1. The analyses of faunal material from the Fengate sites may be found in Kathleen Biddick, ''Animal Husbandry and Pastoral Land-Use on the Fen Edge, Peterborough, England: An Archaeological and Historical Reconstruction (2500 B.C.-A.D. 1350)" (Ph.D. diss., University of Toronto, 1982) and in the following sections of the publications from the Fengate archaeological sites: Francis Pryor, Excavation at Fengate, Peterborough, England: The Third Report , Northampton Archaeological Society Monograph no. 1 = Royal Ontario Museum Archaeology Monograph no. 6 (Leicester, 1980), 217-232; idem, Excavation at Fengate, Peterborough, England: The Fourth Report , Northampton Archaeological Society Monograph no. 2 = Royal Ontario Museum Archaeology Monograph no. 7 (Leicester, 1984), microfiche, appendix 6, 245-275.

1. Fernand Braudel, The Structures of Everyday Life: The Limits of the Possible , trans. Sian Reynolds (New York, 1981), 105; E. L. Jones, The European Miracle: Environments, Economies and Geopolitics in the History of Europe and Asia (Cambridge, 1981), 4; Immanuel Wallerstein, The Modern World System: Capitalist Agriculture and the Origins of the European World Economy in the Sixteenth Century (New York, 1976), 56.

2. I discuss later in this Introduction what fragmentary evidence my colleagues, including Bruce Campbell, R. A. Donkin, John Langdon, Mavis Mate, and Martin Stevenson, have gathered for pastoral husbandry. The scattered literature for pastoral husbandry has no counterpart to such classics of cereal husbandry as H. L. Gray, English Field Systems (Cambridge, Mass., 1915); Wilhelm Abel, Agricultural Fluctuations in Europe , trans. Olive Ordish (New York, 1980); J. Z. Titow, Winchester Yields: A Study in Medieval Agricultural Productivity (Cambridge, 1972); Norman Scott Brien Gras, The Evolution of the English Corn Market from the Twelfth to the Eighteenth Century (Cambridge, Mass., 1926). Although textbooks commonly recognize that the tradition of northern European agriculture integrated cereal and pastoral activities, the formative research of the early twentieth century treated pastoral and cereal dichotomously and relegated pastoral activities either to marginal geographical areas and ethnic groups or to earlier, less-developed economies of the past. For illustrations consult Cyril Fox, The Personality of Britain (Cardiff, 1932); such a limited conceptualization of pastoral economies constrained scholars of livestock husbandry such as Robert Trow-Smith, who restricted his History of British Livestock Husbandry (London, 1957) to a narrow consideration of techniques of stock management. Archaeologists have gone much further than historians in questioning current models of

pastoral husbandry. For reevaluations of so-called pastoral and arable zones, see The Effect of Man on the Landscape: The Lowland Zone , ed. S. Limbrey and J. G. Evans, Council for British Archaeology Research Report, no. 21 (London, 1978); The Effect of Man on the Landscape: The Highland Zone , ed. J. G. Evans, S. Limbrey, and H. Cleere, Council for British Archaeology Research Report, no. 11 (London, 1975). For good reviews of ethnic models of "pastoralists" consult Andrew Fleming, "The Genesis of Pastoralism in Prehistory," World Archaeology 4 (1972): 180-191; R. Bradley, "Prehistorians and Pastoralists in Neolithic and Bronze Age England," World Archaeology 4 (1972): 192-204; idem, The Prehistoric Settlement of Britain (London, 1978). General aspects of the nineteenth-century model of the pastoral come under critical consideration in Talal Asad, "Equality in Nomadic Social Systems (Notes toward the Dissolution of an Anthropological Category)," Critique of Anthropology 11 (1978): 57-65, and Paul E. Lovejoy, ''Pastoralism in Africa," Peasant Studies 8 (1979): 73-85; Eugenia Shankin, "Sustenance and Symbol: Anthropological Studies of Domesticated Animals," Annual Review of Anthropology 14 (1985): 375-403.

3. For estate studies with sections devoted to the pastoral economy consult R. A. L. Smith, Canterbury Cathedral Priory (Cambridge, 1943); H. P. R. Finberg, Tavistock Abbey (London, 1951); J. A. Raftis, The Estates of Ramsey Abbey (Toronto, 1957); Edward Miller, The Abbey and Bishopric of Ely (Cambridge, 1951; reprint, 1969); I. Kershaw, Bolton Priory (Oxford, 1973); Eleanor Searle, Lordship and Community: Battle Abbey and Its Banlieu , 1066-1538 (Toronto, 1974); Edmund King, Peterborough Abbey (Cambridge, 1973); Barbara Harvey, Westminster Abbey and Its Estates in the Middle Ages (Oxford, 1977); Christopher Dyer, Lords and Peasants in a Changing Society: The Estates of the Bishopric of Worcester, 680-1540 (Cambridge, 1980). The classic work on the techniques of livestock husbandry remains Trow-Smith, British Livestock Husbandry . For new work in this area consult John Langdon, "The Economics of Horses and Oxen in Medieval England," Agricultural History Review 30 (1982): 31-40; idem, "Horse Hauling: A Revolution in Vehicle Transport in Twelfth- and Thirteenth-Century England," Past and Present 103 (1984): 37-66; idem, Horses, Oxen and Technological Innovation: The Use of Draught Animals in English Farming from 1066 to 1500 (Cambridge, 1986). Specialist studies on Cistercian and other pastoral farming include R. A. Donkin, The Cistercians: Studies in the Geography of Medieval England and Wales (Toronto, 1978) (consult his bibliography for further references to his work); John Munro, "Wool Price Schedules and the Qualities of English Wools in the Later Middle Ages," Textile History 9 (1978): 118-169; F. M. Page, "'Bidentes Hoylandie' (A Mediaeval Sheep-Farm)," Economic History (A Supplement to the Economic Journal) 1, no. 4 (1929): 603-613; M. Stevenson, "Sheep Farming on the Crowland Abbey Estate" (MS, 1978); idem, "Fleece

Yields in Late Medieval England" (Paper delivered at the Historical Geography Research Group Conference on Medieval Economy and Society, Exeter, 1983); Julius Klein, The Mesta: A Study in Spanish Economic History, 1273-1836 , Harvard Economic Studies, vol. 21 (Cambridge, Mass., 1920).

4. The lack of information on herd demography also plagues contemporary studies of pastoral economies and suggests the deep bias against studying the interactions between humans and animals: Gudrun Dahl and Anders Hjort, Having Herds: Pastoral Herd Growth and Household Ecomomy , Stockholm Studies in Social Anthropology, vol. 2 (Stockholm, 1976).

5. The evolutionary model tracing the transitions from savagery and barbarism to civilization echoes in these key texts of the nineteenth century: Karl Marx, Pre-capitalist Economic Formations , ed. E. J. Hobsbawm (New York, 1964); Frederick Engels, The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State , ed. Eleanor Burke Leacock (New York, 1972); Lewis Henry Morgan, Ancient Society; or, Researches in the Lines of Human Progress from Savagery through Barbarism to Civilization , ed. Eleanor Burke Leacock (New York, 1963); and Henry Sumner Maine, Dissertations on Early Law and Custom (London, 1883).

6. Michael Postan, The Medieval Economy and Society (London 1975), 63. B. H. Slicher Van Bath develops a similar model in his The Agrarian History of Western Europe, A.D. 500-1850 , trans. Olive Ordish (London, 1963), 12.

7. Postan, Medieval Economy , 65; see also his essay "Medieval Agrarian Society in Its Prime, 7: England," in Cambridge Economic History of Europe , vol. 1, 2d ed., ed. M. Postan (London, 1966), 548-632.

8. Mavis Mate, "Profit and Productivity on the Estates of Isabella de Forz (1260-92)," Economic History Review , 2d ser., 33 (1980): 326-334. Bridbury has estimated a sheep population in thirteenth-century England numbering between eight and ten million beasts, a number not far from the estimated sheep population of Tudor England, of which Thomas More made his famous complaint: "they consume, destroy, and devour whole fields, houses and cities": A. R. Bridbury, "Before the Black Death," Economic History Review , 2d ser., 30 (1977): 393-410. For estimates of the Tudor sheep population consult Peter Bowden, The Wool Trade in Tudor and Stuart Britain (London, 1962), 38. The quotation from the Utopia of Thomas More is from The Yale Edition of the Complete Works of St. Thomas More , ed. Edward Surtz, S. J., and J. H. Hexter, vol. 4 (New Haven, 1965), 67.

9. Bruce M. S. Campbell, "Agricultural Progress in Medieval England: Some evidence from Eastern Norfolk," Economic History Review , 2d ser., 36 (1983): 26-46; David L. Farmer, "Grain Yields on Westminster Abbey Manors, 1271-1410," Canadian Journal of History 18 (1983): 331-348.

10. Harold Fox, "Some Ecological Dimensions of English Medieval Field Systems," in Archaeological Approaches to Medieval Europe , ed. K. Biddick (Kalamazoo, Mich., 1984), 119-158; David Hall, "Fieldwork and Docu-

mentary Evidence for the Layout and Organization of Early Medieval Estates in the English Midlands," ibid., 43-68.

11. Langdon, "Horse Hauling"; idem, Horses, Oxen and Technological Innovation .

12. For new technologies of managing sheep flocks consult M. Wretts-Smith, "Organization of Farming at Croyland, 1257-1321," Journal of Economic and Business History 4 (1932): 168-192, and David Postles, "Fleece Weights and the Wool Supply," Textile History 12 (1981): 96-105.

13. T. H. Lloyd discusses the politics of the wool trade in The English Wool Trade in the Middle Ages (Cambridge, 1977). For analysis of wool exports and their peak in the first decade of the fourteenth century consult E. M. Carus-Wilson and Olive Coleman, England's Export Trade, 1275-1547 (Oxford, 1963).

14. For an excellent introduction to the history of the medieval abbey consult King, Peterborough Abbey . My approach to the Peterborough estate as a network within a wider regional economy complements the new methodology based on national samples of manorial accounts described by Bruce M. S. Campbell, "Towards an Agricultural Geography of Medieval England," Agricultural History Review 36 (1988): 87-98.

15. For a critique of the categories of "pastoral" and "arable" in the landscape archaeology and history of the East Midlands see Christopher Evans, "Nomads in 'Waterland'? Prehistoric Transhumance and Fenland Archaeology," forthcoming in the Proceedings of the Cambridge Antiquarian Society .

16. For a seminal critique of narrow concentration on gross productivity see E. A. Wrigley, "Some Reflections on Corn Yields and Prices in Preindustrial Economies," in his People, Cities, and Wealth: The Transformation of Traditional Society (Oxford, 1987), 92-130.

17. Anthropologists and sociologists in particular have expressed concern over the use of modern economic categories in the study of preindustrial forms of economic activity: for critical discussion see Jean Baudrillard, The Mirror of Production (St. Louis, 1975); Michel de Certeau, The Practice of Everyday Life , trans. S. F. Rendall (Berkeley, Los Angeles, London, 1984); C. A. Gregory, Gifts and Commodities (New York, 1982); and Stephen Gudeman, "Anthropological Economics: The Question of Distribution," Annual Review of Anthropology 7 (1978): 347-377.

18. Social theorists are drawing increasing attention to the centrality of resources to institutional history: Anthony Giddens, "Institutions, Reproduction and Socialisation," in his Central Problems in Social Theory: Action, Structure and Contradiction in Social Analysis (London, 1979), 96-130.

19. Ecological history is a fledgling field. For review of relevant work in the fields of anthropology and intellectual history see Benjamin S. Orlove

"Ecological Anthropology," Annual Review of Anthropology 9 (1980):235-273, and Donald Worster, Nature's Economy: A History of Ecological Ideas (Cambridge, 1985). The anthropologist Eric Wolf conjoined politics, ecology, and historical anthropology in the early 1970s: "Ownership and Political Ecology," Anthropological Quarterly 45 (1972):201-205. For a more sustained consideration of political ecology, "of the system of relationships between groups possessed of differential access to resources, power and symbols," consult John W. Cole and Eric R. Wolf, The Hidden Frontier: Ecology and Ethnicity in an Alpine Valley (New York, 1979), quotation from p. 286.

1. The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle , trans. and ed. G. N. Garmonsway, 2d ed. (New York: E. P. Dutton, 1955), 29. The Chronicle attributes the foundation to the time of Wulfhere. F. M. Stenton believed that the foundation must antedate Abbot Seaxulf's consecration as Bishop of the Mercians, which did not occur later than A.D. 675: F. M. Stenton, "'Medeshamstede' and Its Colonies," in Preparatory to Anglo-Saxon England , ed. D. M. Stenton (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1970), 179-192. For Wulfhere's probable hegemony over southern England in the mid-seventh century consult Wendy Davies and Hayo Vierck, "The Contexts of Tribal Hidage: Social Aggregates and Settlement Patterns," Frühmittelalterliche Studien 8 (1974): 223-293; see also Cyril Hart, "The Kingdom of Mercia," in Mercian Studies , ed. Anne Dornier (Leicester: Leicester University Press, 1977), 47 and fig. 2.

2. Stenton, "Medeshamstede." For comparative discussion of pre-Conquest monastic federations see Wendy Davies, An Early Welsh Microcosm: Studies in the Llandaff Charters (London: Royal Historical Society, 1978), 139-146.

3. The Nene Valley had undergone radical economic change since the mid-fourth century. Only a few aspects of such change can be treated here. For a fuller discussion consult Biddick, "Animal Husbandry." In brief the region saw a shift toward industry at rural villae: Adrian Challands, "A Roman Industrial Site at Sacrewell, Thornhaugh," Durobrivae 2 (1974): 13-16; John Hadman and Stephen Upex, "The Roman Villa at North Lodge, Barnwell, 1973," ibid. 2 (1974):27-28; "The Roman Villa at Helpston,'' ibid. 3 (1975): 22-23; John Hadman and Stephen Upex, "The Roman Settlement at Ashton near Oundle," ibid. 3 (1975): 13-15. The pastoral orientation of the later villae and associated cemeteries are discussed in Richard Jones, "A Romano-British Cemetery and Farmstead at Lynch Farm," Durobrivae 1 (1973): 13, and John Peter Wild, "Roman Settlement in the Lower Nene Valley," Archaeological Journal 131 (1974): 140-170. These

shifts in the economy of the Nene Valley villae are not unlike those discussed by Shimon Applebaum over a decade ago in his contribution "Roman Britain" in The Agrarian History of England and Wales , vol. 1, pt. 2 (Cambridge, 1972): "A general trend is elicited in the evolution of the average Romano-British farm: it may be defined briefly as centralization, decentralization, and devolution" (p. 44). The regional centers of Peterborough and their economies shared the fate discussed by Richard Reece, ''Town and Countryside: The End of Roman Britain," World Archaeology 12 (1980): 77-92. At Castor, archaeologists have found evidence of a large building measuring approximately 122 meters by 76 meters, which they speculate might be the seat of the Count of the Saxon Shore. For an interim notice on the building consult the excavation notices in Britannia 14 (1983): 303-304. Michael Fulford discusses the demise of the Nene Valley pottery industry: "Pottery Production and Trade at the End of Roman Britain: The Case against Continuity," in The End of Roman Britain , ed. P. J. Casey, British Archaeological Reports, British Series, no. 71 (Oxford, 1979), 120-132. The fate of the Christian community offers more evidence for discontinuity in the Peterborough area: Charles Thomas analyzes Nene Valley liturgical hoards in Christianity in Roman Britain to A.D. 500 (Berkeley, Los Angeles, London: University of California Press, 1981), 114-119, 268, fig. 49. Details on the discovery of the hoards may be found in Catherine Jones and R. Carson, "The Water Newton Hoard," Durobrivae 3 (1975): 10-12, and Current Archaeology , no. 54 (1976), 199-204. Perhaps the only structures to provide some continuity were the estates or agri that began to group themselves along the Nene Valley as early as the second century A.D. (Reece, "Town and Countryside," 88): "What continues through the fourth century and well beyond is not the villa house or even the outbuilding, but the estate, the ager" (Davies, Welsh Microcosm , 42).

4. The fifth-century Saxon occupations excavated at Walton and Orton Hall farm, both located within 5 km of Peterborough, did not continue past the early sixth century. See reports by Donald Mackreth in volumes of Durobrivae including: 2 (1974): 19; 4 (1976): 24-25 5 (1977): 20-21; Nene Valley Research Committee, Annual Report , 1981-82; 2; Richard Jones, "A Roman and Saxon Farm at Walton, North Bretton," Durobrivae 2 (1974): 29-31.

5. Carolyn G. Dallas, "The Nunnery of St. Kyneburgha at Castor," Durobrivae 1 (1973): 17; Nene Valley Research Committee, Annual Report , 1976-77, 10. Unfortunately archaeologists know little about the Mercian church at Peterborough, the foundations of which were deeply disturbed by later medieval building programs. Reports of the most recent excavations of the Nene Valley Research Committee carried out at Peterborough Cathedral may be found in "Medieval Britain and Ireland in 1982," entry

no. 21, Medieval Archaeology 27 (1983): 168-169; Donald Mackreth, "Recent Work on Monastic Peterborough," Durobrivae 9 (1984): 18-21; idem, "The Monastic Church before 1116," ibid. 8 (1980): 11-12. The recent findings suggest that the plan proposed by H. M. Taylor and Joan Taylor in Anglo-Saxon Architecture , vol. 2 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1965), 491-494 requires modification. The scale and magnificence of the early monastic church at Peterborough most likely rivaled the church at Brixworth, "the largest pre-Conquest church north of the Alps" (David Parsons, ''Brixworth and Its Monastery Church," in Mercian Studies , 108-114).

6. Peter Addyman, "A Dark Age Site at Maxey, Northants," Medieval Archaeology 8 (1964): 20-73. Excavators recovered twelve pounds of iron slag and twenty-five iron objects at Maxey; the report concluded, however, that there was no clear evidence for connecting the iron objects with smelting on the site. Some Saxon iron-smelting did go on in the Soke, but it is difficult to date precisely: David N. Hall, "The Countryside of the South-east Midlands and Cambridgeshire," in The Romano-British Countryside: Studies in Rural Settlement and Economy , ed. David Miles, British Archaeological Reports, British Series, no. 103, part 2 (Oxford, 1982), 337-350. Reevaluation of industrial activities, including tanning in pits such as those found at Maxey, is needed.

7. Richard Hodges, Dark Age Economics: The Origins of Towns and Trade, A.D. 600-1000 (London: Duckworth, 1982), 39-46.

8. The links between monasteries, such as Peterborough Abbey, with its territorial command of grazing, woodland, and arable resources, and provisioning of trading emporia with raw materials such as hides and horn, require further archaeological investigation. For reference to monasteries as reception centers see Hart, "Mercia," 58.

9. Rosemary Cramp, "Schools of Mercian Sculpture," in Mercian Studies , 191-231. The distribution of pottery in the Peterborough area also suggests some distinctive regional patterns. Excavation and field-survey so far have found little Ipswich ware, wheel-made domestic pottery of the Saxon period around Peterborough, although it has been found at neighboring monastic sites at Castor and Brixworth, and also at Thrapston and Northampton. At Maxey, archaeologists excavated only handmade wares, which have a distribution up and down the Peterborough fen-edge at Glinton, Peterborough, and Castor and in the silt fens of southern Lincolnshire. The distribution of the handmade ware might mark off some local pastoral activities, associated with lambing, calving, and milking on the fen-edges. Such a hypothesis requires further archaeological testing and excavation. Glenn Foard, "Systematic Fieldwalking and Investigation of Saxon Settlement in Northamptonshire," World Archaeology 9 (1978): 357-374; R. Hilary Healey

"Middle Saxon Pottery in the Fenland Area," Lincolnshire History and Archaeology 14 (1979):80-81.

10. For discussion of the Anglo-Saxon material that appears in garbled form in later charters see Stenton, "Medeshamstede," 141. Grants of precisely bounded estates centered on a settlement belong to political changes in lordship in later-eighth-century England. For an important discussion of the progress of fragmentation of estates in Wales consult Davies, Welsh Microcosm , passim.

11. W. T. W. Potts, "The Pre-Danish Estate of Peterborough Abbey," Proceedings of the Cambridge Antiquarian Society 65 (1974): 13-27. For a comparative analysis of estates as resource units consult Della Hooke, "Pre-Conquest Estates in the West Midlands: Preliminary Thoughts," Journal of Historical Geography 8 (1982): 227-244. Another economic consideration bound the fen-edge Abbey with with its upland holdings, particularly Oundle, center of the double-hundred forming the western portion of the estate. Later sources show that Oundle served as the market of its hundred, a sign of its early importance as an exchange center: R. H. Britnell, "English Markets and Royal Administration before 1200," Economic History Review , 2d ser., 31 (1978): 183-196. A ritual center, Peterborough, paired with a trading center, Oundle, resembles the contemporary link of Winchester with Hamwih, the trading emporium of the Kingdom of Wessex: M. Biddle, "Towns,'' in The Archaeology of Anglo-Saxon England , ed. David M. Wilson (London: Methuen, 1976), 114.

12. Local conditions in the fen and the Abbey's use of the fen is by no means certain. The peat fens do seem to have undergone an improved drying phase at the time of the Abbey's foundation. The following references provide a basic introduction to flooding and silting episodes in the silt and peat fens of eastern England in the early first millennium A.D.: David Hall, The Fenland Project, Number 2: Fenland Landscapes and Settlement between Peterborough and March , East Anglian Archaeology Report no. 35 (Cambridge, 1987), 32, 35; idem, "The Changing Landscape of the Cambridgeshire Silt Fens," Landscape History 3 (1981): 37-49; C. W. Phillips, ed., The Fenland in Roman Times , Royal Geographic Society Research Series, no. 5 (London, 1970); B. B. Simmons, "The Lincolnshire Car Dyke: Navigation and Drainage," Britannia 10 (1979): 183-196; L. P. Louwe Kooijmans, The Rhine/Meuse Delta: Four Studies on Its Prehistoric Occupation and Holocene Geology , Analecta Praehistorica Leidensia, vol. 7 (Leiden, 1974); William TeBrake, Medieval Frontier: Culture and Ecology in Rijnland (Austin: Texas A & M University Press, 1985). For regional studies of the medieval fenland see H. C. Darby, The Medieval Fenland (Newton Abbot: David and Charles, 1940; reprint, 1975); H. E. Hallam, Settlement and Society: A Study of the Early Agrarian History of South Lincolnshire (Cambridge: Cambridge University

Press, 1965); J. R. Ravensdale, Liable to Floods: Village Landscape on the Edge of the Fens, A.D. 450-1850 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1974); Joan Thirsk, Fenland Farming in the Sixteenth Century , University College of Leicester, Department of English Local History, Occasional Papers, no. 3 (Leicester, 1953).

13. The earliest evidence of feorms on the Peterborough estate contains a privilege of Pope Constantine (709-715) drawn up for Peterborough's daughter houses at Bermondsey and Woking. The privilege mentioned the monasterialis census , or the right of the bishop to food rents from monasteries of his diocese. Three-quarters of a century later, the king freed the church of Woking of the its obligation of royal tribute ( regalium tributum ), feorm owed to the king, before he made the church over as a gift to Peterborough. The monastery would then collect the renders of food and service once reserved for the king. Stenton discusses this privilege in "Medeshamstede," 189. Davies provides comparative background on early food rents collected by Welsh bishops in Welsh Microcosm , 18-50. For a discussion of consumption in a chiefdom society consult Timothy Earle, Economic and Social Organization of a Complex Chiefdom , University of Michigan, Museum of Anthropology, Anthropology Papers, no. 63 (Ann Arbor, 1978). For Celtic arrangements for chiefly consumption see Glanville R. J. Jones, "The Multiple Estate: A Model for Tracing the Interrelationships of Society and Economy and Habitat," in Archaeological Approaches to Medieval Europe , ed. K. Biddick, 9-41; William Rees, ''Survivals of Ancient Celtic Custom in Medieval England," in Angles and Britons , O'Donnell Lectures (Cardiff: University of Wales, 1963), 148-168. Edmund Leach discusses a connection between chiefly office and consumption in Political Systems of Highland Burma (Boston: Beacon, 1964), 121-122.

14. C. A. Gregory presents a fundamental discussion of consumption and resources in Gifts and Commodities . For further discussion of the organization of resources under complex chiefdoms see Kathleen Biddick, "Field Edge, Forest Edge: Early Medieval Social Change and Resource Allocation," in Archaeological Approaches to Medieval Europe , 105-118. See also W. J. Ford, "Some Settlement Patterns in the Central Region of the Warwickshire Avon," in Medieval Settlement: Continuity and Change , ed. P.H. Sawyer (London: Edward Arnold, 1976), 274-294. Farmers also paid currency in ninth-century leases: Anglo-Saxon Chronicle , 52. The use of such currency does not necessarily mean that mechanisms of price formation operated: Gregory, Gifts and Commodities . For Mercian currency consult D. M. Metcalf, "Monetary Affairs in Mercia in the Time of Aethelbald," in Mercian Studies , 87-102.

15. A. J. Robertson, ed. Anglo-Saxon Charters , 2d ed. (Cambridge, 1956), VII, 12-13.

16. This part of the feorm indicates that a woodland managed by cop-

picing, or the cyclical cutting of underwood, existed on the estate: Oliver Rackham, Ancient Woodland (London: Edward Arnold, 1980). Interestingly enough, the woodland of Wulfhere's lease was located in the county of Rutland and detached from his holdings in Lincolnshire.

17. The division of the food rent of the lease between the monastery and the lord of the church, the Abbot, shows that the monastic household had already differentiated into two consumption units, one for the Abbot and one for the monks. The question whether division of consumption units within elite households of the ninth century intensified use of resources requires further exploration. The Abbot certainly developed into a prodigious consumer over time. By the fourteenth century, as subsequent discussion will show, the Abbot consumed more wheat than, and as much barley as, his convent of monks. The horses of the Abbot alone consumed between one-quarter and one-third of the harvest of oats on the estate. For the division of units within monastic households in the ninth century consult Eric John, "The Division of the Mensa in Early English Monasteries," Journal of Ecclesiastical History 6 (1955): 143-155.

18. Disruption in the Dark Age world economy accounts for much of this chaos. The long-distance exchange network supporting the Mercian and Carolingian elites faltered in the early decades of the ninth century when Arab silver supplies to the West ceased flowing. The demise of English monasticism over the later ninth and early tenth century, traditionally attributed by historians to the Viking raids, occurred within this changing economic context: Richard Hodges and David Whitehouse, Mohammed, Charlemagne and the Origins of Europe (Ithaca, N. Y.: Cornell University Press, 1983); Eric John, "Kings and Monks in the Tenth-Century Reform," in his Orbis Britanniae (Leicester: Leicester University Press, 1966), 154-180; Robin Fleming, "Monastic Lands and England's Defence in the Viking Age," English Historical Review 100 (April 1985): 247-265.

19. Land tenure took on new importance over the ninth century as elites relied increasingly on the land and its fruits for much-needed revenue. Estates fragmented into smaller units: Patrick Wormald, "The Ninth Century," in The Anglo-Saxons ed. James Campbell (Ithaca, N. Y.: Cornell University Press, 1982), 138-139; A. E. Brown, T. R. Key, and C. Orr, "Some Anglo-Saxon Estates in Northamptonshire," Northamptonshire Archaeology 12 (1977): 155-176; Graham Cadman and Glenn Foard, "Raunds: Manorial and Village Origins,'' in Studies in Late Anglo-Saxon Settlement , ed. Margaret L. Faull (Oxford: Oxford University Department for External Studies, 1984), 81-100. Around Peterborough, archaelogists have excavated fortified manorial complexes at Goltho, Lincolnshire; Sulgrave, Northamptonshire; and Water Newton and Little Paxton, Huntingdonshire. Goltho: Guy Beresford, "Goltho Manor, Lincolnshire: The Buildings and

Their Surrounding Defences," in Proceedings of the Battle Conference on Anglo-Norman Studies IV, 1981 , ed. R. Allen Brown (Woodbridge, Suffolk, and Totowa, N. J., 1982), 13-36; Sulgrave: K. B. Davison, "Excavations at Sulgrave, Northamptonshire, 1960-67: An Interim Report," Archaeological Journal 134 (1977), fig. 3; Water Newton: C. Green, "Excavations on a Medieval Site at Water Newton in the County of Huntingdon in 1958,'' Proceedings of the Cambridge Antiquarian Society 56-57 (1962-1963): 68-87; Little Paxton: Peter Addyman, "Late Saxon Settlements in the St. Neots Area, II: The Little Paxton Settlement and Enclosures," ibid. 62 (1969): 59-93.

20. For instance, at Great Paxton, Hunts, just across the river from its berewick Little Paxton, stands the elaborate pre-Conquest church erected by Earl Waltheof (d. A.D. 1076) or his widow Countess Judith: C. A. R. Radford, "Pre-Conquest Minster Churches," Archaeological Journal 130 (1973): 133.

21. Peter Addyman, "Late Saxon Settlements in the St. Neots Area, III: The Village or Township of St. Neots," Proceedings of the Cambridge Antiquarian Society 64 (1972): 45-100.

22. Beresford, "Goltho," 13-36.

23. John N. Williams, "From Palace to 'Town': Northampton and Urban Origins," Anglo-Saxon England 13 (1984): 113-136; Kathy Kilmurry, The Pottery Industry of Stamford, Lincolnshire, c. A.D. 850-1250 , British Archaeological Reports, British Series, no. 84 (Oxford, 1980); John H. Williams, "Northampton," Current Archaeology 79 (1981): 250-259; Christine Mahany, Alan Burchard, and Gavin Simpson, Excavations in Stamford, Lincolnshire, 1963-69 , Society for Medieval Archaeology, Monograph Series, no. 9 (London, 1982).

24. Anglo-Saxon Chronicle , 71.

25. It is difficult not to view the alliance of King Edgar and Bishop Aethelwold in the monastic reform movement as a challenge to local lordship and a reassertion of much-damaged royal power in the East Midlands: John, "Kings and Monks"; D. J. V. Fisher, "The Anti-monastic Reaction in the Reign of Edward the Martyr," Cambridge Historical Journal 10 (1952): 254-270.

26. Through the legal process of exchange, and endowment from the king's own landed reserves, and through less savory extralegal means, Aethelwold, "the eagle of Christ," succeeded in creating a land bank which he apportioned to the five monasteries: Eric John, "Some Latin Charters from the Tenth Century," in Orbis Britanniae , 181-209; Dorothy Whitelock, foreword to Liber Eliensis , ed. E. O. Blake, Camden Third Series, vol. 92 (London, 1962), ix-xviii.

27. "Cuius loci basilicam congruis domorum structuris ornatam et terris adiacentibus copiose ditatam in honore beati Petri principis apostolorum consecravit": Wulfstan's Life of St. Aethelwold, from Michael Winterbottom, Three Lives of English Saints (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 1972), 48. As already observed (n. 5 above), later medieval building programs destroyed or rendered very difficult to interpret much of the pre-Conquest remains of the monastic complex at Peterborough. The excavations at Winchester offer some insight into the liturgical and claustral intentions of the building programs of Aethelwold: Martin Biddle, "Excavations at Winchester, 1970: Ninth Interim Report," Antiquaries Journal 52 (1972): 116-123, figs. 6-8; idem, '''Felix Urbs Winthonia': Winchester in the Age of Monastic Reform," in Tenth-Century Studies , ed. David Parsons (London: Phillimore, 1975), 123-140.

28. David Hill, " Trends in the Development of Towns during the Reign of Ethelred II," in Ethelred the Unready , ed. D. Hill, British Archaeological Reports, British Series, no. 59 (Oxford, 1978), 213-253; William C. Wells, "The Stamford and Peterborough Mints," British Numismatic Journal 22 (1934-1937): 35-77; 23 (1938-1940): 7-28.

29. King, Peterborough Abbey , 9.

30. Anglo-Saxon Chronicle , 199.

31. For rankings according to gross Domesday valuations see David Hill, An Atlas of Anglo-Saxon England (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1981), fig. 248. The following authors have dealt with the problem of interpreting values in the Domesday Book: Reginald Lennard, Rural England, 1086-1135: A Study of Social and Agrarian Conditions (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1959), 156-157; R. Welldon Finn, The Norman Conquest and Its Effects on the Economy, 1066-1086 (Hampton, Conn.: Archon Books, 1971). In the East Midlands there were large increases in valuation between 1066 and 1086. The worth of Peterborough Abbey increased from 1269 s . to 2,863 s . 4 d .: Welldon Finn, Norman Conquest , 238. The worth of Ramsey Abbey, a neighbor of Peterborough, doubled. The increase in valuations must be set, however, in a context of depredation during the Conquest.

32. King, Peterborough , 13-34.

33. For a discussion of subinfeudation of properties between 1086 and 1125 see King, Peterborough , 13-34. Texts of the Domesday printed in The Victoria History of the Counties of England (VCH) were used in this study unless otherwise indicated: VCH Northampton 1:301-356; VCH Huntingdon 1:337-355; VCH Leicester 1:306-338; VCH Nottingham 1:247-288; VCH Rutland , 138-142; Lincolnshire: C. W. Foster and T. Longley, eds., The Lincolnshire Domesday and Lindsey Survey , Lincoln Record Society, vol. 19 (Lincoln, 1924; reprint, 1976). The text of the 1125 survey contained in the Society of Antiquaries MS. 60 is printed in Chronicon Petroburgense , ed. T. Stapleton, Publications of the Camden Society, vol. 47 (London, 1849), 157-168. For

a description of the manuscript consult Janet D. Martin, Cartularies and Registers of Peterborough Abbey , Northamptonshire Record Society, Publications, vol. 28 (Peterborough, 1978), 1-7. The survey of 1125 followed upon the death of Abbot John of Peterborough on 14 October 1125. Henry I then seized the revenues of the Abbey during the vacancy (1125-1128) and commissioned his justiciars to carry out an inventory of the "the treasures of the church and all the abbacy, and all that was there, within and without, and this they carried to the King," as the Peterborough Chronicle reported. The chronicle of Hugh Candidus may be found in Peterborough Dean and Chapter MS. 1, ff. 1-19r. It is printed in Joseph Sparke, Historiae Anglicanae Scriptores Varii (London, 1723), pt. 2, 1-94; for a translation see The Peterborough Chronicle of Hugh Candidus , trans. Charles Mellows and William Thomas Mellows, 2d ed. (Peterborough: Museum Society, 1966).

34. Battles over the fen were to be fought out fiercely among fen lords and local communities in the courts a century later: Darby, Medieval Fenland , 77; H. C. Darby, The Changing Fenland (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983), 24-31; King, Peterborough , 84-87; Nellie Neilson, ed., A Terrier of Fleet, Lincolnshire (London, 1920); Sandra Raban, The Estates of Thorney and Crowland: A Study of Medieval Monastic Land Tenure , University of Cambridge, Department of Land Economy, Occasional Paper, no. 7 (Cambridge, 1977), 54-55; Raftis, Ramsey Abbey , 153-155.

35. Both historians and archaeologists have uncritically treated the peat fen as a reedy, sedgy grazing area. For a critique of such treatment see Evans, "Nomads in 'Waterland'?" Sir Harry Godwin first drew attention to the scope for human intervention in the plant communities of the English peat fens: H. Godwin and F. R. Bharucha, "Studies in the Ecology of Wicken Fen, II: The Fen Water Table and Its Control of Plant Communities," Journal of Ecology 20 (1932): 157-191; H. Godwin, "Studies in the Ecology of Wicken Fen, III: The Establishment of Fen Scrub (Carr)," ibid. 24 (1936): 82-116; idem, "Studies in the Ecology of Wicken Fen, IV: Crop-taking Experiments,'' ibid. 29 (1941): 83-106; H. Godwin, D. R. Clowes, and B. Huntley, "Studies in the Ecology of Wicken Fen, V: Development of Fen Carr," ibid. 62 (1974): 197-214. J. R. Ravensdale also provides an excellent discussion of management of fen crops in Liable to Floods , 41-69.

36. Grazing and mowing most enhance the pastoral potential of fen vegetation. Botanists have studied the forage potential of managed fen grassland at Woodwalton Fen, a relict fen now preserved by the National Trust. Galloway steers grazed the coarse fen grasses dominated by small woodreed ( Calamagrostis epigejos ) and couch grass ( Agropyron repens ). The grazing of the herd had a marked effect on grassland structure by moving it away from coarse grass toward greater and more palatable botanical diversity. Grazing thus improved the fen fodder. The steers sustained themselves

satisfactorily with the coarse fodder under the environmental conditions of fen grazing: O. B. Williams and T. C. E. Wells, "Grazing Management of Woodwalton Fen: Seasonal Changes in the Diet of Cattle and Rabbits," Journal of Applied Ecology 11 (1974): 499-516.

37. For later medieval wet phases and the problem of silting in the fenland river systems consult Hallam, Settlement and Society , 155; Darby, Medieval Fenland , 156-163; Ravensdale, Liable to Floods , 7-8, 114-115; Robert Evans, "The Early Courses of the River Nene," Durobrivae 7 (1979): 8-10.

38. H. C. Darby observed that the Domesday Book gives a "very incomplete picture of marshland in England in the eleventh century": Domesday England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1977), 160. Recent research on the Domesday returns for Essex suggests that meadow was a "tax-deductible": J. M. McDonald and G. D. Snooks, "Were the Tax Assessments of Domesday England Artificial? The Case of Essex," Economic History Review , 2d ser., 38 (1985): 367; idem, Domesday Economy: A New Approach to Anglo-Norman History (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1986).

39. John Bridges, The History and Antiquities of Northamptonshire (London, 1791), 2; VCH Northampton 2:472.

40. Darby, Changing Fenland , 178-179.

41. For a text of the charter see Cyril Hart, The Early Charters of Eastern England (Leicester: Leicester University Press, 1966), 182-183.

42. Kilmurry, Stamford , 148-149.

43. The meadow acreage was computed from furlong measurements recorded in Domesday and converted into acres according to the form factor used by Rackham, Ancient Woodland , 114. For the twenty-one locations with meadow acreage the descriptive statistics worked out as follows: mean = 72 acres; standard deviation = 90.6 acres; variance = 7,827.5 acres. The minimum holding was 8 acres at the manor of Stanwick and the maximum holding was 380 acres of meadow at Walcot, the manor most distant from the Abbey of Peterborough.

44. Many Lincolnshire manors, such as the Abbey's manors at Fiskerton, Scotter, and Walcot, had unusually high meadow assessments; see Darby, Domesday England , 148.

45. Mown meadows and grazed meadows produce distinctive flora which archaeobotanists can distinguish in the archaeological record. In the future it may be possible to reconstruct medieval meadow management in the East Midlands through the study of archaeological seed and plant remains. On grazed and mown meadow flora see H. Baker, "Alluvial Meadows: A Comparative Study of Grazed and Mown Meadows," Journal of Ecology 25 (1937): 408-425. For an example of current archaeobotanical methodology used in investigating the economic use of floodplain terraces see Mark

Robinson, "Plants and Invertebrates: Methods and Results; Interpretation," in Iron Age and Roman Riverside Settlements at Farmoor, Oxfordshire , ed. George Lambrick and Mark Robinson, Council for British Archaeology Research Report, no. 32 (Oxford and London, 1979), 77-128.

46. E. Duffey, M. G. Morriss, J. Sheail, L. K. Ward, D. A. Wells, T. C. E. Wells, Grassland Ecology and Wildlife Management (London: Chapman and Hall, 1974), 34. For early evidence of sophisticated management of water meadows on the river Itchen at Winchester see Martin Biddle, "Excavations at Winchester, 1971 Tenth and Final Interim Report: Part II," Antiquaries Journal 55 (1975): 326-328.

47. The statistics for correlating meadow acreage with demesne oxen for sixteen manors where such correlation was possible were as follows: r = 0.1441 (P < 0.59420); for meadow acreage with estimated peasant oxen (oxen derived from number of ploughs) for thirteen manors: r = 0.4409 (P < 0.1316); for meadow acreage and total demesne and peasant oxen for thirteen manors: r = 0.4152 (P < 0.1583). For an excellent discussion of the multiple associations between values on Domesday manors consult McDonald and Snooks, Domesday Economy .

48. The acreage for woodland on the Abbey's manors ranged from 1.2 acres to 6,048 acres. There was obviously a great deal of variation in the acreage of woodland on the manors. Calculations of descriptive statistics are as follows: mean = 734 acres; standard deviation = 1,413; variance = 189,999. The acreages were calculated according to Rackham, Ancient Woodland , 114.

49. Rackham, Ancient Woodland , 114; G. F. Peterken, "Long-Term Changes in the Woodlands of Rockingham Forest and Other Areas," Journal of Ecology 64 (1976): 123-146.

50. Edmund King offers an excellent discussion of forest colonization by the Abbey in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries in chapter 4 of his Peterborough Abbey , 70-87.

51. Rackham, Ancient Woodland , 137-160.

52. Kathleen Biddick, "Pig Husbandry on the Peterborough Abbey Estate from the Twelfth to the Fourteenth Ceutury," in Animals and Archaeology , ed. Juliet Clutton-Brock and Caroline Grigson, vol. 4, British Archaeological Reports, International Series, no. 227 (Oxford, 1985), 161-177.

53. Rackham, Ancient Woodland , 140.

54. Experimental firings under conditions replicating the Stamford kilns required about sixty to one hundred faggots to reach firing temperature. Archaeologists estimate that at Stamford one kiln-firing produced about two hundred jugs. One carriage of faggots would contain twenty dozen bundles, according to later-thirteenth-century sources: Kilmurry, Stamford , 68.

55. Discussion of the soils and arable potential of the Abbey's manors is

based on the volumes in the series The Land of Britain: The Report of the Land Utilisation Survey of Britain , ed. L. Dudley Stamp (London, 1937-), pt. 58 (1943), Northamptonshire ; pt. 59 (1943), Soke of Peterborough ; pt. 53 (1937), Rutland ; pt. 60 (1937), Nottinghamshire ; pt. 76-77 (1942), Lincolnshire ; pt. 69 (1937), Holland ( Lincolnshire ); pt. 75 (1941), Huntingdonshire .

56. Land Utilisation Survey , Soke , 384; Northamptonshire , 377.

57. King, Peterborough Abbey , 143.

58. Brown, Key, and Orr, "Some Anglo-Saxon Estates in Northamptonshire," 155-176.

59. The estimates for ploughing pace are taken from the late-thirteenth-century agricultural treatise of Walter of Henley: D. Oschinsky, ed., Walter of Henley and Other Treatises of Estate Management and Accounting (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1971), 157.

60. For an excellent discussion of the growing tendency to define work owed by peasants as work units that might be further specified by piecework quotas see Raftis, Ramsey Abbey , 193-195.

61. We know very little about the physical plant of manors in the early twelfth century. Little excavation of the ancillary buildings of twelfth-century manor houses has taken place. Archaeologists date the large barn associated with the manor house at Wharram Percy to the thirteenth century: Maurice Beresford and John G. Hurst, Deserted Medieval Villages (London: Lutterworth Press, 1971), 132. The wooden barn at Coggeshall Abbey, Essex, measuring 37 ft. (121 m) x 13 ft. (43 m) is the oldest standing wooden construction in Europe and is dated to the twelfth century (Rackham, Ancient Woodland , 144-147). Its dimensions easily match those of the great masonry-and-timber tithe barns of the thirteenth century, such as Great Coxwell (Berkshire) and Beaulieu-St. Leonard's (Hampshire). For a magnificent presentation of these barns see Walter Horn and Ernest Born, The Barns of the Abbey of Beaulieu at Its Granges of Great Coxwell and Beaulieu-St. Leonard's (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1965); transcripts of the St. Paul leases may be found in William Hale, The Domesday of St. Paul's of the Year M.CC.XII , Publications of the Camden Society, vol. 69 (London, 1858), 122-139.

1. For discussion of valuations see chapter 1, n. 31, and below, n. 4. The erection of castles formed a major part of the Norman building program. Before 1100 the Normans had erected ninty-three castles in their colony: D. F. Renn, Norman Castles in Britain (London: Baker, 1968). The Normans

built on a much larger scale than contemporary English architecture. For a general discussion of their building program consult H. M. Colvin, "The Norman Kings 1066-1154," in The History of the King's Works , ed. Colvin, vol. 1 (London: Her Majesty's Stationery Office, 1963), 19-50. The best case study of regional shifts in town development under the Normans has been provided by Martin Biddle and Derek Keene: "Whatever the doubts regarding any over-all concept in planning or architectural terms, there can be no doubt that the reconstruction of palace and cathedral demonstrated, and were intended to demonstrate, the success and the finality of the Norman acquisition of the Old English state, and in particular the annexation of its royal capital" ( Winchester in the Early Middle Ages , ed. Martin Biddle, Winchester Studies, 1 [Oxford, 1976], 471). The Peterborough Chronicle describes the Abbey's commitment to its own building program. Abbot Ernulf (1107-1114) built a new dormitory and chapter house and began a refectory (p. 47 of Mellows trans.). In 1116 fire struck the monastery and vill, sparing only the chapter house and dormitory. Rebuilding began in 1118 (p. 53 of Mellows trans.). Reorganization of the town and the completion of the chancel of the new church is attributed to Abbot Martin (p. 57 of Mellows trans.). For a discussion of this phase of town development at Peterborough consult Edmund King, "The Town of Peterborough in the Early Middle Ages," Northamptonshire Past and Present 6 (1980-81): 187-195; Cyril Hart, "The Peterborough Region in the Tenth Century: A Topographical Survey," ibid., 243-245; Mackreth, ''Recent Work on Monastic Peterborough," 18-21. The nature of shifts in the English urban hierarchy after the Conquest is in much need of further study. The preliminary survey of this question in Winchester in the Early Middle Ages (pp. 500-506) concluded that London grew in importance and that the East Anglian ports expanded rapidly.

2. See chapter 1 for early evidence of farming on the estate. Reginald Lennard provides a thorough discussion of farming in the Domesday generation in Rural England , 105-175. The list of redditus owed by the manors of Peterborough Abbey in the 1125 survey is printed in Chronicon Petroburgense , 167-168. See chapter 1, n. 31 for references to Domesday valuations and also H. C. Darby, Domesday England, 208-231; Lennard, Rural England , 121-125; P. D. A. Harvey, "The Pipe Rolls and the Adoption of Demesne Farming in England," Economic History Review , 2d ser., 27 (1974): 345-359; Sally P. J. Harvey, "Recent Domesday Studies," English Historical Review 95 (1980): 129-131; idem, "The Extent and Profitability of Demesne Agriculture in England in the Later Eleventh Century," in Social Relations and Ideas: Essays in Honor of R. H. Hilton , ed. T. H. Aston et al. (Cambridge, 1983), 45-72; McDonald and Snooks, "Were the Tax Assessments of Domesday England Artificial?"; J. M. McDonald and G. D. Snooks, "The Determinants of

Manorial Income in Domesday England," Journal of Economic History 45 (1985): 541-556; idem, Domesday Economy .

3. Leges Henrici Primi , ed. and trans. L. J. Downer (Oxford, 1972), 175.

4. For insights into the formation of values and their links to consumption consult Mary Douglas, The World of Goods (New York, 1979), especially chapter 6 on consumption periodicities. For further contrasts of values formed by methods of consumption and those formed by methods of production based on profits see Gregory, Gifts and Commodities ; Franco Modigliani, "The Life-Cycle Hypothesis of Saving: The Demand for Wealth and the Supply of Capital," in The Collected Papers of Franco Modigliani , ed. A. Abel (Cambridge, Mass.: M.I.T. Press, 1980), 2:323-371, reprinted from Social Research 33 (1966): 160-217.

5. Certainly the Abbey of Cluny, under the influence of Henry of Blois, Bishop of Winchester, had begun to calculate consumption and further productive potential on its demesne in the mid-twelfth century: Georges Duby, "Une inventaire des profits de la seigneurie clunisienne à la mort de Pierre le Vénérable," Studia Anselmiana 40 (1956): 128-140.

6. Lennard, Rural England , 176-212. The changing value of money and competition for regional trade are discussed in chapter 3 of the present study.

7. The following manors paid grain in kind (measured in modii): Longthorpe, 4.5 in malt, 4.5 wheat; Castor, 80 malt, 13 wheat; Glinton, 8 oats, 8 wheat; Etton, 3 malt, 1 oats, 4 wheat; Werrington, 4 malt, 4 wheat; Walton, 4 malt, 4 wheat; Fletton, 4 wheat, 4 malt; Alwalton, 4.5 malt, 4.5 wheat; Warmington, 12 wheat, 8 malt; Oundle, 8 malt, 8 wheat. Source: Chronicon Petroburgense , 167-168.

8. The data on valuations were taken from texts of the Domesday printed in The Victoria History of the Counties of England . The redditus of the 1125 survey are taken from the Chronicon Petroburgense (for full references see chapter 1, n. 33). The descriptive statistics for the valuations of 1066, 1086, and 1125 are as follows: 1066 (number of manors = 26): mean, 78.4 s. ; coefficient of variation expressed as a percent, 98.0 percent; 1086 (number of manors = 26): mean, 125.76 s. ; coefficient of variation, 65.9 percent; 1125 (number of manors = 25): mean, 224.7 s. ; coefficient of variation, 71.5 percent. This discussion does not take up the question of hidation; see Cyril Hart, The Hidation of Northamptonshire , University of Leicester, Department of English Local History, Occasional Papers, 2d ser., no. 3 (Leicester, 1970). For increasing values on manors over the Domesday generation consult Lennard, Rural England , 155-159 and 210-212; Raftis, Ramsey Abbey , 53-96; Dyer, Lords and Peasants, 51-55; Miller, Ely , 94-95.

9. The data for numbers of peasants and their ploughs come from texts of the Domesday and 1125 surveys. The recorded Domesday population of peasants on the estate numbered 802 (number of manors = 24): mean, 33.4; coefficient of variation expressed as a percent, 55 percent. For 1125, recorded

population numbered 1,073 (number of manors = 23): mean, 46.6; coefficient of variation, 55.7 percent.

10. The erection of the motte and bailey of Rockingham Castle under William the Conqueror must have dispossessed some peasants of land. For the castle consult Royal Commission on Historical Monuments, England, An Inventory of the Historical Monuments in the County of Northampton , vol. 2, Central Northamptonshire (London: Her Majesty's Stationery Office, 1979), 127-129.

11. The monastic system of food farms is discussed by Harvey, Westminster Abbey , 80-81; Lennard, Rural England , 131-133; Miller, Ely , 38-40; Raftis, Ramsey Abbey , 153-155. See also Georges Duby, "Économie domaniale et économie monétaire: Le budget de l'abbaye de Cluny entre 1080 et 1155," Annales: Économies, sociétés, civilisations 7 (1952): 155-171. The Ramsey food-rent document is discussed by Raftis, Ramsey Abbey , 61 and appendix B, 309-313. Raftis argues that the food rent may be attributed to the abbacy of Aldwin (d. A.D. 1111). The text is printed in Cartularium Monasterii de Rameseia, ed. W. H. Hart and P. A. Lyons, vol. 3 (London, 1893), 230-234.

12. David Knowles, The Monastic Order in England , 2d ed. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1963), 459-465.

13. The 1185 survey is edited by J. H. Round, Rotuli de Dominabus et Pueris et Puellis de XII Comitatibus, [1185] , Publications of the Pipe Roll Society, vol. 35 (London, 1913). I selected those manors for which the surveyors listed demesne stock and indicated how much additional stocking would increase the value of the demesne. I found sixty-five manors that fit these criteria in the Rotuli de Dominabus . For tables listing livestock by manor for the 1125 survey consult Biddick, "Animal Husbandry," 458-460.

14. For general discussions of livestock in the Domesday generation consult Trow-Smith, British Livestock Husbandry , 65-86. Reginald Lennard provides a survey of twelfth-century livestock leases in his Rural England , 189-196.

15. Edmund King discusses the relationship between oxen and demesne ploughs in Peterborough Abbey , 143, table 5.

16. For a discussion of oxen on the estate in the fourteenth century see chapter 4.

17. Trow-Smith, British Livestock Husbandry , 68-74 discusses the problems of identifying animalia otiosa. He concluded that "a very large part—if not all—of the beasts (animalia) recorded in Domesday as having been present on manors in the less pastoral counties of England were concerned with the plough."

18. The Abbey still relied on ox hauling in the early twelfth century: Langdon, "Horse Hauling," 37-66. Langdon lists the horses on manors surveyed in the Rotuli de Dominabus on a county basis in his book Horses, Oxen and Technological Innovation , 41. The coefficient of variation (expressed as a

percentage), which I calculated from his county sample, is 122.4 percent, comparable to the variation of horses on the estate of Peterborough (111 percent) and my sample of manors taken from the Rotuli (206 percent).

19. Prior to their drainage in the early modern period, the fen pastures were a popular breeding ground for horses. The opponents of drainage in the seventeenth century mentioned horse breeding first in their justification of the fen economy: "for the first the Fens breed infinite number of serviceable horses, mares and colts, which till our land and furnish our neighbors." Cited in Thirsk, Fenland Farming , 27.

20. The pattern fits with John Langdon's observations on the rise of horse hauling over the thirteenth century: see above, n. 18.

21. For a discussion of horse husbandry on the estate in the fourteenth century see chapter 6.

22. Biddick, "Pig Husbandry."

23. See chapter 5.

24. Trow-Smith reviews the evidence for the primacy of sheep as milch animals in the twelfth century: British Livestock Husbandry , 74-80. The high proportion of lactating ewes in the surveys of the English estates of Holy Trinity, Caen reinforce the economic importance of sheep dairying: Marjorie Chibnall, ed., Charters and Custumals of the Abbey of Holy Trinity, Caen , Records of Social and Economic History, n.s., no. 5 (London, 1982), 33-38.

25. Trow-Smith remarks on the ossociation of goat herds with sheep flocks and dairying in British Livestock Husbandry , 177.

26. The estimate for wool and cloth production of the demesne sheep flock is based on the following figures. Using an estimate of 1.75 pounds (0.79 kg) per fleece, the average weight of fleeces on the estate at the end of the thirteenth century (King, Peterborough Abbey , 159), and including the whole of the flock in 1125, the Abbey could have shorn about 1,950 pounds (88.6 kg) of wool. This amount of wool would fill five sacks of wool (one sack = 364 pounds). To clothe 140 monks and conversi at Beaulieu Abbey in the year 1269-70, the Abbey used eleven sacks and eighteen stone of wool or 4,176 pounds of wool. At the Beaulieu rate, the sixty monks of Peterborough would require 1,754 pounds of wool for their annual clothing allowance. The figures for Beaulieu are taken from S. F. Hockey, The Account-Book of Beaulieu Abbey , Camden Fourth Series, vol. 16 (London, 1975), 17, 32.

27. Nellie Neilson has remarked on some of the ancient aspects of the heavy food rent "ad caritatem S. Petri" in her Customary Rents , Oxford Studies in Social and Legal History, ed. Paul Vinogradoff, vol. 2 (Oxford, 1910), 191. Ramsey Abbey collected a similar feast-day rent on Saint Benedict's Day: Cartularium Monasterii de Rameseia 3:232.

28. There is an interesting document (no. 117, pp. 470-472) printed in Georges Duby, Rural Economy and Country Life in the West , trans. Cynthia Postan (Columbia, S.C., 1968) which describes in some detail a cloth render

of twelfth-century date: "his wife must come to the monastery and receive from the provost of the monastery a load of wool or prepared flax and a loaf, like that of the lords, . . . and with this she shall prepare a linen or woolen cloth seven ells in length and three in width."

29. The impact of the medieval world economy on regional agriculture in northern Europe is in much need of investigation. For an overview of the medieval world economy consult Fernand Braudel, The Perspective of the World , trans. Sian Reynolds (New York, 1984), 91-116.

1. Richard Fitz Nigel's observation that "money is no less indispensable in peace than in war" epitomizes the transformation of money as a medium of exchange in twelfth-century society: Dialogus de Scaccario [1179], ed. and trans. Charles Johnson with corrections by F. E. L. Carter and D. E. Greenway (Oxford, 1983), 2. For an overview of the implications of this transformation consult Jacques Le Goff, "Merchant's Time and Church's Time in the Middle Ages," in his Time, Work and Culture in the Middle Ages (Chicago, 1980), 29-42. The changing rhythms of consumption, its "periodicities," and their relation to information are important to consider, as Mary Douglas shows in The World of Goods . In such a context see W. Hollister and J. W. Baldwin, ''The Rise of Administrative Kingship: Henry I and Philip Augustus," American Historical Review 83 (1978): 867-905; B. Lyon and A. Verhulst, Medieval Finance (Providence, R. I., 1967). The details of the great English inflation are trenchantly discussed by P. D. A. Harvey, "The English Inflation of 1180-1220," Past and Present 61 (1971): 3-30. The study of indebtedness is fragmentary and requires much further work. H. G. Richardson provides a good introduction in The English Jewry under Angevin Kings (London, 1960). The best documented financier in England in the twelfth century is the Fleming, William Cade: Hilary Jenkinson, "William Cade, a Financier of the Twelfth Century," English Historical Review 28 (1913): 209-227, and "A Money Lender's Bonds of the Twelfth Century," in Essays in History Presented to R. L. Poole (Oxford, 1927), 190-209. William Cade owned a house in Winchester in 1148. For some insights into his activities there see Derek Keene, Survey of Medieval Winchester , 2 vols., Winchester Studies, no. 2 (Oxford, 1985), 1:292, 324, and 2:116. For an overview of Flemish merchant activity in England consult Gaston Dept, "Les marchands flamands et le roi d'Angleterre (1154-1216)," Revue du nord 12 (1926): 303-324.

2. Thomas K. Keefe discusses feudal assessments in his Feudal Assessments and the Political Community under Henry II and His Sons (Berkeley, Los Angeles, London, 1983). For tallages in the English boroughs see S. K. Mitchell

Taxation in Medieval England (New Haven, 1951), 313-315. The changing rank of leading towns in terms of aids and tallages paid is discussed in Biddle, Winchester in the Early Middle Ages , 501-505. The rising returns in the court system of Henry II are outlined in Alan Harding, The Law Courts of Medieval England (New York, 1973), 54-55. For the shift in the taxation base from land to movable wealth consult Mitchell, Taxation . For the arbitrary taxation of local "tyrants" see Edmund King, "The Anarchy of King Stephen's Reign," Transactions of the Royal Historical Society , 5th ser., 34 (1984): 133-153, esp. 135-136.

3. J. O. Prestwich, "War and Finance in the Anglo-Norman State," Transactions of the Royal Historical Society , 5th ser., 4 (1954): 19-43. Further details on aspects of war and financing may be found in M. Chibnall, "Mercenaries and the 'Familia Regis' under Henry I," History 62 (1977): 15-23; Colvin, History of the King's Works , vol. 2 (London, 1963), Appendix: Expenditure on Royal Castles, 1155-1215, p. 1023.

4. The best discussion of the change in the medieval trade in the mid-eleventh century remains A. R. Lewis, The Northern Seas: Shipping and Commerce in Northern Europe, A.D. 300-1100 (Princeton, 1958); Braudel, Perspective , 91-116; Pamela Nightingale, "The Evolution of Weight-Standards and the Creation of New Monetary and Commercial Links in Northern Europe from the Tenth Century to the Twelfth Century," Economic History Review , 2d ser., 38 (1985): 192-209. The extent of the depression is suggested by David Whitehouse, "Maritime Trade in the Gulf: The Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries," World Archaeology 14 (1983): 328-334; also, Philip Curtin, Cross-Cultural Trade in World History (Cambridge, 1984), 109-135.

5. Lewis, Northern Seas , 455-491; Thomas N. Bisson, Conservation of Coinage: Monetary Exploitation and Its Restraint in France, Catalonia and Aragon, A.D. 1000-1225 (Oxford, 1979); Philip Grierson, Monnaies du moyen âge (Fribourg, 1976), 111.

6. Jenkinson, "William Cade." The Cistercians provide a good example of these transactions: Donkin, Cistercians , 148; N. Denholm-Young, Seignorial Administration in England (Oxford, 1937), 54; M. Postan, "Credit in Medieval Trade," Economic History Review 1 (1927-28): 234-261.

7. Marian Malowist * , "A Certain Trade Technique in the Baltic Countries in the 15th to the 17th Centuries," in Poland at the XIth International Congress of Historical Sciences in Stockholm (Warsaw, 1960), 103-116.

8. The details of indebtedness can be studied when central treasury records have been preserved on an estate. Such records are not available for Peterborough, but consult Mavis Mate, "The Indebtedness of Canterbury Cathedral Priory, 1215-1295," Economic History Review , 2d ser., 26 (1973): 183-197; Knowles, The Monastic Order , 300-305.

9. For discussion of loans in the commercial sector see Gérard Sivéry, "Les débuts de l'économie cyclique et de ses crises dans les bassins scaldien

et mosan: Fin du XII ^e et début de XIII ^e siècle," Revue du nord 64 (1982): 667-681; Jenkinson, "William Cade." Much work remains to be done in this area.

10. For the literature on farming of estates see chapter 2, n. 2.

11. Peterborough Chronicle , 70.

12. The Book of Robert Swaffham, Peterborough Dean and Chapter Library, MS. 1; citations from printed version of Sparke, Historiae Anglicanae Scriptores Varii , pt. 2: "Post ea vero extendit [Abbot Benedict] manum suam ad liberandam ecclesiam suam de debito predecessoris sui Abbatis Willielmi: Cui Romani et in Anglia multi exigebant plus quam mille et quinquagentas marcas. Insuper et ornamenta ecclesiae erant per diversa loca dispersa et invadiata" (p. 98).

13. Peterborough Chronicle , 71; for discussion of monastic involvement with vif-gages and mortgages see Robert Genestal, Le rôle des monastères comme établissements de crédit étudié en Normandie du XI ^e à la fi du XIII ^e siècle (Paris, 1910), 6-7.

14. Data extracted from the Publications of the Pipe Roll Society , [o.s.], vols. 1-2, 4-9, 11-13, 15-16, 21-22, 25-34, 36-38; n.s., vols. 1-9 (London, 1884-1932).

15. For details on Aaron of Lincoln consult Richardson, The English Jewry , 74-75.

16. Book of Walter of Whittlesey, B.M. Add. MS. 39758, printed in Sparke, Historiae Anglicanae Scriptores Varii , pt. 2, 140; The Chronicon Petroburgense mentions the debt faced by Abbot-elect William of Woodford four years after the death of Robert of Sutton (d. 1270): "Electus [William of Woodford] autem facta fidelitate coram consilio domini regis Londoniis, et optenta benedictione, quia ecclesia sua multum fuit onerata ere alieno tempore creacionis sue in Abbatem, videlicet in MMM marcis et amplius . . ." (p. 20). The debt of Canterbury Cathedral Priory to Siennese and Florentine merchants is discussed by Mate, "Indebtedness," 187.

17. David L. Farmer, "Some Price Fluctuations in Angevin England," Economic History Review , 2d ser., 9 (1956-57): 34-43; Harvey, "The English Inflation"; A. R. Bridbury offers an important reconsideration of the inflation which argues against simple demographic models for explaining it: "Thirteenth-Century Prices and the Money Supply," Agricultural History Review 33 (1985): 1-21; Harvey's contention that the inflation was limited to England requires further evaluation in light of the recent study of Sivery, ''Les débuts de l'économie cyclique."

18. Swaffham: see above, n. 12. The vacancy accounts come from the Pipe Rolls of 26 Henry III, 12 John, 13 John.

19. P. D. A. Harvey, "The Pipe Rolls and the Adoption of Demesne Farming in England," Economic History Review , 2d ser., 27 (1974): 355.

20. Swaffham, 99 and 102; King, Peterborough Abbey , 81-82.

21. Donkin, Cistercians , 16. Note that Cluniac statutes of 1132 called for the replacement of lay domestic help with conversi barbati , illiterate monks, reminiscent of the Cistercian conversi : Duby, "Budget," 167.

22. Swaffham, 104. For a discussion of windmills and their use among English Cistercians consult Donkin, Cistercians , 173.

23. Donkin, Cistercians , 163-170. For the proliferation of stone houses in London in the twelfth century see John Schofield, The Building of London from the Conquest to the Great Fire (London, 1984), 52-56.

24. Swaffham, 105.

25. Swaffham, 109.

26. Horn and Born offer a comprehensive discussion of the Cistercian barn tradition in Barns .

27. Swaffham, 122: "Reliquit omnem abbatiam omnibus bonis habundantem, scilicet, in stauro de equis, de bobus, vaccis, ovibus, sed et de omnibus pecoribus in maxima multitudine et in multis locis bladum de tribus annis. Sed post decessum eius magister R. de Gosebek, cui dominus rex custodiam abbatiae commiserat per suos fere omnia destruebat, vendebat at asportabat."

28. The estimates in table 10 must be regarded only as rough guidelines to scale.

29. Swaffham, 106: "Item hic dirationavit mariscum, qui est inter Singlesholt et Croyland; unde habemus singulis annis, pro recognitione de Abbate de Croyland, quator petras cerae . . ." (Pipe Rolls, 11 John). The Abbey's reclamation of areas of the peat fen for pasture are discussed by King, Peterborough Abbey , 84-85. A comparative regional context for reclamation may be gained from Raban, Estates of Thorney and Crowland , 52-57; Raftis, Ramsey Abbey , 154-156.

30. For the allocation of resources favorable to peasants in the early twelfth century consult the following texts: Dyer, Lords and Peasants , 98-99; Raftis, Ramsey Abbey , 86-95; Chibnall, Charters and Custumals , li; Harvey, "Profitability of Demesne Agriculture," 45-72.

31. The 1231 survey is contained in the Black Book (Martin, Cartularies , #1) (Society of Antiquaries MS. 60, f. 181-207).

32. Harvey, Peasant Land Market ; Paul R. Hyams, "The Origins of a Peasant Land Market in England," Economic History Review , 2d ser., 23 (1970): 18-31. For an excellent discussion of the later thirteenth-century peasant land market on the Peterborough Abbey estates consult King, Peterborough Abbey , 99-125.

33. Pipe Rolls, 16 Henry II. For a fuller discussion of this legal struggle see Paul R. Hyams, King, Lords and Peasants in Medieval England (Oxford, 1980).

34. Harvey provides an excellent discussion of changing lord and peasant

land-bonds in Peasant Land Market : "Put simply, we might say that in 1100 the lord of a manor was the lord of men who held land of him; in 1200 he was the lord of lands that were occupied by tenants. The change is slight but significant. The tenant's holding could be viewed simply as a standard share in the vill's resources. By 1200 it was far more likely to be viewed as precisely defined in its area of land and other rights" (p. 12).

35. The Abbey of Peterborough was not alone in this strategy. Lords clearly fostered stratification in the early thirteenth century by allowing the tenurial division of customary holdings as Edward Miller observed: "here, it might seem, the virgates of Domesday had simply been divided and two men now stood in the place where one had stood" (Miller, Ely , 143-144). For other examples of seigneurial manipulation of customary holdings in the early thirteenth century consult A. J. Raftis, Tenure and Mobility: Studies in the Social History of the Medieval English Village (Toronto, 1964), 88; Harvey, Westminster Abbey , 210-213; Harvey, Peasant Land Market , 1-19.

36. King, "The Town of Peterborough."

37. Peasants ended intercommoning arrangements in areas of the silt fen of Lincolnshire and also reclaimed over fifty square miles of coastline for cropping. Peasants also launched a "sit-in" on the pastures of Crowland Abbey in 1189. For discussion of these episodes see Hallam, Settlement and Society , 162-173.

38. The order of magnitude for the increase in the scale of agriculture could be greater. It is not clear when Peterborough Abbey converted from customary to measured acres. The manors of the Bishop of Winchester's estates converted sometime between the account roll of 1226-27 and that of 1231-32. On six manors (Harwell, Berks; Beauworth, Hants; Brightwell, Berks; Meon Church, Hants; Fareham, Hants; and Altclere, Hants) a total of 1,824 customary acres were sown in 1226-27 and a total of 1,054 measured acres in 1231-32. Using the rough ratio that two customary acres approximate one measured acre, we can see that the sown acreage on the six manors actually increased by 15 percent from 1226-27 to 1231-32 (1,824/2,108 expressed as customary acres). My source for the Winchester figures is Winchester Pipe Rolls 159281, 159282 (Hampshire Record Office). See also Titow, Winchester Yields , 21.

39. Michael M. Postan uses this framework in his influential essay "Medieval Agrarian Society" and his popular textbook, Medieval Economy and Society .

40. Historians have disputed Postan's assumption of buoyant demesnes directly managed prior to the twelfth-century slump: Lennard, Rural England , 105-212; Edward Miller, "England in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries: An Economic Contrast?" Economic History Review , 2d ser., 24

(1971): 1-14; Professor Harvey certainly upset the Postan framework in his study, "The Pipe Rolls and the Adoption of Demesne Farming."

41. The first use of the label high farming that I have been able to locate occurs in Smith, Canterbury Cathedral Priory .

42. Postan with his thesis of expansion onto marginal lands and declining yields praises the higher efficiency of management and more rational use of land and accretions of area by agrarian lords in Medieval Economy and Society , 65-70.

43. For an introduction to the account rolls see Janet D. Martin, The Court and Account Rolls of Peterborough Abbey: A Handlist , University of Leicester, History Department, Occasional Publications, no. 2 (Leicester, 1980), 29-49.

44. Smith, Canterbury Cathedral Priory , 141; Harvey, Westminster Abbey , 126; Titow, Winchester Yields , 67.

45. J. Z. Titow devised the livestock ratio, a ratio of livestock to arable in Winchester Yields , 136.

46. Campbell, "Agricultural Progress."

47. The number of oxen remained highly correlated with acreage sown in the fourteenth century, but the number of oxen per acre decreased over the two centuries. The statistics for the correlation of oxen and acreage sown on the manors of Peterborough Abbey are as follows: 1300-01: number of manors in calculation = 17, regression coefficient = 0.743, t = 4.29 > 2.131 probability (0.05 level of significance); 1307-08: number of manors in calculation = 17, regression coefficient = 0.669, t = 3.47 > 2.131 probability (0.05 level of significance); 1309-10: number of manors in calculation = 18, regression coefficient = 0.567, t = 2.75 > 2.131 probability (0.05 level of significance).

48. Bruce M. S. Campbell, "Arable Productivity in Medieval England," Journal of Economic History 43 (1983): 387-388.

49. J. S. Drew first called attention to such marginal notes in his article "Manorial Accounts of St. Swithun's Priory, Winchester," English Historical Review 62 (1947): 20-41; Bruce Campbell has used such marginal notations: "Arable Productivity."

50. See G. H. Drury, "Crop Failures on the Winchester Manors, 1232-1349," Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers , n.s., 9 (1984): 407.

51. Note that the list does not account for 226 works. Sections of the works account were unreadable.

52. Campbell, "Arable Productivity," "Agricultural Progress."

51. Note that the list does not account for 226 works. Sections of the works account were unreadable.

53. On the importance of the position of legumes in rotations see Farmer, "Grain Yields on Westminster Abbey Manors," 344-347; Campbell, "Agricultural Progress," 31.

54. Figures for Ramsey calculated from Raftis, Ramsey Abbey , table XXII, p. 114; Dyer, Lords and Peasants , 69; Harvey, Westminster Abbey , 145-146.

1. For an overview of conditions in the first decade of the fourteenth century see Ian Kershaw, "The Great Famine and Agrarian Crisis in England, 1315-1322," Past and Present 59 (1973): 3-6; Mavis Mate, "High Prices in Early Fourteenth-century England: Causes and Consequences," Economic History Review , 2d ser., 28 (1975): 1-16; "Coping with Inflation: A Fourteenth-Century Example," Journal of Medieval History 4 (1978): 95-106; Smith, Canterbury Cathedral Priory , 114; Bridbury, "Before the Black Death."

2. For a general introduction to the livestock economy of the demesne farm consult Trow-Smith, British Livestock Husbandry , 124-129. R. A. Donkin has studied cattle husbandry on Cistercian estates: "Cattle on the Estates of Medieval Cistercian Monasteries in England and Wales," Economic History Review , 2d ser., 15 (1962-63): 31-53. See also Wretts-Smith, "Organization of Farming at Croyland Abbey," 186-189.

3. The study of Dahl and Hjort, Having Herds , has deeply influenced my approach to herd productivity. For the importance of considering the composition of products in production see Elizabeth E. Bailey and Ann F. Friedlander, "Market Structure and Multiproduct Industries," Journal of Economic Literature 20 (1982): 1024-1048. Attention to the development cycle marks the approach of family historians who use the development cycle to understand the intersections between individual time, family time, and the market: Tamara K. Hareven, Family Time and Industrial Time: The Relationship between Family and Work in a New England Industrial Community (New York, 1982); see also J. R. Goody, "The Evolution of the Family," in Household and Family in Past Times , ed. P. Laslett and R. Wall (Cambridge, 1972).

4. See Biddick, "Animal Husbandry," 367-368.

5. In 1309-10 the Abbey cultivated 293.5 acres at Eye and 322 acres at Castor. The proportion of grain cultivated on each demesne was statistically similar (chi square at 5 degrees of freedom = 4.3 < 11.0 at 0.05 probability).

6. See table VI.20 in Biddick, "Animal Husbandry," 377-378, for the statistical measures of differences for the rates of intermanorial transfers, stocking, buying, selling, butchering, and mortality among the different manorial groupings of the estate.

7. For tables listing the death rates for oxen, cows, immatures, and calves on the Peterborough Abbey estate see Biddick, "Animal Husbandry," table VI.22, p. 388. For a table listing the tests for significant differences of these mean rates see ibid., table VI.21, p. 387. The mean mortality for different subgroups of the herd for the first decade of the fourteenth century were as follows: oxen (number of manors = 13) 4.28 percent, s.d. 3.5; cows (number of manors = 6) 5.2 percent, s.d. = 1.9; immatures (number of manors = 23)

6.2 percent, s.d. = 3.9; calves (number of manors = 23) 10.4 percent, s.d. = 5.4). The percentages were calculated using the summa or total number for the subgroup for the accounting year. Immatures include the following subgroups: 3-4-year-olds, 2-3-year-olds, yearlings.

8. Modern rates are discussed in Grahame Williamson and W. J. A. Payne, An Introduction to Animal Husbandry in the Tropics , 2d ed. (London, 1965), 211.

9. For tables listing butchery rates for oxen, cows, immatures, and calves on the estate in the first decade of the fourteenth century and tests of differences in the average butchering rates for these cohorts see Biddick, "Animal Husbandry," table VI.23 and table VI.24, pp. 390-391.

10. For a list of infertility rates on the different manors of the estate over the first decade of the fourteenth century see Biddick, "Animal Husbandry," table VI.25, p. 393.

11. Oschinsky, Walter of Henley , 425.

12. See chapter 3, n. 47 for the statistics of this correlation.

13. The absence of central householding accounts means that it is not possible to check all the links between the movement of goods from manors to the central household and then to the market, if the goods were marketed. For the problem of sales and central household accounts see Mate, "High Prices," 16; Harvey, Westminster Abbey , 133-135; Hockey, Beaulieu Abbey .

14. See chapter 5 for further discussion.

15. Oschinsky, Walter of Henley , 431; Trow-Smith summarizes the small literature on dairy yields in British Livestock Husbandry , 119-123. The yields of the Peterborough herd are slightly lower than Trow-Smith's figure of 120-150 gallons (where one gallon makes one pound of cheese) as a mean yield for medieval cows. See also Slicher Van Bath, Agrarian History , 355.

16. G. E. Fussell, The English Dairy Farmer, 1500-1900 (London, 1966), 282.

17. Dahl and Hjort, Having Herds , 145.

18. Witold Kula discusses this important aspect of the feudal economy in An Economic Theory of Feudalism (London, 1976), 35-40.

19. For the formation of regional asymmetries in the early modern cattle trade and the emergence of new social groups involved with the economics of cattle production see Christopher Dyer, "A Small Landowner in the Fifteenth Century," Midland History 1 (1972): 1-14; Ian Blanchard, "The Continental European Cattle Trades, 1400-1600," Economic History Review , 2d ser., 3 (1986): 427-460; P. R. Edwards, "The Cattle Trade of Shropshire in the Late Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries," Midland History 6 (1981): 72-93; Othmar Pickl, "Routen, Umfang, und Organisation des inner europäischen Handels mit Schlachtvieh im 16. Jahrhundert," in Festschrift Hermann Wiesflecker , ed. A. Novotny and O. Pickl (Graz, 1973), 143-166

Ada K. Longfield, Anglo-Irish Trade in the Sixteenth Century , London, School of Economics, Studies in Economic and Social History, no. 3 (London, 1929), 107-108; A. Everitt, "The Marketing of Agricultural Produce," in The Agrarian History of England and Wales , vol. 4, 1500-1640 , ed. Joan Thirsk (London, 1967), 539-542; Caroline Skeel, "The Cattle Trade between Wales and England from the Fifteenth to the Nineteenth Ceuturies," Transactions of the Royal Historical Society , 4th ser., 9 (1926): 135-158.

20. For a noteworthy example of convertible husbandry in the fourteenth century see Searle, Battle Abbey , 272-286; for further comments on convertible husbandry see A. R. Bridbury, "Sixteenth-Century Farming," Economic History Review , 2d ser., 27 (1974): 538-556; Christopher Dyer, Warwickshire Farming, 1349-c. 1520: Preparations for Agricultural Revolution , Dugdale Society Occasional Papers, no. 27 (Oxford, 1981), 12-14.

1. Carus-Wilson and Coleman, England's Export Trade .

2. Page, "'Bidentes Hoylandie,'" 603-613; King, Peterborough Abbey , 156-59; Trow-Smith, British Livestock Husbandry , 131-171. The number of sheep continued to rise throughout the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, as the forthcoming book of Bruce Campbell, The Geography of Seigneurial Agriculture (Cambridge University Press), will illustrate.

3. See table F, pp. 469-484 in Biddick, "Animal Husbandry," for a manor-by-manor listing of the intermanorial transfers, purchases, and sales of sheep for the first decade of the fourteenth century.

4. For complete data on the number of sheep involved in the transfers illustrated in figures 13-16 see table G, pp. 490-494 in Biddick, "Animal Husbandry."

5. The Roman roads drawn in figures 13-16 are based on Ivan D. Margary, Roman Roads in Britain , 3d ed. (New York, 1973). Sheep from the home group could have moved along the branches of the Fen Road to Water Newton-Thrapston-Irchester Road. Warmington, Ashton, Oundle, and Aldwincle border on or within a mile of this road. The Gartree Road, an old iron road cutting through Rockingham Forest, connected Harper's Brook with Corby and then passed through Cottingham to Leicester. The connection of the southerly Northamptonshire manors of Kettering, Irthlingborough, and Stanwick with the Thrapston-Gartree cross roads could have been along 570 from Thrapston to Kettering, although no Roman road has been recorded by Margary in this area.

6. Overall mortality statistics are based on the manor-by-manor rates for the years 1300-01, 1307-08, and 1309-1310 listed in table F, pp. 469-484 in Biddick, "Animal Husbandry."

7. The rates for Crowland Abbey were calculated from a manuscript kindly shared by Martin Stevenson, "Sheep Farming on the Crowland Abbey Estate." For tabular listing of the Crowland and Peterborough mortality rates see table VI.34 and VI.35 in Biddick, "Animal Husbandry."

8. C. R. W. Spedding, Sheep Production and Grazing Management , 2d ed. (London, 1970); Spedding reports on a survey of ewe mortality in England and Wales in 1958 which varied between 5.6 percent and 10 percent depending on region. Intensive grazing experiments monitored over a five-year period showed higher mortality (12.4 percent). Early lamb mortality under modern conditions varied between 16.6 percent and 12.9 percent.

9. Dahl and Hjort, Having Herds , 95.

10. For a table listing fertility rates for ewes on Peterborough manors see table VI.38 and for comparative fertility rates for nearby Crowland Abbey see table VI.37 in Biddick, "Animal Husbandry." The overall fertility rate for Peterborough ewes based on the manor-by-manor rates for 1300-01, 1307-08, and 1309-10 was 75.9 percent with a standard deviation of 15.7. These calculations do not include the disaster at Glinton in 1300-01, when 84 percent of ewes did not produce lambs.

11. Spedding, Sheep Production , 96.

1. For an overview of horses in the medieval agrarian economy see Langdon, "Horse Hauling"; "The Economics of Horses"; Horses, Oxen and Technological Innovation ; Trow-Smith, British Livestock Husbandry , 115-116. For figures on the percentage of working horses on English demesnes between 1250 and 1320 see Langdon, Horses, Oxen and Technological Innovation , tables 11, 12.

2. For a list of different types of horses on the Peterborough manors for the three accounting years of the first decade of the fourteenth century see Biddick, "Animal Husbandry," 432-433.

3. Langdon, "Horse Hauling," 39 n. 14.

4. For a detailed discussion of the pig husbandry on the estate consult Biddick, "Pig Husbandry." For an overview of pig husbandry in the medieval agrarian economy consult Trow-Smith, British Livestock Husbandry , 117-118.

5. The correlation coefficients for the number of pigs per manor and the bushels of grain and legumes expended on them for fattening are as follows: 1300-01: r = 0.796 t = 9.42 at 15 degree of freedom >2.60 at 0.01 level of probability; 1307-09: r = 0.579 t = 2.93 at 17 degrees of freedom >2.56 at 0.01 level of probability; 1309-10: r = 0.733 t = 7.96 at 17 degrees of freedom >2.56 at 0.01 level of probability. For further discussion see Biddick, "Pig Husbandry."

6. For another interpretation of the expansion of legumes on demesnes in East Norfolk see Campbell, "Agricultural Progress."

7. Oschinsky, Walter of Henley , 285.

8. The details for the calculation of dressed weight and calories are contained in Biddick, "Pig Husbandry."

9. Oschinsky, Walter of Henley , 425.

10. V. G. Henry, "Length of Estrous Cycle and Gestation in European Wild Hogs," Journal of Wildlife Management 32 (1968): 406-408.