruo, San ye ji (Shanghai: Yadong tushuguan, 1923), pp. 80-81.

39. See Ouyang Yu-chien (Ouyang Yuqian), "The Modern Chinese Theatre and the Dramatic Tradition," Chinese Literature 11 (November 1959): 103-104. See also Xu Banmei, Huaju chuangshiqi huiyilu, p. 124. A recent study, however, suggests that it was Hong Shen who first proposed the term huaju in March 1928 in Shanghai during the celebration of the hundredth anniversary of the birth of Ibsen; see Ge Yihong, ed. Zhongguo huaju tongshi, p. 119.

40. Tian Han, "Women de ziji pipan," in Tian Han zhuanji (N.p.: Jiangsu renmin chubanshe, 1984), p. 28.

41. For a history of the South China Society, see Tian Han's own account, "Nanguo she shilüe," in ZGHJYD 1:111-135.

42. See Constantine Tung's analysis, "Lonely Search into the Unknown: T'ian Han's Early Plays, 1920-1930," Comparative Drama 2.1 (Spring 1968): 44-54.

43. ZGHJYD 1:136-143; Chen Baichen, Shaonian xing (Beijing: Sanlian shudian, 1988), pp. 136-205; interview with Chen Baichen, 5 December 1989, Nanjing.

44. See ZGHJYD 1:142

45. Chen Baichen, Shaonian xing, p. 185.

46. See ZGHJYD 1:216.

47. See Liu Cunren, "Jin shinian lai woguo huaju yundong de niaokan," Dafeng 92 (20 June 1941): 3075-3076. See also Ge Yihong, ed., Zhongguo huaju tongshi, pp. 151-155.

48. For the ticket prices, see ZGHJYD 1:176. See also Xiju gangwei 1.1 (15 April 1939): 31; and Ge Yihong's letter to the author of 12 September 1991. A skilled worker in a Shanghai electricity company in 1929 earned between 1.2 to 2 yuan a day. A study in 1939 listed the average annual income of a four-member household at 252 yuan, or about 21 yuan per month, of which 64.3 percent was spent in food; 9.5 percent on clothing; 16.7 percent on rent; and the remaining 9.5 percent for miscellanies. See Tang Zhenchang, ed., Shanghai shi (Shanghai: Shanghai renmin chubanshe, 1989), p. 755. A female spinner earned about 0.327 to 0.432 yuan a day between 1931 to 1935, whereas a male packing worker's daily wages were 0.557 to 0.689 yuan during the same period; see Honig, Sisters and Strangers, p. 55.

49. According to Rudolf Löwenthal, by 1937 "there [were] some 300 cinema theatres in China with a seating capacity of about 300,000." The vast majority of them were located in Shanghai, Nanjing, Beijing, Tianjin, and Guangzhou. See Löwenthal, "Public Communications in China," pp. 47-48.

50. For the Venus Drama Society, see Ge Yihong, ed., Zhongguo huaju tongshi, pp. 107-108. For Chang'an Popular Drama Troupe, see ZGHJYD II, pp. 84-85. For the Nankai School Drama Club, see Lai Xinxia, ed., Tianjin jindai shi (Tianjin: Nankai daxue chubanshe, 1987), p. 318; see also Tianjin wenshi ziliao xuanji (Selected literary and historical materials on Tianjin) (Tianjin: Renmin chubanshe, 1985), esp. pp. 197-198.

51. Xia Yan, Lan xun jiu meng lu (Beijing: Sanlian shudian, 1985), p. 159.

52. See Gao Lihen, "Tan jiefang qian Shanghai de huaju," in Shanghai difangshi ziliao, vol. 5 (Shanghai: Shanghai shehui kexueyuan chubanshe, 1986), pp. 124-147. See also Zhao Mingyi, "Wei zuoyi juyun kaipi dadao—ji 'Dadao jushe,'" Wenyi yanjiu 2 (25 April 1980): 69-71.

53. See, for example, Tian Qin, Zhongguo xiju yundong, chap. 1.

54. See Chow Tse-tsung, The May Fourth Movement (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1960); and Vera Schwarcz, The Chinese Enlightenment: Intellectuals and the Legacy of the May Fourth Movement of 1919 (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1986).

55. See Ge Yihong, ed., Zhongguo huaju tongshi, p. 131; and Qianli, "Zhongguo xiju yundong fazhan de niaokan," Beidou 2.2 (20 January 1932): 52-54. Tian Han's Seven Women in the Tempest was not published as a separate work until mid-1932; see Wenxue yuebao 1.1 (10 June 1932): 43-77.

56. See ZGHJYD 1:9, 2:5. See also Ge Yihong, ed., Zhongguo huaju tongshi, pp. 164-165; and Hong Shen, Kangzhan shinian lai Zhongguo de xiju yundong yu jiaoyu (Shanghai: Zhonghua shuju, 1948), pp. 147, 152, 160, 161.

57. A. C. Scott, Literature and the Arts in Twentieth-Century China (New York: Anchor Books, 1963), p. 44. See also XJSD 1.1 (16 May 1937): 22.

58. A Ying, "Shanghai ge huaju jituan chunji lianhe gongyan wenxian jiyao," XJSD 1.1 (16 May 1937): 243-254.

59. See, for example, Zhao Huishen's account, "Zai Zhongguo lüxing jutuan," Juchang yishu 6 (20 April 1939): 20-25.

60. Feng Zikai first used the term manhua in May 1925 when his "Zikai's Cartoons" ("Zikai manhua") appeared in Wenxue zhoubao (Literary weekly); the title was apparently suggested to him by Zheng Zhenduo, editor of the journal. See Zheng Zhenduo's preface to Feng's Zikai manhua (Shanghai: Kaiming shudian, 1931), pp. 3-5. The Chinese term manhua is a direct translation from the Japanese manga, which, according to Feng, was first used by the Tokugawa ukiyo-e painter Hokusai; see Feng, Manhua de miaofa (Shanghai: Kaiming shudian, 1948), p. 7.

61. See Ge Gongzhen, Zhongguo baoxue shi (reprinted Taibei: Xuesheng shuju, 1964); and Zeng Xubai, ed., Zhongguo xinwen shi, 2 vols. (Taibei: Guoli Zhengzhi daxue xinwen yanjiusuo, 1966).

62. For a discussion of Wang Tao and his time, see Paul A. Cohen, Between Tradition and Modernity: Wang T'ao and Reform in Late Ch'ing China (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1974). For Liang Qichao, see Lai Guanglin, Liang Qichao yu jindai baoye (Taibei: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1968).

63. The West had a long tradition of using illustrations such as cartoons in periodicals and newspapers. By the 1830s, for example, cartoons with strong political connotations were appearing regularly in French daily newspapers. See Irene Collins, The Government and the Newspaper Press in France, 1814-1881 (London: Oxford University Press, 1959).

64. Quote from Bi Keguan, "Jindai baokan manhua," XWYJZL 8 (November 1981): 69. Illustrations, of course, were nothing new in China; Chinese publications often contained meticulous, colorful illustrations, but they differed from modern cartoons in style and content. See Zheng Zhenduo, "Chatu zhi hua," Xiaoshuo yuebao 18.1 (10 January 1927): 1-20.

65. See Dianshizhai huabao, 10 vols., preface dated 1884; also XWYJZL 10 (December 1981): 149-181. Other well-known pictorials include Xiaohai yuebao (Child's monthly), first published in Shanghai in May 1875, and Qimen huabao (Primer pictorials), launched in Beijing in June 1902. See XWYJZL 30 (April 1985): 191-203 and 31 (July 1985): 168-175.

66. Qianyu (Ye Qianyu), "Manhua de minzu xingshi," Huashang bao, 1 October 1941, p. 3.

67. For a discussion of the meaning of the cartoon, see John Geipel, The Cartoon: A Short History of Graphic Comedy and Satire (Newton Abbot, Eng.: David & Charles, 1972), chap. 1: "What Is a Cartoon?"; also Edward Lucie-Smith, The Art of Caricature (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1981), pp. 7-19.

68. Lin Jianqi, "Zhongguo de manhua yu muke," Yue bao 1.2 (15 February 1937): 453.

69. See Liu Zhenqing, Manhua gailun (Changsha: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1939), p. 3.

70. Feng Zikai, Manhua de miaofa, p. 37.

71. Lu Xun had argued that certain traditional Chinese paintings bore a close resemblance to modern cartoons—for example, the series by Luo Pin (Luo Liangfeng, 1733-1799), "The Delights of the Ghosts" ("Gui qu tu"). Luo, one of the eight famous "Yangzhou Eccentrics," used these eight ghost paintings to ridicule the absurdities of life and to satirize social corruption. See Lu Xun, ''Mantan 'manhua,'" in Xiaopinwen he manhua, ed. Chen Wangdao (Shanghai: Shenghuo shudian, 1935), p. 10.

72. Bi Keguan, "Jindai baokan manhua," p. 69.

73. See Bi Keguan and Huang Yuanlin, Zhongguo manhua shi (Beijing: Wenhua yishu chubanshe, 1986), chaps. 2-4.

74. See, for example, Dongfang zazhi 21.19 (10 October 1924) and 21.22 (25 November 1924); LY 20 (1 July 1933): 722, and 22 (1 August 1933): 808; and YZF 2 (1 October 1935): 94; 4 (1 November 1935): 172.

75. See, for example, "Tougao guiyue" (Rules for submission), Taibai 1 (20 September 1934).

76. The term manhua was by no means universally accepted by Chinese artists. Other terms, such as the transliterated katun, were being used even as late as the mid-1930s. See, for example, LY 20 (1 July 1933): 722, and 22 (1 August 1933): 808.

77. Quote from Huang Mao, Manhua yishu jianghua (Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1947), p. 26.

78. Another such group, for example, was the Cartoon Study Association (Manhua yanjiuhui), founded by Ye Qianyu, Zhang Guangyu, and Hu Kao. See SDMH 23 (20 November 1935): 37.

79. For cartoon training classes, see Bi and Huang, Zhongguo manhua shi, pp. 164, 175. There were a few cartoon correspondence schools, the two most famous being the China First Art School (Zhongguo diyi huashe) and the China Cartoon Correspondence School (Zhonghua manhua hanshou xuexiao). See Liangyou 37 (July 1929): 38; also Duli manhua 4 (10 November 1935): 23, and 6 (10 December 1935): 40. At the China Cartoon Correspondence School, for one, it took six months to complete the entire training course. Some cartoonists, such as Lu Shaofei, Wang Dunqing, and Ye Qianyu, also offered private classes. See their advertisements in SDMH 17 (20 May 1935) and 18 (20 June 1935).

80. Chen Wangdao, ed., Xiaopinwen he manhua, esp. "Preface."

81. Lu Xun, "Mantan 'manhua,'" p. 12. The other article, "Manhua er you manhua," was published under his pen name, "Qiejie," in Chen Wangdao, ed., Xiaopinwen he manhua, p. 152.

82. See Bi and Huang, Zhongguo manhua shi, p. 94.

83. For example, Shidai manhua received contributions from Hangzhou, Guangzhou, Nanjing, and Tianjin, among other places; see 20 (20 August 1935), 22 (20 October 1935), and 35 (20 February 1937).

84. See Bi and Huang, Zhongguo manhua shi, p. 93. Banjiao manhua, edited by Ye Yinquan, was launched on 6 December 1929. Because of more advanced publishing technology in Hong Kong, the magazine was printed in Hong Kong and then distributed in Guangzhou. It cost five fen per issue. See Ming bao, 22 September 1987 (Hong Kong ed.), p. 22.

85. Huang Miaozi, "Kangzhan yilai de Zhongguo manhua," Preface to QGXJ, p. 4.

86. Huang Yao's "Niubizi" (Mr. Ox Nose), resembling Ye Qianyu's "Mr. Wang," and Lu Shaofei's "Tao Ger" (Little Tao), similar to Zhang Leping's "San Mao,'' were other memorable characters created at this time. For "Niubizi," see, for example, Duli manhua 1 (25 September 1935): 29; for "Tao Ger," see, Liangyou 36 (31 March 1929): 37.

87. This comic strip also appeared in a number of places, for example Liangyou 130 (July 1937): 56, and 132 (December 1937): 38. See also Ye Qianyu, Ye Qianyu manhua xuan—sanshi niandai dao sishi niandai (Shanghai: Renmin meishu chubanshe, 1985).

88. Interview with Zhang Leping, 19 November 1989, Shanghai. See also Zhang Leping, "San Mao," Duli manhua 3 (25 October 1935): n.p.; SDMH 26 (20 February 1936): n.p. Although Zhang's comic strip "San Mao" appeared before the war, it did not become famous until after the war was over. See Zhang Leping, San Mao liulangji quanji (Beijing: Renmin meishu chubanshe, 1984). "San Mao" also made it to the silver screen, released in 1948 as The Wanderings of San Mao (San Mao liulangji ) by the Kunlun Film Studio; see Dazhong dianying (Popular film) 21 (11 November 1953): 18-19.

89. Bi and Huang, Zhongguo manhua shi, p. 134.

90. Quoted in ibid., p. 125.

91. See, for example, SDMH 23 (20 November 1935): 25.

92. See Xiao Jianqing, Manhua Shanghai (Shanghai: Jingwei shuju, n.d.).

93. Ye Qianyu, "She yu furen," Shanghai manhua 4 (12 May 1928): cover.

94. See Duli manhua 4 (10 December 1935): 2-3; and Manhua he shenghuo 1.3 (20 January 1936): 34-36.

95. Zhang E, "Wo hua manhua de jingguo," in Chen Wangdao, ed., Xiaopinwen he manhua, pp. 146-147.

96. Interview with Zhang E, 30 September 1989, Beijing.

97. Wang Dunqing, "Seqing manhua de zanyang," SDMH 26 (20 February 1936): n.p.

98. See Liu Zhenqing, Manhua gailun, pp. 27-28.

99. See, for instance, LY 2 (1 October 1932): 13; Yue bao 1.1 (15 January 1937): 44-51; and YZF 67 (1 May 1938): 32.

100. Interview with Lu Shaofei, 26 October 1989, Beijing.

101. For Covarrubias, see SDMH 2 (20 February 1934); for Daumier, SDMH 18 (20 June 1935); and for Goya and Low, SDMH 30 (20 September 1936). Interview with Lu Shaofei, 26 October 1989, Beijing.

Goya, Daumier, Kollwitz, Grosz, Low, and Covarrubias were of course not the only cartoonists and painters to have been introduced into China before and during the war. Other familiar figures included the Soviet cartoonist Boris Efimov, America's Daniel Fitzpatrick and Carey Orr, and Germany's Henrich Zille, to name just a few. On Efimov, see Ye Qianyu, "Lüetan Zhongguo de manhua yishu," Renwen yikan, 12 December 1948, p. 30; and Yue bao 1.4 (15 April 1937): 719; 1.6 (16 June 1937): 1163. On Fitzpatrick and Orr, see Yue bao 1.4 (15 April 1937): 719; and China Weekly Review 85.6 (8 October 1938): 191. On Zille, see YZF 91 (1 January 1940): 214. See also Ou Mei manhua jingxuan, ed. Qian Gechuan (N.p.: Zhonghua shuju, 1943).

102. See, for example, SDMH 30 (20 September 1936): n.p.

103. See Lu Xun, "Mantan 'manhua,'" p. 12; and Huang Mao, Manhua yishu jianghua, pp. 3, 50.

104. See Huashang bao, 5 November 1941, p. 3.

105. See comments by Chen Yifan (Jack Chen) in Shen Qiyu, "Zhongguo manhuajia cong Sulian dailai de liwu," GM 1.9 (10 October 1936): 572.

106. See Lu Xun, "Tan muke yishu," Wenlian 1.1 (5 January 1946): 5-6; Li Hua, "Kangzhan qijian de muke yundong," Xin Zhonghua 4.8 (16 September 1946): 36-40; Wang Qi, Xin meishu lunji (Shanghai: Xin wenyi chubanshe, 1951), pp. 93-94, 137, 144; and Yu Feng, ''Yong yanshe poxiang Faxisi," Huashang bao, 16 July 1941, p. 3. See also Shirley Hsiao-ling Sun, "Lu Hsun and the Chinese Woodcut Movement, 1929-1936" (Ph.D. diss., Stanford University, 1974).

107. Lu Xun, "Kaisui Kelehuizhi muke 'Xisheng' shuoming," in Lu Xun quanji, vol. 8 (Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 1981), p. 312; and Shirley Hsiao-ling Sun, Modern Chinese Woodcuts (San Francisco: Chinese Culture Foundation, 1979), pp. 18-21.

108. Lu Xun, "Kaisui Kelehuizhi banhua," Zuojia 1.5 (15 August 1936): 1224-1227. Keenly aware of the prints' potential as a propaganda tool, the ailing Lu Xun, with the assistance of Agnes Smedley and Mao Dun, published Selected Prints of Käthe Kollwitz (Kaisui Kelehuizhi banhua xuanji) in July 1936, three months before his death. See Smedley, Battle Hymn of China (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1943), p. 81.

109. When Kollwitz died in 1945, Liberation Daily, the official newspaper of the CCP in Yan'an, paid her a great tribute by printing a number of commemorative articles. See, for example, JFRB, 2 July 1945, p. 4.

110. See, for example, Qiejie (Lu Xun), "Manhua er you manhua," p. 152; and Hu Kao, "Xiwang yu manhuajie," Qianqiu 15 (1 January 1934): 7-8. Grosz's cartoons appeared in such journals as Tuohuang zhe (Pioneer) 1.1 (10 January 1934) and Taibai 1.3 (20 October 1934).

111. Huashang bao, 3 September 1941, p. 3. See also Te Wei, "Faxisi he yishujia," Huashang bao, 16 July 1941, p. 3.

112. Zhang Ding, "Manhua yu zawen," JFRB, 23 May 1942, p. 4.

113. See Bi and Huang, Zhongguo manhua shi, p. 130. During my interview with Cai Ruohong (29 September 1989, Beijing), Cai admitted his artistic debt to Grosz.

114. Cai's cartoons appeared in such magazines as Shidai manhua (e.g., 22 [20 October 1935]: n.p.) and Manhua shenghuo (Cartoon life), among others.

115. In a letter (25 November 1988) to the author, Cai also admitted his debt to David Low.

116. Nothing linked to fascism was immune from Low's acerbic attack; see Low, Autobiography (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1957), p. 254.

117. Huang Mao, Manhua yishu jianghua, p. 4; and interview with Huang Mao, 13 September 1989, Hong Kong. On the introduction of Low to China, see, for example, Dongfang zazhi 22.16 (25 August 1925): 11.

118. Low's cartoons were widely reprinted in such journals as Shijie zhishi (e.g., 3.9 [16 January 1936]: cover), Guowen zhoubao (e.g., 14.24 [21 June 1937]), and Huashang bao, 20 July 1941, p. 3. See also Huang Mao, Manhua yishu jianghua, pp. 4, 50.

119. David Low, Years of Wrath: A Cartoon History, 1931-1945 (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1946); and idem, A Cartoon History of Our Times (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1939), pt. 3.

120. See Huashang bao, 2 July 1941, p. 3; also Zazhi 7.5 (20 June 1940): 32-34.

121. On Low's influence on Te Wei, see Xinbo, "Wusheng de zhadan," Huashang bao, 7 May 1941, p. 3; and Huashang bao, 29 October 1941, p. 3.

122. See, for example, SDMH 35 (20 February 1937): n.p.; and JWRB, 5 January 1938, p. 4.

123. For a discussion of Covarrubias's work, see Beverly J. Cox and Denna Jones Anderson, Miguel Covarrubias Caricatures (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1985).

124. See, for example, LY 8 (1 January 1933): 265, and 14 (1 April 1933): 483-484. See also Marc Chadourne, China, illustrated by Miguel Covarrubias (New York: Covici Friede, 1932), passim.

125. Covarrubias was on his way to Bali for anthropological fieldwork, which later blossomed into an important second career. The Mexican artist was warmly received by his young admirers. Ye Qianyu ( Hua yu lun hua [Tianjin: Renmin meishu chubanshe, 1985], p. 234) admits that he learned his famous sketch techniques largely from Covarrubias when he met the artist in Shanghai in September of that year

126. See Huang Mao's discussion in Manhua yishu jianghua, p. 30; and in Huang Mengtian (Huang Mao), Huajia yu hua (Hong Kong: Shanghai shuju youxian gongsi, 1981), pp. 67, 170.

127. Zhang's celebrated series "Folksongs of Love" ("Minjian qingge"), which appeared in Shidai manhua and Duli manhua in the early 1930s, was strongly marked by Covarrubias-esque geometrical abstraction. See, for example, SDMH 1 (20 January 1934); and Duli manhua 1 (25 September 1935): n.p.

128. See, for example, the work of the American cartoonist Daniel Fitzpatrick in JWMH 3 (30 September 1937): 4.

129. Chinese resisters were naturally not alone in realizing that the press could play a critical role in shaping public opinion. Their foes also utilized the press to their own advantage, cultivating the press and magazines as a channel of disinformation and a means of silencing discontented Chinese. Information about newspapers in Japaneseoccupied areas abound but has not yet been systematically studied. For example, the Japanese purchased Tianjin's Yong Post (Yong bao ); they also published several newspapers in Nanjing in 1939, including the New Nanjing Daily (Xin Nanjing bao ); and they of course ran numerous dailies and magazines in Manchuria. See Baoren shijie 7 (April 1937): 5-9; and KZWY 5.2-3 (10 December 1939): 36-37, 53.

130. Lin Yutang, A History of the Press and Public Opinion in China (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1936), p. 94.

131. See Leo Ou-fan Lee and Andrew J. Nathan, "The Beginning of Mass Culture: Journalism and Fiction in the Late Ch'ing and Beyond," in Johnson, Nathan, and Rawski, eds., Popular Culture in Late Imperial China, pp. 360-395.

132. Quoted from Lin Yutang, History of the Press, p. 146.

133. China Handbook, 1937-1943, p. 697.

134. See Lin Yutang, History of the Press, p. 145; also Hu Daojing, Xinwenshi shang de xin shidai (Shanghai: Shijie shuju, 1946), p. 103.

135. Ge Gongzhen, Zhongguo baoxue shi, p. 277.

136. Hu Daojing, Xinwenshi shang de xin shidai, p. 94; Yuan Changchao, Zhongguo baoye xiaoshi (Hong Kong: Xinwen tiandishe, 1957), p. 80.

137. Other new methods were introduced to improve newspapers' quality. For example, more white space was used to avoid uniformity and denseness, and different types of headings furnished an artistic touch. Some of the techniques, as Zeng Xubai, editor of Shanghai's Great Evening News (Dawan bao), admitted, were inspired by the Japanese; see Zeng Xubai zizhuan, vol. 1 (Taibei: Lianjing chuban shiye gongsi, 1988), p. 111.

138. For the distribution of newspapers through the postal system, see Lin Yutang, History of the Press, p. 147.

139. Zeng Xubai, ed., Zhongguo xinwen shi 1:386.

140. See Hu Daojing, Xinwenshi shang de xin shidai, pp. 95-96; Zhao Junhao, Zhongguo jindai zhi baoye (N.p.: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1940), pp. 21-22.

141. See Yao Jiguang and Yu Yifen, "Shanghai de xiaobao," XWYJZL 8 (November 1981): 223-244; Link, Mandarin Ducks and Butterflies, pp. 119-124; and Zhao Junhao, Zhongguo jindai zhi baoye, pp. 101-111.

142. Zhao Junhao, Zhongguo jindai zhi baoye, p. 103.

143. Ibid., pp. 102-103.

144. The supplement format went back to the turn of the century. See Hu Daojing, "Lun fukan" (On the supplement), in Xinwenshi shang de xin shidai, pp. 77-79.

145. Li Liewen during his tenure (1932-1934), for example, initiated over twenty debates, one of the most memorable being a discussion of the superiority of the "Shanghai style" versus "Beijing style." See Shen bao, January-March 1934.

146. Ge Gongzhen, Zhongguo baoxue shi, pp. 286, 291.

147. Zeng Xubai, ed., Zhonggo xinwen shi 1:335-336.

148. Ge Gongzhen, Zhongguo baoxue shi, p. 292. Huang Tianpeng indicated that the monthly advertising income for Shen bao was about 150,000 yuan in 1930, but since the annual budget and profit of the newspaper are not known, the exact meaning of this figure is unclear. Advertisement revenues at Xinwen bao, according to Huang, were "even higher," but he gave no figure. See Huang, Zhongguo xinwen shiye (Shanghai: Xiandai shudian, 1932), p. 138.

149. Xu Baohuang, "Xinwenxue dayi," in Xu Baohuang and Hu Yuzhi, Xinwen shiye (Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1924), p. 1.

150. The term "a king without a crown" ( wumian huangdi ) was used commonly in reference to reporters. See, for example, Baoxue jikan 1.3 (29 March 1935): 124; and Xinwen zazhi 1.10 (25 September 1936): 45. For the low status of the journalists, see Huang Tianpeng, ed., Xinwenxue lunwenji (Shanghai: Guanghua shuju, 1930), p. 61.

151. Xu Zhuchang, Jiuwen zayi (Hong Kong: Sanlian shudian, 1982), p. 169.

152. Liu Zucheng, "Guangyu xinwen jizhe zhiye diwei queli wenti," Baoxue jikan 1.1 (10 October 1934): 59; Changjiang, "Zhanshi xinwen gongzuo de zhenyi," XWJZ 1.6-7 (10 October 1938): 18.

153. Changjiang, "Jiani xinwen jizhe de zhengque zuofeng," XWJZ 1.2 (1 May 1938): 5.

154. Wu Guanyin, "Xinwen zhiyehua yu kexuehua," in Xinwenxue minlunji, ed. Huang Tianpeng (Shanghai: Shanghai lianhe shudian, 1930), pp. 97-98; see also XWJZ 2.10 (16 March 1941): 24; and Xinwen zazhi 1.20 (20 February 1936): 1.

155. See Zhang Jinglu, Zhongguo de xinwen jizhe yu xinwenzhi (Shanghai: Xiandai shuju, 1932), pt. 1; pt. 2, sec. 4; and Huang Tianpeng, ed., Xinwenxue lunwenji, esp. pp. 45-62.

156. Xu Baohuang, "Xinwenzhi yu shehui zhi xuyao," in Baoxue congkan, ed. Huang Tianpeng, vol. 1, no. 2 (Shanghai: Guanghua shuju, 1930), pp. 2-3; Huang Tianpeng, ed., Xinwenxue lunwenji, pp. 17-18.

157. Changjiang, "Jianli xinwen jizhe de zhengque zuofeng."

158. See Xinwen zazhi 1.20 (20 February 1937): 1. Walter Williams had twice visited China, and his work "The Journalist's Creed," a Hippocratic oath for journalists, became a required text for Chinese journalism students.

159. Edgar Snow, Red Star over China (New York: Random House, 1938), p. 135.

160. Ge Gongzhen, Zhongguo baoxue shi, chap. 6, sec. 13; Yuan Changchao, Zhongguo baoye xiaoshi, chap. 11. See also "Xinwen jiaoyu jiguan gaikuang," Baoxue jikan 1.2 (1 January 1935): 117-127 and 1.3 (29 March 1935): 147-150.

161. Zhao Junhao, Zhongguo jindai zhi baoye, pp. 122-123, 126; Ge Gongzhen, Zhongguo baoxue shi, pp. 276-277; "Xinwen jiaoyu jiguan gaikuang," Baoxue jikan 1.2 (1 January 1935): 119-122.

162. See "Xinwen jiaoyu jiguan gaikuang," pp. 122-124.

163. Chinese journalism education continued to thrive, and by the 1930s it was having a major influence on the newspaper industry. More and more journalists were being trained in academic institutions, then going on to work as correspondents and editors in newspapers, magazines, and news agencies all over China. See "Xinwen jiaoyu jiguan gaikuang."

164. Zhang Jinglu, Zhongguo de xinwen jizhe yu xinwenzhi, pt. 1, p. 78.

165. See Baoxue jikan 1.3 (29 March 1935): 151-152.

166. "Qingzhu 'Jiuyi' jizhe jie," Xinwen zazhi 1.8-9 (5 September 1936): 1, 23; interview with Zhang Xiluo, 7 October 1989, Beijing.

167. Fan Changjiang, Tongxun yu lunwen (Chonqing: Xinhua chubanshe, 1981), pp. 263-273; Lu Yi, "Ji Zhongguo qingnian jizhe xuehui de chengli dahui," XWJZ 1.2 (1 May 1938): 17-18; and interview with Lu Yi, 16 November, 10 December 1989, Shanghai.

168. The founding of the Chinese Young Journalists Society was a particularly high moment in the history of modern journalism. It came at a time when the left and the right were still talking to each other in the name of national unity; their ideological differences soon split them asunder.

169. Huang Tianpeng, ed., Xinwenxue lunwenji, p. 38. See also Xu Baohuang, "Xinwenzhi yu shehui zhi xuyao," pp. 1-4.

170. While Liang Qichao, one of modern China's foremost intellectual leaders and a skilled publicist, used his many journals (New Fiction [Xin xiaoshuo] included) as political forums in support of constitutional monarchism, Huang, a star reporter for Shanghai's Shishi xinbao and Shen bao in the 1910s, unearthed melodramas of political intrigue in Beijing in order to expose the corruption of the warlord government. Huang championed republicanism and was a severe critic of Yuan Shikai's plan for restoring the monarchy. For Liang Qichao, see Lai Guanglin, Liang Qichao yu jindai baoye; for Huang Yuansheng, see Huang, Yuansheng yizhu, 4 vols. (Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1924).

171. See Jack R. Censer and Jeremy D. Popkin, eds., Press and Politics in Pre-Revolutionary France (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1987).

172. Zhao Kunliang, "Xinwen jiujing shi shenme?" Baoxue jikan 1.4 (15 August 1935): 47-51.

173. Xu Baohuang, "Xinwenzhi yu shehui zhi xuyao."

174. Huang Tianpeng, ed., Xinwenxue lunwenji, p. 38.

175. DGB (Tianjin), 22 May 1931, p. 1; Chen Jiying, Baoren Zhang Jiluan (Taibei: Wenyou chubanshe, 1957), p. 5; idem, Hu Zhengzhi yu Dagong bao (Hong Kong: Zhanggu yuekanshe, 1974), pp. 96-97; Howard L. Boorman, ed., Biographical Dictionary of Republican China, 4 vols. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1967-1971), 1:21.

176. Dong Sheng, "Fengjian shili zai baozhi shang," in Zheng Zhenduo, Haiyan (Shanghai: Xin Zhongguo shudian, 1932), pp. 139, 142.

177. Xie Liuyi, Bai longmenzhen (Shanghai: Bowen shudian, 1947), pp. 27-28.

178. Lin Yutang, "Suo wang yu Shen bao, " YZF 3 (16 October 1935): 115-116; idem, "Shen bao de yiyao fukan," YZF 18 (1 June 1936): 270-271.

179. Quoted in William L. Rivers, The Opinionmakers (Boston: Beacon Press, 1965), p. 71.

180. Changjiang, "Zenyang fa zhanshi dianxun yu xie zhandi tongxun," XWJZ 1.4 (1 July 1938): 5.

181. Liu Zucheng, "Guanyu xinwen jizhe zhiye diwei queli wenti," p. 59.

1. See, for example, Hong Shen, Kangzhan shinian lai, pp. 4-7; KZWYYJ 8 (1983): 24-32, and 9 (1983): 68-78; and ZGHJYD 1:218-241.

2. See Hong Shen, Kangzhan shinian lai, p. 12.

3. See Liang Bing, "Kaifeng jiuwang juyun de yipie," JWRB, 27 April 1938, p. 3; Dongfang huakan (The eastern pictorial) 1.4 (July 1938): n.p.; ZGHJYD 1:261-269; KZWYYJ 11 (1983): 69-74, 49, and 13 (1984): 86-97; Guo Moruo, Hongbo qu (Hong Kong: Yixin shudian, n.d.), pp. 44-45, 93. Many children's traveling drama corps were formed during the war, including the Xiamen Children's National Salvation Drama Corps (Xiamen ertong jiuwang jutuan), which traveled to Guangdong, Guangxi, and Vietnam to perform. See Zhandi tongxun (Battlefront correspondence) 3.8 (16 April 1940): 8-10.

4. The exact number of drama clubs and people involved is not known. According to one estimate, as many as 130,000 people took part; see Wang Yao, Zhongguo xin wenxue shigao, 2 vols. (Shanghai: Shanghai wenyi chubanshe, 1982), 2:488. Tian Han estimated that in 1942 there were about 2,500 dramatic clubs in China, each with some thirty members on average, which amounted to approximately 75,000 participants in this movement; see ZGHJYD 1:231. These figures, of course, are rough estimates.

5. See Ge Yihong, Zhanshi yanju zhengce (Shanghai: Shanghai zazhi gongsi, 1939), p. 23; Zheng Junli, Lun kangzhan xiju yundong (N.p.: Shenghuo shudian, 1939), p. 12.

6. See Chang-tai Hung, Going to the People, esp. chap. 7.

7. See Wen Zhenting, ed., Wenyi dazhonghua wenti taolun ziliao (Shanghai: Shanghai wenyi chubanshe, 1987); also Qu Qiubai, Qu Qiubai wenji, 4 vols. (Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 1953-1954), esp. 2:853-916.

8. Xiong Foxi detailed his experiment in Dingxian, especially in the villages of Dongbuluogang and Dongjianyang, in his books Xiju dazhonghua zhi shiyan and Guodu ji qi yanchu, both published by Zhengzhong shudian (n.p.) in 1947.

9. Tian Qin, Zhongguo xiju yundong, p. 88.

10. Xiong Foxi, "Zhengzhi, jiaoyu, xiju, sanwei yiti," Xiju gangwei 1.1 (15 April 1939): 3-5.

11. See Xiong Foxi, Xiju dazhonghua zhi shiyan and Guodu ji qi yanchu. See also Yang Cunbin's account in Yue bao 1.3 (15 March 1937): 667-674.

12. Xiong Foxi, "Zenyang zuoxi yu zenyang kanxi," Yue bao 1.4 (15 April 1937): 896.

13. Liu Cunren, "Jin shinian lai woguo huaju yundong de niaokan," p. 3074.

14. See Wang Yao, Zhongguo xin wenxue shigao 2:362.

15. George E. Taylor, Japanese-sponsored Regime in North China (New York: Garland, 1980), p. 38.

16. Zhang Junxin, "Zai xiangxia yanju," in Kangzhan de jingyan yu jiaoxun, ed. Qian Jiaju, Hu Yuzhi, and Zhang Tiesheng (N.p.: Shenghuo shudian, 1939), pp. 190-191.

17. See, for example, Liu Jian, "Ruhe shi huaju shenru dao nongcun qu," Kangzhan xiju 2.2-3 (May 1938): 80-81.

18. See "Yidong yanju yundong teji," GM 3.3 (10 July 1937): 189-190.

19. Baqian li lu yun he yue—Yanju jiudui huiyilu, ed. Yanju jiudui duishi bianji weiyuanhui (Shanghai: N.p., n.d. [epilogue dated 1988]), p. 37.

20. Hong Shen, "Kangzhan shiqi zhong de xiju yundong," Xiju kangzhan 1.1 (16 November 1937): 2-4, esp. p. 4.

21. Hong Shen, Kangzhan shinian lai, p. 33.

22. See GM 2.12 (25 May 1937): 1561.

23. Zhou Gangming, "Lun xian jieduan de yanju yishu," Wenyi zhendi 5.1 (16 July 1940): 64-76.

24. Quoted in Hong Shen, Kangzhan shinian lai, p. 91.

25. Quoted in Colin Mackerras, "Theater and the Masses," in Chinese Theater: From Its Origins to the Present Day, ed. Colin Mackerras (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1983), p. 153.

26. See, for example, Lin Jing, "Zai xiangcun zhong yanju de liangzhong zaoyu," in Qian, Zhu, and Zhang, eds., Kangzhan de jingyan yu jiaoxun, pp. 252-253.

27. Hong Shen, Kangzhan shinian lai, pp. 17-18.

28. The origin of the terms huo de baozhi and huobao (both mean "living newspaper") is not clear. It might have come from the Soviet Union in the early 1930s. See David Holm, Art and Ideology in Revolutionary China (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1991), p. 25.

29. See Kangzhan sanrikan 6 (6 September 1937): 11-12, esp. p. 11.

30. ZGHJYD 1:257.

31. Guangweiran, "Lun jietouju," Xin xueshi 2.2 (25 October 1937): 86.

32. Interview with Lü Fu, 24 October 1989, Beijing. See also Chen Yongliang, "Xiezuo jietouju zhi guanjian," Zhongyang ribao, 23 September 1938, p. 4; Zhao Qingge, Kangzhan xiju gailun (Chongqing: Zhongshan wenhua jiaoyuguan, 1939), p. 28.

33. Ma Yanxiang, ed., Zuijia kangzhan juxuan (Hankou: Shanghai zazhi gongsi, 1938), p. 194.

34. Richard Schechner, The End of Humanism: Writings on Performance (New York: Performing Arts Journal Publications, 1982), p. 119.

35. The authorship of the play has long been disputed, though Chen Liting is now widely recognized as the original author. Interview with Ge Yihong, 20 October 1989, Beijing; and with Lü Fu, 24 October 1989, Beijing. Because many people had a hand in rewriting it, however, the play often appears listed as a "collective work."

36. See Tian Han's own account in his "Zhongguo huaju yishu fazhan de jinglu he zhanwang," in ZGHJYD 1:67. See also Chen Baichen, Shaonian xing, p. 145. Chen was Tian Han's student.

37. Materials about this play are abundant. See, for example, GM 2.10 (25 April 1937): 1407-1413; ZGHJYD 1:7, 228-229, and 2:107-108. Photographs of a performance appear in Dongfang zazhi 34.4 (16 February 1937); and Wenxian 4 (10 January 1939): A1.

38. Interview with Chen Liting, 17 November 1989, Shanghai. See also Ding Yanzhao, " Fangxia nide bianzi dansheng, liuchuan he yanbian," Shanghai xiju 101 (28 April 1986): 30-31.

39. Ibid.

40. Interviews with Xie Bingying, 21 August 1989, San Francisco; Chen Liting, 17 November 1989, Shanghai; and Lü Fu, 24 October 1989, Beijing. Many actors had performed in Lay Down Your Whip, but the memorable performances of drama activist Cui Wei as the old man and the popular actress Zhang Ruifang (1918-) as the distressed Fragrance, at Fragrant Hill (Xiangshan) in Beijing in April 1937, were best remembered. See GM 2.10 (25 April 1937): 1407-1413.

41. You Jing (Yu Ling), ed., Dazhong juxuan (Hankou: Shanghai zazhi gongsi, 1938), pp. 21-22.

42. Liang Guozhang, "'Yanju qingqidui' chuanguo le zhandi," XJCQ 2.1 (25 May 1942): 62-64.

43. Baoluo, "Zhankai xiju de youjizhan," Kangzhan xiju 1.1 (16 November 1937): 6-9.

44. Liu Nianqu, "Wo xiang liudong yanjudui jianyi," Kangzhan xiju 1.2 (1 December 1937): 39-40.

45. For one of many articles on this subject, see Lin Fei, "Yanju yu guanzhong," JWRB, 28 April 1938, p. 4.

46. Susanne K. Langer, Feeling and Form (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1953), p. 306.

47. Chen Yongliang, "Yanchu jietouju ersan shi," Zhongyang ribao, 7 October 1938, p. 4.

48. Guangweiran called this a "natural stage"; see his "Jietouju de yanchu fangfa," DGB (Hankou), 17 December 1937, p. 4.

49. The play's popularity extended to other media as well, notably photographs; see, for example, Dongfang zazhi 34.4 (16 February 1937): cover inside page; Kangzhan xiju 1.1 (16 November 1937): back cover. In 1940 the celebrated painter Xu Beihong captured vividly the performance of Fragrance on his canvas, using actress Wang Ying as his model. Wang Ying even brought the famous street play to the White House at the invitation of President Franklin D. Roosevelt when she toured the United States in 1942, creating quite a sensation in a foreign land. See the subsequent report in Dianying yu xiju 1 (January 1947): 32. There are numerous eyewitness accounts and reports about the enormous success of Lay Down Your Whip during the war. A few examples will suffice: interviews with Ge Yihong, 28 September, 20 October 1989, Beijing; and with Lü Fu, 24 October 1989, Beijing. See also Dongfang zazhi 40.8 (30 April 1944): 58.

50. Wang Yao, Zhongguo xin wenxue shigao 2:364.

51. Ding Yanzhao, " Fangxia nide bianzi dansheng, liuchuan he yanbian," p. 31. See also XWXSL 13 (22 November 1981): 216-227, esp. p. 223.

52. See Yang Hansheng, Fengyu wushinian (Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 1986), p. 181.

53. I did not see the script; Chen Liting (interview, 17 November 1989, Shanghai) and Yu Ling (interview, 23 November 1989, Shanghai) mentioned this version to me.

54. See Shen Xiling et al., Jietou yanju (N.p.: Guofang xiju yanjiuhui, 1938); A Ying, ed., Kangzhan dumuju xuan (N.p.: Kangzhan duwu chubanshe, 1937); and Ma Yanxiang, ed., Zuijia kangzhan juxuan.

55. The play, which was based on Lady Gregory's The Rising of the Moon, was written collectively by Lü Fu, Shu Qiang, Wang Yi, and Xu Zhiqiao. See Baqian li lu yun he yue, p. 462; also interview with Lü Fu, 20 October 1989, Beijing.

56. The Last Stratagem is said to be based on a foreign play, but I have been unable to trace its origin. The play was reportedly rewritten by Qu Baiyin (1910-); see Zhongguo kang-Ri zhanzheng shiqi dahoufang wenxue shuxi, 20 vols. (Chongqing: Chongqing chubanshe, 1989), 17:2242. Hong Shen and Xu Xuan also rewrote the play and gave it a new title, Sili qiusheng (From the jaws of death); see esp. p. 1 of the published version (N.p.: Shenghuo shudian, 1938).

57. ZGHJYD 1:7, 237; XJCQ 2.3 (10 September 1942): 4; Baqian li lu yun ye yue, passim.

58. See Lü Fu, ''Kangdi yanjudui wushi zhounian zuotanhui qianyan," unpublished paper, 5 October 1988, Wuhan, pp. 8-9

59. See, for example, a report in Zhandi (Battlefront) 4 (5 May 1938): 114-115. See also Shen Xiling et al., Jietou yanju, p. 40.

60. See, for example, "Editorial," Wenxue chuangzuo 1.6 (1 April 1943), and p. 119.

61. Interview with Lü Fu, 24 October 1989, Beijing. See also Kangzhan sanrikan 2 (23 August 1937): 9.

62. Liu Jian, "Ruhe shi huaju shenru dao nongcun qu," p. 80.

63. Edgar A. Mowrer, The Dragon Wakes: A Report from China (New York: William Morrow, 1939), pp. 166-167.

64. Karl Chia Chen, "The Undeclared War and China's New Drama," Theatre Arts 23.12 (December 1939): 899.

65. ZGHJYD 2:168-201. See also XJSD 1.2 (1 January 1944): 8.

66. Interview with Ge Yihong, 20 October 1989, Beijing; and with Lü Fu, 24 October 1989, Beijing. See also Tian Qin, "Zhongguo zhanshi xiju chuangzuo zhi yanbian," Dongfang zazhi 40.4 (29 February 1944): 53-57, esp. p. 56.

67. The literature on male warriors in wartime dramas is abundant, but a comprehensive picture necessitates more research.

68. Turner, Dramas, Fields, and Metaphors, p. 96.

69. Song Zhidi, "Xiezuo Wu Zetian de zibai," GM 3.1 (10 June 1937): 44.

70. Ouyang Yuqian, Pan Jinlian (Shanghai: Xindongfang shudian, 1928), pp. 3-4.

71. ZGHJYD 1:119-120.

72. What is stated here is the prevailing attitude toward women that persisted in Chinese culture from Confucian times well into the twentieth century. The present author is well aware that various, and often conflicting, images of women were held in traditional China. One finds, as Margery Wolf and Roxane Witke point out, "evidence for a Chinese conception of women as weak, timid, and sexually exploitable as well as dangerous, powerful, and sexually insatiable" (Wolf and Witke, eds., Women in Chinese Society [Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1975], p. 2).

73. Ouyang Yuqian, Huaju, xingeju yu Zhongguo xiju yishu chuantong (Shanghai: Shanghai wenyi chubanshe, 1959), p. 12; Yang Hansheng, "Zhongguo xiju zhong de xinjiu nüxing," Wencui 1.6 (13 November 1945): 18-21.

74. In addition to Zeng Pu's novel, Liu Fu's famous interview with Sai, as well as other sources, inspired Xia Yan's play. See Xia Yan, "Sai Jinhua," Wenxue 6.4 (1 April 1936): 590.

75. See GM 2.7 (10 March 1937): 1263-1264.

76. Xia Yan, Lan xun jiu meng lu, p. 328.

77. GM 2.12 (25 May 1937): 1546-1550.

78. Ouyang Yuqian, Taohua shan (Beijing: Zhongguo xiju chubanshe, 1957), p. 5.

79. Wen Zaidao et al., Biangu ji (Shanghai: Yingshang wenhui youxian gongsi, 1938), p. 248.

80. A Ying, Bixue hua (Beijing: Zhongguo xiju chubanshe, 1957); idem, Yang E zhuan (Shanghai: Chenguang chuban gongsi, 1950); Bi Yao, "Qin Liangyu," in Guofang xiju xuan (N.p.: n.p., n.d.); Yang Cunbin, Qin Liangyu (N.p.: Sichuan shengli xiju jiaoyu shiyan xuexiao bianzuan weiyuanhui, 1940); Gu Zhongyi, Liang Hongyu (Shanghai: Kaiming shudian, 1941); Zhou Jianchen, Liang Hongyu (N.p.: Xinyi shudian, 1940); Zhou Yibai, Hua Mulan (Shanghai: Kaiming shudian, 1941); Ouyang Yuqian, "Mulan congjun," Wenxian 6 (10 March 1939): F1-F31; idem, Liang Hongyu (Hankou: Shanghai zazhi gongsi, 1938).

81. See also Edward Gunn's analysis of this play in Unwelcome Muse, esp. chap. 3.

82. See Hong Shen, Kangzhan shinian lai, pp. 156-157. See also Zazhi 10.6 (10 March 1943): 92. Among the many enthusiastic reviews of the play was Shanghai shenghuo (Shanghai life), 3.11 (17 November 1939): 30.

83. Jay Leyda, Dianying: An Account of Films and the Film Audience in China (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1972), p. 141.

84. See Hong Shen, Kangzhan shinian lai, p. 161; also ZGHJYD 2:183; and Ying Sun, "Guanyu Mulan congjun, " Wenxian 6 (10 March 1939): F32-F35.

85. Ouyang Yuqian, Dianying banlu chujia ji (Beijing: Zhongguo dianying chubanshe, 1962), p. 36.

86. Zhou Yibai, Hua Mulan, esp. act 4. See also Edward Gunn's description in Unwelcome Muse, pp. 125-126.

87. Zazhi (Magazine) 15.5 (10 August 1945): 103-105.

88. The unity and the strength of the people is again stressed in such plays as Gu Zhongyi's Liang Hongyu, esp. act 4.

89. Other plays on the same theme include Zhao Ming's Mulan congjun ji (Mulan Joins the Army), mentioned in Baqian li lu yun he yue, pp. 383-384, 463; and in Shui Hua's Mulan congjun (Mulan Joins the Army), in ZGHJYD 2:213, 226. For more information, see Chang-tai Hung, "Female Symbols of Resistance in Chinese Wartime Spoken Drama," Modern China 15.2 (April 1989): 149-177, esp. p. 174, n. 5. An example of a cartoon on the theme is Feng Zikai's "A Modern-Day Hua Mulan," YZF 71 (16 July 1938): 230. And for a kuaiban, see Lao She, "Nü'er jing,'' in Lao She wenji, 14 vols. (Beijing: Renmin chubanshe, 1980-1989), 13:55. An interesting article on the subject concerns a Hunanese girl, Tang Guilin, who disguised herself as a male soldier during the war; surprisingly, her identity was not discovered until a few years later. See Cao Juren, "Xiandai Mulan Tang Guilin de ceying," Zazhi 5.1 (16 June 1939): 56.

90. Although patriotic courtesans and female warriors were the two major types of female symbols of resistance created during the war, they were by no means the only ones. Guo Moruo's Nie Ying, for example, belongs to neither category. A protagonist in Guo's five-act play Devoted Siblings (Tandi zhi hua, 1942), Nie Ying is a righteous woman of the Warring States period. She and her brother Nie Zheng together sacrifice their lives for the cause of unity in opposition to the tyranny of the Qin. There is definitely a contemporary ring in Guo's presentation.

91. Interview with Xie Bingying, 20 November 1988, 21 August 1989, San Francisco.

92. Hu Lanqi, Hu Lanqi huiyilu, vol. 2: 1936-1949 (Chengdu: Sichuan renmin chubanshe, 1987), esp. pp. 27-28.

93. See Hu Lanqi, ed., Zhandi ernian (N.p.: Laodong funü zhandi fuwutuan, 1939), p. 8.

94. Joan W. Scott, "Rewriting History," in Behind the Lines: Gender and the Two World Wars, ed. Margaret R. Higonnet et al. (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1987), p. 30.

95. Ying Sun, "Guanyu Mulan congjun. "

96. A total of 627 titles with known publication dates are said to have been published during the war. In addition, there were 36 titles whose publication dates are unknown. Many titles, however, are collections of plays, and some titles appeared in more than one edition. See Qin Xianci, ed., Kangzhan shiqi wenxue shiliao, pp. 170-203. About 30 of these titles bear the names of patriotic courtesans, past female warriors, and modern women fighters. Another account gives the total number of plays produced as 989; this tally includes those that appeared in journals and magazines, but unfortunately no titles are given. See Zhongguo kang-Ri zhanzheng dahoufang wenxue shuxi 17:2244.

97. There were other Hua Mulan plays that did not appear in print, such as those by Zhao Ming and Shui Hua (see above, n. 89).

98. Yang Cunbin, Qin Liangyu, "Preface."

99. Turner, Dramas, Fields, and Metaphors, p. 106.

100. Jean Bethke Elshtain, "Women as Mirror and Other: Toward a Theory of Women, War, and Feminism," Humanities in History 5.2 (Winter-Spring 1982): 31-32.

101. There are many studies on European and American women's active role during the two world wars, especially the second. See, for example, Margaret Weitz, "As I Was Then: Women in the French Resistance," Contemporary French Civilization 10.1 (1986): 1-19; Leila Rupp, Mobilizing Women for War: German and American Propaganda, 1939-1945 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1978); and Higonnet et al., eds., Behind the Lines. Feminist scholarship has been particularly active in studying the relationship between the politics of gender and the politics of war. Feminist scholars argue that the two world wars provided opportunities for women to assume roles previously reserved for men. But since women were excluded from public power and combat roles in the military, the "changes in women's material conditions and cultural image seem ephemeral" (Higonnet et al., eds., Behind the Lines, p. 32). In America, Leila Rupp claims that World War II created only a temporary change in women's status.

102. As in the West, the status of women changed little in wartime China. See Kay Ann Johnson, Women, the Family, and Peasant Revolution in China (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1983), esp. chap. 2; Honig, Sisters and Strangers; and Ono Kazuko, Chinese Women in a Century of Revolution, 1850-1950, ed. Joshua A. Fogel (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1989).

103. For a discussion of the relationship between the image and reality of women in Chinese literature, see Anna Gerstlacher et al., eds., Woman and Literature in China (Bochum, W. Ger.: Brockmeyer, 1985).

104. For a comparison of the symbol of Joan of Arc and that of Hua Mulan, see Chang-tai Hung, "Female Symbols of Resistance."

105. Wang Ping, "Tian Han zai 'feixu shang,'" Juchang yishu 9 (20 July 1939): 14.

106. "Special Issue on Historical Plays," XJCQ 2.4 (30 October 1942): 40-41.

107. Ibid., p. 41.

108. Ibid.

109. Liu Yazi participated in this panel discussion but did not respond to the questions directly. He agreed to write a separate article addressing issues related to the discussion. This article appeared in the same issue of XJCQ. See Yazi (Liu Yazi), "Zatan lishiju," XJCQ 2.4 (30 October 1942): 49.

110. XJCQ 2.4 (30 October 1942): 46.

111. For other discussions, see, for example, He Fangyuan, "Lishiju lunzhan," Zazhi 13.2 (10 May 1944): 153-156; and Zazhi 12.5 (10 February 1944): 159-161.

112. Wei Ruhui (A Ying), " Bixue hua renwu bukao," Wanxiang 1.1 (1 July 1941): 41-43. See also Liu Yazi, "Zatan A Ying xiansheng de Nan Ming shiju," Wenxue chuangzuo 1.2 (15 October 1942): 52-57.

113. A Ying, Yang E zhuan, p. 16.

114. Ouyang Yuqian, Huaju, xingeju yu Zhongguo xiju yishu chuantong, p. 9.

115. See XJCQ 2.4 (30 October 1942): 41. Playwrights often found it difficult to authenticate characters and events in a historical play. Mulan Joins the Army is a case in point. Accounts of Hua Mulan's life are flimsy at best and perhaps even fabricated. She may have lived during the Tang dynasty or in the earlier Northern and Southern dynasties, as the famous "Poem of Mulan" suggested. Although we have sufficient evidence to prove that the Mulan legend had become quite popular by the Tang, the exact time when this legend started and how it grew are still not known.

116. He Fangyuan, "Lishiju lunzhan," p. 153.

117. See Zazhi 12.5 (10 February 1944): 159-161, esp. p. 160; Wenyi xianfeng 2.4 (20 April 1943): 5

118. Interview with Xia Yan, 16 October 1989, Beijing.

119. Xia Yan, " Shanghai wuyan xia houji," in Hui Lin et al., Xia Yan yanjiu ziliao (Beijing: Zhongguo xiju chubanshe, 1983), p. 178.

120. Zhang Geng, "Muqian juyun de jige dangmian wenti," GM 2.12 (25 May 1937): 1493.

121. Tang Tao, Touying ji (Shanghai: Wenhua shenghuo chubanshe, 1940), p. 164.

122. See Ouyang Yuqian, Huaju, xingeju yu Zhongguo xiju yishu chuantong; and idem, "Zaitan jiuxi de gaige," Shen bao zhoukan 2.7 (21 February 1937): 139-142; 2.8 (28 February 1937): 166-167; 2.12 (28 March 1937): 257-258.

123. Kedward, Resistance in Vichy France, p. 211.

124. Guo Moruo, "Tan lishiju" (On historical plays), quoted in Su Guangwen, Kangzhan wenxue gaiguan (Chongqing: Xinan shifan daxue, 1985), p. 166.

125. On GMD censorship, see Lee-hsia Hsu Ting, Government Control of the Press in Modern China, 1900-1949 (Cambridge, Mass.: East Asian Research Center, Harvard University, 1974); see also Yiqun, "Yijiusier nian Yu Gui ge zhanqu juyun pingshu," Wenxue chuangzuo 1.6 (1 April 1943): 119-125.

126. Tian Jin, "Kangzhan banian lai de xiju chuangzuo," Wenlian 1.3 (5 February 1946): 27.

127. See Lan Hai, Zhongguo kangzhan wenyi shi (Ji'nan: Shandong wenyi chubanshe, 1984), p. 252.

128. Tian Jin, "Kangzhan banian lai de xiju chuangzuo," p. 27. Chen Baichen gave slightly different statistics: historical plays composed 16 percent of all plays in the first period, and 34 percent in the second. See Wang Xunzhao et al., eds., Guo Moruo yanjiu ziliao, 3 vols. (Beijing: Zhongguo shehui kexue chubanshe, 1986), 1:364.

129. Tang Tao, Touying ji, p. 166.

130. For one of numerous articles on Shi Kefa, see Wen Zaidao et al., Biangu ji, pp. 221-222. On Ma Shiying and Ruan Dacheng, see Tang Tao, Duan chang shu (Shanghai: Nanguo chubanshe, 1947), pp. 124-126, 155-170; interview with Tang Tao, 12 October 1989, Beijing.

131. For Zhou Li'an's argument, see Wen Zaidao et al., Biangu ji, p. 198.

132. Zhou Li'an, Huafa ji (Shanghai: Yuzhou feng she, 1940), p. 32.

133. Interview with Wu Zuguang, 5 November 1987, Minneapolis.

134. Xiong Foxi, Foxi lunju (Shanghai: Xinyue shudian, 1931), p. 148.

135. Ding Ling, "Lüetan gailiang Pingju," Wenyi zhendi 2.4 (1 December 1938): 496.

136. Xiang Peiliang, "Lun jiuju zhi buneng gailiang," Shen bao, 6 September 1935, p. 20.

137. Xiong Foxi, "Wo duiyu chuangzao xingeju de yidian yijian," Yicong 1.2 (July 1943): 6.

138. For Tian Han's argument, see, for example, Tian Han, Tian Han zhuanji (N.p.: Jiangsu renmin chubanshe, 1984), pp. 155, 163. See also Hong Shen, Kangzhan shinian lai, chap. 5; and Ouyang Yuqian, Huaju, xingeju yu Zhongguo xiju yishu chuantong.

139. Ouyang Yuqian, "Zaitan jiuxi de gaige."

140. Ouyang Yuqian, "Mingri de xingeju," XJSD 1.1 (16 May 1937): 70.

141. Ouyang Yuqian yu Guiju gaige, ed. Guangxi yishu yanjiuyuan and Guangxi shehui kexueyuan (Nanning: Guangxi renmin chubanshe, 1986), esp. "Introduction," pp. 1-27.

142. Ouyang Yuqian, "Zaitan jiuxi de gaige," p. 141.

143. Ouyang, "Zaitan jiuxi de gaige."

144. Ma Yanxiang, "Ruhe renshi difangju," Renmin wenyi 1.3 (15 March 1946): 60.

145. See Hong Shen, Kangzhan shinian lai, p. 27.

146. Ma Yanxiang, "Ruhe renshi difangju"; idem, "Duiyu jiuju de zai renshi," Beida banyuekan 6 (1 June 1948): 13-14, 17.

147. See discussion in GM 1.8 (25 September 1936): 520.

148. Ma Yanxiang, "Ruhe renshi difangju," pp. 60-61.

149. Hong Shen, Kangzhan shinian lai, pp. 34-36.

150. See ibid., chap. 5. See also Huang Zhigang, "Zenyang liyong difangxi zuo kangdi xuanchuan," Kangzhan yishu 1 (1 September 1939): 1-7.

151. Hong Shen, Kangzhan shinian lai, pp. 40-41.

152. Guo Moruo, Hongbo qu, p. 100.

153. Tian Han, Yingshi zhuiyilu (Beijing: Zhongguo dianying chubanshe, 1981), p. 54.

154. Hong Shen, Kangzhan shinian lai, p. 38.

155. See GM 3.3 (10 July 1937): 202.

156. See Hong Shen, Kangzhan shinian lai, pp. 31-33. Even before the war broke out, Guan had donated his only property—an automobile—to the government on the fiftieth birthday of Generalissimo Jiang Jieshi. See "The Patriotic Actor Mr. Kuan Teh-shing [Guan Dexing]," Dongfang huakan (The eastern pictorial) 2.7 (October 1939): 32-33; and "The Kwangtung Dramatic Corps in the Philippines," Dongfang huakan 4.1 (April 1941): 32-33.

157. Ma Yanxiang, "Jiuju kangzhan," KZWY 1.10 (25 June 1938): 127.

158. Li Gongpu, "Yige zhanxin de gejudui," Quanmin kangzhan 69 (5 May 1939): 988-989.

159. Li Puyuan, "Guanyu xiju de yige shiyan," Minyi zhoukan 9 (9 February 1938): 12.

160. See Tian Han, Yingshi zhuiyilu, p. 54.

161. XJCQ 2.3 (1 September 1942): 16-17.

162. Ouyang Yuqian, "Gaige Guixi de buzhou," in Ouyang Yuqian yu Guiju gaige, p. 6.

1. Wang Dunqing, "Manhua zhan," JWMH 1 (20 September 1937): 1.

2. See Huang Mao, Manhua yishu jianghua, p. 36.

3. Xuan Wenjie, "Kang-Ri zhanzheng shiqi de manhua xuanchuandui," Meishu 6 (25 July 1979): 37-38.

4. Ibid., p. 39.

5. Ibid.

6. Zhang Wenyuan, "Zhongguo manhua yundong de huigu yu qianzhan," Wenchao yuekan 2.3 (1 January 1947): 606.

7. A successful cartoon show was held in Beiping (Beijing) in July 1937; see DGB (Tianjin), 7 July 1937, p. 15. Such shows were also held in the provinces. See, for example, the woodcut artist Li Hua's report from Nanning, Guangxi province, in JWRB, 12 January 1938, p. 3.

8. See Zhandi tongxun 3.11 (1 June 1940): 23-24.

9. For the above information, see Bi and Huang, Zhongguo manhua shi, pp. 168-176. See also Zhang Wenyuan, "Zhongguo manhua yundong de huigu yu qianzhan," pp. 606-608.

10. Bi and Huang, Zhongguo manhua shi, pp. 176-180.

11. Ibid., p. 96.

12. Hu Kao, "Zhanshi de manhuajie," in Kangzhan yu yishu (Chongqing: Duli chubanshe, n.d.), p. 8.

13. Interview with Zhang Leping, 19 November, 10 December 1989, Shanghai.

14. Cartoons were closely associated with woodcuts during the war. See, for example, the "Cartoons and Woodcuts" column in the Jiuwang ribao (National salvation daily), which began on 1 November 1939 (p. 4); and the "Woodcuts and Cartoons" column in the Xinhua ribao (New China daily), 21 August 1943, p. 4. See also Ji Zhi, ''Guanyu 'muke manhua,'" Xinhua ribao, 19 March 1942, p. 4; Liao Bingxiong, "Guanyu manmu hezuo," JWRB, 22 February 1940, p. 4.

15. Interview with Zhang Leping, 19 November, 10 December 1989, Shanghai.

16. Daniel Fitzpatrick called the swastika "the tumbling engine of destruction" ( As I Saw It [New York: Simon & Schuster, 1953], p. 10). For his anti-Nazi drawings, see ibid., esp. pp. 40, 43, 51, 87. Although Fitzpatrick's crayon-on-grained-paper technique found few imitators in China, his anti-Hitler works did make a strong impression on Chinese artists, especially his "Piece by Piece," which depicts a Japanese soldier using a bayonet to divide China into different occupied spheres, marking them with Japanese flags. See JWMH 3 (30 September 1937): 4.

17. For Szyk's anti-Nazi cartoons, see, for example, "New Order" and "A Madman's Dream," in his The New Order (New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1941), n.p. Szyk also attacked Japanese militarists; see "Aryan Ally" in ibid.

18. David Freedberg, for example, has explored the role of images in religious controversies in European history, particularly in the wake of the Protestant Reformation; see The Power of Images: Studies in the History and Theory of Response (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1989). R. W. Scribner uses broadsheets to examine the importance of images in the spread of the evangelical movement during the first half-century of the Reformation in Germany; see For the Sake of Simple Folk: Popular Propaganda for the German Reformation (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981).

19. Feng Zikai, Preface to Ou Mei manhua jingxuan, p. 1.

20. Interview with Liao Bingxiong, 3, 4 January 1990, Guangzhou.

21. For Liao's cartoons, see, for example, JWRB, 11 May 1939, p. 4, and 2 January 1940, p. 4. See also Liao, Bingxiong manhua (Guangzhou: Lingnan meishu chubanshe, 1984).

22. This cartoon first appeared in Fenghuo (Beacon-fire) 1 (5 September 1937). It was reprinted in Wencong (Literature) 1.6 (20 April 1938). For its influence, see Hu Feng's comments in Jian, wenyi, renmin (Shanghai: Nitu she, 1950), p. 89. The cartoon was shown during a touring cartoon exhibition; see Xuan Wenjie, "Kang-Ri zhanzheng shiqi de manhua xuanchuandui," p. 37. Other information is from Cai's letter to the author, 25 November 1988; and interview with Cai, 29 September 1989, Beijing.

23. This cartoon was subsequently redrawn and reprinted by Feng Zikai in a number of places. See, for example, Feng, Zhanshi xiang (N.p.: Kaiming shudian, 1945), p. 10; and China Weekly Review 88.6 (8 April 1939): 177. See also Feng's own description about this 1937 incident in his Feng Zikai sanwen xuanji (Shanghai : Shanghai wenyi chubanshe, 1981), pp. 171-172. In an accompanying piece, Feng portrayed another scene from Guangzhou: that of a child's head severed in an enemy's bombing attack. He accompanied the cartoon with another ci poem: "When the mad bombing begins/A mother, carrying her baby on her back, starts running/But before reaching the air raid shelter/The baby's tiny head is thrown into the air/Hot blood gushes out like a raging torrent" ( Zhanshi xiang, p. 11; YZF 76 [1 October 1938]: 154; China Weekly Review 88.7 [15 April 1939]: 207).

24. In QGXJ, pp. 86-87.

25. Ibid., p. 88.

26. Wolfram Eberhard, A Dictionary of Chinese Symbols: Hidden Symbols in Chinese Life and Thought (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1986), p. 268.

27. In QGXJ, pp. 14, 68. See also Zhang E's piece "Fengkuang de yeshou" (A wild beast), Quanmin kangzhan 88 (16 September 1939): cover.

28. The British, for example, called Hitler the "Mad Dog of Europe"; see Anthony Rhodes, Propaganda (New York: Chelsea House, 1976), p. 113. The use of bestial imagery is of course loaded with racism; see John Dower, War Without Mercy: Race and Power in the Pacific War (New York: Pantheon Books, 1986), esp. pp. 181-200, 234-261.

29. Charles Press, The Political Cartoon (New Brunswick, N.J.: Associated University Presses, 1981), pp. 76-77.

30. Hu Kao, for example, portrayed China as a lion ( QGXJ, p. 55); traditional-style painter Zhang Shanzi compared China to a tiger (see Wenxian 3 [10 December 1938]: n.p.). Painters such as Gao Qifeng of the Lingnan School of Painting had also used lions to convey similar messages in the early decades of the Republican era; see Ralph Croizier, Art and Revolution in Modern China: The Lingnan (Cantonese) School of Painting, 1906-1951 (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1988), pp. 40-41, 88-91.

31. See Dou Shi's cartoon "Hijacking the Young and Ignorant Prime Minister," in QGXJ, p. 48. Prince Konoe was of course no bystander in the war: he sided with the army and played an active role in promoting Japan's interests in Asia. See the discussion in James Crowley, Japan's Quest for Autonomy: National Security and Foreign Policy, 1930-1938 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1966), esp. chap. 6, "The China War."

32. See, for example, Rhodes, Propaganda, pp. 57, 103; and Stephen White, The Bolshevik Poster (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1988), p. 17.

33. See QGXJ, p. 62.

34. For one of numerous articles on hanjian, see Qian Junrui, "'Zhun hanjian' lun," Xin xueshi 2.3 (10 November 1937): 110-111.

35. See Te Wei's cartoon "The Coronation of the Renegade Wang Jingwei," on the cover of Quanmin kangzhan 118 (13 April 1940).

36. See Feng's "Putting on a Farce" and "A Puppet Show," in his Zhanshi xiang, pp. 33, 36.

37. See QGXJ, pp. 42, 82.

38. Ibid., p. 90.

39. One example is Hu Kao's cartoon of four women in uniform and its accompanying poem summing up their aspirations: "My second sister is a caring nurse/The youngest one fights the enemy on the battlefront/Their accomplishment is by no means inferior to that of men/A platoon of women warriors marches to the front" ( QGXJ, p. 113).

40. The legendary heroine was one of Feng Zikai's favorite archetypes during the war; see also his cartoon "Like Hua Mulan, a woman warrior is leaving home to join the army," in Zhandi manhua (Hong Kong: Yingshang buliedian tushu gongsi, 1939), n.p.

41. Mauldin's famous aspirin cartoon is a good example of the satirical type; see Mauldin, Up Front (Cleveland: World, 1945), p. 133, and pp. 27, 112, 214 for other examples.

42. As in Hu Kao's "A Badly Wounded Warrior," in QGXJ, p. 31.

43. See Bi and Huang, Zhongguo manhua shi, pl. 207.

44. See, for example, Lu Shaofei's piece on guerilla warfare in QGXJ, p. 43.

45. See Low's "Do you smell something burning?" (1938) in his Cartoon History of Our Times, pp. 64-65.

46. See, for example, Cai Ruohong's "The Quagmire of Japan's Future," in QGXJ, p. 16; Jiang Mi's "Japan's Quagmire," in Bi and Huang, Zhongguo manhua shi, pl. 215; Li Fanfu's "Sink Deeper and Deeper into the Quagmire," in QGXJ, p. 46. David Low used a similar image in his piece "Further and Deeper"; see A Cartoon History of Our Times, pp. 60-61.

47. Ye Qianyu, Ye Qianyu manhua xuan, pp. 118-154, esp. p. 150.

48. Ding Cong, Zuotian de shiqing (Beijing: Sanlian shudian, 1984), pp. 2-3 (reprinted in Fortune, August 1945, pp. 118-119).

49. Liao Bingxiong, Bingxiong manhua, n.p.

50. See Zhang Guangyu, Xiyou manji (Beijing: Renmin meishu chubanshe, 1983), esp. chaps. 2, 4, and 9.

51. See Liao Bingxiong, Bingxiong manhua, n.p. A detailed analysis of cartoons during the civil war period is beyond the scope of this book; for a discussion, see my article "The Fuming Image: Cartoons and Public Opinion in Late Republican China, 1945 to 1949," Comparative Studies in Society and History (forthcoming).

52. See Huashang bao, 14 August 1941, p. 3.

53. Ning, "Xin meishu yundong," Huashang bao, 19 June 1941, p. 3; Jianxun, "Xin meishu yundong zhankai zhong—wo de jidian yijian," Huashang bao, 6 August 1941, p. 3; Te Wei, "Lian ren dai yi," Huashang bao, 13 November 1941, p. 3.

54. Lai Shaoqi, "Manhua yu muke," in Qian, Hu, and Zhang, eds., Kangzhan de jingyan yu jiaoxun, pp. 15-17.

55. Quoted in Xinbo, "Wusheng de zhadan," p. 3.

56. Zhang Guangyu, "Guonei meishujie de qingzhuang," Huashang bao, 25 June 1941, p. 3.

57. Zhu Xingyi, "Wo suo xiji yu manhuajie de," Duli manhua 4 (10 November 1935): 3.

58. Hu Kao, "Xiwang yu manhuajie," p. 7.

59. Feng Yi, "Manhua Zhongguo jin bainian xuelei shi," Zazhi 6.2 (20 January 1940): 36.

60. Tang Yifan, "Kangzhan yu huihua," Dongfang zazhi 37.10 (16 May 1940): 27.

61. See Xinbo, "Wusheng de zhadan," p. 3; see also Huashang bao, 29 October 1943, p. 3.

62. Chen Chin-yun, "Art Chronicle," T'ien Hsia Monthly 11.3 (December-January 1940-1941): 270.

63. Shen Zhenhuang, "Duiyu manhua xuanchuan gongzuo de yijian," in Qian, Hu, and Zhang, eds., Kangzhan de jingyan yu jiaoxun, p. 224.

64. Huang Shiying, "Manhua gailun," in Chen Wangdao, ed., Xiaopinwen he manhua, p. 143.

65. See YZF 91 (1 January 1941): 214-215, esp. p. 215.

66. Huang Mao, Manhua yishu jianhua, p. 64.

67. Qianyu (Ye Qianyu), "Manhua de minzu xingshi." Ye, however, disagreed with others that China lacked a strong tradition of figure drawing.

68. Huang Mao, "Huihua Zhongguohua tanxie," JWRB, 12 May 1940, p. 4.

69. Ding Cong, Zuotian de shiqing, pp. 2-3.

70. Interview with Liao Bingxiong, 3, 4 January 1990, Guangzhou. See also Liao, Bingxiong manhua, passim.

71. Huang Mao, Du hua suibi (Hong Kong: Renjian shuwu, 1949), pp. 3-4.

72. Quoted in Huang Mao, Manhua yishu jianghua, p. 51.

73. See "Art Chronicle," T'ien Hsia Monthly 9.1 (August 1939): 83 and illustrations; Huashang bao, 23 July 1941, p. 3; Wenxian 3 (10 December 1938): n.p.

74. Xinbo, "Xiang Sulian ji shijie jinbu de huajia xuexi," Huashang bao, 30 July 1941, p. 3.

75. On Kuriyagawa Hakuson, see SDMH 10 (20 October 1934): n.p.; on William Gropper, see SDMH 22 (20 October 1935): n.p.

76. Lu Shaofei, "Kangzhan yu manhua," Dikang sanrikan 15 (6 October 1937): 9.

77. Lu Xun, "Mantan 'manhua,'" p. 10.

78. Huang Miaozi, "Tan manhua," Manhuajie 7 (5 November 1936): n.p.

79. Ling He, Preface to Manhua he shenghuo 1.3 (20 January 1936): 3.

80. Wang Dunqing, "Manhua de xuanchuan xing," SDMH 17 (20 May 1935): n.p.

81. Hu Kao, "Jianli kangzhan manhua de lilun," Zhandi 2 (5 April 1938): 35.

82. Hu Kao, "Xiwang yu manhuajie," p. 7.

83. Xinbo, "Wusheng de zhadan," p. 3.

84. Li Qun, "Xuanchuanhua zai nongcun," Dikang sanrikan 17 (13 October 1937): 8.

85. Hu Kao, "Baodao hua", Huashang bao, 3 December 1941, p. 3; idem, "Jianli kangzhan manhua de lilun," p. 35.

86. Huang Mao, "Manhua de xuanchuan fangshi," Kangjian tongsu huakan 2.2 (1 July 1942): 18-19.

87. Cao Bohan, Xuanchuan jishu duben (N.p.: Shenghuo shudian, 1938), pp. 74-75.

88. I am indebted to R. W. Scribner ( For the Sake of Simple Folk, p. 244) for the terms anchorage and relay and their explanation.

89. Huang Miaozi, "Wo de manhua lilun," in Chen Wangdao, ed., Xiaopinwen he manhua, p. 61.

90. See T'ien Hsia Monthly 7.2 (September 1938): 207; also Dongfang huakan 3.11 (February 1941): 11, inter alia. Shen's earlier pieces, mostly filled with patriotic sentiments, appeared in Shida manhua and Manhuajie —for example, Shida manhua 24 (20 December 1935): n.p.; Manhuajie 6 (5 September 1936): cover.

91. Zhao Wangyun, Zhao Wangyun nongcun xiesheng ji (Tianjin: Dagong bao she, 1934). For a discussion of Zhao's drawings, see YZF 12 (1 March 1936): 588-589. Zhao's sketches also appeared in YZF, January 1937-June 1937.

92. Feng Yuxiang, Preface to Zhao Wangyun, Zhao Wangyun nongcun xiesheng ji, p. 3; Xiao Qian, Wei dai ditu de lüren—Xiao Qian huiyilu (Hong Kong: Xiangjiang chuban gongsi, 1988), p. 96.

93. Cao Juren, "Ping Zhao Wangyun Nongcun xiesheng ji ji qi tishi," Shen bao, 30 January 1934, p. 15.

94. See QGXJ, p. 108.

95. Ye Qianyu, Hua yu lun hua, p. 174.

96. Shen Zhenhuang, "Duiyu manhua xuanchuan gongzuo de yijian," pp. 222-223.

97. There were many wartime cartoons on armed peasants. In addition to the two mentioned above, see, for example, JWRB, 29 January 1938, p. 4.

98. Huang Miaozi, "Kangzhan yilai de Zhongguo manhua," pp. 4-5.

99. Ye Qianyu, "Lüetan Zhongguo de manhua yishu."

100. On the number of wartime cartoon magazines, see Bi and Huang, Zhongguo manhua shi, pp. 152, 160, 176-177. With the exception of National Mobilizers Pictorial, which printed about 50,00 to 60,00 copies per issue (see QGXJ, p. 5), the circulation of other wartime cartoon magazines is not clear. But according to Lu Shaofei, the majority printed only "a few thousand copies per issue" (interview, 26 October 1989, Beijing).

101. This piece was widely reprinted. See, for example, China Weekly Review 88.6 (8 April 1939): 177; and Xu Wancheng, Kangzhan banian Chongqing huaxu (Tidbits of Chongqing during the eight-year War of Resistance) (Shanghai: Longwen shudian, 1946), cover.

102. For a general discussion of Feng's cartoons, see Christoph Harbsmeier, The Cartoonist Feng Zikai: Social Realism with a Buddhist Face (Oslo: Universitetsforlaget, 1984); and Shuen-shuen Hung, "Feng Tzu-k'ai: His Art and Thought" (M.A. thesis, Michigan State University, 1986). Feng's cartoons became so popular in the 1930s that many others attempted to imitate his work. A certain "Feng Zikai the Second" (Cikai) even appeared. See YZF 10 (16 July 1939): 452-454.

103. Feng wrote a score of books on art theory; most notable among them are Yishu gailun (An introduction to art, 1928), Xiandai yishu shier jiang (Twelve talks on modern art, 1928), and Yishu conghua (Miscellaneous talks on art, 1935).

104. See, for example, Zhao Jingshen, "Feng Zikai he tade xiaopinwen," Renjian shi 30 (20 June 1935): 14-16.

105. Feng Zikai, Husheng huaji, 6 vols. (reprinted Taibei: Chunwenxue chubanshe, 1981). See Feng Yiyin et al., Feng Zikai zhuan (Hangzhou: Zhejiang renmin chubanshe, 1983), for detail.

106. Feng's cartoons began to appear regularly in Xiaoshuo yuebao in the mid-1920s—for example, 17. 1 (10 January 1926): inside title page, 12; 17.3 (10 March 1926): inside title page. For Shen bao, see 24, 25 May 1934 et seq.

107. For a general discussion of how children are perceived in modern China, see Chang-tai Hung, Going to the People, chap. 5.

108. In Feng's famous article "Cong haizi dedao de qishi" (Inspiration that I received from children), he argued that an adult's world is one of corruption, endless cravings, vanity, and fame; but when children look at the world, they see only beauty, innocence, peace, and joy. See Feng, Yuanyuantang suibi (Shanghai: Kaiming shudian, 1948), pp. 39-40. For a discussion of Feng's views on children, see Chang-tai Hung, "War and Peace in Feng Zikai's Wartime Cartoons," Modern China 16.1 (January 1990): 39-83.

109. Feng Zikai, Ertong xiang (N.p.: Kaiming shudian, 1945), p. 22.

110. Takehisa Yumeji, who illustrated a large number of newspapers and magazines during the late Meiji and Taisho eras, was one of Feng's favorite Japanese painters; see Feng, Yuanyuantang jiwai yiwen, ed. Ming Chuan (Hong Kong: Wenxue chubanshe, 1979), p. 1. See also, for example, Takehisa Yumeji, Kodomo no sekai (Tokyo: Ryuseikaku, 1970).

111. See Feng Zikai, Gushi xinhua (N.p.: Kaiming shudian, 1945).

112. Feng Zikai, Chexiang shehui (Shanghai: Liangyou tushu yinshua gongsi, 1935), p. 227.

113. Feng Zikai, Yishu quwei (N.p.: Kaiming shudian, 1946), pp. 93-94.

114. See Feng Zikai, Chexiang shehui, esp. pp. 1-9.

115. Fang Zhizhong, "Minzu ziwei yu manhua," Manhua he shenghuo 1.3 (10 January 1936): 11.

116. Huang Mao, Manhua yishu jianghua, p. 49.

117. Feng Zikai, Preface to Jieyu manhua (Shanghai: Wanye shudian, 1947).

118. In Feng Zikai, Yuanyuantang jiwai yiwen, pp. 90-99, esp. p. 99.

119. Feng Zikai, "Fo wu ling" (Buddha has no magic power), in Yuanyuantang jiwai yiwen, p. 111.

120. Feng Zikai, "Sansha yu shadai" (Loose sand and sandbags), in ibid., p. 117.

121. Feng Zikai, "Yishu bineng jianguo," Yuzhou feng yikan 2 (16 March 1939): 52-53, esp. p. 53.

122. Ke Ling, "Kangzhan zhong de Feng Zikai xiansheng," in Wen Zaidao et al., Biangu ji, pp. 354-362.

123. See Feng Zikai, Zhanshi xiang, pp. 16, 28, 40.

124. See Feng Zikai, Zhandi manhua, cartoon no. 4.

125. Feng Zikai, "In the Occupied Territory," in Zhanshi xiang, p. 43.

126. See Feng Zikai, "Ruining [Chinese] culture," Zhoubao 8 (27 October 1945): cover.

127. See Feng Zikai, Kechuang manhua (Guilin: Jinri wenyishe, 1943), p. 11.

128. Feng Zikai, "Zhongguo jiu xiang ke dashu," Yuzhou feng yikan 1 (1 March 1939): 6.

129. Feng Zikai, "Ze wu hui zhi yi" (Do not burn it), in Yuanyuantang jiwai yiwen, pp. 115-116.

130. Feng Zikai, Manhua de miaofa, pp. 23-24.

131. Ibid., p. 24

132. Ibid., pp. 35-36.

133. Feng Zikai, "Ze wu hui zhi yi," in Yuanyuantang jiwai yiwen, p. 116.

134. See Feng Zikai's letter in Wanxiang 3.7 (1 January 1944): 67.

135. Feng Zikai, Zhandi manhua. See also Feng, Kechuang manhua, "Preface."

136. See Feng, "Yanhui zhi ku" (The agony of attending dinner parties), in LY 132 (1 July 1947): 621-622.

137. See Feng Huazhan's (Feng Zikai's son) account in Preface to Feng Zikai sanwen xuanji, p. 19.

138. W. A. Coupe, "Observations on a Theory of Political Caricature," Comparative Studies in Society and History 11.1 (January 1969): 82.

139. As in his piece "In Panic," which portrays the plight of refugees—that is, the consequences of the Japanese actions. See Feng, Zhanshi xiang, p. 24.

140. Feng Zikai, "Tan kangzhan gequ," Zhandi 4 (5 May 1938): 100.

141. Feng Zikai, Manhua de miaofa, pp. 21-22.

142. Feng Zikai, "Shengji," in Feng, Yuanyuantang zaibi (N.p.: Kaiming shudian, 1948), p. 23.

1. Cheng Shewo, "'Zhidan' yi ke jiandi," DGB (Hankou), 13-15 May 1938.

2. For a list of war correspondents during the 1930s and 1940s, see Bu Shaofu, Zhandi jizhe jianghua (Guiyang: Wentong shuju, 1942), pp. 5, 10-11. See also Zeng Xubai, Zeng Xubai zizhuan, pp. 123-124.

3. For more on the early history of war correspondence, see Bu Shaofu, Zhandi jizhe jianghua, p. 5. For information on Lu Yi, see his Zhandi pingzong (Beijing: Renmin ribao chubanshe, 1985), pp. 3-5; some of the present material was also gotten from an interview with Lu Yi on 16 November and 10 December 1989 in Shanghai. China, of course, had journalists reporting its armed conflicts with foreign countries at least as early as the Sino-Japanese War of 1894-95 (see Li Liangrong, Zhongguo baozhi wenti fazhan gaiyao [Fuzhou: Fujian renmin chubanshe, 1985], p. 11), but they were not full-time, formal war correspondents in the modern sense of the word.

4. Bu Shaofu, Zhandi jizhe jianghua, p. 109.

5. Ibid., p. 10.

6. George L. Mosse, "Two World Wars and the Myths of the War Experience," Journal of Contemporary History 21.4 (October 1986): 492.

7. The journalist Gao Tian called for the founding of numerous "cultural war stations," designed specifically to channel the news to the frontline and thus establishing what he called a reliable "spiritual supply line" ("Pubian jianli 'wenhua bingzhan,'" XWJZ 1.9-10 [10 December 1938]: 12). According to Lu Yi (interview, 16 November, 10 December 1989, Shanghai), journalists frequently carried newspapers and other reading materials to the front during the war.

8. In 1921, there were 550 daily newspapers in China (not including local papers); in 1926, 628; in 1937, 1,031; and in 1948, 1,372 (see China Handbook, 1937-1945, comp. Chinese Ministry of Information [New York: Macmillan, 1947], p. 506; and China Handbook, 1950, comp. China Handbook Editorial Board [New York: Rockport Press, 1950], p. 678).

9. See YZF 108 (1 November 1940): 381, and 110 (1 December 1940): 459.

10. Liu Zhuzhou, "Zenyang zuo zhandi jizhe," Xinwen zhanxian 2.2-3 (16 May 1942): 16.

11. Zhao Junhao, Shanghai baoren de fendou (N.p.: Erya shudian, 1944), esp. chaps. 2 and 3.

12. Zigang, "Yanhuo zhong de Hanyang," DGB (Hankou), 12 August 1938, p. 2.

13. Cao Juren, "Zhandi guilai," in Tian Han et al., Zhandi guilai (Shanghai: Zhandi chubanshe, 1937), pp. 16-17.

14. Changjiang, ed., Huaihe dazhan zhi qianhou (N.p.: Jiangsheng shushe, 1938), pp. 62-64.

15. Changjiang, Zhongguo de xibei jiao (Tianjin: Dagong bao, 1937), pp. 307-308.

16. On the popularity of the book, see Zhou Fei, "Zhongguo de xibei jiao," Guowen zhoubao 13.39 (5 October 1936): 41-43; YZF 64 (21 March 1938): 153-154; and Kong Xiaoning, "Fan Changjiang xinwen de tese," XWYJZL 23 (January 1984): 2. Fan's book was even used as a reference text in university geography courses; see XWYJZL 1 (August 1979): 89-91, esp. p. 91.

17. Ironically, Fan Changjiang did not set out to be a journalist. Born into a declining gentry family in Neijiang county, Sichuan province, Fan (whose original name was Fan Xitian), overwhelmed by the revolutionary tide in the early Republican period, became a student activist in his youth. Forced to leave Chengdu in 1927 after participating in student demonstrations against Sichuan warlords, he joined the army in Wuhan. In 1928, Fan attended Nanjing's Central Political Institute, a GMD-sponsored academy. Disappointed with the GMD's passive policy against the Japanese, he left in 1931 for Beiping (Beijing). In the fall of 1932 he entered National Beijing University as a student of philosophy. To help pay his tuition, he began to freelance for Beijing's Chen bao and Tianjin's Yishi bao, writing mostly on cultural and educational affairs. In 1934 he became a regular reporter for the Dagong bao. Fan returned home to Sichuan during the summer of 1935. He wrote to Hu Zhengzhi, manager of the Dagong bao, saying that after visiting his hometown he would like to travel to western Sichuan and write reports about his trips. Hu concurred. Thus began Fan's famous trip to the northwest. For a biography of Fan's life, see Fang Meng, Fan Changjiang zhuan (Beijing: Zhongguo xinwen chubanshe, 1989); see also XWYJZL 1 (August 1979): 72-110 (a special issue on Fan Changjiang); and XWYJZL 11 (May 1982): 74-78. For a discussion of Fan's journalistic style, see Chang-tai Hung, "Paper Bullets: Fan Changjiang and New Journalism in Wartime China," Modern China 17.4 (October 1991): 427-468.

18. Other books about the frontiers included Liu Wenhai, Xixing jianwen ji (Journeys to the west) (Shanghai: Nanjing shudian, 1933); Chen Yan, Shaan-Gan diaocha ji (Survey of Shaanxi and Gansu provinces), 2 vols. (Beiping: Beifang zazhishe, 1936-1937); and Chen Gengya, Xibei shicha ji (A tour of the northwest) (Shanghai: Shen bao, 1936). Chen Gengya's trips might have been prompted by Fan's highly rated reports. As a reporter for Shanghai's Shen bao, the Dagong bao's main competitor, Chen was specially assigned to cover the border regions. His works were less successful than Fan's, however. See Xu Zhucheng, Zhadan yu shuiguo (Hong Kong: Sanlian shudian, 1983), p. 208.

19. Israel Epstein, The Unfinished Revolution in China (Boston: Little, Brown, 1947), p. 147.

20. Fan Changjiang, ''Shaanbei zhi xing," in Saishang xing (Tianjin: Dagong bao, 1937), pp. 311-338. Fan was the first Chinese reporter to visit Yan'an (see ibid., p. 330). The first reporter ever to visit the Red capital, of course, was Edgar Snow, who went to the blockaded Red area in June 1936, staying there for four months. See Snow, Red Star over China.

21. With the exception of Huaihe dazhan zhi qianhou, most of these books—which also included reports by fellow correspondents such as Qiujiang (Meng Qiujiang) and Xu Ying—were edited by Fan.

22. Many Chinese reporters lost their lives during the war. See XWJZ 1.6-7 (10 October 1938): 21; and Zeng Xubai, ed., Zhongguo xinwen shi 2:418-419.

23. Qiujiang, "Nankou yuhui xian shang," DGB (Hankou), 3-4 October 1937. The article also appears in Changjiang, ed., Xixian fengyun (Shanghai: Dagong bao, 1937), pp. 55-68.

24. It is interesting to compare the writing of Fan Changjiang with that of Ernie Pyle (1900-1945), widely acclaimed as America's greatest war correspondent during the Second World War. See my article "Paper Bullets," esp. p. 462, n. 9.

25. Chen Jiying, Hu Zhengzhi yu Dagong bao, p. 287.

26. Changjiang, "Baoding qianfang" (At the Baoding front), in Cong Lugouqiao dao Zhanghe (Hankou: Shenghuo shudian, 1938), p. 30.

27. See, for example, Changjiang, ed., Lunwang de Ping-Jin (Hankou: Shenghuo shudian, 1938), 83-86, 110-114; and Changjiang, Cong Lugouqiao dao Zhanghe, pp. 22-24.

28. Changjiang, ed., Huaihe dazhan zhi qianhou, p. 12.

29. Ibid., pp. 9-10.

30. I am indebted to Lynn Hunt for this idea; see her Politics, Culture, and Class in the French Revolution (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1984), esp. p. 24.

31. For the term "eight-legged news essay," see Liu Wenqu, "Chuangzao xinwen xiezuo de xinxing," Xinwen zhanxian 2.2-3 (16 May 1942): 24-25.

32. See Zhanshi xinwen gongzuo rumen (N.p.: Shenghuo shudian, 1940), pp. 72, 112, 200, 257.

33. For Fan Changjiang's pieces, see Changjiang, "Diao Datong," in Changjiang et al., Xixian xuezhan ji (N.p.: Zhanshi chubanshe, n.d.), pp. 38-45; and "Yi ye zhanchang," in Tian Han et al., Zhandi guilai, pp. 35-42. For Qiujiang, see "Nankou yuhui xian shang"; and "Ketong de Zhangjiakou,'' in Changjiang, ed., Xixian fengyun, pp. 23-42.

34. Gao Tian, "Pubian jianli 'wenhua bingzhan,'" p. 12.

35. See XWJZ 2.7 (1 June 1940): 5.

36. Cheng Shewo, "'Zhidan' yi ke jiandi," 13 May 1938, p. 3.

37. Shi Yan, "Xinwen gongzuo de zhuanxingqi," XWJZ 1.9-10 (10 December 1938): 6.

38. Changjiang, "Zenyang fa zhanshi dianxun yu xie zhandi tongxun," p. 6.

39. See Zhanshi xinwen gongzuo rumen; Bu Shaofu, Zhandi jizhe jianghua; and Liu Zhuzhou, "Zenyang zuo zhandi jizhe."

40. See Lu Yi, "Tan dangqian de zhandi xinwen gongzuo," XWJZ 1.6-7 (10 October 1938): 17.

41. Lu Yi, "Ji Zhongguo qingnian jizhe xuehui de chengli dahui." See also XWJZ 1.2 (1 May 1938): 23-24; and a special issue on the Young Journalists Society, XWYJZL 7 (December 1981): 26-75.

42. See Fan Changjiang, Tongxun yu lunwen, pp. 263-273.

43. Zhanshi xinwen gongzuo rumen, esp. sec. 2. The majority of the articles in this book appeared first in the Reporter.

44. Qiujiang, "Zenyang zuo zhandi xinwen jizhe," XWJZ 1.6-7 (10 October 1938): 20.

45. Changjiang, "Jianli xinwen jizhe de zhengque zuofeng."

46. Changjiang, "Yige xinwen jizhe de renshi," in Qian, Hu, and Zhang, eds., Kangzhan de jingyan yu jiaoxun, p. 85.

47. See Feng Yingzi, "Huiyi Changjiang," XWYJZL 28 (December 1984): 150; interview with Lu Yi, 16 November, 10 December 1989, Shanghai.

48. See, for example, Changjiang, Zhongguo de xibei jiao, pp. 16-17, 64-65, 100-101, 134, 137-138, 252-253.

49. For example, when he wrote about his visit to the town of Wanping in July 1937, he gave the reader a feeling of the past by invoking the legend of the nearby Marco Polo Bridge. See Fan Changjiang (Changjiang), Tongxun yu lunwen, p. 8.

50. Bu Shaofu, Zhandi jizhe jianghua, pp. 114-118.

51. Changjiang, "Lugouqiao pan," DGB (Tianjin), 23 July 1937, p. 3.

52. Changjiang, Xixian fengyun, p. 1.

53. Zhang Youluan, Zhanshi xinwenzhi (Chongqing: Zhongshan wenhua jiaoyuguan, 1938), p. 19.

54. Xie Liuyi, "Zhanshi de xinwen jizai," Kangzhan 5 (3 September 1937): 10.

55. Shi Yan, "Litihua de zhandi caifang," XWJZ 1.6-7 (10 October 1938): 14-15.

56. Liu Zhuzhou, "Zeyang zuo zhandi jizhe," p. 19.

57. Gao Tian, "Zhandi tongxun de xin dongxiang," XWJZ 1.6-7 (10 October 1938): 16.

58. Liu Zunqi, "Zhandi jizhe de yixie yinxiang," in Qian, Hu, and Zhang, eds., Kangzhan de jingyan yu jiaoxun, p. 21.

59. Changjiang, "Jianli xinwen jizhe de zhengque zuofeng."

60. Xubai (Zeng Xubai), "Wenxue zuopin yu xinwen zuopin," XWJZ 1.1 (1 April 1938): 9.

61. Interview with Lu Yi, 16 November, 10 December 1989, Shanghai.

62. Changjiang, "Zhanshi xinwen gongzuo de zhenyi."

63. Walter Lippmann's advice, as quoted in David S. Broder, Behind the Front Page (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1987), p. 356. See also the discussion in Lippmann's Public Opinion (New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1922).

64. Zhang Jiluan, "Xinwen jizhe genben de genben," in Baoren zhi lu, ed. Wang Wenbin (Shanghai: Sanjiang shudian, 1938), pp. 6-7.

65. Chen Bosheng, "Zuo xinwen jizhe de jige yuanze," XWJZ 1.1 (1 April 1938): 6.

66. Hu Zhengzhi, "Xinwen jizhe zui xuyao you zerenxin," in Wang Wenbin, ed., Baoren zhi lu, pp. 8-11.

67. Changjiang, "Diao Datong," p. 44.

68. See Changjiang et al., Xixian xuezhan ji, pp. 22-30.

69. See Qiujiang, "Tuishou Yanmenguan," DGB (Hankou), 30 September 1937, p. 2. See also Changjiang et al., Xixian xuezhan ji, p. 51. Liu Ruming gave a different version of the incident in his memoirs, accusing Fan Changjiang of "sowing discord" among Guomindang troops; see Liu Ruming huiyilu (Taibei: Zhuanji wenxue chubanshe, 1966), pp. 115-116.

70. Changjiang, Zhongguo de xibei jiao, p. 5.

71. Changjiang, ed., Huaihe dazhan zhi qianhou, pp. 54, 82-84.

72. See Theodore H. White and Annalee Jacoby, Thunder Out of China (New York: William Sloane, 1961). For an account of American journalism in China in the 1930s and 1940s, see Stephen R. MacKinnon and Oris Friesen, China Reporting: An Oral History of American Journalism in the 1930s and 1940s (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1987).

73. Xiao Fang, "Baoding yi nan," in Changjiang, ed., Cong Lugouqiao dao Zhanghe, p. 65.

74. Qiujiang, "Ketong de Zhangjiakou," p. 42; also idem, "Dazhan Pingxingguan," DGB (Hankou), 7 October 1937, p. 2.

75. Changjiang, "Yi ye zhanchang," p. 40.

76. Qiujiang, "Tuishou Yanmenguan," 2 October 1937, p. 2.

77. Changjiang, "Yi ye zhanchang," p. 40.

78. Agnes Smedley, for example, was highly critical of the government's medical service, calling it"negligent" and "careless." See XWJZ 1.5 (1 August 1938): 23; and Smedley, Battle Hymn of China. See also Mowrer, Dragon Wakes, chap. 6.

79. Changjiang, ed., Xixian fengyun, pp. 93, 96.

80. See Shi Yan, "Litihua de zhandi caifang," p. 14.

81. Xiao Fang, "Baoding yi nan," pp. 62-63.

82. Xiao Fang, "Cong Niangziguan dao Yanmenguan," in Changjiang, ed., Xixian xuezhan ji, p. 47; see also Changjiang, ed., Huaihe dazhan zhi qianhou, p. 9.

83. Changjiang, ed., Xixian fengyun, p. 76.

84. Changjiang, "Zhanshi xinwen gongzuo de zhenyi."

85. Li Mo et al., "Guomindang fandongpai chajin baokan mulu," in Zhongguo xiandai chuban shiliao, ed. Zhang Jinglu, vols. 3-4 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1956-1959), 4:153-176. See Ting, Government Control of the Press, pp. 18-19 and chap. 6.

86. See Fan Changjiang, Tongxun yu lunwen, p. 32.

87. See Changjiang, ed., Xixian fengyun, p. 76.

88. Ibid., pp. 2, 6.

89. See Zhang Jiluan, Jiluan wencun (Tianjin: Dagong bao, 1947), esp. 2:77-79, 82-85, 175-178.

90. See Fang Meng, Fan Changjiang zhuan, pp. 207-212; also Chen Jiying, Hu Zhengzhi yu Dagong bao, pp. 300-312.

91. Fan may even have developed a personal conflict with Wang Yunsheng (1901-1980), an editor well known for his multivolume work on the history of Sino-Japanese relations. See Cao Juren, Caifang waiji (Hong Kong: Chuangken chubanshe, 1955), pp. 79-80.

92. Changjiang, "Dao Jiluan xiansheng," Huashang bao, 8 September 1941, p. 3.

93. See Changjiang, "Zenyang xue zuo xinwen jizhe" (How to learn to be a reporter), in Tongxun yu lunwen, p. 214.

94. Ibid., p. 290.

95. Fang Meng, Fan Changjiang zhuan, p. 258; interview with Fang Meng, 8 October 1989, Beijing.

96. Cheng Shewo, "Wo suo lixiang de xinwen jiaoyu," Baoxue jikan 1.3 (29 March 1935): 112.

97. Wilbur Schramm, Mass Media and National Development: The Role of Information in the Developing Countries (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1964); Herbert Passin, "Writer and Journalist in the Transitional Society," in Communications and Political Development, ed. Lucian W. Pye (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1963).

98. Rudolf Löwenthal, "Public Communications in China," p. 57.

99. Rudolf Löwenthal, "The Tientsin Press: A Technical Survey," Chinese Social and Political Science Review 19.4 (January 1936): 557.

100. Vernon Nash and Rudolf Löwenthal, "Responsible Factors in Chinese Journalism," Chinese Social and Political Science Review 20.3 (October 1936): 423.

101. See the discussion in Schramm, Mass Media and National Development, esp. chap. 3.

102. Hong Shen, "Xinwen dianying yu baozhi," Baoxue jikan 1.2 (1 January 1935): 24.

103. Baoxue jikan 1.2 (1 January 1935): 57-93.

104. Chen Qiancun, "Bianjiang neidi yu dushi de xinwen xiezuo," Baoxue jikan 1.1 (10 October 1934): 78-79.

105. Tang Ren'an, "Difang baozhi," Baoxue jikan 1.1 (10 October 1934): 36.

106. The popularization of the press was a major concern of journalists during the war; see discussion in Zeng Xubai, ed., Zhongguo xinwen shi 1:416.

107. Cheng Shewo, "Wo suo lixiang de xinwen jiaoyu," p. 111.

108. See Cheng's own biographical sketches in his Baoxue zazhu (Taibei: Zhongyang wenwu gongyingshe, 1956), pp. 118-159. For a solid account of Cheng's life, see Cheng Cangbo, "Zhongguo ziyoushi shang yiwei duli de jizhe—Cheng Shewo xiansheng," Baoxue 2.1 (June 1957): 6-8. People's Livelihood News was closed down by Wang Jingwei in 1934 for printing highly critical articles about the Executive Yuan, of which Wang was the president. Cheng was incarcerated for some forty days.

109. Cheng Shewo, "Wo suo lixiang de xinwen jiaoyu," p. 111.

110. See China Handbook, 1950, p. 680; also Rudolf Löwenthal, "Printing Paper: Its Supply and Demand in China," Yenching Journal of Social Studies 1.1 (June 1938): 107-121.

111. Cheng Shewo, "Zhongguo baozhi zhi jianglai," Wenhua yuekan 2 (March 1934): 77.

112. Ibid., p. 76.

113. Cheng Shewo, "Women xuyao 'pingjia bao,'" Dongfang zazhi 39.9 (15 July 1943): 24-27.

114. Stand-up journal was not the first tabloid founded by Cheng Shewo. He had earlier started People's Livelihood News, but it was never as influential and popular as Stand-up Journal.

115. For a brief account of mosquito papers, see Yao Jiguang and Yu Yifen, "Shanghai de xiaobao"; see also Perry Link, Mandarin Ducks and Butterflies, chap. 3.

116. Quoted in Xinwen daxue (Journalism university), 14 (August 1987): 64-66.

117. See, for example, Xiang Shiyuan, "Ruhe shi xinwen shiye zhenzheng minzhonghua," Baoxue jikan 1.3 (29 March 1935): 93-97.

118. Zou Taofen, "Benkan yu minzhong," in Taofen wenji, vol. 1 (Shanghai: Sanlian shudian, 1956), p. 6.

119. For a discussion of Zou's years as the editor of Life Weekly, see Margo S. Gewurtz, "Tsou T'ao-fen: The Sheng-huo Years, 1925-1933" (Ph.D. diss., Cornell University, 1972); for the circulation numbers of the weekly, see p. 40.

120. Zou Taofen, Huannan yushengji (Beijing: Sanlian shudian, 1980), p. 32.

121. Zou Taofen, " Shenghuo ribao de chuangban jingguo he fazhan jihua," in Renmin de houshe (Fuzhou: Fujian renmin chubanshe, 1980), p. 157.

122. Xie Liuyi, "Dazhongyu he baozhi," Shehui yuebao 1.5 (15 October 1934): 14-16.

123. Liu Shi, "Difang ribao qikan bianji yaodian shangque," XWJZ 1.2 (1 May 1938): 8-9. See also Shou Ming, ed., Kangzhan gequji, vol. 2 (Hankou: Shenghuo shudian, 1938), esp. Tian Han's preface.

124. Jiang Shuchen, "Li Furen," Xinwenjie renwu 8 (April 1987): 65. See also JFRB, 24 July 1946, pp. 1, 4.

125. See Li Furen, ed., Laobaixing shelunji (Xi'an: Laobaixing biankanshe, 1940), p. 5. I am indebted to Zhu Jiefan for providing me with this text.

126. JFRB, 24 July 1946, p. 1; Jiang Shuchen, "Li Furen," pp. 69, 73, 77, 104; interview with Zhu Jiefan, 5 September 1989, Taibei.

127. Quoted in Jiang Shuchen, "Li Furen," p. 77.

128. Ibid.

129. Ibid., p. 69.

130. See, for example, Zhao Junhao, Shanghai baoren de fendou.

131. Cheng Shewo, "'Zhidan' yi ke jiandi," 14 May 1938, p. 3.

132. Feng Yingzi, "Fuzhi difang xinwenzhi," XWJZ 1.4 (1 July 1938): 23-24; see also idem, "Jianli difang baozhi he dihou baozhi," Minzu gonglun 1.6 (20 February 1939): 118-123.

133. Liu Shi, "Difang ribao qikan bianji yaodian shangque."

134. Zai Mu, Lun kangzhan qizhong de wenhua yundong (Shanghai: Shenghuo shudian, 1937), pp. 51-52.

135. See Fan Changjiang, Tongxun yu lunwen, p. 226.

136. Changjiang, "Zenyang tuijin Guangxi difang xinwen gongzuo," Jianshe yanjiu 1.2 (15 April 1939): 33.

137. Ibid., pp. 33-34.

138. Fan Tong, "Nongcun tongxun de pinruo," XWJZ 2.10 (16 March 1941): 28-29.

139. See XWYJZL 28 (December 1984): 168. On the local press in Guangxi, see also XWYJZL 9 (November 1981): 177-201.

140. Zeng Xubai, ed., Zhongguo xinwen shi 1:407.

141. Ibid., p. 408.

142. Ibid.

143. Ibid. See also Changjiang, "Liangnian lai de xinwen shiye," XWJZ 2.2 (1 August 1939): 2.

144. Cheng Qiheng, Zhanshi Zhongguo baoye (Guilin: Mingzhen chubanshe, 1944), pp. 78, 81.

145. Ibid., pp. 63, 66.

146. Even a large local newspaper such as Nanning's Guangxi Daily had a circulation of less than 3,00; see XWYJZL 9 (November 1981): 178.

147. See Zeng Xubai, ed., Zhongguo xinwen shi 1:409.

148. Ibid., pp. 409-410.

149. Cheng Qiheng, Zhansi Zhongguo baoye, pp. 74-75. See also Zeng Xubai, ed., Zhongguo xinwen shi 1:411.

150. See Xia Yan, Baitou jizhe hua dangnian (Chongqing: Chongqing chubanshe, 1986), esp. sec. 1.

151. See XWYJZL 9 (November 1981): 177-201, and 21 (September 1983): 140-160. See also Dazhong xinwen (Public News) 1.9 (1 October 1948): 20. On the conflict between the GMD government and the provinces, see Eastman, Seeds of Destruction, esp. chap. 1.

152. See Cheng Qiheng, Zhansi Zhongguo baoye, p. 5.

153. See XWJZ 1.6-7 (10 October 1938): 24; XWJZ 1.8 (1 November 1938): 24; and Cheng Qiheng, Zhansi Zhongguo baoye, pp. 81, 95.

154. Cheng Qiheng, Zhansi Zhongguo baoye, pp. 62, 107, 109. See also Su Xingzhi, "Kangzhan zhong de woguo baozhi," Dafeng 91 (5 June 1941): 3039-3041; and Xinzhi banyuekan 3.6 (25 January 1940): 35-37.

155. Changjiang, "Tuibu yu jinbu," XWJZ 2.10 (16 March 1941): 2.

1. "Zenyang bianzhi shibing tongsu duwu," KZWY 1.5 (21 May 1938): 34-36. The quotations that follow have been abridged from the same source.

2. See Lao She, "Guanyu Wenxie," YZF 73 (16 August 1938): 38-40, esp. p. 39.

3. See Lao She, "Wo zenyang xie tongsu wenyi," in Lao She quyi wenxuan (Beijing: Zhongguo quyi chubanshe, 1982), p. 33.

4. Lao Xiang, "Tongsu wenyi gailun," in Lao She et al., Tongsu wenyi wujiang (Chongqing: Zhonghua wenyijie kangdi xiehui, 1939), p. 3.

5. For a history of the Chinese folk literature movement, see Chang-tai Hung, Going to the People.

6. See Margaret Spufford, Small Books and Pleasant Histories: Popular Fiction and Its Readership in Seventeenth-Century England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981); and Jeffrey Brooks, When Russia Learned to Read: Literacy and Popular Literature, 1861-1917 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1985), esp. chap. 3.

7. Wang Pingling, "Tongsu wenxue zai shangdui," Wenhua xianfeng 1.14 (1 December 1942): 3.

8. Lao Xiang, "Tongsu wenyi de liliang," Wenhua xianfeng 1.14 (1 December 1942): 11.

9. Zheng Boqi, "Xin tongsu wenxue lun," GM 2.8 (25 March 1937): 1268; see also idem, "Shenme shi xin de tongsu wenxue," Xin Zhonghua zazhi 5.7 (10 April 1937): 90.

10. A Ying, "Shanghai shibian yu dazhong gequ," in Xiandai Zhongguo wenxue lun, ed. Qian Xingcun (Shanghai: Hezhong shudian, 1933), esp. pp. 145, 151, 159.

11. Gu Jiegang, "Women zenyang xiezuo tongsu duwu," KZWY 2.8 (29 October 1938): 116-117.

12. See Chang-tai Hung, Going to the People, esp. pp. 166-168.

13. Gu Jiegang, "Women zenyang xiezuo tongsu duwu," pp. 116-117.

14. Lao Xiang, "Tongsu wenyi de liliang."

15. Lao Xiang, "Tongsu wenyi gailun," pp. 3-4.

16. See Fang Bai, "Tongsu wenyi jiqiao tan," KZWY 4.2 (25 April 1939): 48-49.

17. Other wartime intellectuals agreed with them; see, for example, Wen Zongshan, "Tongsu wenyi yu tongsu xiju," Wanxiang 2.5 (1 November 1942): 135.

18. Lao Xiang, "Kangzhan sinian lai de minzhong duwu," Wenyi yuekan 11.7 (7 July 1941): 34-36.

19. Gu Jiegang, "Women zenyang xiezuo tongsu duwu," p. 117.

20. For a discussion of Lao She's works, see Ranbir Vohra, Lao She and the Chinese Revolution (Cambridge, Mass.: East Asian Research Center, Harvard University, 1974).

21. Tian Qin, Zhongguo xiju yundong, p. 59.

22. Lao She, "Xianhua wode qige huaju," Kangzhan wenyi xuankan 1 (April 1946): 26.

23. See Li Ruiteng, ed., Kangzhan wenxue gaishuo, p. 99.

24. See Lao She's preface and epilogue in Lao She and Song Zhidi, Guojia zhishang (Shanghai: Xinfeng chuban gongsi, 1945).

25. See Li Ruiteng, ed., Kangzhan wenxue gaishuo, p. 59.

26. See discussion in James Sheridan, Chinese Warlord: The Career of Feng Yu-hsiang (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1974), pp. 86-89.

27. During the war, Feng's poems appeared in a variety of magazines. See, for example, Kangzhan sanrikan 5 (3 September, 1937): 9; and Dikang sanrikan 13 (29 September 1937): 10. A collection of his wartime poems can be found in his Feng Yuxiang kangzhan shige xuan (Shanghai: Nuhou chubanshe, 1938). Feng wrote profusely during the war period. In Kang-Ri de weida minzhong (Guilin: Sanhu tushu yinshuashe, 1938), p. 1, he wrote: "In order for 'literature to go to the country' and 'literature to join the army,' we must take off our long gowns and mandarin jackets and change our clothes, so that we won't feel out of place with the villagers."

28. For Feng's financial contributions and support to the association, see, for example, KZWY 1.3 (10 May 1938): 23; 3.7 (28 January 1939): 112; 4.1 (10 April 1939): 2.

29. Feng Yuxiang helped to launch the magazine. He had close ties with the All-China Resistance Association of Writers and Artists. For details see Yu Zhigong, "Feng Yuxiang xiansheng yu wenyijie," XWXSL 19 (22 May 1983): 245-246.

30. Lao She, "Ru hui shici" (Inauguration oath), in Lao She wenji 14:114.

31. See Hu Jinquan, Lao She he tade zuopin (Hong Kong: Wenhua shenghuo chubanshe, 1977), p. 82.

32. Quoted in Wang Xianzhong, "Beijing Folk Customs in the Works of Lao She," Chinese Literature, Summer 1985, p. 202.

33. Lao She, "Tongsu wenyi de jiqiao," KDD 25 (1 August 1939): 2.

34. Ibid.

35. Ibid., p. 3.

36. Lao She, "Zhizuo tongsu wenyi de kutong," KZWY 2.6 (15 October 1938): 90.

37. Ibid., pp. 91-92 (paraphrased and abridged).

38. For Liu Fu's interest in dialect literature, see Chang-tai Hung, Going to the People, pp. 62-64. For a discussion of Qu Qiubai's ideas, see Paul G. Pickowicz, Marxist Literary Thought in China: The Influence of Ch'ü Ch'iu-pai (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1981), chap. 9.

39. See Lao She, Lao She quyi wenxuan, p. 44.

40. Lao She, "Tongsu wenyi de jiqiao," pp. 4-5.

41. He Rong, "Tongsu yunwen qianshuo," in Lao She et al., Tongsu wenyi wujiang, pp. 59-86.

42. See Lao She, Lao She quyi wenxuan, pp. 175-176.

43. Lao She, "Duo xi duo xie," Wenhua xianfeng 1.14 (1 December 1942): 9.

44. For Lao She's close friendship with the Potato and Big Blossom, see the preface by Hu Xieqing (Lao She's wife) to the Chinese retranslated edition of Gushu yiren (Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 1980). The original English version was translated from the Chinese by Helena Kuo and published in 1952 by Harcourt, Brace. In the absence of a Chinese original, this English version was translated back into Chinese for publication in 1980. For his ties with Bai Yunpeng, see Lao She, Lao She quyi wenxuan, p. 33.

45. Lao She, Preface to San si yi (N.p.: Duli chubanshe, 1939).

46. Lao She, "Wang Xiao gan lü," Wenyi zhendi 1.3 (16 May 1938): 77.

47. For additional comments, see Mu Mutian, "Wenyi dazhonghua yu tongsu wenyi," Wenyi zhendi 2.8 (1 February 1939): 642. Lao She seemed to prefer this piece over any of his other drum songs; see his preface to San si yi.

48. Lao She, "Nü'er jing," p. 55.

49. Lao She, "Da ke wen—wenyi zuojia yu kangzhan," Yuzhou feng yikan 2 (16 March 1939): 55.

50. For a brief autobiographical account of Lao Xiang, see YZF 3 (16 October 1935): 160-161; 4 (1 November 1935): 201; 5 (16 November 1935): 244-245.

51. Lao Xiang, "Xiandai jiaoyu babi," LY 62 (1 April 1935): 683.

52. Sun Fuyuan, Preface to Lao Xiang, Huangtu ni (Shanghai: Renjian shuwu, 1936), esp. p. 1.

53. Qu Junong, "Miaoxie nongcun shenghuo de wenzhang," YZF 40 (1 May 1937): 168.

54. See YZF 46 (1 August 1937): 455-457.

55. See Renjian shi 27 (5 May 1935): 5, and 34 (20 August 1935): 8-11.

56. Lao Xiang, "Kangzhan sinian lai de minzhong duwu," p. 34.

57. See "Fakan ci" (editor's opening statement), KDD 1 (1 January 1938): 1.

58. Ibid.

59. See Yu Zhigong, "Feng Yuxiang xiansheng yu wenyijie," pp. 245-246; and Ye Qianyu, Hua yu lun hua, p. 176.

60. See, for example, Lao Xiang's work in YZF 68 (16 May 1938): 114-115; also KZWY 1.10 (25 June 1938); and KDD 7 (1 April 1938): 12-13.

61. Lao Xiang, "Mu hanyi," YZF 109 (16 November 1940): 416.

62. For "Xiao yanzi," see Lao Xiang, "Kangzhan geyao," YZF 78 (16 May 1939):268.

63. Lao Xiang, "Guanyu Kang-Ri sanzi jing, " KZWY 1.7 (5 June 1938): 19. For a discussion of these classics, see Evelyn S. Rawski, Education and Popular Literacy in Ch'ing China (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1979), esp. chap. 2.

64. Lao Xiang, "Guanyu Kang-Ri sanzi jing. "

67. Lao Xiang, "Guanyu Kang-Ri sanzi jing. " See also the advertisement, KDD 8 (16 April 1938): 22. Lao Xiang later rewrote the text and changed it to Anti-Japanese Four-Character Classic at the suggestion of Zhang Daofan (1896-1968), director of the GMD Central Propaganda Bureau. Zhang thought that "those with less education will find the four-character couplet format easier to read." See Lao Xiang, Preface to Kang-Ri qianzi wen, sizi jing (N.p.: Zhengzhong shuju, 1938).

68. Sha Yan, "Ping Kang-Ri sanzi jing, " KDD 11 (1 June 1938): 19-20.

69. See Xiang Da et al., eds., Taiping Tianguo (The Heavenly Kingdom of Great Peace) (Beijing: Shenzhou guoguang she, 1953), 1:223-228.

70. See Evelyn S. Rawski, "Elementary Education in the Mission Enterprise," in Christianity in China: Early Protestant Missionary Writings, ed. Suzanne Wilson Barnett and John King Fairbank (Cambridge, Mass.: Committee on American-East Asian Relations of the Department of History in collaboration with the Council on East Asian Studies, Harvard University, 1985), pp. 146-151.

71. Lao Xiang, "Kang-Ri qianzi wen," KDD 20 (16 January 1939): 7-9.

72. Liu E, Lao Can youji (The travels of Lao Can) (Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 1983), pp. 14-18; English translation by Harold Shadick, The Travels of Lao Ts'an (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1952), pp. 23-26 (paraphrased).

73. The exact origin of drum singing is still a matter of great dispute among scholars. According to Li Jiarui, for example, drum singing began in the Qianlong era (1736-1795). Zhao Jingsheng, however, believed drum singing was a more recent phenomenon, starting only in the Tongzhi period (1862-1874). See Li Jiarui, Beiping suqu lüe (Beiping: Lishi yuyan yanjiusuo, Academia Sinica, 1933), p. 4; idem, "Tan dagushu de qiyuan," Renjian shi 31 (5 July 1935): 24; and Zhao Jingshen, "Shuo dagu," Renjian shi 31 (5 February 1935): 20.

74. See Li Jiarui, Beiping suqu lüe, p. 6. In "Peking Drumsinging" (Ph.D. diss., Harvard University, 1973), p. 137, Catherine Stevens points out that ''there are ordinarily four musical instruments used in performing a Beijing Drumsong. There are two percussion instruments, the clapper and the drum, which are played by the singer. The two stringed instruments, the three-stringed guitar and the fourstringed fiddle, are played by two accompanists." For the life of a female Beijing drum singer, see Zhang Cuifeng, Dagu shengya de huiyi (Taibei: Zhuanji wenxue chubanshe, 1967); translated into English as "My Life as a Drum Singer" by Rulan Chao Pian, CHINOPERL Papers 13 (1984-1985): 12-99. Zhang was a gifted disciple of master Beijing drum singer Liu Baoquan.

75. See Zhang Cuifeng, Dagu shengya de huiyi, pp. 21, 29, 123-202; see also report in Dagong bao (Tianjin), 11 June 1937, p. 15.

76. Another drum song advocate was Mu Mutian (1900-1971), a member of ACRAWA and a former associate of the Creation Society. See Mu Mutian, Kangzhan daguci (Hankou: Xinzhi shudian, 1938). See also KDD 5 (1 March 1938): 8-11.

77. Zhao Jingshen, "Juyongguan," JWRB, 12 October 1937, p. 4; and idem, "Pingxingguan," JWRB, 14 October 1937, p. 4.

78. Zhao Jingshen, "Pingxingguan."

79. Lao Xiang, "Lunan dasheng," YZF 68 (16 May 1938): 114. It is said that Lao Xiang's praise of General Li Zongren incurred the wrath of General Chen Cheng, Li's rival and one of Generalissimo Jiang Jieshi's most trusted subordinates. According to Chen, Lao Xiang's piece was tantamount to propaganda for an individual general. See Guo Moruo, Hongbo qu, pp. 56-57.

80. See Chang-tai Hung, Going to the People, pp. 86, 123, 131.

81. Zhao's drum songs appeared mostly in National Salvation Daily in 1937. They later were published as Zhanshi daguci (N.p.: Zhanshi chubanshe, 1938). For the piece on Yan Haiwen, see pp. 4-7 in Zhanshi daguci.

82. Zhao, Preface to Zhanshi daguci, p. 1.

83. See Bo Han, "Shangbing daoqing," Quanmin zhoukan 1.11 (19 February 1938): 174; Huo Gong, "Kangdi zhuzhici, " Kangdi zhoubao 1 (18 September 1937): 5; and Hong Shen, Kangzhan shinian lai, p. 24.

84. Zhou Wen, "Gaibian min'ge de yidian yijian," KZWY 3.8 (4 February 1939): 126.

85. Chen Yiyuan, "Kang-Ri shan'ge," Quanmin zhoukan 1.13 (5 March 1938): 196.

86. Ouyang Yuqian, "Shan'ge," JWRB, 10 October 1937, n.p.

87. Bao Tianxiao, "Ba yue shisan," JWRB, 15 October 1937, p. 4.

88. "Shisan yue," in Kang-Ri Shibeicha (Wuchang: Tongsu duwu biankanshe, 1938), p. 2.

89. Ibid., pp. 3, 4-5.

90. Mai Dong, "Taiyuan de jiuwang shuci yundong," Shen bao zhoukan 2.25 (27 June 1937): 564.

91. Ibid.

92. See, for example, Wenyi zhendi 1.4 (1 June 1938): 107-108.

93. See "Huiwu baogao" (Association reports), KZWY 1.9 (18 June 1938): 112; 1.11 (2 July 1938): 144; 2.10 (12 November 1938): 160; 4.1 (10 April 1939): 2-3. The total income from membership fees amounted to about 300 yuan between March 1938 and March 1939 (see KZWY 4.1 [10 April 1939]: 2). These reports were written mostly by Lao She.

94. Lao Xiang, "Kangzhan sinian lai de minzhong duwu," p. 34.

95. For a list of titles, see Fanjian ji (N.p.: Junshi weiyuanhui houfang qinwubu zhengzhibu, 1939), inside cover page.

96. Da xiao Riben (N.p.: Rongyu junren zhiye xunliansuo, n.d.), pp. 1-2 (abridged).

97. See Eastman, "Nationalist China During the Sino-Japanese War, 1937-1945," p. 603.

98. See Chen Lifu, Zhanshi jiaoyu fangzhen (N.p.: Zhongyang xunliantuan junshizhengzhibu jiaoguan yanjiuban, 1939), pp. 11-14; see also idem, Four Years of Chinese Education (1937-1941) (Chungking: China Information Committee, 1944), p. 17.

99. See John Israel, "Chungking and Kunming," p. 357.

100. Interview with Ye Qianyu, 27 September 1989, Beijing.

101. Liu Xinhuang, Xiandai Zhongguo wenxue shihua (Taibei: Zhengzhong shuju, 1971), p. 755.

102. Bao Tianxiao, "Wenhuajie de xijidui—xiao cezi," JWRB, 17 October 1937, p. 4. Bao published quite a few patriotic articles during this period. See, for example, JWRB, 15 October 1937, p. 4; 29 October 1937, p. 4.

103. See KDD 5 (1 March 1938): 30; Yu Zhigong, "Feng Yuxiang xiansheng yu wenyijie," pp. 245-246; Feng Yuxiang, Kang-Ri de weida minzhong. See also the book advertisement in KDD 10 (16 May 1938): 30.

104. See "Jieshao Tongsu duwu biankanshe jianshi ji gongzuo," KZWY 1.4 (14 May 1938): 32. According to this source, "over a million copies from the series were printed." I have no way of verifying the number, but I believe this is greatly exaggerated.

105. Li Ke, Hao Mengling kangdi xunguo (Wuchang: Tongsu duwu biankanshe, 1938).

106. Xi Zhengyong, Ban Chao ding Xiyu (Changsha: Zhonghua pingmin jiaoyu cujinhui, 1938), pp. 17-18.

107. See DGB (Hankou), 4 December 1937, p. 4; 6 December 1937, p. 4; Kangzhan xiju 1.1 (16 November 1937): 20. See also Yang Cunbin, Zhan'ge (Changsha: Zhonghua pingmin jiaoyu cujinhui, 1937). For the NAAME's mass education activities during the war, see Charles W. Hayford, To the People: James Yen and Village China (New York: Columbia University Press, 1990), pp. 183-203.

108. Cao Bohan, Xuanchuan jishu duben, pp. 74-88.

109. Liu Qun, Zhanshi de xuanchuan gongzuo (Shenghai: Shenghuo shudian, 1937), pp. 26-28.

110. See JWRB, 1 February 1938, p. 2.

111. Cao Bohan, Jietou bibao (Shanghai: Shenghuo shudian, 1937), pp. 4, 16-19.

112. Lao Xiang, "Tongsu wenyi gailun," p. 10. See also He Rong, "Zenyang shi wenzhang xiaxiang," KDD 10 (16 May 1938): 18-19.

113. Lao Xiang, "Kangzhan sinian lai de minzhong duwu," p. 38.

114. Chen Yiyuan, "Wenzhang xiaxiang," Quanmin kangzhan 64 (10 April 1939): 909.

115. He Rong, "Zenyang shi wenzhang xiaxiang," p. 17.

116. Xiang Linbing produced a number of rather influential essays on the nature of popular literature. See, for example, "Kangzhan yilai tongsu wenyi yundong de fazhan yu quexian," Dushu yuebao 1.1 (1 February 1939): 6-8; and "Xian jieduan tongsu wenyi de quexian ji qi kefu," KZWY 4.4-5 (10 October 1939): 127-129.

117. Xiang Linbing, "Xian jieduan tongsu wenyi de quexian ji qi kefu" and especially "Kangzhan yilai tongsu wenyi yundong de fazhan yu quexian," pp. 6-7.

118. See Mai Dong, "Taiyuan de jiuwang shuci yundong"; and Wenyi zhendi 1.4 (1 June 1938): 107-108. Both accounts describe the enthusiastic reception that peasants gave popular propaganda materials.

119. Liu Shi, "Dazhong wenhua yundong yu minzu jiefang," Dushu shenghuo 3.9 (10 March 1936): 392-393.

1. See Shanxi wenyi shiliao, vol. 2 (Taiyuan: Shanxi renmin chubanshe, 1959), p. 187.

2. See ZGHJYD 1:180-194, esp. pp. 183-184; also Akiyoshi Kukio, Kosei Soku bungaku undo shiryo shu (Tokyo: Tokyo daigaku Toyo bunka kenkyujo, 1976), pp. 141-155.

3. See Zuo Lai and Liang Huaqun, Suqu "Hongse xiju" shihua (Beijing: Wenhua yishu chubanshe, 1987), chap. 3, esp. p. 36. See also Holm, Art and Ideology, pp. 23-30.

4. Snow, Red Star Over China, pp. 100-105.

5. See KRZZY 1:456-457, 2:68, 89; and ZGHJYD 3:26, 73; and Jin-Cha-Ji huabao (Shanxi-Chahar-Hebei pictorial) 1 (7 July 1942): n.p.

6. KRZZY 1:229, 2:90, 3:116.

7. See KRZZY 3:66.

8. Zhang Geng, "Huiyi Yan'an Luyi de xiju huodong," in KRZZY 1:457

9. See KRZZY 1:133.

10. Quoted in Stuart R. Schram, The Political Thought of Mao Tse-tung, rev. ed. (New York: Praeger, 1969), p. 316.

11. Zhang Geng, "Lun bianqu juyun he xiju de jishu jiaoyu," JFRB, 12 September 1942, p. 4.

12. For a list of dramas staged in Yan'an from 1938 to 1945, see ZGHJYD 3:211-218.

13. See KRZZY 2:115-124, esp. p. 124.

14. For a brief discussion of the Mao Zedong-Wang Ming conflict, see Van Slyke, "The Chinese Communist Movement During the Sino-Japanese War," pp. 615-619.

15. Mao Tse-tung, Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung, 4 vols. (Peking: Foreign Language Press, 1967), 2:209-210. I use Stuart Schram's translation, The Political Thought of Mao Tse-tung, pp. 172-173. In Mao's "Reform Our Study" (May 1941), he reiterated the same theme. See Mao, Selected Works 3:19-21.

16. Quoted in Stuart Schram, Mao Tse-tung (Harmondsworth, Eng.: Penguin Books, 1967), p. 201.

17. Libo (Zhou Libo), "Houhui yu qianzhan," JFRB, 3 April 1943, p. 4.

18. For the popularity of the Stanislavsky system in China, see, inter alia, Juchang yishu (Theater arts monthly), 2 (20 December 1938): 1-4; and Xiju yu wenxue (Drama and literature), 1.1 (25 January 1940): 131-146.

19. Zhang Geng, "Huiyi Yan'an Luyi," p. 458.

20. See "Art Chronicle" in T'ien Hsia Monthly 9.1 (August 1939): 85.

21. See KRZZY 1:445-450, 2:511.

22. See Ding Ling and Xi Ru, eds., Xibei zhandi fuwutuan xiju ji (Hankou: Shanghai zazhi gongsi, 1938).

23. Hou Weidong, "Ke Zhongping lingdao Bianqu minzhong jutuan," XWXSL 18 (22 February 1983): 146-151.

24. One of these was the Lu Xun Academy of Art and Literature in southeastern Shanxi (Lu Xun wenxue yishuyuan, est. 1939, with Li Bozhao [1911-1985] as its president). For others, see Ai Qing, "Jiefang qu de yishu jiaoyu," in Zhonghua quanguo wenxue yishu gongzuozhe daibiao dahui jinian wenji (N.p.: Xinhua shudian, 1950), pp. 235-238.

25. Sha Kefu, "Huabei nongcun xiju yundong he minjian yishu gaizao gongzuo," in ibid., p. 348.

26. Li Bozhao, "Dihou wenyi yundong gaikuang," in KRZZY 2:304.

27. Sha Kefu, "Huabei nongcun xiju yundong," p. 349.

28. Ibid.

29. See KRZZY 3:89.

30. Mao Zedong, "Talks at the Yan'an Forum on Literature and Art," in Selected Works 3:69-97, esp. p. 84.

31. See ZGHJYD 3:101.

32. The news of Mao's "Talks" reached northwestern Shanxi around June or July 1942. Not long after, the document itself was brought by dramatist Ouyang Shanzun (1914-); see Shanxi wenyi shiliao, pp. 8-9. It reached Shandong in early 1943; see KRZZY 3:166.

33. Ha Hua, Yangge zatan (Shanghai: Huadong renmin chubanshe, 1951), p. 27.

34. See, for example, Ai Siqi et al., Yangge lunwen xuanji (N.p.: Xinhua shudian, 1944); Zhou Erfu et al., Yanggeju chuji (Chongqing: Xinhua ribao, 1944); and Hu Sha, "Shaanbei yangge," Beifang wenhua 1.6 (16 May 1946): 28-31. For a detailed discussion in English, see Holm, Art and Ideology.

35. See Li Jinghan and Zhang Shiwen, eds., Dingxian yangge xuan (N.p.: Zhonghua pingmin jiaoyu cujinhui, 1933), esp. the Preface.

36. According to David Holm ( Art and Ideology, p. 122), the Communists in the 1940s were familiar with the Dingxian yangge work, and "Dingxian was particularly significant because there was a direct link between the Dingxian project and the Jin-Cha-Ji [Border Region] cultural workers."

37. See Zhou Yang, Xiao San, and Ai Qing et al., Minjian yishu he yiren (Zhangjiakou: Xinhua shudian, 1946), pp. 1-10.

38. See Zhang Geng, "Huiyi Yan'an Luyi"; and idem, "Luyi gongzuotuan duiyu yangge de yixie jingyan," Xiju yu yinyue 1 (1 March 1946): 1; 2 (1 April 1946): 3-5.

39. Zhang Geng, "Huiyi Yan'an Luyi," p. 461.

40. See Shanxi wenyi shiliao, p. 99.

41. Zhang Geng, "Huiyi Yan'an Luyi" pp. 460-461.

42. It goes without saying that a yangge play can include more than one theme. For example, besides the idea of equality of the sexes, Twelve Sickles stresses the harmonious link between soldiers and the people. For a series of yangge plays, see Zhang Geng, ed., Yanggeju xuan (Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 1977).

43. See JFRB, 19 March 1944, p. 4.

44. Quoted in Ai Siqi et al., Yangge lunwen xuanji, p. 15.

45. For a firsthand look at this troupe's work to spread new yangge plays throughout northern Shaanxi, see Zhang Geng, "Luyi gongzuotuan."

46. See KRZZY 3:266.

47. See XYXSL 4 (August 1979): 301.

48. The Folk Drama Study Association (Minjian xiju yanjiuhui) in northwestern Shanxi was one such example. See Li Bozhao, "Dihou wenyi yundong," p. 310.

49. See KRZZY 1:520-521.

50. See the discussion of Liu Zhiming, director of the Yan'an Beijing Opera Study Society, in Bi shang Liangshan, ed. Pingju yanjiuhui (N.p.: Xinhua shudian, 1945), pp. 94-95 (app.).

51. Li Lun, Wei Chenxu, Ren Guilin et al., San da Zhujiazhuang (Beijing: Zhongguo xiju chubanshe, 1957), pp. 206-208.

52. Gunther Stein, The Challenge of Red China (New York: Whittlesey House, 1945), pp. 219-220.

53. Jack Chen (Chen Yifan) visited the Shaan-Gan-Ning Border Region twice, in 1938 and again in 1947; interview with Jack Chen, 12 December 1987, 25 March 1988, El Cerrito, Calif. See also Jack Chen, "Folk Art and Drama in North-West China To-day," Our Time, May 1946, pp. 213-214.

54. Huang Yanpei, Yan'an guilai, in Bashinian lai (Beijing: Wenshi ziliao chubanshe, 1982), p. 144.

55. Huang Fengzhou, "Huiyi 'Nong jian suo,'" Meishu 5 (25 September 1977): 10-11. See also Meishu 5 (25 September 1977): 11-13.

56. Mao, Selected Works 1:48.

57. See Meishu yanjiu 12 (15 November 1959): 62-64.

58. See XWYJZL 18 (March 1983): 153-164.

59. See, for example, JWRB, 10 October 1937, n.p.

60. See, for example, JWRB, 15 and 22 January 1938, p. 4 for both.

61. See, for example, LY 46 (1 August 1934): 1034, and 69 (1 August 1935): 1031; YZF 9 (16 January 1936): 456, and 43 (16 June 1937): 310.

62. Li Qun, Preface to Jin-Sui jiefangqu muke xuan (Chengdu: Sichuan renmin chubanshe, 1982). The other art subject offered at Luyi was making woodcuts.

63. See the brief report in Huashang bao, 21 May 1941, p. 3.

64. Interview with Hua Junwu, 23 September, 15 October 1989, Beijing.

65. See, for example, JFRB, 5 September 1942, p. 3; 18 September 1942, p. 2; 6 February 1943, p. 3.

66. Woodcuts appeared even earlier in New China Daily. Hu Kao's piece "Unite Together! Resist Till the End!" appeared in the inaugural issue of the newspaper on 11 January 1938, p. 1. At that time woodcuts were printed regularly. See, for example, the issues of 12 and 13 January 1938, p. 1.

67. See Jin-Cha-Ji huabao 1 (7 July 1942) and 4 (20 September 1943).

68. Huang Yuanlin, "Kangzhan shiqi jiefangqu de manhua," KZWYYJ 13 (15 May 1984): 67.

69. See JFRB, 15 February 1942, p. 4.

70. Zhang E, "I am No. 6 in the World," JFRB, 6 April 1943, p. 4.

71. Jiang Feng, "Guanyu 'fengci huazhan,'" JFRB, 15 February 1942, p. 4.

72. Interview with Hua Junwu, 23 September, 15 October 1989, Beijing.

73. Mao, "Talk at the Yan'an Forum," in Selected Works 3:91.

74. Interview with Cai Ruohong, 29 September 1989, Beijing. Cai drew few cartoons after his meeting with Mao. Two examples may be found in JFRB, 6 February 1943, p. 3, and 18 August 1945, p. 4. Cai did not resume active cartooning until after the war. In 1948 he produced Ku cong he lai (Shanghai: Chenguang chuban gongsi, 1948), a series of cartoons on political dislocation and social ills under GMD rule.

75. Hua Junwu, "Xiangcha buduo," JFRB, 2 August 1943, p. 4.

76. See, for example, Fang Xiang, "Kangzhan, muke yu wo," in Li Ruiteng, ed., Kangzhan wenxue gaishuo, p. 205.

77. Xu Beihong, "Quanguo muke zhan," reprinted JFRB, 16 March 1943, p. 4.

78. Interview with Fang Xiang, 30 July 1990, Taibei. See also Fang Xiang, "Kangzhan, muke yu wo"; and idem, Fang Xiang muke xuanji, 2 vols. (Taibei: Gongtong yinshuachang, 1956).

79. For a history of Chinese engraving, see Zheng Zhenduo, Zhongguo banhua shi tulu, 20 vols. (Shanghai: Zhongguo banhuashi she, 1940-1947). On the Chinese woodcut movement, see Lu Di, ed., Zhongguo xiandai banhua shi (Beijing: Renmin meishu chubanshe, 1987).

80. Lu Xun's role in the Chinese woodcut movement was pivotal. On 8 October 1936, in his final days, the ailing writer attended the Second National Woodcut Exhibition in Shanghai. He died eleven days later. Materials on Lu Xun's role in promoting Chinese woodcut are numerous. See, for example, Chen Yanqiao, "Lu Xun xiansheng yu banhua," GM 1.12 (25 November 1936): 780-783; Li Hua, "Lu Xun xiansheng yu muke," Minzhu shijie 3.8 (1 November 1946): 23; and Shirley Sun's "Lu Hsun and the Chinese Woodcut Movement." The important volume Kangzhan banian muke xuan (Woodcuts of wartime China, 1937-1945), edited by the China Woodcut Association and published in 1946 by Shanghai's Kaiming Bookstore, was dedicated to "the late Mr. Lu Hsun [Lu Xun]: the Arch-Sponsor of Woodcutting in China on the Occasion of the Tenth Anniversary of His Death."

81. Li Qun, "Xizhanchang shang de muke yundong," Wenyi zhendi 4.5 (1 January 1940): 1377; Lu Di, "Muke zai baozhi shang de zhendi," XWYJZL 10 (December 1981): 185-186. See also Akiyoshi Kukio, Kahoku konkyochi no bungaku undo (Tokyo: Hyoronsha, 1976), pp. 205-206.

82. Xu Beihong, "Quanguo muke zhan."

83. Hu Yichuan, "Huiyi Luyi muke gongzuotuan zai dihou," Meishu 5 (October 1961): 45-48.

84. Xu Baishi, "Tan muke," Shen bao, 2 December 1933, p. 21.

85. Quoted in Mina C. Klein and H. Arthur Klein, Käthe Kollwitz: Life in Art (New York: Schocken Books, 1975), p. 20.

86. Yu Da, "Cong qiangtou hua dao tu dianying," Meishu 11 (15 November 1958): 40.

87. See, for example, JFRB, 21 and 22 August 1943, p. 4 (both issues). See also Ji Zhi's discussion, "Guanyu 'muke manhua.'"

88. See, for example, JFRB, 21 August 1943, p. 4. Interviews with Gu Yuan, 6 October, 4 November 1989, Beijing; and with Zhang E, 30 September 1989, Beijing.

89. See Yang Han, ed., Xinsijun meishu gongzuo huiyilu (Shanghai: Shanghai renmin chubanshe, 1982), esp. pp. 63-66.

90. See JFRB, 17 October 1942, p. 4.

91. Gu Yuan used a similar technique in his "Duizhao zhi xia" (A comparison), JFRB, 17 July 1943, p. 4.

92. Li Qun, "Attending Winter School," in Jin-Sui jiefangqu muke xuan, p. 10.

93. Li Qun, "Delivering Public Grain," in ibid, p. 6.

94. See Hu Man, "Kangzhan banian lai jiefangqu de meishu yundong," JFRB, 19 June 1946, p. 4.

95. Interview with Gu Yuan, 6 October, 4 November 1989, Beijing; and letter from Gu Yuan to the author, 16 July 1990.

96. See Ai Qing, "Di yi ri," JFRB, 18 August 1941, p. 2.

97. See Meishu yanjiu 12 (15 November 1959): 49-58. For papercuts, see Gu Yuan, "Minjian jianzhi," Beifang wenhua 2.1 (1 June 1946): 44-45; Ai Qing and Jiang Feng, eds., Xibei jianzhi ji (Shanghai: Chenguang chubanshe, 1949).

98. Yang Han, ed., Xinsijun meishu gongzuo huiyilu, pp. 99-101, 137-139.

99. A Ying, Zhongguo nianhua fazhan shilü (Beijing: Zhaohua meishu chubanshe, 1954), pp. 29-31. See also JFRB, 18 May 1945, p. 4.

100. See Huang Mao, Manhua yishu jianghua, p. 46; also Meishu yanjiu 12 (15 November 1959): 49-53, esp. p. 51.

101. Chang Zhiqing, "Zai Jin-Sui ribao de niandai li," in Zhang Jinglu, ed., Zhongguo xiandai chuban shiliao 4:206.

102. Liu Yunlai, "Huabei dihou geming baokan de chuangjian," XWYJZL 29 (February 1985): 95.

103. Lu Zipei, "Huazhong jiefangqu baozhi zazhi yilan," in Zhang Jinglu, ed., Zhongguo xiandai chuban shiliao 3:380.

104. Liu Yunlai, "Huabei dihou geming baokan de chuangjian," p. 95.

105. Lu Dingyi, "Tan Yan'an Jiefang ribao gaiban," XWYJZL 8 (November 1981): 1-8, esp. p. 6. See also Yang Fangzhi, " Jiefang ribao gaiban yu Yan'an zhengfeng," XWYJZL 18 (March 1983): 1-5, esp. pp. 2-4. The Guomindang news was given considerable attention. For example, on 12 February 1942 Jiefang ribao gave front page coverage to Generalissimo Jiang Jieshi's warm reception by the Indian people during a visit to that country.

106. See Liao Jingdan, " Kangzhan ribao de zhandou suiyue," XWYJZL 29 (February 1985): 61.

107. Mao Zedong, "Zai Jiefang ribao gaiban zuotanhui shang de jianghua," in Mao Zedong xinwen gongzuo wenxuan (Beijing: Xinhua chubanshe, 1983), pp. 90-91.

108. Quoted in Alex Inkeles, Public Opinion in Soviet Russia: A Study in Mass Persuasion (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1950), p. 135. Lenin's famous saying was quoted in a JFRB editorial on 1 April 1942, front page.

109. See XWYJZL 22 (November 1983): 15.

110. Yang Fangzhi, " Jiefang ribao gaiban," p. 2.

111. Mao Zedong, "Zengqiang baokan xuanchuan de dangxing," in Mao Zedong xinwen gongzuo wenxuan, p. 96.

112. Telegram from Mao to Zhou Enlai, 14 March 1942; in Mao Zedong xinwen gongzuo wenxuan, p. 93.

113. Zhou Yang, "Yishu jiaoyu de gaizao wenti," in KRZZY 1:210.

114. See "Xibeiju guanyu Jiefang ribao jige wenti de tongzhi" (Circular of the Northwestern Bureau concerning issues related to Liberation Daily ), JFRB, 30 March 1943, front page.

115. Chang Zhiqing, "Zai Jin-Sui ribao de niandai li," pp. 209, 212.

116. Mao Zedong, "Zenyang ban difang baozhi," in Mao Zedong xinwen gongzuo wenxuan, p. 120. See also Liao Jingdan, " Kangzhan ribao de zhandou suiyue," p. 62.

117. See Liao Mosha et al., Yi Deng Tuo (Fuzhou: Fujian renmin chubanshe, 1980), p. 19; also Kang-Ri zhanzheng shiqi de Zhongguo xinwenjie, ed. Zhongguo shekeyuan xinwen yanjiusuo (Chongqing: Chongqing chubanshe, 1987), p. 145.

118. See Liao Mosha et al., Yi Deng Tuo, p. 81.

119. Ibid., pp. 75, 86, 89. See also Kang-Ri zhanzheng shiqi de Zhongguo xinwenjie, p. 145.

120. Ding Dong, "Bianqu ji jiefangqu de xiaoxingbao," JFRB, 17 May 1945, p. 4.

121. Hu Jiwei, "Ban yizhang renmin qunzhong xiwen-lejian de baozhi," XWYJZL 30 (April 1985): 4.

122. See, for example, Bianqu qunzhong bao, 5 March 1944, p. 1; 12 March 1944, p. 1; 16 April 1944, p. 1; 14 May 1944, p. 1. The paper also issued a series of booklets, including the highly popular Ditties ( Xiaoquzi, 1944), a collection of sixteen songs.

123. See Ai Siqi et al., Yangge lunwen xuanji, p. 6.

124. François Furet, Interpreting the French Revolution, trans. Elborg Forster (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981), p. 48.

125. Mona Ozouf, Festivals and the French Revolution, trans. Alan Sheridan (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1988).

126. J.G.A. Pocock, Politics, Language, and Time: Essays on Political Thought and History (New York: Atheneum, 1973), p. 22.

127. Liu Yunlai, "Huabei dihou geming baokan de chuangjian," pp. 97-98; Kang-Ri zhanzheng shiqi de Zhongguo xinwenjie, p. 267; KRZZY 2:49, 3:150-158; Zhang Jinglu, ed., Zhongguo xiandai chuban shiliao 3:382. These newspapers, of course, were not restricted to the Communist areas; Li Furen's The Common Folk, for instance, originated in Xi'an (see chap. 4).

128. Editor's notes; see KRZZY 1:544.

129. William Hinton, Fanshen (New York: Vintage Books, 1968), p. vii.

130. See, for example, Jiangxi Suqu wenxueshi, ed. Jiangxi shifan daxue zhongwenxi, Suqu wenxue yanjiushi (Nanchang: Jiangxi renmin chubanshe, 1984), pp. 63, 76, 94.

131. Robert Paine, "When Saying Is Doing," in Politically Speaking: Cross-cultural Studies of Rhetoric, ed. Robert Paine (Philadelphia: Institute for the Study of Human Issues, 1981), pp. 10-11.

132. Tian Jian, Shici (Shanghai: Xinwenyi chubanshe, 1953), sec. 9.

133. See ZGHJYD 3:123.

134. See Zhonghua quanguo wenxue yishu gongzuozhe, p. 504.

135. Zhao Shuli, Zhao Shuli wenji, vol. 1 (Beijing: Gongren chubanshe, 1980), pp. 195-210.

136. See Xin minzhu zhuyi geming shiqi gongnongbing sanzi jing xuan, ed. Zhongguo geming bowuguan bianxiezu (Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe, 1975), p. 14.

137. Ibid., pp. 24-27.

138. Han Qixiang, Han Qixiang yu Shaanbei shuoshu, ed. Shaanxi sheng quyi shouji zhengli bangongshi, Shaanxi sheng qunzhong yishuguan (N.p.: n.p., 1985), p. 83.

139. Tian Jian, ''Tian Jian zishu," XWXSL 25 (22 November 1984): 109-110; 29 (22 November 1985): 120-121.

140. Tian Jian, "Yiyongjun," in Shici, p. 7.

141. Wen Yiduo, "Shidai de gushou—du Tian Jian de shi," in Wen Yiduo quanji, ed. Zhu Ziqing et al., vol. 3 (Hong Kong: Nam Tung Stationery, n.d.), pp. 233-238.

142. See KRZZY 3:237.

143. Tian Jian, "Tian Jian zishu," XWXSL 29 (22 November 1985): 120.

144. Ai Qing, "Zhankai jietoushi yundong," JFRB, 27 September 1942, p. 4.

145. See Chang-tai Hung, Going to the People, chap. 3.

146. Jia Zhi, "Lao Suqu de min'ge," Minjian wenyi jikan 1 (1950): 46-57. See also Liu Yun, "Hongjun de geyao," Dafeng 4 (5 April 1938): 106-109.

147. See KRZZY 2:181-182.

148. Li Ji, ed., Shuntianyou er qian shou (Shanghai: Shanghai zazhi gongsi, 1950), p. 263; and idem, "Wo shi zenyang xuexi min'ge de," in Li Ji yanjiu zhuanji (Fuzhou: Haixia wenyi chubanshe, 1985), p. 104.

149. The other two are pashan'ge (mountain climbing songs), popular in western Inner Mongolia, and shanqu'er (mountain melodies), popular in northwestern Shanxi. For a discussion of these songs, see Chen Ziai, "Woguo min'ge de tishi yu gelü," Kanshou zhidao 38 (1988): 33-36.

150. Guo Moruo, Preface to Li Ji, Wang Gui yu Li Xiangxiang (N.p.: Shenghuo, Dushu, Xinzhi, 1949), pp. ii-iii.

151. He Qifang, "Cong souji dao xieding," in He Qifang wenji, vol. 4 (Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 1983), p. 148.

152. Ibid. See also the Preface to Shaanbei min'ge xuan, ed. Lu Xun wenyi xueyuan (N.p.: Xinhua shudian, 1949).

153. Shaanbei min'ge xuan, p. 1.

154. See, for example, Miao Peishi, ed., Geyao congji (N.p.: Taofan shudian, 1947), esp. appendix, "The People's Voice from the Guomindang-ruled Territories."

155. For a history of Chinese storytelling, see Jaroslav Prusek,^{[ *]} "Urban Centers: The Cradle of Popular Fiction," in Studies in Chinese Literary Genres, ed. Cyril Birch (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1974); V. Hrdlicková, "The Chinese Storytellers and Singers of Ballads," Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan, 3d ser., 10 (August 1968): 97-115.

156. Zhou Erfu, "Postscript," in Han Qixiang, Liu Qiao tuanyuan (N.p.: Shenghuo, Dushu, Xinzhi, 1949), p. 142. Lin Shan, however, gave an earlier date, saying that the Yan'an county government began to discuss the importance of storytelling in July 1944; see Lin Shan, "Gaizao shuoshu," JFRB, 5 August 1945, p. 4.

157. Zhou Erfu, "Postscript," in Han Qixiang, Liu Qiao tuanyuan, p. 140.

158. Lin Shan, "Gaizao shuoshu."

159. Zhou Erfu, "Postscript," in Han Qixiang, Liu Qiao tuanyuan, p. 141. See also Lin Shan, "Gaizao shuoshu."

160. Zhou Erfu, "Postscript," in Han Qixiang, Liu Qiao tuanyuan, p. 144; Wang Lin, "Ji Han Qixiang shuoshu," Beifang wenhua 2.6 (16 August 1946): 52-53, 47. See also JFRB, 5 August 1945, p. 4. For Han's own account, see his autobiography, Han Qixiang yu Shaanbei shuoshu. For a full discussion of Han Qixiang and his work, see Chang-tai Hung, "Reeducating a Blind Storyteller: Han Qixiang and the Chinese Communist Storytelling Campaign,'' Modern China 19.4 (October 1993): 395-426.

161. Zhou Erfu, "Postscript," in Han Qixiang, Liu Qiao tuanyuan, pp. 144-146.

162. The 1949 version of the story is slightly different from the original one recorded in 1946. I followed the later version. See Liu Qiao tuanyuan (Shanghai: Shenghuo, Dushu, Xinzhi, 1949), p. 98.

163. Han Qixiang, Zhang Yulan canjia xuanjuhui (N.p.: Xinhua shudian, 1946), p. 50. This version is again slightly different from the original one (see JFRB, 28 November 1945, p. 4).

164. Han Qixiang, Zhang Yulan canjia xuanjuhui, pp. 20-21.

165. Han Qixiang and Wang Zongyuan, Shishi zhuan (N.p.: Xinhua shudian, 1946), esp. pp. 6-14, 17-21.

166. Lin Shan, "Gaizao shuoshu."

167. See JFRB, 7 August 1945, p. 4; 28 November 1945, p. 4; Lin Shan, "Gaizao shuoshu." See also Gao Minfu, Preface to Han Qixiang, Liu Qiao tuanyuan (N.p.: Xinhua shudian, 1946), pp. 4-9.

168. Ellen R. Judd, "Cultural Articulation in the Chinese Countryside, 1937-1945," Modern China 16.3 (July 1990): 269-308.

169. Gao Minfu, Preface to Han Qixiang, Liu Qiao tuanyuan (1946 ed.), p. 8.

170. Zhou Erfu, "Postscript," in Han Qixiang, Liu Qiao tuanyuan, p. 141.

171. Hu Mengxiang, Han Qixiang pingzhuan (Beijing: Zhongguo minjian wenyi chubanshe, 1989), p. 275.

172. He Jingzhi, "Wei renmin yishujia lizhuan," Quyi 207 (15 October 1989): 5.

173. Paraphrased in Judd, "Cultural Articulation in the Chinese Countryside," p. 287.

174. Ibid.

175. See, for example, JFRB, 30 April 1942, p. 1; 13 August 1942, p. 4; 1 March 1943, p. 1.

176. Ai Qing, "Wu Manyou," JFRB, 9 March 1943, p. 4.

177. Ibid.

178. Lu Dingyi, "Wenhua xiaxiang—Du 'Xiang Wu Manyou kanqi' yougan," JFRB, 10 February 1943, p. 4.

179. See, for example, Bianqu qunzhong bao, 19 March 1944, p. 3; 16 April 1944, p. 1.

180. For Zhao Zhankui, see JFRB, 2 September 1943, p. 1; 14 January 1944, p. 1. For Zhang Chuyuan, JFRB, 2 February 1944, p. 3. For others, see JFRB, 10 February 1944, p. 2.

181. See JFRB, 28 February 1943, p. 4.

182. See Shanxi wenyi shiliao 2:82-83.

183. To be sure, Chinese Communists were not the first to use workers as models. The Russians had already set a precedent by repeatedly honoring "Heroes of Socialist Labor." But the Yan'an experience was unique in that its heroes were poor peasants rather than urban workers. And while Stalin's Stakhanovites enjoyed special privileges, developing in later years into a new labor aristocracy, Yan'an's Wu Manyou and his comrades received far fewer material incentives from the Party. Chinese Communists thus presented a better image of a group of "model peasants" working for the common good.

184. See KRZZY 2:153-157, 164-169.

185. Ibid., pp. 4-6, 38-41, 41-51, 52-56, 256-257.

186. Sha Kefu, "Huigu yijiusiyi nian zhanwang yijiusier nian bianqu wenyi," in ibid., p. 94.

187. See, for example, Zhao Chaogou, Yan'an yiyue (Nanjing: Xinmin bao she, 1946).

188. See Haldore Hanson, Fifty Years Around the Third World (Burlington, Vt.: Fraser, 1986), p. 75; Stein, Challenge of Red China; and Harrison Forman, Report from Red China (New York: Henry Holt, 1945). See also Warren W. Tozer, "The Foreign Correspondents' Visit to Yenan in 1944: A Reassessment," Pacific Historical Review 41.2 (May 1972): 207-224, esp. pp. 211, 221.

189. Hanson, Fifty Years, p. 75.

190. Fei Hsiao-tung (Fei Xiaotong), review of Yan'an yiyue by Chao Chao-kuo (Zhao Chaogou), in Pacific Affairs 18.4 (December 1945): 391-393, esp. p. 392.

191. For details of the dissenting views, see Merle Goldman, Literary Dissent in Communist China (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1967), chap. 2.

192. Mo Ye, "Liping de fannao," in Shenghuo de bolan (Xi'an: Shaanxi renmin chubanshe, 1984), pp. 80-101.

193. See Shanxi wenyi shiliao 2:142-156, esp. pp. 144, 146, 157-163.

194. See the author's own bitter recollection, Shenghuo de bolan, pp. 109-112.

195. See KRZZY 1:385-389.

1. See Xu Zhuoyun (Hsu Cho-yun) and Qiu Hongda (Chiu Hongdah), eds., Kangzhan shengli de daijia (Taibei: Lianjing chuban shiye gongsi, 1986), pp. 16, 185. And Dick Wilson, When Tigers Fight: The Story of the Sino-Japanese War, 1937-1945 (Harmondsworth, Eng.: Penguin Books, 1983), p. 1.

2. Quoted from Immanuel Hsu, The Rise of Modern China, 4th ed. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990), p. 611.

3. Carl von Clausewitz, On War, ed. and trans. Michael Howard and Peter Paret (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1976), p. 77.

4. Zheng Zhenduo, "Shao shu ji," in Zheju sanji (Shanghai: Shanghai chuban gongsi, 1951), p. 48; see also Zheng, "Shi shu ji," Fenghuo 9 (31 October 1937): 1-2.

5. Zheng, "Shi shu ji," p. 2.

6. Zheng described this morally and intellectually exhilarating experience in his book Jie zhong de shu ji (Shanghai: Gudian wenxue chubanshe, 1956).

7. See Chen Fukang, Zheng Zhenduo nianpu (Beijing: Shumu wenxian chubanshe, 1988), p. 286. The proposal, which was sent by Zheng and others like Zhang Jusheng of the Commercial Press in early January 1940, received endorsement from the Nationalists, but predictably with no promise of financial assistance from the government.

8. Yuanxin (Zheng Zhenduo), "Baowei minzu wenhua yundong," Wenyi zhendi 5.1 (16 July 1940): 3. Zheng's efforts earned high praise among his friends. See Wenchao yuekan 1.3 (1 July 1946): 161.

9. Guo Moruo, "Lixing yu shouxing zhi zhan," Wenhua zhanxian 1 (1 September 1937): 7.

10. Such an argument is certainly not new. European history is full of similar analogies. War was often portrayed as a cosmic drama, a battle between life and death, a clash between the Apollonian spirit and the irrational, destructive Dionysian force. See Modris Eksteins, Rites of Spring: The Great War and the Birth of Modern Age (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1989); and Sam Keen, Faces of the Enemy: Reflections of the Hostile Imagination (San Francisco: Harper & Row, 1986), p. 122.

11. Changjiang, "Jianli xinwen jizhe de zhengque zuofeng."

12. Bu Shaofu, Zhandi jizhe jianghua, p. 12.

13. Guo Moruo, "Kangzhan song," Kangzhan sanrikan 1 (19 August 1937): 3.

14. Zang Kejia, "Chule kangzhan shenme dou mei yiyi," p. 37. Zang described his joy when he heard about the coming of the war.

15. See Wenxue chuangzuo 1.3 (15 November 1942), "Editorial" (paraphrased).

16. Gu Jiegang, "Xisheng," Dazhong zhishi 1.3 (20 November 1936): 15.

17. Such euphoria was similar to the enthusiasm with which many European intellectuals greeted the outbreak of the war in 1914. See Robert Wohl, The Generation of 1914 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1979), pp. 216-217.

18. Quoted in Dryden L. Phelps, "Letters and Arts in the War Years," in China, ed. Harley F. MacNair (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1946), p. 409.

19. Liu Shi, Jietou jianghua (N.p.: Shenghuo shudian, 1936); Xu Maoyong, Jietou wentan (1936; Shanghai: Guangming shuju, 1946).

20. Liu Shi, Jietou jianghua, pp. ii, 3.

21. Qu Qiubai, Jietou ji (Shanghai: Xia she, 1940). Qu Qiubai was critical of the vernacular language advocated by May Fourth scholars such as Hu Shi. Ridiculing it as too "Europeanized," he believed this vernacular language to be too sophisticated, its meanings and vocabulary too foreign to be comprehended by the general public. A new proletarian "common language," he said, based partly on traditional popular literature such as storytelling and historical novels but largely on the language of the working class, should be created to meet the demands of the general population. This language was the language of the street. Qu's experimentation with this "new" language resulted in a series of storytelling-type popular essays written mostly in the early 1930s, which were published in 1940 as Jietou ji. Qu's idealistic goal was never realized, however, because nobody, including Qu, spelled out exactly what this new language should be, how it should be written, and what it should include. Nevertheless, the search for a language comprehensible to the masses continued to occupy the minds of many left-wing intellectuals.

22. For example, Cao Bohan suggested launching a "Street Culture Movement" ( Jietou wenhua yundong ), a large-scale grass-roots education campaign to teach the populace patriotic songs and basic defensive techniques against the Japanese. See Cao, Jietou bibao, pp. 16-19, esp. p. 19.

23. This quotation was borrowed from James Wilkinson; see his The Intellectual Resistance in Europe (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1981), p. 263. The situation in Europe was in many ways highly reminiscent of that in China, as this quotation shows.

24. See Hong Shen, Kangzhan shinian lai, pp. 21, 93; and Tian Qin, Zhongguo xiju yundong, p. 89.

25. Feng Yuxiang, Kang-Ri de weida minzhong, "Preface."

26. See Chang-tai Hung, Going to the People, esp. chap. 7.

27. See, for example, Guo Moruo, Zhanshi xuanchuan gongzuo (N.p.: Zhongyang lujun junguan xuexiao, 1938), pp. 29-30; Mao Dun, "Dazhonghua yu liyong jiu xingshi," Wenyi zhendi 1.4 (1 June 1938): 121; Wenxue chuangzuo 1.3 (15 November 1942), "Editorial"; and Yao Qingzeng, Kangzhan geyan ji (Chongqing: Zhongshan wenhua jiaoyuguan, 1938).

28. See discussion in David Parkin, "Political Language," Annual Review of Anthropology 18 (1984): 353.

29. See, for example, Wen Zaidao et al., Biangu ji, pp. 265-267. Zhou Li'an, Huafa ji, pp. 110, 127.

30. See Ge Yihong, Zhanshi yanju zhengce, p. 31.

31. Liang Shiqiu, "Bianzhe de hua," Zhongyang ribao, 1 December 1938, p. 4.

32. For the furor created by this incident, see Zhongguo kang-Ri zhanzheng shiqi dahoufang wenxue shuxi 2:131-171. Liang's statement was repeatedly and unfairly criticized by Communist writers. Recently, the writer Ke Ling finally came to his defense, arguing that Liang's proposal was a reasonable one. Ke Ling attacked the notion of "total submission to the War of Resistance" as "a narrow and mechanical approach." See Ke Ling, Wenyuan manyoulu (Hong Kong: Sanlian shudian, 1988), pp. 124-125, 309.

33. Shen Congwen, "Yiban huo teshu," in Zhongguo kang-Ri zhanzheng shiqi dahoufang wenxue shuxi 2:142-146.

34. Wang Liaoyi, Long chong bing diao zhai suoyu (Shanghai: Guancha she, 1949), pp. 4-5.

35. See Hong Shen, Kangzhan shinian lai, p. 169.

36. See above, chapter 5, note 114 with associated quote.

37. Wenxue chuangzuo 1.3 (15 November 1942), "Editorial."

38. Quoted in Hong Shen, Kangzhan shinian lai, p. 87.

39. See my discussion in Going to the People, pp. 12-15.

40. See, for example, Xu Zhengrong, "Dao neidi qu," JWRB, 14 October 1937, p. 4; "Dao nongcun qu" (To the village), Dongfang zazhi 34.14 (16 July 1937): n.p.

41. Quoted in Leo Ou-fan Lee, "Literary Trends: The Road to Revolution, 1927-1949," in Cambridge History of China, vol. 13, pt. 2, pp. 453-454.

42. See Wang Yao, Zhongguo xinwenxue shigao 2:441-452. Interview with Wu Zuxiang, 4 November 1989, Beijing.

43. Tian Qin, Zhongguo xiju yundong, p. 91.

44. Ge Yihong, Zhanshi yanju zhengce, pp. 23-24. Interview with Ge Yihong, 28 September, 20 October, and 4 November 1989, Beijing.

45. Hong Shen, Kangzhan shinian lai, pp. 83-88 (paraphrased).

46. XJSD 1.1 (16 May 1937): 30; see also pp. 8, 19, 20-21, 22, 29.

47. See Zhang Jinglu, ed., Zhongguo xiandai chuban shiliao 3:32-33.

48. Ibid., pp. 33-34.

49. Gan Yunheng, "Kangzhan shiqi de shige zhongxin huodong," in Kangzhan yu yishu, p. 33.

50. For the Chinese Communists' anti-urban legacy, see Maurice Meisner, Marxism, Maoism, and Utopianism (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1982), esp. chaps. 2 and 3.

51. See Keith M. Baker, "Introduction," in Baker, ed., The French Revolution and the Creation of Modern Political Culture, p. xii.

52. For the repeated use of these terms, see Zhang Geng, ed., Yanggeju xuan, pp. 21 ( xin shehui ), 289 ( jiu shehui ), 296 ( shoukuren and dangjiaren ), 16 and 45 ( laodong ), 11 and 50 ( shengchan ), 8 and 127 (the Eighth Route Army), 62 and 225 (the Chinese Communist Party). Communist songs also abound with these terms. See, for example, Kang-Ri zhanzheng gequ xuanji, 4 vols. (Beijing: Zhongguo qingnian chubanshe, 1957).

53. See Zhang Geng, ed., Yanggeju xuan; and Kang-Ri zhanzheng gequ xuanji.

54. On social reforms in the border regions, see Mark Selden, The Yenan Way in Revolutionary China (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1971); on the Party's organizational strength, see Tetsuya Kataoka, Resistance and Revolution in China: The Communists and the Second United Front (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1974), esp. pp. 300-301.