1. Major historical works according to year of publication are Yamato Ichihashi, The Japanese in the United States (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1932; New York: Arno Press, 1969); Masakazu Iwata, "The Japanese Immigrant in California Agriculture," Agricultural History 36 (January 1962), 25-37; Roger Daniels, The Politics of Prejudice: The Anti-Japanese Movement in California and the Struggle for Japanese Exclusion (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1962; Gloucester, MA: Peter Smith, 1966); Hilary Conroy and T. Scott Miyakawa, eds., East Across the Pacific (Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO Press, 1972); John Modell, The Economces and Politics of Racial Accommodation: The Japanese of Los Angeles, 1900-1942 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1977); Yasuo Wakatsuki, "Japanese Emigration to the United States, 1866-1924: A Monograph," Perspectives in American History 12 (1979), 389-516; Evelyn Nakano Glenn, Issei, Nisei, War Bride (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1986); Yuji Ichioka, The Issei (New York: The Free Press, 1988); and Valerie J. Matsumoto, Farming the Home Place: A Japanese American Community in California, 1919-1982 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1993). The following also should be noted: Emma Gee, ed., Counterpoint: Perspectives on Asian America (Los Angeles: Asian American Studies Center, UCLA, 1976); Roger Daniel's, ed., The Asian Experience in North America, 47 vols. (New York: Arena Press, 1979); Lucia Change and Enda Bonacich, eds., Labor Immigration Under Capitalism: Asian Workers in the United States Before Worm War II (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1984); Ronald Takaki, Strangers From a Different Shore: A History of Asian Americans (Boston: Little, Brown & Co., 1989); Sucheng Chan, Asian Americans: An Interpretive History (Boston: Twayne Publishers, 1991); Gary Y. Okihiro, Margins and Mainstreams: Asians in American History and Culture (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1994); and Lloyd H. Fisher, The Harvest Labor Market in California (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1953). Important works in other fields include Sylvia Junko Yanagisako, Transforming the Past: Tradition and Kinship Among Japanese Americans (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1985); S. Frank Miyamoto, Social Solidarity Among the Japanese in Seattle (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1984; first published 1939); Akemi Kikumura, Through Harsh Winters: The Life of a Japanese Immigrant Woman (Novato, CA: Chandler & Sharp, 1981); Harry H. L. Kitano, Japanese Americans: The Evolution of a Subculture (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1976); and Frank F. Chuman, The Bamboo People: The Law and Japanese-Americans (Del Mar, CA: Publishers Inc., 1976).

2. See his book The Issei. Two significant listings of Japanese language sources are Yuji Ichioka, Yasuo Sakata, Nobuya Tsuchida, and Eri Yasuhara, comps., A Buried Past: An Annotated Bibliography of the Japanese American Research Project Collection (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1974); and Yasuo Sakata, comp., Fading Footsteps of the Issei: An Annotated Bibliography of the Manuscript Holdings of the Japanese American Research Project Collection (Los Angeles: UCLA Asian American Studies Center, UCLA Center for Japanese Studies, and Japanese American National Museum, 1992).

3. Kaigai ryoken kafu hennohyo * shintatsu (Passports issued and returned for travel abroad), 204 unbound vols. (1879-1921), Record Group (hereafter, RG) 3.8.5.8, Diplomatic Record Center, Foreign Ministry of Japan, Tokyo (hereafter, DFMJ), is a listing by ken of persons who applied for passports according to country of destination. A quick perusal of the "reason for travel" of individuals indicates that particularly after 1900, when the Japanese government more actively began to limit the number of passports issued to laborers, there was an increase of persons traveling as "other than laborers" from all areas of Japan to the United States. Based on Japan's annual statistics, Yuji Ichioka states that between 1901 and 1907 approximately one-seventh of all passports to the continental U.S. were issued to people classified as nonlaborers (Ichioka, The Issei, 52). According to a UCLA Japanese American Research Project survey of issei in the continental U.S., 36 percent of the male and female respondents immigrated with more than eight years of education in Japan. Cited in Yanagisako, Transforming the Past, 3, fn 3.

4. T. Scott Miyakawa, "Early New York Issei: Founders of Japanese-American Trade," in Conroy and Miyakawa, eds., East Across the Pacific, 156-86; Haru Reischauer, Samurai and Silk (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1986).

5. Anthropologist Dorinne Kondo presents a different experience in which she was expected to act Japanese because of her Japanese ancestry. Crafting Selves: Power, Gender and Discourses in a Japanese Workplace (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990).

6. William I. Thomas and Florian Znaniecki, The Polish Peasant in Europe and America, 5 vols. (1918-1920), ed. and abridg. Eli Zaretsky (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1984).

7. Jon Gjerde, From Peasants to Farmers: The Migration from Balestrand, Norway, to the Upper Middle West (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1985).

8. Virginia Yans-McLaughlin, Family and Community: Italian Immigrants in Buffalo, 1880-1930 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1977); Josef J. Barton, Peasant and Strangers: Italians, Rumanians and Slovaks in an American City, 1880-1950 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1977); Dino Cinel, From Italy to San Francisco: The Immigrant Experience (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1982). See also Ewa Morawska, For Bread with Butter: The Life-Worlds of East Central Europeans in Johnstown, Pennsylvania (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1985); Kerby A. Miller, Emigrants and Exiles: Ireland and the Irish Exodus to North America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1985); John W. Briggs, An Italian Passage: Immigrants to Three American Cities, 1890-1930 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1978); John Bodnar, Immigration and Industrialization: Ethnicity in an American Mill Town, 1870-1940 (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1977); Kathleen Neils Conzen, Immigrant Milwaukee, 1836-1860: Accommodation and Community in a Frontier City (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1979). Important earlier works are Herbert G. Gutman, Work, Culture and Society in Industrializing America (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1966); Marcus Lee Hansen, The Atlantic Migration, 1607-1860 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1940); and Brinley Thomas, Migration and Urban Development (London: Methuen & Co., 1972), which presents migration in relation to economic cycles in both the immigrant U.S. and emigrant Great Britain.

9. Virginia Yans-McLaughlin, "Introduction," in Virginia Yans-McLaughlin, ed., Immigration Reconsidered: History, Sociology, and Politics (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990), 6-7.

10. Sucheng Chan, "European and Asian Immigration into the United States in Comparative Perspective, 1820s to 1920s," in Yans-McLaughlin, ed., Immigration Reconsidered, 38. See also, Chan, Asian Americans, chapter 1.

11. The Meiji period lasted from 1868 to 1912. The following period, the Taisho, lasted from 1912 to 1926. The Japanese method of enumerating each calendar year is by the year of the emperor's reign. Thus, 1912 was both Meiji 45 and Taisho 1.

12. John L. Caughey, Imaginary Social Worlds: A Cultural Approach (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1984).

13. Ibid., 9-30.

14. Ibid., 136.

15. Yanagisako, Transforming the Past, 17.

16. Miriam Silverberg, "The Modern Girl as Militant," in Gall Lee Bernstein, ed., Recreating Japanese Women, 1600-1945 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991), 239-66. Silverberg placed the "modern" Japanese woman of the 1920s in the ideological constructs of the period, a ''recasting" that challenged Western notions of "modern" as well as various contradictory and ambiguous Japanese attempts to display the "new woman" as apolitical, romantic, passive, promiscuous, communist, and consumerist, among other unflattering definitions. See also her "Constructing the Japanese Ethnography of Modernity," Journal of Asian Studies 51:1 (February 1992), 30-54.

17. See Masao Miyoshi, As We Saw Them: The First Japanese Embassy, to the United States (1860) (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1979) for impressions of an earlier era.

18. Sasaki Shigetsu, Beikoku o horoshite * (Wandering in America) (Tokyo: Nihon hyoronsha, 1921), the result of the author's fifteen years in the United States.

19. Kuriyagawa Hakuson, Inshoki * (Impressions) (Tokyo: Sekizenkan, 1918). Hakuson was a Meiji writer-critic.

20. Katayama Sen, Tobei annai (Introduction to America) (Tokyo: Rodoshimbunsha, 1901?).

21. Compulsory education was four years, extended to six in 1908. The nationwide compulsory attendance rate was consistently over 90 percent for boys from 1900 and for girls from 1904. See Japan's Modern Educational System: A History of the First Hundred Years (Tokyo: Research and Statistics Division, Ministers' Secretariat, Ministry of Education, Science and Culture, 1980), 106-8.

22. On the process of ideology building, see Carol Gluck, Japan's Modern Myths: Ideology, in the Late Meiji Period (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1985) and Earl H. Kinmonth, The Self-Made Man in Meiji Japanese Thought: From Samurai to Salary Man (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1981).

23. Hakubunkan dominated the publishing world from the mid-1890s up to the early 1920s, a time called the Hakubunkan jidai (Hakubunkan period). See Ohashi * Sahei to Hakubunkan (Ohashi * Sahei and Hakubunkan) (Private collection, n.d.), 211-14. I am indebted to Professor Sugimoto Teruko (née Ohashi * ) for making this work available to me.

24. James A. Fujii, Complicit Fictions: The Subject in the Modern Japanese Prose Narrative (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993).

25. Ibid., 18 and 23. One of Fujii's major purposes was to critique the heretofore accepted interpretation of the West's influence on modern Japanese literature.

26. Gluck, Japan's Modern Myths, 10 and 29.

27. One of the few books in English about the small group of Meiji-Taisho women who received higher education in the United States is Barbara Rose, Tsuda Umeko and Women's Education in Japan (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992).

1. The Imperial Edict of 1871 restructured the 76 former feudal domains of the Tokugawa period into 46 prefectures, of which three were fu —Tokyo, Kyoto, and Osaka, named after the three major cities.

2. Ryokenkafu shutsugan ni yosuru * zaigaikokan * hakkyu * kakushu shomeishokofu * jinmeihyo * (List of persons issued official certificates by overseas consular offices for passport application), Nyuyoku * no bu (New York section), 2 vols., 1912-1924, RG 3.8.2.283, DFMJ.

3. I will treat the development of the hi-imin/imin passport categories in Chapter 3.

4. Shozo * Mizutani, Nyuyoku * nihonjin hattenshi (History of the Japanese in New York), 2 vols. (Tokyo: PMC Publishing Co., 1984; New York: Japanese Association of New York, 1921), 1:356-58.

5. Ibid., 1:400.

6. Ibid., 1:358-59.

7. Ibid., 2:617-20; Amerika 11:7 (July 1907), 49-51.

8. Kuroki "just loved" American women. They were "lovely, gracious, graceful, self-reliant, yet tactful, healthy yet dainty, and—and—he liked brunettes the best." New York Times, 17 May 1907.

9. Okamoto Yonezo * , Nyuyokushi * naigaino jisho (Property in the New York City area) (Tokyo: Hakubunkan, 1912).

10. For instance, Amerika 11:6 (June 1907), 11:10-12 (October-December 1907), and 12:7-8 (July-August 1908); Tobei shimpo * (News on crossing to America) 6:11 (15 November 1908); Seiko * (Success) 10:3 (1 November 1906); Kato * Jushiro * , Z aibeidobo * hattenshi (The history of our compatriots in America) (Tokyo: Hakubunkan, 1908), 39-61.

11. On conditions in New York see David C. Hammack, Power and Society: Greater New York at the Turn of the Century (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1982), especially chapters 2 and 3; John Higham, Strangers in the Land: Patterns of American Nativism, 1860-1925, 2d ed., (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1963; New York: Atheneum, 1975); Bayrd Still, Mirror for Gotham: New York as Seen by, Contemporaries from Dutch Days to the Present (New York: New York University Press, 1956), chapters 8 and 9; Jacob A Riis, How the Other Half Lives (1890; New York: Dover Publications, 1971).

12. Amerika 11:11 (November 1907), 26-30.

13. Mizutani, Nyuyoku * nihonjin hattenshi, 1:411.

14. Jokichi * Takamine (1854-1922), chemist, entrepreneur, and publicist, received his early training in physics and chemistry in Japan. In 1881 the Japanese government commissioned him to study and apprentice in England for three years under the sponsorship of a leading trading firm. Upon his return he applied his scientific knowledge to improve Japan's indigenous industries and initiate the artificial fertilizer industry. He made a number of trips to the United States during the course of his scientific work and in 1887 married a southern woman, Caroline Hitch. The marriage coincided with an invitation from her father to engage in research at a distillery company in Chicago. His research resulted in the shortening of the six-month distillery process to forty-eight hours through the use of an artificial fungus culture. In 1897 he established the Takamine Research Center in Clifton, New Jersey, where he perfected a digestive medicine, "Taka-Diastase." A permanent resident of the United States, he built an elaborate home on Riverside Drive in New York City. Originally, each of its five floors was to represent a school of Japanese art. However, the plan proved impractical, and only the first two of the five stories had Japanese motifs. Takamine devoted the rest of his life to promoting Japanese-American friendship by helping to establish the Nippon Club in 1905 and a Japanese news bureau in 1908 "to disseminate authentic information about Japan." He served as vice president of the Japan Society in 1907 and was a founding member and four-term president of the Japanese Association of New York. K.K. Kawakami, Jokichi Takamine: A Record of His American Achievements (New York: William Edwin Rudge, 1928), and Mizutani, Nyuyoku * nihonjin hattenshi, 1:413-19 and 2:733-53.

15. Mizutani, Nyuyoku * nihonjin hattenshi, 1:4.

16. The other two are Ryoichiro * Arai, considered founder of the Japanese-American silk trade, and Yasukata Murai, driving force behind Morimura Bros. and Co., a leading wholesaler and importer. Both came to New York in the 1870s. In 1893 Arai and the Morimura brothers joined to form a trading company that extended to China, Italy, and France, and by 1908 dominated Japanese silk imports to the United States. On the early Japanese traders in New York, see Miyakawa, "Early New York Issei."

17. On early anti-Japanese prejudice and agitation in the western states see Ichioka, The Issei ; Daniels, The Politics of Prejudice; Paul Jacobs and Saul Landau with Eve Pall, "The Japanese," in To Serve the Devil: A Documentary Analysis (New York: Vintage Books, 1972), 2:166-250; Chuman, The Bamboo People; Yamato Ichihashi, "Anti-Japanese Agitation," in Roger Daniels and Spencer C. Olin, eds., Racism in California (New York: Macmillan, 1972), 105-15; Donald R. Hata, "Undesireables'': Early Immigrants and the Anti-Japanese Movement in San Francisco, 1892-93 (New York: Arno Press, 1978); Daniels, "Japanese Immigrants on a Western Frontier: The Issei in California, 1890-1940," in Conroy and Miyakawa, eds., East Across the Pacific, 76-9l; and Daniels, ed., The Asian Experience, which includes primary sources describing contemporary anti-Japanese events and writings.

18. Japanese-American Commercial Weekly (New York), 2 June 1906.

19. Tobei shimpo * 1:2 (10 June 1907), 15.

20. Mizutani, Nyuyoku * nihonjin hattenshi, 1:358.

21. Ibid., 1:359-60. The Japanese population of New York was 3,000 in 1909 and 4,652 in 1921. Ibid., 364-65.

22. When Japanese firms first came to New York in 1876, Japan's foreign trade was controlled by resident Westerners in Japan. There was no trans-Pacific cable (communication had to be directed via Europe and Asia), and Japanese firms negotiated for capital funds through the consulate in New York, because U.S. banks did not give credit to Japanese. By 1896 the situation had changed considerably. The Yokohama Specie Bank had established a New York office in 1880, Japan and the United States were linked with a telegraph service and a passenger liner, and a number of Japanese firms (including Mitsui Company and Nippon Yusen * Kaisha [NYK], the shipping firm) had New York branches. See Miyakawa, "Early New York Issei," 167, 175-76; also Zaibei nihonjinshi (History of the Japanese in America) (San Francisco: Japanese Association of America, 1940), 1054-55. The Japanese-American Commercial Weekly proudly noted that Japanese shipping was the fifth largest in the world in 1908 and that ninety-five NYK vessels were scheduled to come to New York via the Suez Canal starting in November (22 August 1908).

23. Toyohiko Campbell Takami, The Shining Stars: The Autobiography of Dr. Toyohiko Campbell Takami, ed. Masahiko Ralph Takami (Cold Spring Harbor, NY: n.p., 1945). I am indebted to Mitsuye Ohori * Katagiri for making this work available to me.

24. Through Takami's initiative the Japanese Mutual Aid Society, precursor to the Japanese Association of New York (1914), was formed as an independent organization in Brooklyn in 1907 ( Japanese-American Commercial Weekly, 1 June 1907). Takami later wrote that during his medical studies, he came across the body of a young Japanese man "who probably came to this country, just as I did, full of ambition and hope." After opening his medical practice, Takami enlisted support to establish the society as his first community welfare action. Its purpose was to assure "that no Japanese person would die a pauper's death or need to fear illness or adversity." In 1912 the organization purchased a 2,500-square-foot plot at Mt. Olivet Cemetery in Maspeth, Long Island. The society also conducted lectures and entertainment programs. Its membership was 400 in 1912 (Takami, Shining Stars, 41 and 45; Mizutani, Nyuyoku * nihonjin hattenshi, 2:438-43).

25. Takami, Shining Stars, 8.

26. Ibid., 13.

27. Ibid., 15.

28. From Cushing Academy, Takami transferred to Lawrenceville School, New Jersey, then enrolled as a premed student at Lafayette College, Pennsylvania, and Brooklyn Polytechnic Institute. He entered Columbia University and transferred to Cornell University Medical College, from which he graduated in 1906 (Ibid., 22-42). He advertised two offices during his first three months of practice: South Elliot Place, Brooklyn, within walking distance of the Navy Yard, and a Japanese boardinghouse on East 27th Street in Manhattan ( Japanese-American Commercial Weekly, 14 July 1906).

29. It was Takami's "privilege to support . . . Miss Campbell" until her death in 1907 (Takami, Shining Stars, 43-44). Campbell's obituary stated that she was an aunt of Alexander Graham Bell, of "English aristocratic blood," and began ministering to Chinese immigrants beginning in 1882, when she was fifty-seven years old ( Japanese-American Commercial Weekly, 12 January 1907).

30. Plans of the U.S. Navy Yard, New York, Showing Improvements up to July 1, 1894; Map of the Enlarged City of Brooklyn (New York: J. B. Beers and Co., 1894).

31. Mizutani, Nyuyoku * nihonjin hattenshi, 1:396.

32. Ibid., 1:364.

33. Ibid., 1:396-97. The earliest boardinghouse for Japanese seamen was established on Gold Street in 1886. Subsequently, in the 1890s, more Japaneserun houses began to appear in Brooklyn, including one run by two women from Hyogo-ken * , which catered mainly to Japanese businessmen.

34. Ibid., 1:397. Later, in 1915, responding to the Bricklayers' Association complaint regarding subway-building labor, a New York state law was passed stating that citizens be given preference over aliens as workers in the construction of public works. See Beikoku ni okeru hainichimondai zakken. Nyuyokushu * hainichi kankei (Miscellaneous documents concerning the anti-Japanese problem in the United States: New York state), 1915, RG 3.8.2.288, DFMJ.

35. See Ichihashi, Japanese in the United States, chapter 8. In a survey in 1927, the Japanese consul estimated that 53.4 percent of the gainfully employed in Los Angeles were domestic servants (Ibid., 112). In the Western states, Asian men, mainly Chinese, provided the bulk of domestic servants up to the turn of the century. (David M. Katzman, Seven Days a Week: Women and Domestic Service in Industrializing America [New York: Oxford University Press, 1978], 45, 221-22). On Pacific Coast domestic workers, see Ichioka, The Issei, 24-28; and Evelyn Nakano Glenn, "The Dialectics of Wage Work: Japanese-American Women and Domestic Service, 1905-1940," Feminist Studies 6:3 (Fall 1980), 432-71, an analysis of the relationship between issei women's family life and domestic work as employment.

   36. "The Life Story of a Japanese Servant," in Hamilton Holt, ed., The Life Stories of Undistinguished Americans as Told by Themselves, 2d ed., New York Young People's Missionary Movement (New York: J. Pott and Co., 1906; reprint, New York: Routledge, Chapman and Hall, 1990), 159-73. Hamilton Bowen Holt (1872-1951), progressive reform activist and internationalist, helped found the Japan Society as well as the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, the World Federation League, the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, and the American Scandinavian Foundation.

37. Ibid., 160-61.

38. Ibid., 164. He is referring to Henry Esmond by William Makepeace Thackeray, first published in 1852, about a young man who fell in love with two women, one of whom was his guardian, Lady Castlemond.

39. Ibid., 171-72.

40. Ibid., 172.

41. Shibuta Ichiro * , "Nyuyoku * ni okeru nihonjin no shokugyo * " (Employment for Japanese in New York), in Yamane Goichi, ed., Saikin tobei annai (Introducing contemporary America) (Tokyo: Tobei zasshisha, 1906), 52-59. The various essays in Saikin tobei annai include topics such as the wealth of the United States, the shoemakers union in San Francisco, travel from Yokohama to New York, industrial education, management of business, university life, agriculture and mining in Colorado, and a vocabulary of useful English words.

42. Ibid., 53-54.

43. Ibid., 56.

44. Ibid., 56-57. Other publications had varying figures. In 1907 housework in New York was said to have paid Japanese $20 to $25 a month; Tobei shimpo * 1:2 (10 June 1907), 16; Tobei shimpo * 6:11 (15 November 1908), 6. In Chicago weekly wages for all domestic workers averaged $5.77, or about $24 a month (Katzman, Seven Days a Week, 310).

45. Mizutani, Nyuyoku * nihonjin hattenshi, 1:380.

46. Ibid., 1:381.

47. Japanese-American Commercial Weekly, 14 July 1906.

48. Ichioka, The Issei, 24.

49. Takami, Shining Stars, 29.

50. Ibid., 26.

51. In 1880 more than half of the New York City working population was foreign-born. See Thomas Kessner, The Golden Door: Italian and Jewish Immigrant Mobility in New York City, 1880-1915 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1977), 48 and fn 8. Jews dominated the clothing industry until the 1890s, when the Italians began to move in (Ibid., 69).

52. Mizutani, Nyuyoku * nihonjin hattenshi, 1:381-82.

53. Ibid., 1:390.

54. Ibid., 1:391-92.

55. Ibid., 1:408.

56. Ibid., 1:408-11. Japanese newspapers published in New York prior to World War II are nonexistent in both U.S. and Japanese libraries and archives. The only exceptions are the Nyuyoku * shimpo * (1940-41) at the Library of Congress and random copies of the Japanese-American Commercial Weekly (1905-08) at the Research Library, New York Public Library.

57. Takami, Shining Stars, 19-20; Mizutani, Nyuyoku * nihonjin hattenshi, 2:477.

58. Mizutani, Nyuyoku * nihonjin hattenshi, 2:470.

59. E.A. Ohori * , Hopes and Achievements (New York: Women's Board of Domestic Missions of Reformed Church in America, n.d.); Reformed Church in America, Board of Domestic Missions, Women's Executive Committee, Annual Reports, 1909-19; Mizutani, Nyuyoku * nihonjin hattenshi, 473-75. On churches see also Alfred Saburo Akamatsu, "The Function and Type of Program of a Japanese Minority Church in New York City: A Proposal for the Establishment of the Japanese American United Church of Christ in New York" (Ed. D. dissertation, Teachers College, Columbia University, 1948), 50-52.

60. Kamide Masataka, Kuwayama Senzo-o * monogatari (The story of the venerable Kuwayama Senzo * ) (Kyoto: Tanko shinsha, 1963). This biography, the result of interviews and discussions the writer had with Kuwayama twice a week, is written as if it were an autobiography. I am indebted to Kuwayama's son, Yeiichi, for making the work available to me.

61. Ibid., 76-77.

62. Ibid., 79.

63. Ibid., 81.

64. Ibid., 118-20.

65. Takami, Shining Stars, 45.

66. Mizutani, Nyuyoku * nihonjin hattenshi, 1:388.

67. This "rolling ball game" proved to be a successful venture for Japanese for a considerable period of time, for in addition to Mizutani's history, at least three tobei publications covering a span of thirteen years mentioned it: Tobei shimpo * 1:2 (10 June 1907), 16; Harada Toichiro * , Nyuyoku * (Tokyo: Seikyosha, 1914), 257; Miyakawa Setsuro * , Beikoku no uraomote (The U.S. inside and out) (Tokyo: Kobundo, 1920), 81.

68. Mizutani, Nyuyoku * nihonjin hattenshi, 1:388-89.

69. Ibid., 1:398-99. For accounts of Coney Island at the turn of the century, see John F. Kasson, Amusing the Millions (New York: Hill & Wang, 1978); Oliver Pilat and Jo Ransom, Sodom by the Sea (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, Doran & Co., 1941); and Kathy Peiss, Cheap Amusements (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1986), especially chapter 5.

70. Nagai Kafu * , Amerika monogatari (Stories from America). Vol. 3 of Nagai Kafu * zenshu * (Complete works of Nagai Kafu * ) (Tokyo: Chuokoronsha, 1949; first published, 1908), 211-33.

71. Ibid., 211-12. This description is similar to that of Coney Island's Luna Park by Maxim Gorki in 1907:250,000 electric lights transformed the Park into "a fantastic city . . . [with] shapely towers of miraculous castles, palaces and temples" (cited in Pilat and Ranson, Sodom, 148). One Japanese author sneered at this display, deeming it a waste of electricity for disreputable amusement purposes, but obviously was impressed by the illumination, which was "not unlike walking into fire." He dubbed it a product of the "capitalism of insanity." (Harada, Nyuyoku * , 256-58).

72. Kafu * , Amerika monogatari, 212. Kafu's * observation evokes another, which described the irresistible attraction to the "graceful romantic curves of the Oriental" and characterized Luna Park as an exotic fantasyland for Coney Island visitors. Cited in Kasson, Amusing the Millions, 63.

73. Kafu * , Amerika monogatari, 212-13.

74. Ibid., 215.

75. Haru Kishi, interviews by author, New York, 21 November 1981 and 7 August 1985. See also New York Nichibei, 2 May-23 May 1985. Transcriptions of interviews with four New York issei conducted by Yasuko Nakanishi appeared in the Japanese section of the weekly New York Nichibei, 28 March-18 July 1985.

76. The interviews were conducted in Japanese, but Haru occasionally interspersed English words or phrases.

77. Much later, just before the outbreak of World War II, Haru had a chance to leave her husband and return to Japan, but since they had stuck it out for so long she decided to stay in New York. ("Anyway, I was used to life in America by then.")

78. Haru Kishi is healthy and active today and lives with one of her sons in Manhattan. ("This is the happiest time of my life," she says) She visits her other children occasionally. When I spoke to her last, she was going to California to attend the wedding of one of her grandchildren.

79. New York Nichibei, 28 March 1985. The conditions for men on the West Coast tend to be idealized. The number of married Japanese women in the whole United States was as follows:

The interviewee's statement that Japanese could buy property in California is misleading, for the Alien Land Laws were passed in 1913 and 1920 in California and in 1921 in Washington state prohibiting Japanese from owning, leasing, or farming under cropping contracts. The laws were upheld by the Supreme Court in 1921 (Ichioka, The Issei, 226-43).

80. Some marriages were not registered. For instance, Eikichi Kishi never registered with the Japanese consulate as Japanese nationals were required to do. Haru explained that he preferred to "be independent" and did not even join the Japanese Association.

81. Based on the U.S. census figures, if all the married Japanese women were married to Japanese males, the percentage of married Japanese males in the United States would have been 1.7 percent in 1900; 8.8 percent in 1910; and 30 percent in 1920. However, the accuracy of census figures is questionable. For instance, in the period 1890-1920, 45 percent of births in the United States were not officially registered (Hyman Alterman, Counting People: The Census in History [Harcourt Brace, 1969], 314).

82. New York Nichibei, 20 June-11 July 1985.

83. Sona Oguri came to the United States in 1905 and married Takami in 1909.

84. Mrs. Francis J. Swayze, Finding the Way in a New Land (New York: Reformed Church in America, Women's Board of Domestic Missions, n.d.), 10.

85. Takami was thirty-four; Takamine, thirty-three; Ohori * , thirty; and Iwamoto, thirty-five.

86. Kafu * , Amerika monogatari, 319-29.

87. Ibid., 325. Kafu's * writing reflected the widespread anti-Chinese bias prevalent among Japanese.

88. Amerika 11:10 (October 1907), 658-62.

89. Kafu * also wrote about an evening in a bar "four or five blocks up along Third Avenue where the 'el' runs to Chatham Square. Jewishtown is to the left. Chinatown to the right, next to Italian town. . .. an area which is called 'the Bowery'" (Kafu * , "Yahan no sakaba" [A night-time bar], 271-80).

90. "Dark-skinned Japanese" connotes laborers or imin who worked in the sun. In the passport records at the Foreign Ministry Diplomatic Record Office in Tokyo, Katagiri was listed as "hi-imin."

1. Japanese Consul, San Francisco, to Foreign Ministry, Tokyo, 22 and 25 April 1891, Hokubeigasshukoku * ni okeru honpö jin tokoseigen * oyobi haiseki ikken (Records concerning travel restriction and exclusion of Japanese citizens in the United States) (hereafter cited as Haiseki ikken), 19 unbound vols. (1891-1912), 1, RG 3.8.2.21, DFMJ; Statutes at Large 23:332-33 (1885).

2. Haiseki ikken, 1; Statutes at Large 26:968 (1891). This amendment, passed 3 March 1891, specifically authorized the Treasury Department to inspect alien immigrants at the borders of British Columbia and Mexico, entry points used by some Japanese to circumvent immigration procedures at U.S. port cities on the West Coast.

3. D. W. Stevens to Tateno Gozo * , Minister to the United States, 12 Oct. 1891, Haiseki ikken, 1. On Stevens, see Gaimusho * no hyakunen (One hundred years of the Foreign Ministry), 2 vols. (Tokyo: Foreign Ministry, 1969), 1:592.

4. Japanese Consul, San Francisco, to Foreign Minister, Tokyo, 12 May 1892, Haiseki ikken, 1.

5. Chief, Emigration Bureau, Foreign Ministry, to Ken and Fu Governors, 16 May 1892; Chief, Emigration Bureau, Foreign Ministry, to Governors of Hiroshima-, Wakayama-, and Kumamoto-ken, 25 May 1892, Haiseki ikken, 1.

6. The major works are Thomas A. Bailey, Theodore Roosevelt and the Japanese-American Crisis (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1934); Howard K. Beale, Theodore Roosevelt and the Rise of America to World Power (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1956; New York: Collier Books, 1973); William L. Neumann, America Encounters Japan (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1963); Raymond A. Esthus, Theodore Roosevelt and Japan (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1966); Charles E. Neu, An Uncertain Friendship: Theodore Roosevelt and Japan, 1906-1909 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1967); and Akira Iriye, Pacific Estrangement: Japanese and American Expansion, 1897-1911 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1972).

7. Daniels, The Politics of Prejudice, 1-2. The following illustrates Japanese immigration as compared to countries which provided the most immigrants to the U.S. and those whose figures were comparable to Japanese figures. Leonard Dinnerstein and David M. Reimers, Ethnic Americans (New York: Harper and Row, 1975), app. 1.

8. Sucheng Chan analyzes the role of international politics as being "particularly salient" in Asian emigration and immigration. She writes of the "more subtle and complicated" exclusion approach the United States took toward Japan in comparison to its approach toward other nations (Chan, "European and Asian Immigration into the United States in Comparative Perspective, 1820s to 1920s," in Yans-McLaughlin, ed., Immigration Reconsidered, 48 and 62). On U.S. and Japanese foreign policy, see Richard W. Van Alstyne, The Rising American Empire (Oxford, England: Blackwell & Mott, 1960; New York: W. W. Norton & Co., Inc., 1974); Walter LaFeber, The New Empire (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1963); Akira Iriye, Across the Pacific: An Inner History of American-East Asian Relations (New York: Harcourt, Brace & World, Inc., 1967); Iriye, Pacific Estrangement; Mikiso Hane, Modern Japan: A Historical Survey (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1986); Jon Livingston, Joe Moore, and Felicia Oldfather, eds., Imperial Japan (New York: Pantheon Books, 1973); E. H. Norman, Japan's Emergence as a Modern State (1940), in John W. Dower, ed., Origins of the Modern Japanese State: Selected Writings of E. H. Norman (New York: Pantheon Books, 1975); Jon Halliday, A Political History of Japanese Capitalism (New York: Pantheon Books, 1975); Hilary Conroy, The Japanese Frontier in Hawaii (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1953).

9. The literal translation of the term imin is "a citizen who moves or migrates" and includes both emigrants and immigrants. Hi means "non-" or "other than." After 1908 the Foreign Ministry recorded the ideographs hi or i to designate the imin or hi-imin category of citizens who were issued passports. See Kosekiho * ni yori zaigaihonpojin * shotodokesho sono honsekichi kosekiri e sotatsu * no ikken (Documents concerning notices fried by citizens abroad to be sent to household registry in registered family domicile areas according to household registry law), 43 vols. (1909-1921), RG 3.8.7.21, DFMJ.

10. Statutes at Large 22:58-61 (1882). Chinese government protests against the exclusion acts as well as individual suits in the lower courts and the Supreme Court spanned three decades but failed to pacify anti-Chinese sentiments in the United States (Chan, Asian Americans, 91-92). Takaki interprets this failure as being "symptomatic" of the conflict between white labor and white capital (Takaki, Strangers from a Different Shore , 110-111). By 1895 the Chinese government "fully acquiesced" to U.S. policies (Michael H. Hunt, The Making of a Special Relationship: The United States and China to 1914 [New York: Columbia University Press, 1983], 85-114). See also Delbert L. McKee, Chinese Exclusion versus the Open Door Policy, 1900-1906: Clashes over China Policy in the Roosevelt Era (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1977).

11. For instance, see Consul General, New York, to Foreign Ministry, 5 May 1900, Haiseki ikken, 3.

12. Emigration "siphoned off a small stream," not to relieve population pressure but to develop "markets and materials for Japanese industry" (William W. Lockwood, The Economic Development of Japan [Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1968], 157). Between 1890 and 1924, 1.1 million people, of whom half were imin or seasonal workers, went abroad. The population of Japan was 39.9 million in 1890 and 59.7 million in 1925. Comparative figures of some destinations of Japanese travelers based on travel permits are as follows:

Inoma Kiichi, "Senzen rokujuhachinen * no waga imin tokei * no gaikan" [Overview of Japanese emigration statistics for 68 years prior to World War II], Keisho * ronsan 60 (February 1955), 100.

13. For instance, the magazines Amerika, Tobei zasshi (Crossing to America magazine), and Tobei shimpo * (Crossing to America news); articles in Seiko * (Success); and Shimanuki Hyodayu * and Katayama Sen's tobei publications, among many others. I will consider these works in chapters 5 and 6.

14. Amerika, 12:6 (June 1908), 30.

15. Tobei shimpo * , 1:2 ( June 1907), 9.

16. Tabata Kisaburo * , Zaibeisha seiko * no tomo (The guide to success for Japanese in America) (Tokyo: Shimizu shoten, 1908), 29-30.

17. Imin hogokisoku (Emigrant protection ordinance), 12 April 1894, Horei * zensho (Compendia of laws), 5 vols. (1894), 2, Chokurei (Imperial decrees), 112-15; Imin hogoho * (Emigrant protection law), 7 April 1896, Horei * zensho, 7 vols. (1896), 2, Horitsu * (Laws), 116-20. See also Alan Takeo Moriyama, Imingaisha: Japanese Emigration Companies and Hawaii, 1894-1908 (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1985), 33-42.

18. Kaigai ryokenkisoku, 1878, Horei * zensho (1878), 193-94. The Passport Law was revised in 1897, 1900, and 1908.

19. Gaikoku ryokenkisoku (Passport regulations for travel abroad), rev., 1897, Horei * zensho, 8 vols. (1897), 4, Shorei * (Ministerial ordinances), 353-54. All individuals engaged in farming, ranching, fishing, mining, manufacturing, engineering, construction, transportation, and domestic services were classified as laborers.

20. Edwin Dun, Tokyo, to W. Q. Gresham, Washington, 13 October 1893, U.S. Department of State, Japanese Emigration and Immigration to American Territory, Correspondence from 1892 to January 29, 1908 (Washington, 1908-09), 9.

21. Ibid., 11. T. V. Powderly, commissioner-general of immigration, wrote that large profits were derived "from commission paid either directly by the immigrant or through the agency of the steamship lines" as well as "solicitations of citizens in this country who wished to avail themselves of cheaper labor." Congress, House of Representatives, Immigration of Japanese, House Doc. 686, 56th Cong., 1st sess., 15 May 1900, 3.

22. Ten thousand yen was equivalent to $5,100. The dollar value of the yen was 51 cents in 1895 and fluctuated around 49.5 cents from 1896 to 1919 (Lockwood, Economic Development, 257, table 21, note a).

23. Kaigai ryokenkisoku ihan zakken (Miscellaneous documents on overseas passport regulation violations), 4 vols. (1900-15), RG 3.8.5.21, DFMJ. This series records approximately 200 official passport offenses, the majority, concerning travelers to the United States. The number of offenses by imin to China, Russia, Korea, and Canada is inconsequential. In 1900-02 (vol. 1) for instance, 33 of 42 recorded passport violations related to imin seeking to emigrate to the United States.

24. Watanabe Kanjiro * , Kaigai dekasegi annai (Guide for workers going abroad) (Tokyo: Tokyo naigai shuppankyokai, 1902), app. 9-15. The literal translation of dekasegi is "earning away from home" and connotes temporary work. There is no English equivalent. Early immigrants to the United States were considered dekasegi, which often is interpreted as "sojourner."

25. Ichihashi, Japanese, 86.

26. Slightly more than 27 percent of the total passports for the United States issued 1891-1914 were returned to the Foreign Ministry. The ratio ranged from a low of 9.5 percent in 1900 to a high of 80 percent in 1909, the year following the Gentlemen's Agreement. These returned passports were the official means by which the government kept track of citizens who remigrated ( Nihonteikoku tokei^{[ *]} nenkan [Annual statistics of the empire of Japan] [hereafter NTN], 1891-1914). Sucheng Chan gave the crude remigration rate of Japanese immigrants, 1909-24, as 33 percent (Chan, "European and Asian Immigration," 38).

27. Aoki Shozo^{[ *]} , Foreign Minister, to Sugimura, Commerce Section, Foreign Ministry, 22 March 1900, Haiseki ikken, 2.

28. According to federal statistics, migration of Japanese from Hawaii to the mainland United States, 1902-05, totaled 20,266. In 1906 the number was 13,578; in 1908, 755; and 1909, 1,106 (cited in Moriyama, Imingaisha, 133). The 1907 order did not specify a country, but its intent was to restrict Japanese with passports to the United States, its territories, or other nations from entering the continental United States (Bailey, Japanese-American Crisis, 142-49).

29. According to Foreign Ministry records, emigration companies supplied only 165 jiyu-imin^{[ *]} to the United States between 1894 and 1898. See Commerce Section, Foreign Ministry, Imin toriatsukainin ni yoru imin no enkaku (History of emigrants using emigrant agents) (Tokyo: 1909), 96-97.

30. William D. Wray, Mitsubishi and the N.Y.K., 1870-1914 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1984), 255-58, 491-504 on government subsidies and 261-66, 408-20 on trans-Pacific route.

31. Wakatsuki, "Japanese Emigration," 478-79.

32. For a contemporary American report on Japanese "money making enterprises," see House of Representatives, Immigration of Japanese, 7-9.

33. NTN, 1896-1900. Moriyama states that as the number of emigrant workers increased, "efficient enforcement" of the law became more difficult (Moriyama, Imingaisha, 41).

34. Aoki to Fu and Ken (excluding Tokyo-fu), 2 Aug. 1900, Haiseki ikken,
3.

35. Head, Commerce Section, Foreign Ministry, to Japanese Consuls, Vancouver BC, San Francisco, Tacoma, and Seattle, 31 July 1900, Haiseki ikken, 3.

36. NTN, 1901. U.S. immigration figures for 1900 and 1901 were 12,628 and 5,269, respectively (Bureau of Immigration, Annual Report, 1900 and 1901).

37. NTN, 1902-1908.

38. Chinda Sutemi to Governor of Hokkaido * , Chief, Tokyo Metropolitan Police Headquarters, and Ken and Fu Governors, Beika tokosha * ni kansuruken (Regarding travelers to the United States and Canada), 7 July 1904, Haiseki ikken, 3. Emigrants in Tokyo-fu had to apply for passports at the Metropolitan Police Headquarters (Gaikoku ryokenkisoku, 1900, Horei * zensho, 11 vols. (1900), 5, Shorei * , 335-38.

39. Compulsory education in Japan was four years, then extended to six in 1908 ( Japan's Modern Educational System, 107-8).

40. Vice-Minister, Foreign Ministry, to Ken and Fu Governors, Gakujutsu shugyo * mokutekitosuru kaigai tokosha * ni kansuruken (Regarding travelers who go abroad as students), 8 November 1905, Haiseki ikken, 3. On early Japanese student emigrants to the United States see Hata, ''Undesireables," 43-67, and Wakatsuki, "Japanese Emigration," 485-95.

41. McKee, Chinese Exclusion, 24.

42. Frank L. Coombs, U.S. Legation, Tokyo, to Mr. Foster, Washington, 7 Oct. 1892, U.S. Department of State, Japanese Emigration, 5.

43. House of Representatives, Immigration of Japanese, 4.

44. Lockwood, Economic Development, 252-58 and 328-34. The British first, then the United States dominated Japanese trade until after World War I.

45. Hayashi Tadasu, Foreign Minister, to Luke E. Wright, Acting Ambassador to Japan, 6 Feb. 1907, Haiseki ikken, 5.

46. Thomas J. O'Brien, American Ambassador to Japan, to Hayashi, 26 November 1907, Nihon gaiko * monjo (Records of the Foreign Ministry of Japan), 40, doc. 2082, 634-37. At the time there were four Japanese consular areas in the United States: New York, which was responsible for seventeen states; Chicago, twenty; San Francisco, four; and Seattle, six.

47. Hayashi to O'Brien, 30 Dec. 1907, Haiseki ikken, 13.

48. Hayashi to O'Brien, 18 Feb. 1908, Haiseki ikken, 13.

49. ". . .all recent war talk has started at the White House" (Aoki, Japanese Ambassador to the United States, to Hayashi, 5 Feb. 1907, Haiseki ikken, 5).

50. "To save face the Japanese now had to attack the fleet, make a counter demonstration, or proclaim their satisfaction with the President's decision as though it had no meaning for Japan. They chose the latter alternative" (Esthus, Theodore Roosevelt, 185).

51. Gaikoku zairyu * teikoku shinmin toroku * kisoku (Regulations regarding registration of imperial citizens abroad), 7 May 1909, Genko * horeishuran * (Existing laws), 2 vols. (Tokyo, 1925), 1,755. The regulation went into effect on April 1, 1910.

52. Gaikoku ryokenkisoku, 1907, Horei * zensho, 4 vols. (1907), 2, Shorei * , 43-47.

53. Kaigai ryokenkafu hennohyo * shintatsu (Passports issued and returned for travel abroad), 204 unbound vols. (1879-1921), RG 3.8.5.8, DFMJ.

54. Gaikoku zairyu * teikoku shinmin toroku * kisokuseitei narabini kaiseijisshi ikken (Documents regarding the enactment and revised enforcement of registration regulations of imperial citizens residing abroad) (1908-1910) RG 3.8.7.20, DFMJ; Gaikoku zairyu * teikoku shinrain toroku * kankei zakken (Miscellaneous documents regarding the registration of imperial citizens residing abroad), (1910) RG 3.8.2.268, DFMJ.

55. Japanese males could be drafted for a three-year military term from ages twenty to thirty-two (revised to thirty-seven in 1910). In order to avoid service entirely, they had to remain abroad twelve years, and after 1910 seventeen years. See Ueda Ryozo * , Kaigaitoko * hosoku * (Laws regarding travel abroad) (Kishiki-gun, 1902), 71; Wakatsuki, "Japanese Emigration," 421-26; Ichihashi, Japanese, 87-88.

56. The Berkeley branch of the Japanese Association protested the institution of fees. Yuji Ichioka, "Japanese Associations and the Japanese Government: A Special Relationship, 1909-1926," Pacific Historical Review 46 (August 1977), 421-22.

57. Hokubeigasshukoku * ryodo * oyobi eiryo * kanada ni tokosuru * imin ni taisuru ryoken kafuhoni * kansuruken (Regarding the issuance of passports to imin who travel to the United States and British Canada), 16 November 1908, Haiseki ikken, 12.

58. Mizuno Kokichi * , Japanese Consul, New York, to Terauchi Masataki, Foreign Minister, 12 Aug. 1908, Haiseki ikken, 12.

59. O'Brien to Hayashi, 25 Jan. 1908, Haiseki ikken, 13.

60. Hayashi to O'Brien, 18 Feb. 1908, Haiseki ikken, 13.

61. In March 1905 approximately 3,000 Japanese, who had purchased about "35,000 acres of land" to cultivate rice, resided near Houston, Texas. U.S. newspapers reported that they were of the "best class, all of them have money" and "superior to much of the white immigrants . . . from Europe during the past five years, more intelligent, more orderly, more industrious and less offensive." See New York Tribune, 22 March 1905; Houston Post, 17 March and 27 April 1905; and Nihonjin kikaishi todoke ni kanshi zainyuyoku * ryoji * yori gujo * ikken (Reports from New York consul concerning notices of intention of naturalization), (1905) RG 3.8.7.15, DFMJ. See also Nyuyoku * ryojikan * hokokusho * (Reports of New York Consul General), 6 unbound vols. (1885-1911), 4, Shisatsu hokoku * (Investigative reports), (1902) RG 6.1.6.6, DFMJ; Kiyoko T. Kurosawa, ''Seito Saibara's Diary of Planting a Japanese Colony in Texas," Hitotsubashi Journal of Social Studies, 2 (August 1964); and Kazuhiko Orii and Hilary Conroy, "Japanese Socialist in Texas: Sen Katayama," Amerasia Journal 8 (Fall/Winter 1981), 163-70.

62. On a petition demanding the elimination of the imin/hi-imin categories, see Consul General, San Francisco, to Foreign Minister, Zaibei nihonjinkai seigansho shintatsu no ken (Regarding submission of written petition by the Japanese Association of America), 4 December 1911, Kaigai tokõ kankei zakken (Miscellaneous documents concerning travel abroad), vol. 6 (unbound), DFMJ.

1. Yanagita Kunio, Meiji Taishoshi * sesohen * (History of the Meiji-Taisho era: social conditions), 2 vols. (Tokyo: Kodansha, 1976; first published, 1930), 1:46. The works of Yanagita (1875-1962) stress the dichotomy of the Tokugawa and Meiji worlds in relation to community, culture, customs, habits, nature, politics, and economics. Although nostalgic and glorifying of the past, his descriptions are important for our understanding of social change in the Meiji period.

2. Yanabu Akira stated that kindai was a term first used (as either noun or adjective) in English-Japanese and French-Japanese dictionaries in 1873 and 1887 as the translation for "modern," denoting "a chronological historical era" as in "prehistoric, ancient, medieval (feudal)." Beginning in 1890 the term was combined to form new compound phrases such as kindaijin (modern person) or kindaibungei (modern literary arts). By 1910 kindai was widely used among scholars and writers. In a compilation of essays in a literary magazine that addressed the question, ''What is a kindaijin?" one writer listed such qualities as "pragmatic," "scientific or materialist," "individualistic," "gaining higher standards by developing greed," and "highly sensitive," among others. Thus, Yanabu wrote, kindai developed ura (shadow) meanings that ascribed value and went beyond the mere description of a specific historical time period. Yanabu Akira, Honyakugo seiritsujijo * (On the development of translation) (Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1982), 49-62.

3. Tokyo * hvakunenshi (One hundred years of Tokyo), 6 vols. (Tokyo: Tokyo Metropolitan Government, 1972-73), 3, "Tokyojin * " no keisei (The making of the people of Tokyo), 871-73. See also Edward Seldensticker, Low City, High City: Tokyo from Edo to the Earthquake (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1983), 92; G. B. Sansom, The Western World and Japan (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1950), 384-86.

4. Tokyoshi * tokei * nenpyo * (Annual statistics of the city of Tokyo), 1924. In 1889 40 percent, and in 1907 one-half of Tokyo's population migrated from other areas of Japan, mainly from ken near the Kanto * section and Niigata-ken (Ishizuka Hiromichi, Tokyo * no shakaikeizaishi [Social and economic history of Tokyo] [Tokyo: Kinokuniya, 1977], 101-3). As expected, however, the accuracy of the statistics is open to question. The first comprehensive national head count was taken in 1872, but the next was not taken officially until the census of 1920. During the interim years, population migration figures were based on individual exit notices, which people had to submit to their registered prefectural offices, or entry notices, which they had to submit to the offices in their new residential areas. In many cases only one requirement was followed, usually the latter. Additionally, registration occurred in only a few cities up to 1914 (Ito * Shigeru, "Senzenki nihon no toshiseicho * , jo * " [Urban growth in prewar Japan, part 1], Nippon rodo * kyokai * zasshi [Journal of the Japan Labor Institute] 280 [July 1982], 26-27). See also Irene B. Taeuber, "Population and Labor Force in the Industrialization of Japan, 1850-1950," in Simon Kuznets, Wilbert E. Moore, and Joseph J. Spengler, eds., Economic Growth: Brazil, India, Japan (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1955), 320-26.

5. Gluck, Japan's Modern Myths, 159.

6. Nakamura Takafusa, Economic Growth in Prewar Japan, trans. Robert A. Feldman (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1983), 128. By 1920 only 23 percent of Tokyo's population was native-born ( Tokyo * hyakunenshi 4, Taishoki * [The Taisho period], 47). In 1898, 82 percent of Japan's population lived in rural areas of under 10,000; in 1920, 66 percent (Lockwood, Economic Development, 18 and 158). See also G. C. Allen, A Short Economic History of Modern Japan (New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 1963), 62. Comparisons of urban migration in Europe are in order. In Germany in 1907, only half the citizens resided in their place of birth, and the population percentage in cities over 100,000 grew from 4.8 percent in 1871 to 21.3 percent in 1910 (Wolfgang Kollmann, "The Population of Germany in the Age of Industrialism," in Herbert Moller, ed., Population Movements in Modern European History [New York: Macmillan, 1964], 102-3). London census figures from 1861 to 1881 showed 37 to 39 percent of the London population coming from outside the city (Gareth Stedman Jones, Outcast London [New York: Pantheon, 1984], 139). In England and Wales 58 percent of the population was living in cities of 20,000 or more in 1901, whereas it had been less than 10 percent in 1801 (Kingsley Davis, "The Origin and Growth of Urbanization in the World," Moller, ed., Population Movements, 70). See also E. J. Hobsbawm, The Age of Capital, 1848-1875 (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1975), 193-207.

7. The migration was not merely rural to urban but was predominantly "rural to industrial-urban." See Thomas O. Wilkinson, The Urbanization of Japanese Labor, 1868-1955 (Amherst, MA: University of Massachusetts Press, 1965), especially chapter 4. 94. Shimazaki Toson * , The Family , trans. Cecilia Segawa Seigle (Tokyo: University of Tokyo Press, 1976).

8. Yanagita Kunio, Toshi to noson * (The city and the rural village), vol. 16, Teihon Yanagita Kunioshu * (Authentic collection of works by Yanagita Kunio) (Tokyo: Chikuma shobo, 1962), 272-73.

9. Cities such as Nanotsu (Hakata) in Kyushu * , Sakai (Osaka), and Anotsu in Mie-ken grew to thrive as merchants gained profit from their foreign transactions (Yanagita, Toshi to noson * , 244). Yanagita conflated historical time in his references, which ranged from the Mongol invasions in the thirteenth century through the Ashikaga period of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries and up to the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, when Europeans first began to compete for trade privileges.

10. Yanagita, Toshi to noson * , 273.

11. This is not to subordinate Tokugawa merchant culture, as it set the terms of standards of taste, first in Osaka and then, by the eighteenth century, in Edo. It was separate and distinct from the sophisticated elite Tokugawa culture, as well as the provincial rural culture of the peasants. It had a life of its own and its own artists and craftspeople, who held high positions (among elites and merchants alike) without respect to social origins. This culture produced significant cultural art forms that have survived as important aspects of Japan's artistic heritage, including kabuki, hanga (woodblock prints), and bunraku (puppet theater). See Robert J. Smith, "Pre-Industrial Urbanism in Japan: A Consideration of Multiple Traditions in a Feudal Society," Research Center in Economic Development and Cultural Change, University of Chicago, Economic Development and Cultural Change 9:1, part 2 (October 1960), 241-57.

12. Kato * Hidetoshi and Maeda Ai, Meiji medeako * (Thoughts on media during the Meiji period) (Tokyo: Chuokoronsha, 1980), 152.

13. Tokyo * hyakunenshi tells us that during the Edo period the popular belief was that to become an authentic Edokko, one had to come from a family that had lived in Edo for three generations. However, in the Meiji period this idea began to lose its significance as people moved into the city from the provinces and the term Tokyojin * began to take on greater importance. By the Taisho years the Edokko was devalued to a "minority" position (Tokyo * hyakunenshi, 4:35-36).

14. During the Taisho period (1912-26), none of Tokyo's eight mayors was born in the city. Only one of Tokyo-fu's six governors was a native. Leading business, political, and literary figures migrated to Tokyo and became permanent residents ( Tokyo * hyakunenshi, 4:39).

15. Natsume Soseki * , Botchan, trans. Alan Turney (Tokyo: Kodansha, 1972).

16. Ibid., 23. Omori * was a suburban section of Tokyo.

17. Takeo Yazaki, Social Change and the City in Japan (Tokyo: Japan Publications, 1968), 468-69; Tokyo * hyakunenshi, 3:371-91.

18. This fire destroyed 235 acres and left close to 20,000 residents homeless (Yazaki, Social Change, 336). Forty-seven major fires swept across the city, located on a windy plain, between 1887 and 1912 (Tokyo * hyakunenshi, 3:734-78)

19. Ishizuka, Tokyo * no shakaikeizaishi, 137. Seidensticker, Low City, High City, 198-206, tells us how the Ginza developed as the district of "business and fun."

20. Seidensticker, Low City, High City, 75-79.

21. Various laws concerning local government were passed in 1869, 1871, 1878, and 1888, but it was not until 1898 that Tokyo had it own mayoral administration. However, the mayor was appointed by the emperor from a list submitted by the powerful Ministry of Home Affairs (Yazaki, Social Change, 334).

22. In 1891 there were six cities in Japan with populations of more than 100,000. Until 1910, approximately 15 percent of the population resided in those areas. See Aso * Makoto, "Nihon no kyoiku * to kigyo * seicho * " (Education and the growth of business in Japan), in Hazami Hiroshi, ed., Nihon no kigyo * to shakai (Japanese business and society) (Tokyo: Nihonkeizai shimbunsha, 1977), 71. In 1887, 12 percent of the population resided in cities of over 10,000; that figure rose to 18 percent in 1898, 25 percent in 1908, and 32 percent in 1920 (Yazaki, Social Change, 391).

23. During the height of the Tokugawa period in the late 1780s, Edo was the most populous city in the world, with more than one million residents. In 1898 Tokyo's population was 1.4 million, far surpassing that of Osaka, the second-largest city, with a population of 820,000. Yazaki included the suburban population in his calculations, making Tokyo's population 1.9 million in 1901 and 3.4 million in 1924 ( Social Change, 451).

24. Shita has various meanings, including "low," "below," ''underneath," and "plebian." Shitamachi describes the flatlands that made up part of Edo. The term also serves as a geographic reminder of the low status given to merchants during the Edo period. Seidensticker tells us that Shitamachi's boundaries were not clearly defined but shifted during the Meiji period ( Low City, High City, 8-11, 206).

25. Tokyoshi * tokei * nenpyo * 1907 and 1924.

26. Yui Tsunehiko, "Introduction," in Yui Tsunehiko, ed., Kogyoka * to kigyosha * katsudo * (Industrialization and the role of the businessman) (Tokyo: Nihonkeizai shimbunsha, 1976), 26-28.

27. On Echigoya, the early Mitsui dry goods enterprise, see John G. Roberts, Mitsui: Three Centuries of Business (New York: Weatherhill, 1973), 17-22. On the development of department stores, see Seidensticker, Low City, High City, 109-13.

28. This term is from a 1909 publication, Tokyogaku * (Tokyo learning). See Miriam Silverberg, "Constructing a New Cultural History of Prewar Japan," boundary 2 18:3 (1991), 78.

29. Yazaki, Social Change, 339-43.

30. Tokyo * hyakunenshi, 3:682-83, and Seldensticker, Low City, High City, 11 and 250-51.

31. Ishizuka, Tokyo * no shakaikeizaishi, 129-36. By 1880 there were at least seventy slum areas of assorted size and population in Tokyo.

32. Tokyo * hyakunenshi, 3:719-20, and Ishizuka, Tokyo * no shakaikeizaishi, 171. Preposterous physical therapy was conjured up for victims of tuberculosis, such as deep-breathing exercises, an excruciatingly painful procedure. In 1904 the city instructed factory owners to install spittoons to prevent the disease from spreading (Ishizuka, Tokyo * no shakaikeizaishi, 172). The abuses of industrialization—"the sweatshops and dormitory, of child labor and slum living, of long hours, widespread tuberculosis, and high accident rates"—were neglected to the extent that as late as 1925, turnover of factory labor was 40 to 60 percent annually (Lockwood, Economic Development, 486). The sixty years or more separating industrial capitalism in Japan and England notwithstanding, the similarities in the human condition of both countries are striking. See Jones, Outcast London, and E. P. Thompson, The Making of the English Working Class (New York: Vintage, 1963), especially chapter 10.

33. Tokyo * hyakunenshi, 3:374 and 377. The household industries, too tiny to be considered factories, were an important part of the industrial picture. Even in 1920, for instance, close to 55 percent of all employees in the manufacturing industries worked in enterprises with only one to four workers. Many were unpaid family workers (Lockwood, Economic Development, 191-201). See also Mikio Sumiya, Social Impact of Industrialization in Japan (Tokyo: Japanese National Commission for UNESCO, 1963), 125.

34. Yanagita, Meiji Taishoshi * , 2:131-32; Andrew Gordon, The Evolution of Labor Relations in Japan (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1988), 36-37.

35. Nakamura, Economic Growth, 129-36.

36. Even in 1921, 1,783 of the 2,033 factories in Tokyo were situated in Shitamachi (Ishizuka, Tokyo * no shakaikeizaishi, 202).

37. Between 1870 and 1873, Japan had two small European loans. Thereafter, for a quarter of a century until 1897, aside from small investments in foreign trading companies, foreign capital played no role. Intensive foreign borrowing occurred during 1897-1913. Subsequent to this period, it ceased for a short time until the post-World War I era and then resumed, but never to the extent that it had previously. See Edwin E Reubens, "Foreign Capital and Domestic Development in Japan," in Kuznets, et al., eds., Economic Growth, 185-89; Lockwood, Economic Development, 253-54. See also Norman, Japan's Emergence, 221-24.

38. Army and navy spending in 1893, the year before the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese War, was 27 percent of overall national expenditures. In 1898 it skyrocketed to 51.2 percent and was maintained at one-third up to 1923 (Lockwood, Economic Development, 292n). Military commitment in 1898 was 51.79 percent as compared to Great Britain's 31 percent (Yazaki, Social Change, 379).

39. Halliday, Political History, 58. Power looms were adopted first in 1910; see Tokutaro * Yamanaka, The History and Structure of Japan's Small and Medium Industries (Tokyo: Science Council of Japan, 1957), 38.

40. Yamanote was also the name of the loop line encircling the city, which was completed in the main in 1905. It did not service Shitamachi, for which public transportation consisted of horse-drawn streetcars, then electric streetcars. Before electric streetcars were introduced in 1903, the rickshaw, which had a short but indispensable lifetime, and horse-drawn vehicles were the major forms of transportation for a large number of Tokyo citizens (Yazaki, Social Change, 444; Yanagita, Meiji Taishoshi * , 1:197-201; and Ishizuka, Tokyo * no shakaikeizaishi, 97-100).

41. Other terms, such as chutokaikyu * , chukankaikyu * , or chusankaikyu * , were used in popular magazines up to 1929 (Kinmonth, Self-made Man, 290-91). The terms are all synonyms for "middle class," although chusankaikyu * translates specifically as "middle-income class." Statistician and class analyst Ohashi * Ryuken * listed bureaucrats, independent farmers owning less than five cho * (approximately eleven acres), business proprietors liable for the payment of taxes, professionals (doctors, teachers, religious ministers, and priests), and retired junior bureaucrats as falling within the middle class. He stated that this population grew rapidly between 1888 and 1920, simultaneously with the decrease of the agricultural population. The percentage of the population he defiined as "middle class" ranged between 25 to 37 percent during those years. See Ohashi^{[ *]} Ryuken^{[ *]} , Nippon no kaikyukosei^{[ *]} (Japan's class formation) (Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1971), 25-28.

42. In 1897 the traditionalist writer Koda * Rohan criticized the private homes as not being conducive to "agile and cheerful" work habits ( Tokyo * hyakunenshi, 3:181). From the Edo to earls' Meiji periods the typical form of rental in cities was the nagaya, or tenement building, supervised by a superintendent hired by the landlord. Ishizuka wrote that the tenant was called tanako, written with the ideographs for "store" and "child." However, "store" did not connote a place to sell but rather a place to rent. The responsibilities of the superintendent to maintain property, choose appropriate tanako, evict undesirable tenants, engage in the political life of a district at times, and exhibit kindness as well as authority indicated a "feudal master-servant relationship." "An ooya * [landlord] is like a parent, a tanako like a child,'' was a saying in rakugo, the popular form of storytelling (Ishizuka, Tokyo * no shakaikeizaishi, 124-27).

43. Yanagita, Meiji Taishoshi * , 1:103-4.

44. Silverberg, "New Cultural History," 65. Silverberg analyzed the formation of a Japanese consumer culture, taking into account the process of consent as well as challenge in relation to Japanese state ideology. She dated this process to the 1920s but through a close reading of Tokyogaku * stressed that its noticeable beginnings occurred in the mid-Meiji era as "new, specialized techniques" began to be utilized in urban Tokyo. See also Silverberg's discussion of the construction of cultural identity in 1920s Japan ("Ethnography of Modernity," 30-54).

45. Quoted in Tokyo * hyakunenshi, 3:181. Yanagita, Meiji Taishoshi * , 1:96-132, gives a vivid description of the changes in residential living.

46. Seidensticker, Low City, High City, 236-41.

47. For instance, Samegahashi in Yotsuya and Tanimachi in Azabu (Ishizuka, Tokyo * no shakaikeizaishi, 129). See also Yazaki, Social Change, 365; Seidensticker, Low City, High City, 241. In the late 1880s, the three largest slum districts were in Shiba-, Yotsuya-, and Shitaya-ku (Ishizuka, Tokyo * no shakaikeizaishi, 130).

48. However, in Tokugawa days, plebian did not mean "poor." The merchant, despite his inferior class status, was dominant financially and economically.

49. Kosekiho * ni yori zaigai honpojin * shotodokesho sono honsekichi kosekiri e sõtatsu no ikken (Documents concerning notices filed by citizens abroad to be sent to household registry officials in registered family domicile areas according to household registry law), 43 vols. (1909-1921), RG 3.8.7.2l, DFMJ.

50. The political redistricting of the country was administered in various stages from 1871 to 1888, the year when the final reorganization created three fu and forty-three ken (Hane, Modern Japan, 89-90). See also Toyama * Shigeki, Kindai nihonshi (History of modern Japan) (Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1975), 1:33-37, in which the passage of three major measures—the reorganization of counties, wards, and villages; regulating of local taxation; and the establishment of fu and ken—is discussed as an antidote to progressive political trends and a means to consolidate central government power.

51. Yanagita, Meiji Taishoshi * , l: 170-1. Community participation in preindustrial Japan's wet-rice agriculture provided the framework for community solidarity and self-sufficiency. People could be mobilized for a variety of day-to-day functions, including not only raising and harvesting crops but also building farmhouses, reroofing, repairing, storage, and so on. Communal ownership of nonfarm land was an important source of fuel and fertilizer. Early in the Meiji period, the government confiscated communal property for distribution among the new political units. This placed the agricultural sector in an untenable situation and meant that any use of this land became a privilege bestowed by public servants. See Thomas C. Smith, The Agrarian Origins of Modern Japan (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1959), especially chapters 5-7; Fukutake Tadashi, Japanese Rural Society, trans. R. P. Dore (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1967), 82-84; and Sumiya, Industrialization, 22-23.

52. During the Tokugawa period the samurai ranked second after the daimyo * (feudal lord) in the social class structure. On the 6 percent who constituted the warrior class at the beginning of the Meiji period, see E. H. Norman, Feudal Backgrounds in Japanese Politics, in Dower, ed., Origins, especially chapter 3.

53. The electorate numbered 460,000; the population of Japan was 40.5 million. Voting laws were revised in 1900 and 1920, the number of voters being increased by about three times with each revision. Universal manhood suffrage was instituted in 1925.

54. An important form of Tokugawa hegemonic control that the shogun instituted (official and compulsory in 1634), the sankin kotai * system, required each feudal lord to maintain two residences, one in Edo and one in the feudal domain. This was part of a complicated and perpetual martial law system accompanied by minute rules as to behavior, residential orders concerning family members, number of followers, girls to the Tokugawas, and so on. The higher the status of the lord, the more ostentatious his estate in Edo; the more prone to independence, the greater the demands made upon him. The system's relationship to the spread of the money economy and the subsequent nationwide economy is discussed in Charles David Sheldon, The Rise of the Merchant Class in Tokugawa Japan, 1600-1868 (New York: Russell and Russell, 1958), 18-19.

55. Shorn of their status and privileges, former samurai led four uprisings between 1873 and 1877, the last and major one being the Satsuma rebellion. The government's solution to the problem of discontented former samurai was "based almost exclusively on officeholding, and this monopoly was not immediately in danger because no other class had yet the experience, education, and confidence to displace warriors in administration" (Thomas C. Smith, "Japan's Aristocratic Revolution," in Smith, Native Sources of Japanese Industrialization, 1750-1920 [Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988], 142). In 1876 the Meiji government put forward a scheme whereby members of the former feudal class received compensation that had varying effects. The average stipend paid to lower samurai was 415 yen, a paltry sum compared to the 97,000 yen for daimyo and 14,000 yen for former court nobles (Ohashi * , Nippon no kaikyukosei * , 16). See also Norman, Japan's Emergence, 201-5.

56. The number rose from 40,000 to 308,000 in three and a half decades (Yazaki, Social Change, 425). This was a little more than 1 percent of the total work force of 27 million (Lockwood, Economic Development, 462). In Tokyo, public and self-employed males constituted 11.6 percent of all males employed in 1918 and 10.8 percent in 1920 (Nakamura, Economic Growth, 126).

57. Nobutaka Ike, Japanese Politics (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1957), 145-46.

58. Tokyo (1886) and Kyoto (1897) Imperial Universities were the only two institutions given university status until 1903. Imperial universities established after the turn oft he century were Tohoku * (1907), Kyushu * (1910), and Hokkaido * (1918). See Japan's Modern Educational System, 128-30.

59. Ike, Japanese Politics, 146.

60. Kinmonth, Self-made Man, 184.

61. Although universal education was established in 1872, it was not until 1886 that comprehensive ordinances were instituted that unified and controlled educational content for all youth (Hane, Modern Japan, 101-5). See also Herbert Passin, Society and Education in Japan (Tokyo: Kodansha, 1982; New York: Columbia University Press, 1965), chapter 4.

62. Kinmonth, Self-made Man, 131. In 1892 approximately I5 percent of the over 2,000 reported college graduates were from Tokyo Imperial University (ibid., 132n).

63. Tokyo hyakunenshi, 4:512.

64. Aso * , "Nihon no kyoiku * to kigyo * seicho * ," 73. Keio developed networks with leading firms in trade and industry. Within seven years it was the major educational institution feeding into the Mitsubishi combine; see Kageyama Kiichi, "Howaito karaa no suii" (The transition to white-collar work), in Hazama, ed., Nihon no kigyo * , 182. By the turn of the century, Tokyo Higher Commercial College had entrance ratios higher than those of the First Higher School of Tokyo. Of its 2,692 graduates before 1911, more than one-third had entered commercial firms, 578 had positions in small businesses, and 359 were in banks. Its network with the Mitsui combine was impressive, for over 10 percent, or 346, of its alumni were in that concern alone ( Tokyo * koto * shogyogakko * dosokai * kaiinroku [Alumni list of Tokyo Higher Commercial College], 1911). Permanent status in the college could not be achieved until after a preparatory course and examination had been completed; see Seiko * 19:6 (1 December 1910), 93.

65. The College of Medicine required four years, the others (Law, Engineering, Literature, and Science), three ( Japan's Modern Educational System, 122). Significantly, public middle schools were originally established (1887) for boys only. In 1894 only 2,000 girls were enrolled in public girls' high schools, more in private schools, many of which were mission schools. See Passin, Society and Education, 97-98; Thomas P. Rohlen, Japan's High Schools (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1983), 59.

66. Japan's Modern Educational System, 125-27.

67. Kinmonth, Self-made Man, 187.

68. Ibid., 218.

69. Aso * , "Nihon no kyoiku * to kigyo * seicho * ," 73.

70. Kinmonth, Self-made Man, 133. Kinmonth stated that most histories present unemployment among educated youth as commencing after World War I, but, quoting a number of contemporary sources, he concluded that the condition existed at least two decades earlier. Lockwood pointed out that although there was sustained geographic and occupational mobility, the "unequal distribution of educational opportunity among the people, the cultural and technological lag of rural Japan, the technical and political factors which made certain industries the preserve of big financial cliques, the controls and subsidies applied by the State in the strategic realm, etc.," contributed to an "imperfect utilization of the country's manpower" (Lockwood, Economic Development, 480-81).

71. Nakamura, Economic Growth, 8, and Tokyo * hyakunenshi, 3:453-56.

72. Compulsory education was four years in 1886, then extended to six in 1908, but the number of students who continued on to middle school was considerable. This pattern was mainly found in the urban areas, particularly Tokyo, where the majority. of elite and nonelite schools were concentrated ( Japan's Modern Educational System, 165; Passin, Society and Education, 73). In 1900 compulsory education became free, and consequently the nationwide compulsory attendance rate rose to more than 90 percent for boys from 1900 and girls from 1904 (Passin, 79; Japan's Modern Educational System, 106). In the early 1900s 40 percent of the nation's "productive-age population" finished elementary school. By 1920 the number increased twofold (Sumiya, Industrialization, 77 and 129).

73. Futabatei Shimei, Ukigumo, trans. Marleigh G. Ryan, Japan's First Modern Novel: "Ukigumo" of Futabatei Shimei (New York: Columbia University Press, 1965), 193-356. Regarding Shimei, see Nakamura Mitsuo, Nihon no kindaishosetsu * (Japan's modern novels) (Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1954), 45-51. See also Masao Miyoshi, Accomplices of Silence: The Modern Japanese Novel (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1974), 17-37, on Shimei and Ukigumo, which Miyoshi placed in the context of early Meiji literary struggles and practices. He also noted instances of Ryan's "imprecise" translation.

74. Shimei, Ukigumo, 207-8.

75. Ibid., 208 and 224.

76. Ibid., 247.

77. Ibid., 247-48.

78. Kinmonth described the conceptual development of risshin shusse, placing it as early as the Tokugawa period, when it denoted a samurai's excellence in battle. The term underwent a number of changes in meaning and usage and in the Meiji years referred to achieving "publically recognized success" (Kinmonth, Self-made Man, 56-58).

79. Kinmonth argued that nintai developed different conceptual meanings: moral steadfastness, which necessitated time to achieve a goal of "discovery and innovation"; and chipping away to advancement, a reflection of the bureaucratic ethos (Kinmonth, Self-made Man, 69-71).

80. R. P. Dore, City Life in Japan (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1958), especially chapter 4. Dore compared standards of moral conduct and principles in Tokugawa society to those in the Meiji society, which were more generalized and dependent upon an individual's internal conscience. He described the "individuated person" as wanting most things "for himself or for specific individual others, not for some group," although this trait was not as accentuated in Japan as in Western societies.

81. Shimei's description forecasts the sarariiman (salary man). Kinmonth ( Self-made Man, 277-80 and 289-90) discussed the term sarariiman as having taken hold by the late 1910s. The earlier colloquialisms for low-salaried clerks were koshibento^{[ *]} , a Tokugawa term that literally meant "hanging a lunch from one's hip" (the male's obi , which was worn lower than the waist), and yofukusaimin^{[ *]} , the poor in Western clothing.

82. Yazaki, Social Change , 425; Gluck, Japan's Modern Myths , 60-61. However, bureaucratic authoritarianism should not be interpreted as a simple and direct descendant of samurai authoritarianism.

83. Botchan is a term of respect used by people of lower status (such as servants and storekeepers) to address sons of employers, customers, and other people of authority or higher station.

84. Soseki * Botchan , 35-36.

85. The usage of standardized Japanese was stressed in the schools and other public institutions. Dialects were considered backward. In some workplaces, debates were initiated and scheduled daily so that employees could learn the new standardized language (Yanagita, Meiji Taishoshi^{[ *]} , 1:170). The variety of dialects was extreme for a country as small as Japan. Furthermore, they were often incomprehensible in places other than where they originated. This was compounded by language protocols based on class, gender, and occupation. The differences are not as pronounced today, although they still exist; see Kindaichi Haruhiko, Nihongo (The Japanese language) (Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1957), 31-38. In the Taisho era Yamanote speech was considered the more refined form of speech, differentiating it clearly from Shitamachi speech. It included the use of appropriate honorifics when addressing people of greater authority—parents or older brothers and sisters—as well as Western terms such as "papa" and "mama" in Yamanote middle-class families ( Tokyo^{[ *]} hyakunenshi ), 4:346-48.

86. Soseki * seki, Botchan , 140-41.

87. See Gluck, Japan's Modern Myths , 73-101, for a discussion of the imperial institution as the symbol and Emperor Meiji as the personal manifestation of national unity.

88. Dore, City Life , 115.

89. Silverberg, "New Cultural History," 79.

90. Conflicts, turbulent action, and contestation constituted the regrounding of Meiji society. Peasant revolts in the early Meiji years, opposition to conscription, numerous workers' actions which began in the 1870s, protest actions at Tokyo Hibiya Park in 1905, the rice riots of 1918, and underground socialist/anarchist activities were some of the better-known political attempts to challenge authority in Japan. See Tetsuo Najita and J. Victor Koschmann, eds., Conflict in Modern Japanese History (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1982); Mikiso Hane, Peasants, Rebels, and Outcasts: The Underside of Modern Japan (New York: Pantheon, 1982); E. H. Norman, Soldier and Peasant in Japan (New York: Institute of Pacific Relations, 1943); Norman, Japan's Emergence , 178-87.

91. Tokyo^{[ *]} hyakunenshi , 3:847-48.

92. Ibid., 3:871-73.

93. Quoted in Kageyama, "Howaito karaa no suii," 176.

94. Shimazaki Toson * , The Family , trans. Cecilia Segawa Seigle (Tokyo: University of Tokyo Press, 1976).

95. Ibid., 29.

96. Ibid., 30.

97. Ibid., 179.

98. The translator, Cecilia Segawa Seigle, informed us that the novel is less a novel than a Shimazaki family history, for it closely followed the lives of each member of the family as far as the facts are known (Ibid., vii-xix).

99. Ibid., 151.

100. Ibid., xviii.

101. Prior to World War I, migrants into the cities, after initially experiencing employment in a trade, often would open their own businesses. These ranged from small enterprises such as noodle or sake stands to shops and putting-out households. "The scale of operation in many activities were almost infinitely divisible" (Koji Taira, Economic Development and the Labor Market in Japan [New York: Columbia University Press, 1970], 3-4).

102. In his short but important monograph on Japan's small and medium industries, Tokutaro Yamanaka stated that modernization could not have occurred without the dual existence of government-sponsored heavy industry and the small business sector, which produced foreign-exchange-earning exports and domestic consumer goods and services. "The imported industries [munitions, iron, steel, shipbuilding, spinning, etc., which utilized imported machinery] needed the native industries to pay for their equipment, and the native industries could only develop under conditions of economic independence which the imported industries helped to preserve. These two segments—westernized and indigenous—formed, so to speak, the 'two inseparable related wheels' of the Japanese economic structure. It was on these two wheels that Japan's Industrial Revolution rolled forward" (Yamanaka, History and Structure , 34).

103. Ibid., 7. See also Lockwood, Economic Development , 210-11.

104. The government encouraged the formation of trade associations in 1884, 1898, and 1900, but these efforts fell short of helping. Rather, quality controls were placed on goods for exports, creating negative results (Yamanaka, History and Structure , 35).

105. Interest rates varied depending upon the amount of loan and where it was secured. The less the loan, the higher the interest rate; small agricultural loans cost more than nonagricultural loans. A law to ban usury was passed in 1877, but it remained "a dead letter" (Lockwood, Economic Development , 288). On small businesses, see Lockwood, 206-12.

106. Yamanaka, History and Structure , 18-19.

107. "Without breaking ties with their traditional callings, they took on two or more activities and invested their total income where most beneficial to themselves. At times they even funded and managed enterprises in the modern sector the better to carry on traditional businesses. Cold calculations of rates of return and of risk led to the diversification and dispersion of capital. Naturally, these small capitalists did not indulge in objective assessments of the contribution that the resulting new industries would make to economic growth. They just followed the path to wealth" (Nakamura, Economic Growth , 109-10).

108. The economic status of a large number of small businessmen "was no higher than that of the male factory hand . . . and even less in the way of capital resources or modern skills" (Lockwood, Economic Development , 210).

109. Dore, City Life , 210.

110. Toson * , The Family , 42-43.

111. Dore, City Life , 210.

1. Seiko^{[ *]} 5:1 (1 July 1904), 52.

2. Many words of Portuguese and Dutch origin of the Tokugawa period have remained to this day: Portuguese terms such as velludo (velvet), pão de Castella (sponge cake), and tabaco (tobacco) for the Japanese birodo^{[ *]} , kasutera , and tabako ; and the Dutch oblaat (a wrapper for powdered medicines), alcohol, bier (beer), and jak (vest), which converted to the Japanese oburaato, arukoru^{[ *]} , biiru , and chokki . The Dutch conversions were by far the most numerous, noticeably so in the fields of science and medicine (Yazaki Genkuro * , Nihon no gairaigo [Japanese words of foreign origin] [Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1964], 53-79).

3. Ibid., 87-88.

4. Ibid., 84.

5. Mori Arinori (1847-1889), envoy to the United States, England, and China and the first minister of education in 1885, suggested early in his career that Japanese be replaced by English and corresponded with American educators in 1872 asking their views on the subject (Roy Andrew Miller, Japan's Modern Myth [New York: Weatherhill, 1982], 108). Mori's political position in the Meiji government was far from radical, however; he preached absolute and conservative statism and viewed education as the important vehicle by which to disseminate state ideology.

6. The middle school was reorganized in 1899, deemphasizing its former vocational aspect and establishing entrance and teacher qualification requirements ( Japan's Modern Educational System , 117). Between 1902 and 1906 the average enrollment of middle school students was 100,000, a tenfold increase in ten years (Kinmonth, Self-made Man , 1981, 180).

7. A vast assortment of magazines for different interests, age and gender groups, predominantly for the rapidly forming middle class, poured out from the Hakubunkan presses, as did government primary school textbooks, encyclopedia, and books for a general audience on current affairs, economics, law, and politics. Two of its best-sellers were popular treatments of the Sino-Japanese and Russo-Japanese wars. In 1897, ten years after issuing its first publication, Hakubunkan had published twenty-nine magazines and more than 1,000 books; it controlled bookstores, printing shops, paper plants, and subsidiary publishing houses in a comprehensive enterprise that combined all aspects of the publishing business. See Ohashi^{[ *]} Sahei to Hakubunkan (Ohashi * Sahei and Hakubunkan) (Private collection, n.d.), 211-14. Yanagita wrote about the rapid appearance of a large variety of published works, the growing "avarice of a reading public," and the phenomenal development of the publishing industry (Yanagita Kunio, Meiji Taishoshi^{[ *]} , 2:214-16).

8. See Kinmonth, Self-made Man , chapter 1, for a discussion of Samuel Smiles's work.

9. For instance, Eisai shinshi (Talent magazine), Kokumin no tomo (Friend of the people), Shonenen^{[ *]} (Garden for youth), and Chugaku^{[ *]} sekai (World of the middle school); see Kinmonth, Self-made Man , 62, 108, 123, and 164. Kinmonth analyzed more than thirty self-advancement magazines for youth published from the 1870s to 1920s in his study on the ethos of the Japanese white-collar worker. See also Shimbun no ayumi (Development of newspapers) (Tokyo: National Diet Library, 1972).

10. Kato * and Maeda, Meiji medeako^{[ *]} , 56.

11. Kinmonth, Self-made Man , 159.

12. Quoted in Yoshitake Oka, "Generational Conflict after the Russo-Japanese War," in Najita and Koschmann, eds., Conflict in Modern Japanese History , 198-99.

13. Kinmonth, Self-made Man , 166. R .P. Dore wrote that Seiko^{[ *]} promoted individual self-attainment, encouraging a person "of character who helps himself and respects himself, lives by his own enterprise and his own toil, and creates his own fate" (Dore, "Mobility, Equality, and Individuation in Modern Japan," in R. P. Dore, ed., Aspects of Social Change in Modern Japan (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1967), 113-50.

14. Kinmonth, Self-made Man , 175.

15. Of the roughly 55,000 individuals of student age in Tokyo in 1901, not all gained entry into an educational institution, for 20,000 were not enrolled in any school ( Tokyo^{[ *]} hyakunenshi , 3:310-14).

16. Seiko^{[ *]} 6:4 (1 April 1905), 181-83, and 6:5 (1 May 1905), 17-22. Keio and Tokyo Higher Commercial College graduates, however, consistently fed into the Mitsui and Mitsubishi combines and had entrance ratios comparable to that of the First Higher School.

17. A quick search at the National Diet Library in Tokyo shows that of books published between the turn of the century and 1926, close to 250 titles concerning the United States are still extant.

18. Tobei shimpo^{[ *]} , 6:9 (15 September 1908).

19. Kinmonth, Self-made Man , 188.

20. Yanabu tells us that in the early Meiji years, individual was translated in various ways (ichikojin, hitori , or the complicated jinminkakko) . None of the translations encompassed the concept of the individual's relationship with society; all signified a self-centeredness. The educator Fukuzawa Yukichi translated individual as hito (person), the commonly used Japanese noun, but its very commonness failed to convey the abstract complexities of individual . Nevertheless, the use of hito helped to promote the use of what Fukuzawa referred to as odayakanaru (reasonable, moderate) Japanese in translation as opposed to shikakubatta (formal, angular) Japanese. Ichikojin was used extensively until the mid-1880s, when kojin began to appear, and in 1891, when individualisme was translated as kojinshugi in a French-Japanese dictionary, kojin gradually came to be used more widely. See Yanabu, Honyakugo seiritsujijo^{[ *]} , 25-42.

21. Seiko^{[ *]} 4:5 (15 May 1904), 10-14.

22. Ibid., 12.

23. Seiko^{[ *]} 4:6 (1 June 1904), 43.

24. Amerika 12:9 (September 1908), 1-4.

25. Ibid., 2.

26. Ibid., 3.

27. Seiko^{[ *]} 14:1 (1 June 1908), 7-10. Abe Iso * (1865-1949), educated at the first Japanese-administered Christian school, Doshisha Foreign Language School (later University), was a pastor in Japan for four years, then attended Hartford Theological Seminary. He was a key founding member of the short-lived Social Democratic Party in 1901. In the 1920s he became president of a renewed Social Democratic Party and was elected to the Diet in 1928. An advocate of baseball, he admired the utility men for their prowess in playing various positions. "I learned in baseball to obey the captain without question," he wrote, expressing his strong sense of discipline and cooperation. See Cyril H. Powles, "Abe Isoo: The Utility Man," in Nobuya Bamba and John F. Howes, eds., Pacificism in Japan (Kyoto: Minerva Press, 1978), 143-67.

28. Seiko^{[ *]} 19:1 (1 September 1910), 31-34.

29. Seiko^{[ *]} 24:2 (1 November 1912), 33-35. Educated at MIT, Dan Takuma (1858-1932) taught English until the government hired him to supervise the Miike coal mines in 1881. He retained this important position after the Mitsui Company bought the mines in 1888 and later headed Mitsui's mining enterprises and became chairman of the board.

30. Ibid., 35.

31. Lockwood, Economic Development , 249-51. See also the discussions on technology and capital in Lockwood, chapters 4 and 5, and in Nakamura, Economic Growth , 60-68.

32. Lockwood, Economic Development , 28-32.

33. John W. Dower, "E. H. Norman, Japan and the Uses of History," in Dower, ed., Origins of the Modern Japanese State: Selected Writings of E. H. Norman (New York: Pantheon Books, 1975), 31.

34. The Meiji period saw a constant condition of low wages and instability and low morale of the work force (Taira, Economic Development , 4). Taira challenged the assumption among some Japanologists that Meiji economic development was rapid and amazing. He interpreted the Meiji Restoration not as a bourgeois revolution but as a revolution in favor of and regulated by the market. Therefore, general economic growth as defined by the appearance of capital-intensive factories was slow. See also Lockwood, Economic Development , 138-144, for a discussion of the Japanese standard of living, 1868-1914.

35. The higher one's place on the Tokugawa social scale, the less one handled money, that responsiblity being given to wives, trusted employees, and servants. On the surface, money was handled casually, but in reality money management was done poorly. See Yanagita Kunio, Japanese Manners and Customs in the Meiji Era , trans. Charles S. Terry (Tokyo: Obunsha, 1957), 122. On Tokugawa merchants see E. H. Norman, Japan's Emergence as a Modern State (1940), in Dower, ed., Origins , 156-65.

36. Seiko^{[ *]} 6:1 (1 January 1905), 20-21.

37. Seiko^{[ *]} 10:4 (1 December 1906), 18.

38. Seiko^{[ *]} 15:5 (1 March 1909), 59-65.

39. The early political newspapers assumed a role as voices of newly formed political parties, mainly critical of the new Meiji government. To counter anti-government criticism, a law restricting freedom of the press was enacted in 1875, then strengthened by revisions in the 1880s, and finally replaced by the Press Law of 1909. Gradually but comprehensively, all publications came under Home Ministry jurisdiction, army and navy censorship, and police enforcement, which weakened and rendered ineffective any liberal opposition voice (Kato * and Maeda, Meiji medeako * , 136-37; Norman, Feudal Background , 444-46; and Mikiso Hane, Modern Japan , 119-20). In 1875 sixty journalists were arrested (James L. Huffman, Politics of the Meiji Press: The Life of Fukuchi Ger'ichiro * [ Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1980], 105). Newspaper editors were routinely arrested, to the point that newspapers hired editors whose "chief duty . . . was to serve prison sentences" (Sansom, Western World , 352). See also Gluck, Japan's Modern Myths , 50-53, for discussion of government suppression and effects on the shaping of political consciousness; and Jay Rubin, Injurious to Public Morals: Writers and the Meiji State (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1984), on the establishment and maintenance of censorship.

40. Huffman, Meiji Press , 164.

41. Takagi Takeo, Shimbun shosetsushi^{[ *]} : Meijihen (History of newspaper novels of the Meiji period) (Tokyo: Kokusho kankokai, 1974), 105.

42. Shimbun no ayumi , 16-17.

43. Yanagita rated the proliferation of translated works as products of "indiscriminate choices," which were like "candy and fruit" but nevertheless broadened readers' world (Yanagita, Meiji Taishoshi^{[ *]} , 2:215-16).

44. Takagi, Shimbun shosetsushi^{[ *]} , 267.

45. Kato * and Maeda, Meiji medeako^{[ *]} , 57-60. Natsume Soseki * decided to give up his profession as a provincial teacher to become a full-time writer, joining the staff of Tokyo Asahi in 1907. The Yomiuri then lost its status as the top literary newspaper. Shimbunhanbai hyakunenshi (One hundred years of newspaper sales) (Tokyo: Nihon shimbunhanbai kyokai, 1972), 329.

46. Yomiuri shimbun , 5 April-1 June 1897. Shunyo * was a leading protégé of the popular novelist Ozaki Koyo * and became known as a writer of the moralistic katei shosetsu^{[ *]} (family novels), a form that became extremely popular in the late 1890s. These works were easy to read and understand by males and females, young and old. They centered around themes concerning the family, contained "healthy common sense" (usually with women as main characters), and had outcomes in which morality was always the victor (Takagi, Shimbun shosetsushi^{[ *]} , 344).

47. In 1887 Disraeli's autobiographical novel, Contarini Fleming , Poe's The Black Cat , and Dumas' The Three Musketeers appeared as serialized newspaper novels (Takagi, Shimbun shosetsushi^{[ *]} , 110 and 233).

48. Yomiuri shimbun , 15 April 1897. "Smelling of butter" ( batakusai ) connotes that which is intrinsic to the West, whether manners of behavior, attitudes, or material things.

49. Ozaki Koyo * , Konjikiyasha (Tokyo: Shinchosha, 1969); originally published in Yomiuri shimbun , 1 January 1897-11 May 1902.

50. Takagi, Shimbun shosetsushi^{[ *]} , 273. Between 1893 and 1902, six Bertha Clay novels appeared as newspaper series, translated by Kuroiwa Ruiko * ( 1862-1920), the prolific and popular writer of detective and romantic stories and owner of the liberal newspaper Yorozu choho^{[ *]} (Takagi, 242-43). More than forty Clay novels are listed in the National Union Catalog: Between Two Hearts (1893); Another Man's Wife (1890); Another Woman's Husband (1892); A Dead Heart (1880); Her Only Sin (1900); and so on. These titles give us a sense of the focus in her novels. Although the author's name was a pseudonym of Charlotte Mary Brame, a number of other writers admittedly assumed the same pen name.

51. Takagi, Shimbun shosetsushi^{[ *]} , 293. During periods when his creative level was low and he could not keep up with the newspaper's demands, Koyo * coauthored works with his protégés or his name was included as reviewer/reviser of novels by other writers (Takagi, 271).

52. Quoted in ibid., 269.

53. Ibid., 283.

54. Ibid., 276.

55. Ibid., 274-75.

56. Quoted in ibid., 278.

57. The Atami beach scene was so renowned that it became immortalized by a popular song in the 1930s.

58. Koyo * , Konjikiyasha , 103-5.

59. Ibid., 8-9.

60. Ibid., 485, note 3.

61. Literary scholar Saigusa Yasutaka placed Konjikiyasha in the framework of a new capitalist consciousness that became pronounced after the Sino-Japanese War, when social class differences were becoming more clearly defined. He analyzed the novel as a reaction to and critique of the increasingly prominent attachment to money and materialism. See Saigusa Yasutaka, Kindai bungaku no risozo^{[ *]} (The ideal image in modern literature) (Tokyo: Kakushobo, 1961), 123-24.

62. Seiko^{[ *]} 22:6 (13 April 1912), 165-74. Kori * (high interest; usury) is a homonym for ice in Japanese. A-i-su became the coded term used for usurers.

63. A law was passed to curb usury in 1877, but high interest rates continued to plague Japan, especially the small borrower, whose actual cost of credit could reach 100 percent (Lockwood, Economic Development , 289). The usury trade was given a boost after the 1907 panic ( Tokyo^{[ *]} hyakunenshi , 3:475).

1. Nevertheless, significant emigration outside of Japan was absent. This meant that urban growth represented ''in essence" Japan's natural increase in population between 1872 and 1955 (Wilkinson, Urbanization of Japanese Labor , 39-40 and 52). See my chapter 3, note 12, for numerical chart of key areas of Japanese emigration.

2. Shimanuki Hyodayu * , Shintobeiho^{[ *]} (New passport regulations for crossing to America) (Tokyo: Hakubunkan, 1911), 51-55.

3. Ibid., 38.

4. Ichioka, The Issei , 11-12.

5. Various forms of netsu (fever; craze) prevailed in the mid-Meiji period, pronouncedly so after the Russo-Japanese War. Seiko netsu, tokai netsu (city fever), Tokyo^{[ *]} netsu, jitsugyo^{[ *]} netsu (business fever), and kigyo^{[ *]} netsu (enterprise fever), among others, were, in Gluck's interpretation, ideologically motivated descriptions of social upheaval and problems (Gluck, Japan's Modern Myths , 157-63). Tokyo * netsu took hold in conjunction with youth migration to Tokyo and the phenomenal increase in the establishment of middle, higher, and vocational schools and colleges during the last decade of the nineteenth century. However, in 1901 more than one-third of the youth who went to Tokyo did not gain entry into an educational institution ( Tokyo^{[ *]} hyakunenshi 3:310-14).

6. Amerika 12:6 (June 1908), 25.

7. Seiko^{[ *]} 19:1 (1 September 1910), 31-34.

8. Shimanuki, Shintobeiho^{[ *]} , 76.

9. Seiko^{[ *]} 5:3 (1 September 1904), 36. See also, Shimanuki Hyodayu * , Saikin tobeisaku (Recent notes on crossing to America) (Tokyo: Nippon Rikikokai, 1904), 68-69.

10. In preparing for the immigration authorities' examinations, the Japanese were warned to be physically fit. They should not have trachoma; their eyes should be clear; a venereal disease would prevent their landing; and they had to get rid of pimples and make sure their teeth were in good condition. Finally, Western clothing impressed immigration officials. To avoid becoming an object of ridicule, it was important to practice wearing Western clothes before leaving Japan (Shimanuki, Shintobeiho^{[ *]} , 85). See also Katayama Sen, Tobei no hiketsu (Secrets of crossing to America) (Tokyo: Shuppankyokai, 1906), 8-9.

11. Shimanuki Hyodayu * , Saikin seikaku tobei annai (Newest authentic introduction to crossing to America) (Tokyo: Chuyodo, 1901), 118-19.

12. Amerika 12:6 (June 1908), 30-31.

13. Shimanuki, Shintobeiho^{[ *]} , 33.

14. Shimanuki, Saikin seikaku tobei annai , 114; Seiko^{[ *]} 5:3 (1 September 1904), 36.

15. Amerika 12:6 (June 1908), 31.

16. After the Russo-Japanese War, Great Britain raised its legation in Japan to the level of embassy, a policy followed by the major European powers and the United States. Diplomatic practice up to World War I prescribed that the exchange of embassies and ambassadors be mutual only between the great powers, a fact not ignored by the Japanese. Oka, "Generational Conflict," 202, n.11.

17. Shimanuki, Shintobeiho^{[ *]} , 32-34.

18. Amerika 12:6 (June 1908), 30.

19. Shimanuki, Shintobeiho^{[ *]} , 49.

20. Tobei shimpo^{[ *]} 6:10 (15 October 1908), 9-10.

21. Seiko^{[ *]} 10:3 (1 November 1906), 16.

22. Seiko^{[ *]} 5:3 (1 September 1904), 36; Tobei shimpo^{[ *]} 6:10 (15 October 1908), 11.

23. Tobei shimpo^{[ *]} 6:9 (15 September 1908), 5 and 25-26.

24. Shimanuki, Shintobeiho^{[ *]} , 34.

25. Ibid., 35.

26. Shimanuki Hyodayu * , Rikikokai^{[ *]} towa nanzoya (What is the Rikikokai?), ed. Aizawa Genshichi (Tokyo: Hobundo, 1980; originally published 1911).

27. In 1904 entering middle-school students numbered 20,000, of which 10 percent would enter universities and 26 percent, junior colleges. See John W. Bennett, Herbert Passin, and Robert McKnight, In Search of Identity: The Overseas Scholar in America and Japan (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1958), 33.

28. The name was taken from the Chinese phrase meaning "studying under adversity. and exerting strenuous effort." Rikiko^{[ *]} is Romanized as Rikko * in some works today, but according to the kana reading in Shimanuki's writings, he chose the former.

29. Kinmonth, Self-made Man, 245.

30. Shimanuki Hyodayu * , Seikono^{[ *]} hiketsu (Sendai: Kogando, 1892); Shimanuki, ed., Jitchi tobei (Tokyo: Rikikokai, 1905). Some personal stories of Rikikokai * members are included in Kazuo Ito, Issei: A History of Japanese Immigrants in North America (Seattle: Executive Committee for Publication of Issei , 1973).

31. Shimanuki, Shintobeiho^{[ *]} , 6-7.

32. The annual wage in 1904 of a Tokyo municipal employee (including the mayor) was 332 yen, less than one yen per day. Tokyoshi^{[ *]} tokei^{[ *]} nenpyo^{[ *]} (Annual statistics of the city of Tokyo), 1909. In 1914 the monthly salary. of a low-level company employee in Tokyo was twenty-five yen, of which, for a family of three, 53 percent was needed for food (Ishizuka, Tokyo^{[ *]} no shakaikeizaishi , 260).

33. Shimanuki, Shintobeiho^{[ *]} , 6-7.

34. Kodansha Encyclopedia of Japan (Tokyo: Kodansha, 1983) 6:95-96, 140; 7:86, 99.

35. Shimanuki informs us that "Dr. Harris," "father to the Japanese in the United States," dedicated his life to "ridding the world of evil" after the Civil War ( Tobei shimpo^{[ *]} 1:1 [May 1907], 3). Merriman Colbert Harris (1846-1921) and his wife were Methodist missionaries in Hokkaido and Tokyo. In 1886 they were transferred to work with the Japanese on the Pacific Coast and Hawaii and organized the Pacific Japanese Mission. They returned to Tokyo in 1905 when Harris was appointed bishop of Japan and Korea; he became bishop emeritus in 1916. He was awarded an imperial decoration and lived in Tokyo until his death. Dictionary of American Biography (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1946-58), 4:316-17.

36. Tobei shimpo^{[ *]} 2:1 (15 September 1907), 41-44.

38. Tobei shimpo^{[ *]} 6:10 (15 October 1908).

39. Shimanuki, Shintobeibo^{[ *]} , 85ff.

40. Tobei shimpo^{[ *]} 6:9 (15 September 1908).

41. Shimanuki, Shintobeiho^{[ *]} , 45.

42. Tobei shimpo^{[ *]} 6:9 (15 September 1908).

43. Tobei shimpo^{[ *]} 1:1 (May 1907) and 2:1 (15 September 1907). The Kanda district was fast-developing as Tokyo's secondhand bookstore area and remains so today.

44 . Tobei shimpo^{[ *]} 1:1 (15 May 1907), 23-26. Nitobe Inazo * (1862-1933) can be considered an archetypal Japanese Christian of this period. He attended Tokyo Imperial University and Johns Hopkins University and later studied in Germany. Under the influence of the Methodist "Dr. Harris," he became a Christian and married a Philadelphia Quaker. He is noted as the leading Christian educator of the Meiji-Taisho period, founder of Tokyo Woman's Christian College (later University), Japanese representative to international conferences, and the only non-Caucasian to hold the high office of undersecretary at the League of Nations. He was author of a number of works on Japan in English, including his famous book on bushido^{[ *]} ( Kodansha Encyclopedia 6:21-22).

45. Tobei shimpo^{[ *]} 6:9 (15 September 1908), 5.

46. Shimanuki, Shintobeiho^{[ *]} , 13-14.

47. Sharon L. Sievers, Flowers in Salt: The Beginnings of Feminist Consciousness in Modern Japan (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1983), 104. A higher girls' school law calling for one institution in each prefecture was passed in 1899 (Passin, Society and Education , 98). However, it was not until 1911 that an accredited women's college was established. By 1928 there were only 37 colleges for women, as opposed to 222 for men (Hane, Modern Japan , 214).

48. However, Japan was not without demonstrations of opposition. The most notable occurred in February 1891, when the Christian pacifist Uchimura Kanzo * (1861-1930), a faculty member at the First Higher School in Tokyo, refused to show appropriate obeisance before the document. For some of Uchimura's writings see Ryusaku Tsunoda, Wm. Theodore de Bary, and Donald Keene, comps., Sources of Japanese Tradition (New York: Columbia University Press, 1958), 2:340-50.

49. Tokyo^{[ *]} hyakunenshi 3:358-60; Gluck, Japan's Modern Myths , 132-35.

50. Hane, Modern Japan , 177.

51. Katayama Sen, Jiden (Autobiography) (Tokyo: Kaizosha, 1922), 196-255; Sumiya Mikio, Katayama Sen (Tokyo: Tokyo daigaku shuppankai, 1977), 9-19; Hyman Kublin, Asian Revolutionary: The Life of Katayama Sen (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1964), 47-87.

52. Kublin, Asian Revolutionary , 51.

53. Katayama, Jiden , 232-34; 250-51.

54. From an 1897 article by Katayama, quoted in Sumiya, Katayama Sen , 15. Katayama wrote in 1896 that strikes were an important "weapon of the working class" but added that "they did not help workers and inflicted great damage." In 1897 he wrote: "The solution to the labor situation lies in workers' education through organizing"; "progress can then be made gradually, and strikes will no longer be necessary" (Sumiya, 48, 50-51).

55. From an 1897 article in a Christian newspaper, quoted in Sumiya, Katayama Sen , 40.

56. Katayama Sen, Tobei annai , 7. According to Sumiya Mikio, two editions of Tobei annai were published: Gakusei tobei annai (Students' introduction to America) in 1901 and Tobei annai in 1903. The difference between the two was that the latter edition included a seven-page chapter on Katayama's student days in the United States. The edition I refer to is the latter, even though the publication date is listed as 1901 in the National Diet Library catalog. The catalog also includes two books by Katayama, one on English conversation and composition and the other on business English, letters, and forms, both published in 1897.

57. Quoted in Sumiya, Katayama Sen , 137.

58. Ibid., 137; Katayama, Tobei no hiketsu , 1.

59. Katayama Sen, Zoku tobei annai (Tokyo: Tobei kyokai, 1902).

60. Tobei zasshi eventually became Amerika .

61. Sumiya, Katayama Sen , 143.

62. Ibid., 211-12. He claimed in 1896 to have taken the name Joseph because the Japanese ideographs Jo-se-fu meant "the man who saves the world."

63. When Rodosekai^{[ *]} began publication in 1897, Katayama served as secretary of the newly founded Iron Workers' Union, helping to unionize railroad engineers, firemen, plasterers, printers, cargo boat workers, cooks, and furniture makers, among others. He traveled endlessly throughout Japan giving speeches and attending public meetings and conferences. In 1904 he attended the national convention of the American Socialist Party in Chicago and the Sixth Congress of the Second International, Amsterdam, representing the socialists of Japan. See Katayama Sen, The Labor Movement in Japan (Chicago: Charles H. Kerr & Co., 1918), 38-84.

64. For instance, Shimanuki's works; Ishizuka Iozo * , Genkon tobei annai (Introducing contemporary America) (1903); Yamane Goichi, ed., Saikin tobei annai (Introducing America today) (Tokyo: Tobei zasshisha, 1906); Kato * Joshiro * , Zaibeidobo^{[ *]} hattenshi (The history of our compatriots in America) (Tokyo: Hakubunkan, 1908); Tabata Kisaburo * , Zaibeisha seikono^{[ *]} tomo (Friend of our successful countrymen in America) (Tokyo: Shimizu shoten, 1908); Watanabe Kanjiro * , Kaigai dekasegi annai (Guide for workers going abroad) (Tokyo: Tokyo naigai shuppankyokai, 1902); Hirata Eishi, Tobei annai (Kobe: n.p., 1916); and Iijima Eitaro * , Beikoku toko^{[ *]} annai (Guide to crossing to America) (Tokyo, 1902).

65. Katayama, Zoku tobei annai , 3-5.

66. Ibid., 4; Katayama, Tobei annai , 6-7.

67. Katayama, Zoku tobei annai , 5.

68. Katayama, Tobei annai , 9.

69. Ibid., 6-7.

70. Ibid., I.

71. Cited in Sumiya, Katayama Sen , 141, from Katayama's article of 1902 on population increase and labor.

72. Katayama, Tobei annai , 14. The picture is of a farmer with the hem of his work kimono shoved up into his sash, thus exposing his loincloth without shame.

73. For instance, "Hints for Those Going to America" paved the way for proper behavior: Be back in the hotel before midnight; no noise; don't go out of your room in nightclothes; draw your blinds; no spitting; keep the buttons on your pants closed; be on time—Americans hate lateness; on visits cut your nails and comb your hair; and so on (Hirata, Tobei annai , 49-50).

74. Katayama, Jiden , 262.

75. Katayama, Tobei annai , 41.

76. Ibid., 21-24.

77. Katayama, Jiden , 234-36.

78. Katayama, Tobei annai , 24-36.

79. The 33rd Fruit Growers' Convention Proceedings of 1907 described Asians as "well-adapted to that particular form of labor to which so many white men object" (Fisher, Harvest Labor Market , 16). Sacramento rice farmer and state senator John P. Irish wrote about the harvest of "low growing field crops" and fruit: "[They] call for reliable labor, resistant to climatic conditions and able to sustain the stopping posture. . .. [T]he short-backed, short-legged Asiatics have proved reliable in all this squat work which must be performed in a temperature of 100 to 110 degrees" (Irish, "Reasons for Encouraging Japanese Immigration," The Annals 34 [September 1909]).

80. Katayama, Tobei no hiketsu , 5-13.

81. Cited in Sumiya, Katayama Sen , 140-41.

82. William Jewitt Tucker (1839-1926) was professor of sacred rhetoric at Andover from 1880. His particular concern was with the social responsibilities of the church, in connection with which he developed courses in sociology. and founded Andover House, a settlement that influenced Katayama deeply. Tucker's participation in the publishing of the Andover Review attracted the attention of the conservative wing of Congregationalism, and he and four other professors were tried and acquitted before a board of the seminary. In 1893 he became president of Dartmouth College ( Dictionary of American Biography , 10:41-42).

83. On Katayama's description of Northfield and Moody see Jiden , 238-42. Dwight Lyman Moody (1837-1899) began his evangelistic career when he organized a sabbath school over a city market in Chicago. He eventually devoted his life to evangelical and philanthropic work, working with soldiers during the Civil War, then traveled throughout the British Isles, the United States, and Canada, using Northfield, Massachusetts, as his base of operation. His first conference for male college students, in 1886, was so well-attended that he decided to hold it annually. Similar conferences for women occurred beginning in 1893 ( Dictionary of American Biography , 7:103-6).

84. Sumiya, Katayama Sen , 20-23; Kublin, Asian Revolutionary , 75-82.

85. Katayama, Jiden , 251-72. Katayama described Glasgow, with its razed slums, city-run tenements, city-owned water system, and rent for workers at 20 percent of their wages, as a "supreme model" of city, reform.

86. Katayama wrote in his autobiography many years later that Maryville was a "fourth or fifth-rate institution" built for blacks and poor whites. Blacks could be enrolled, although "unenthusiastically," and were not treated equally ( Jiden , 216).

87. Katayama, Tobei annai , 60; Jiden , 196.

88. Katayama, Tobei annai , 49. Niishima Jo * (1843-1890), one of the earliest Christian leaders, left Japan on an American whaling ship before the seclusion laws were lifted. Befriended by the captain, who took him to New England, he attended Amherst College and Andover Theological Seminary. After returning to Japan, he became a Congregational minister and founded Do * shisha English Language School (later University) in Kyoto in 1875, the first Christian institution founded by a Japanese. See Chitoshi Yanaga, Japan Since Perry (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1949), 34 and 126.

89. Tabata, Zaibeisha seiko * no tomo , 30.

90. Kinmonth, Self-made Man , 191-92.

91. The Russo-Japanese War and the Japanese government's suppression of the antiwar and social-democratic Heimin shimbun (Commoners' newspaper) in 1905 directly influenced Kotoku's * conversion to anarchism. Until then he was a pacifist and believed in socialism through electoral action. In 1910 he was arrested as the leader of a plot to assassinate the emperor, tried secretly, and executed the following year with eleven others, including his lover, Kanno Suga, the first woman to be executed as a political prisoner in Meiji Japan. See Masamichi Asukai, "Kotoku * Shusui * and His Socialism and Pacifism," in Nobuya Bamba and John F. Howes, eds., Pacifism in Japan (Tokyo: Minerva Press, 1978), 123-41; and Tokyo^{[ *]} hyakunenshi , 3:1194-1202. For a biography of Kotoku * see Fred Notehelfer, Kotoku Shusui: Portrait of a Japanese Radical (Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 1971). On Kanno Suga see Sievers, Flowers in Salt , chapter 7, and Mikiso Hane, ed. and trans., Reflections on the Way to the Gallows: Rebel Women in Prewar Japan (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988), chapter 3.

92. "At the time propaganda for a pure and simple trade union movement was more and more severely dealt with by the authorities, our labor politics and Socialist agitation had comparative freedom and was rather popular among the people" (Katayama, The Labor Movement in Japan , 62-63).

93. Raising rice in Texas interested Katayama as early as 1902. He wrote in Zoku tobei annai that production and profits were high and that "because there are many uneducated black wretches . . . loathed by whites, Japanese workers would be welcome" (Katayama, Zoku tobei annai , 6).

94. Quoted in Sumiya, Katayama Sen , 154-55, from Kawakami Kiyoshi, "Japanese on American Farms," The Independent , 26 October 1905.

95. Japanese-American Commercial Weekly , 26 May 1906. The news item stated that Okazaki Jokichi * , Katayama's partner, raised 200,000 yen with the "wealthy merchant" Iwasaki and planned to establish an agricultural company and promote Texas agriculture for those with 1,000 yen or more as capital. Katayama was not mentioned. On the Texas enterprise, see also Sumiya, Katayama Sen , 152-58, and Kublin, Asian Revolutionary , 193-94. Sumiya, referring to a San Francisco Japanese newspaperman's account, wrote that the partner appeared in San Francisco with "twenty-some-odd agricultural workers," but the San Francisco immigration officials, suspecting that they were contract laborers, refused to let them proceed to Texas. Kublin, quoting from the same account, wrote that Katayama's partner engaged in a "fraudulent scheme" of promising but not providing Japanese immigrant laborers and ran off with the money. In any case, the venture was fraught with conflict and trouble.

96. Sumiya, Katayama Sen , 54, citing Katayama's 1898 article, "To Capitalists."

97. Documents made public in 1963 proved this to be part of an official conspiracy to ban the activities of socialists, anarchists, and social reformers (Asukai, "Kotoku * Shusui * ," 123 ).

98. Watanabe Haruo, Katayama Sen to tomoni [ith Katayama Sen] (Tokyo: Wakosha, 1955), 17-84, centers on the writer's friendship with Katayama, socialism, and Japanese socialists in New York City.

99. Kublin, Asian Revolutionary , 46.

100. Sumiya, Katayama Sen , 224.

101. Ibid., 237.

102. Katayama, Tobei annai , 2-3.

103. Ibid., 4-5.

104. Sumiya, Katayama Sen , 139.

105. Tobei shimpo * 1:1 (May 1907), 2.

106. Ishizuka, Genkon tobei annai , 5-6.

107. Nihonteikoku tokei^{[ *]} nenkan (Annual statistics of the empire of Japan), 1907.

108. Seiko * 4:6 (1 June 1904), 31.

109. Mark R. Peattie, "Introduction," in Ramon H. Myers and Mark R. Peattie, eds., The Japanese Colonial Empire , 1895-1945 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1984), 13-15.

110. Kato * Jushiro * , Zaibeidobo^{[ *]} hattenshi, 21-22.

111. Masuji Miyakawa, Life of Japan (New York: Baker and Taylor, 1907), 300-1.

112. Miyakawa Setsuro * , Beikoku no uraomote (America inside and outside) (Tokyo: Kobundo, 1920), 124-27.

113. In its article on Japan's imperialist expansionism, Seiko portrayed pre-Sino-Japanese War attitudes toward China and its culture as deference, for it was "our mother country which we followed as our model." However, after the war an ideological turnabout occurred, and "what we had called Chukajin^{[ *]} [people of the middle kingdom] became chanchan bozu^{[ *]} [an offensive term comparable to "Chinaman"] or went so far as to refer to them as tonbikan [pigtail Chinese ]." Japan had won victory in the "competition for power." See Seiko 4:6 (1 June 1904), 30.

1. Mr. Sano to Florence Egnus, 27 May 1925, Honpojinmibun^{[ *]} oyobi seikochosa^{[ *]} zaigai honpojin^{[ *]} (Miscellaneous documents concerning status, character, and conduct of Japanese citizens: citizens abroad), vol. 1 (unbound) 1921-1926, (hereafter cited as Honpojinmibun^{[ *]} ), RG 3.8.8.22, DFMJ.

2. Japanese Consul General, New York, to Foreign Ministry, Tokyo, 23 April 1925, Honpojinmibun^{[ *]} .

3. Japanese law required citizens who came to the United States to register at their local Japanese consular office within seven days of their arrival. This entitled them to receive a certificate of residency. See chapter 3 herein regarding the establishment of the registration system. Kenzo *   probably received special treatment, for he had been in the United States since 1920.

4. Ito * Kenzo * , Statement [1925], Honpojinmibun^{[ *]} .

5. Ibid.

6. Frank S. Egnus, Statement, 14 April 1925, Honpojinmibun^{[ *]} .

7. Ito * Chuzo * , Statement, 9 June 1925, Honpojinmibun^{[ *]} .

8. Saito * Hiroshi, Japanese Consul General, New York, Statement, 18 November 1925, Honpojinmibun^{[ *]} .

9. Japanese Consul General to Foreign Ministry, 23 April 1925; Frank S. Egnus, Statement, 14 April 1925, Honpojinmibun^{[ *]} .

10. Saito * Hiroshi, Statement, 18 November 1925, Honpojinmibun^{[ *]} .

11. "Egnus gave publicity to the Hearst papers." Japanese Consul General, New York, to Foreign Ministry, 23 April 1925, Honpojinmibun^{[ *]} .

12. Saito * Hiroshi, Statement, 18 November 1925, Honpojinmibun^{[ *]} .

13. Mr. Sano to Florence Egnus, 27 May 1925, Honpojinmibun^{[ *]} .

14. New York Consul General, Statement, 22 September 1926, Honpojinmibun^{[ *]} .

15. Contract, 28 September 1926, Honpojinmibun^{[ *]} .

16. Kosekiho * ni yori zaigaihonpojin^{[ *]} shotodokesho sono honsekichi kosekiri e sotatsu^{[ *]} no ikken (Documents concerning notices filed by citizens abroad to be sent to honseki areas according to koseki law), 43 unbound vols., 1909-1921, RG 3.8.7.21, DFMJ. Of the 756 notices, 392 were births and 252 deaths. We can assume that not all the marriages of the Japanese in New York were filed with the consular offices. Nevertheless, in relation to the population, the total was small.

17. In some cases, the wife's full name is recorded, giving us a picture of a wide range of ethnic backgrounds: Ingrid Nelson, Jeanette Stone, Ethel McIntyre, Frieda Olsen, Isabella Orozco, Emily Grey, Hilda Sand, among others. One recorded marriage was between a Japanese woman and a Caucasian male.

18. The ban was issued on 25 February 1921. Kato * Bungo, Saikin no zaibeidobo^{[ *]} (Tokyo: Nippontosho shuppankyokai, 1921), 322.

19. Two years later in September 1922, Congress passed a law that stripped all female U.S. citizens of their citizenship if they married males ineligible for naturalization—anyone who was not white or African ( Statutes at Large 42, part 1 [1922]: 1021-22). Kenzo * and Florence's marriage occurred in 1923, which indicates that Florence could have been temporarily stateless until the divorce.

20. Glenn, Issei Nisei , 31.

21. Kato * Bungo, Saikin no zaibeidobo^{[ *]} (Recent Japanese citizens residing in America) (1921).

22. Tobei shimpo^{[ *]} 1:2 (June 1907). For popular accounts of New York see also Tobei shimpo^{[ *]} 2:1 (15 September 1907); Okamoto, Nyuyokushi^{[ *]} naigai no jisho ; "Nyuyoku * ," Amerika 11:11 (November 1907), 27-30; "Amerika no tabiji" (Traveling in America), Amerika 11:12 (December 1907), 22-25.

23. Mori Ogai * , "Under Reconstruction," trans. and ed. Ivan Morris, Modern Japanese Stories (Tokyo: Charles E. Tuttle, 1962), 35-44. Ogai * graduated from the medical department of Tokyo University in 1881, entered the army as a surgeon, and from 1884 to 1888 was sent to Germany as a medical student. His years in Germany served as the basis for three novels. Considered one of the outstanding Meiji literary figures, he is known not only for his fiction but also as a theater and art critic, innovator, essayist, poet, translator (including works by Goethe, Schiller, Hans Christian Andersen, Washington Irving, Bret Harte, Tolstoy, and Turgenev), and medical practitioner. Nihon kindaibungaku daijiten (Encyclopedia of modern Japanese literature) (Tokyo: Kodansha, 1978), 3:364-67.

24. Ogai * , "Under Reconstruction," 43.

25. Ogai's * Maihime (Dancing girl), written in 1890, tells the story of a young Japanese student in Germany who falls in love and lives with a German entertainer, Elis. She goes insane after he decides to resume his life in Japan. See Masao Miyoshi's discussion of Ogai's * Maihime and the traveling abroad of nascent elites of modern Japan (Miyoshi, Accomplices of Silence , 1974, 38-43). Nakamura Mitsuo considered Maihime to be Ogai's * "most important" work ( Nihon no kindai shosetsu * , 65-68).

26. Richard John Bowring, Mori Ogai and the Modernization of Japanese Culture (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979), 47-55.

27. Quoted in ibid., 50-51.

28. Yanagita, Meiji Taishoshi^{[ *]} , 2:33-60.

29. Anne Walthall stated that marriages tended to "enforce economic divisions and social distinctions": "rich married rich, poor married poor." In China, by contrast, women often married into families of higher position, which could be disadvantageous for the young brides (Walthall, "The Life Cycle of Farm Women in Tokugawa Japan," in Gail Lee Bernstein, ed., Recreating Japanese Women , 53-54 ).

30. Yanagita, Meiji Taishoshi^{[ *]} , 2:33. Yanagita wrote of pre-Meiji marriage practices in a general way, but differences existed according to locality. The section on love and marriage implies a great deal of individual choice in the selection of a spouse, something that bears careful interpretation. It was true that pre-Meiji courtship practices in some localities accorded more freedom to young people, but the role of the family was primary. This was true particularly in areas where family holdings were small and solidarity and cooperation were necessary for survival. Nevertheless, Yanagita's role as a folk anthropologist and participant during the Meiji transitional period render his observations extremely valuable. See also Walthall, "Farm Women," 50-52; Tadashi Fukutake, Japanese Rural Society (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1972), 39-41; Ronald P. Dore, Shinohata: A Portrait of a Japanese Village (New York: Pantheon, 1978), 166; and, for an examination of marriage customs among rural families in the 1930s, Robert J. Smith and Ella Lury Wiswell, The Women of Suye Mura (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982), chapter 7.

31. Yanagita, Meiji Taishoshi^{[ *]} , 2:36. See also Komobuchi Midori, "Haigusha * no sentaku to kekkon" (Spouse selection and marriage), in Kamiko Takeji and Masuda Kokichi * , eds., Nihonjin no kazokukankei (Japanese family relationships) (Tokyo: Yuhikakusensho, 1981), 34. Ezra Vogel stated that with the "possible exception of the European Jews, no other industrialized society" had "marriage-arranging in large segments of the population." See "The Go-Between in a Developing Society: The Case of the Japanese Marriage Arranger,'' in George K. Yamamoto and Tsuyoshi Ishida, eds., Selected Readings on Modern Japanese Society (Berkeley: McCutchan Publishing, 1971), 12.

32. Eric Hobsbawm, "Introduction: Inventing Traditions," in Eric Hobsbawm and Terence Ranger, eds., The Invention of Tradition (Cambridge: Cambridge University, Press, 1983; paperback reprint, 1985), 1. Hobsbawm mentioned Japan: "A 'modernization' which maintained the old ordering of social subordination (possibly with some well-judged invention of tradition) was not theoretically inconceivable, but apart from Japan it is difficult to think of an example of practical success." (Hobsbawm, "Mass-Producing Traditions: Europe, 1870-1914," in Hobsbawm and Ranger, 266).

33. Hobsbawm, "Inventing Traditions," 4.

34. Sharon H. Nolte and Sally Ann Hastings, "The Meiji State's Policy Toward Women, 1890-1910," in Bernstein, ed., Recreating Japanese Women , 151-54. The authors challenged the heretofore widely held view that Japanese women's inferior role was merely a continuation of the feudal patriarchy of the earlier period in this important examination of the politics of gender construction.

35. Yanagita, Meiji Taishoshi^{[ *]} , 2:37.

36. Nolte and Hastings, "Policy Toward Women," 151-74. See also Sievers, Flowers in Salt , 110-11. On family systems see Seiichi Kitano, "Dozoku^{[ *]} and Ie in Japan: The Meaning of Family Genealogical Relationships," in Robert J. Smith and Richard K. Beardsley, eds., Japanese Culture: Its Development and Characteristics (Chicago: Aldine Publishing Co., 1962, reprint), especially 42-44; and Dore, City Life , chapter 8. On transformation of family see Takashi Koyama, "Changing Family Structure in Japan," in Smith and Beardsley, eds.

37. Yanagita, Meiji Taishoshi^{[ *]} , 2:42.

38. Ibid., 41.

39. Ibid., 42.

40. Baroness Shidzué Ishimoto, Facing Two Ways: The Story of My Life (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1984; first published, 1935), 104-8.

41. Ibid., 107.

42. Ibid., 102. Ishimoto divorced her husband after years of incompatibility. She lived independently and participated in social reform movements that advocated birth control, women's rights, and opposition to Japan's efforts during World War II. In 1944 she remarried a socialist activist with whom she had been working closely. In 1946, using her new name, Kato * Shidzué, and running on the Socialist Party, ticket, she was elected to the lower house in the first election in Japan in which women cast votes (Barbara Molony, "Afterword," Ishimoto, Facing Two Ways , xxiv-xxv).

43. Etsu Inagaki Sugimoto, A Daughter of the Samurai (New York: Doubleday & Page, 1925), 53-58.

44. Ibid., 56. The official introductory meeting between prospective couples was not arranged until after extensive investigation by the families through the go-between. Refusal after this meeting meant a serious and major blow to the prestige and status of the rebuffed party. The Inagaki family chose to rectify their son's dishonorable actions by inviting the young woman (who was legally no longer a member of her father's family) to remain in their home until they were able to find a suitable husband for her.

45. Yanagita, Meiji Taishoshi^{[ *]} , 2:42.

46. Bowring, Mori Ogai , 58-59. The average divorce rate in Japan from 1882, when statistics became available, to 1899, the year following the promulgation of the Civil Code, was 2.82 per 1,000 population. Thereafter, the rate steadily decreased. The statistics reflected legal divorces only, however, and not extralegal separations such as expulsion or abandonment of wives or common-law divorces. The divorce rate in Japan was consistently higher than in the United States until 1917. Following that year, the Japanese rate continued to decrease while the American rate rose. Tokuoka Hideo, "Rikon to kodomo" [divorce and children], in Kamiko and Masuda, eds., Nihonjin no kazokukankei , 81-82.

47. Bowring, Mori Ogai , 107-8. The tensions between mothers and daughters-in-law found their way into fiction in a number of stories, including Ogai's * Hannichi (Half a day), published in 1909, and the popular Hototogisu (The cricket) by Tokutomi Roka (Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1938), first published as a newspaper serial in 1898-99 and subsequently as a book in 1900. It had more than 100 printings.

48. Yanagita, writing in 1930, informed us that couples in some rural areas still followed old customs, such as living apart (the wife may remain at her parents' home in a separate area, with the husband visiting during holidays) or in community lodgings for newlyweds established by the village. These meant that the "bride was not greeted to be positioned under her mother-in-law's knee" (Yanagita, Meiji Taishoshi^{[ *]} , 2:37-38).

49. Nakamura Masanao, "Creating Good Mothers" (1875), trans. William Reynold Braisteal, Meiroku Zasshi: Journal of the Japanese Enlightenment (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1976), 401-4. Articles in the short-lived Meiroku zasshi (1874-75) were written by leading liberals who became active as leaders of Meiji intellectual society after its publication ceased.

50. Nakamura, "Good Mothers," 403.

51. Seiko^{[ *]} 7:5 (1 October 1905), 31-32.

52. Seiko^{[ *]} , 18:5 (1 June 1910),47-53.

53. Ibid., 55-56.

54. Under the Civil Code, married women could not institute independent suits nor manage their own financial affairs. Women were punished for adultery, but men were not (Sievers, Flowers in Salt , 111). Sievers's study charted the course of Meiji feminist consciousness, which challenged contemporary policies and acceptance of the ryosai * kenbo formula.

55. Sievers, Flowers in Salt , 110.

56. Toson * , The Family , 225.

57. Ibid., 178.

58. Yanabu, Honyakugo seiritsujijo^{[ *]} , chapter 5.

59. Ibid., 91.

60. Ibid., 93.

61. Ibid., 93-94.

62. Ibid., 94.

63. Ibid., 103.

64. Dore, City Lift in Japan , 158.

65. See Herman R. Lantz, "Romantic Love in the Pre-Modern Period: A Social Commentary," Journal of Social History 15:3 (Spring 1982), 349-70. Lantz criticized the modernization theory, which views romantic love as growing out of "value pluralism" and the destruction of the "economic and sustenance functions of the home.'' Charting love from ancient Rome to seventeenth- and eighteenth-century America, he pointed to its emergence as a reaction to the status quo and denied that romantic love was a modern sociological phenomenon that based family integration on the "affectual [romantic] ties between husband and wife."

66. Yanabu, Honyakugo seiritsujijo^{[ *]} , 105.

67. Tayama Katai, Futon (The quilt) (Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1972).

68. Donald Keene wrote that Futon changed the course of Japanese literature. It was an early confessional novel, which became an important genre following the Russo-Japanese War. Although it had many "novelistic faults," its "extraordinary success . . . was inescapably bound to the nonliterary fact that it was an undisguised confession by a rather well-known author." See Keene, Dawn to the West: Japanese Literature of the Modern Era: Fiction (New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston, 1984), 246-47. James Fujii, in Complicit Fictions , took issue with orthodox views of Japan's modern novels as essentially privatized "confessionals" born of the Western "ideal of individualism." He challenged "a solidly entrenched genealogy. of Western Japanology" and read the novels as products that writers shared with their literary colleagues, "born of their disjunction from society," a "result of the social pressures of everyday Japanese life." See especially "Introduction." See also Miyoshi, Accomplices of Silence , chapter 1, "The New Language."

69. Katai, Futon , 12. See chapter 5 herein for discussion of Konjikiyasha .

70. Katai, Futon , 13.

71. Ibid., 13-14.

72. Murakami Nobuhiko writes that themes of "agony" in Meiji literature never condemned the family system. See Meiji joseishi (History of Meiji women), (Tokyo: Rironsha, 1972), 3:146-54.

73. Masuji Miyakawa, Powers of the American People , rev. (New York: Baker & Taylor, 1908), 36.

74. Miyakawa, Life of Japan , 70. In this book also, Miyakawa presented an accepting, uncritical, and grateful portrayal of the United States, praising its "unselfish philanthropy and conscientious fidelity" toward Japan after Perry. U.S. support of Japan in the Russo-Japanese War signified that the United States was the "foster-mother" of Japan (Ibid., 139-76).

75. Miyakawa, Powers , 36.

76. Miyakawa, Life of Japan , 69.

77. Sugimoto, Daughter, 120.

78. Ibid., 139.

79. Ibid., 226.

80. Ibid., 189.

81. Although there are no dates that would inform the reader of the precise chronology of Sugimoto's life, she was born "not so long after" the Meiji Restoration in 1868. Her marriage probably occurred around 1890 or 1891, so her second trip to the United States was sometime around 1905-10.

82. Toson * , Family , 62.

83. For instance, Mizutani Tomotsune, Beikoku tsukan^{[ *]} (A survey of America) (Tokyo: Yuhikaku shobo, 1900); Matsui Hakken, Beikoku manyuzakki^{[ *]} (A notebook from an American tour) (Tokyo: Hakubunkan, 1901 ); Abe Iso * , Fujin no riso^{[ *]} (The ideal woman) (Tokyo: Hakubunkan, 1910); Harada Toichiro * , Nyuyoku^{[ *]} (New York) ( 1912); Uemura Tsutomu[?], Beikoku jijo^{[ *]} : to-beisha bikkei (The situation in America: A handbook for people crossing to America) (Tokyo: Naigai shuppankai, 1912); Masaoka Yuichi * , Beikoku oyobi beikokujin (America and Americans) (1913); Kawaguchi Yoshihisa, Amerika seikatsu , (Life in America) (Tokyo: Tada shoboten, 1920); Sasaki Shigetsu, Beikokuo horoshite^{[ *]} (Wandering in America) (1921); Nakane Sokai * , Seiyo^{[ *]} no onna (Women of the West) (Tokyo: Chobunsha, 1924).

84. Nakane, Seiyo^{[ *]} no onna , 12.

85. Kawaguchi, Amerika seikatsu , 403.

86. Matsui, Beikoku manyuzakki^{[ *]} , 86.

87. Ibid., 90.

88. Harada, Nyuyoku^{[ *]} , 282-86.

89. Uemura, Beikoku jijo^{[ *]} : tobeisha hikkei , 86.

90. Ibid., 95.

91. Donald Keene quoted Kafu's * description of his father's routine after returning home from work. He relaxed by changing into a maroon smoking jacket and smoking an English pipe: "I frequently had occasion to reflect . . . on what a large number of peculiar objects my father owned" ( Dawn to the West , 388). The observation is similar to the instructions given to male readers by an 1898 article quoted in Chapter 4 herein.

92. Keene, Dawn to the West , 388.

93. Ibid., 390-91.

94. In 1902 and 1903 Kafu * published essays on and translations of Zola's novels (which he first read in English translation) as well as a summary translation of Nana (Okubo * Takaki, Yume to seijuku: bungakuteki seiyozo^{[ *]} no henbo^{[ *]} [From dreams to maturity: the transformation of the Western image in literature] [Tokyo: Kodansha, 1979], 75). Edward G. Seidensticker has introduced a number of Kafu's * later works, results of his eventual retreat from both kindai Japan and the West and immersion into the culture of old Edo, the subject matter for his most noted writings.

95. Okubo * , Yume to seijuku , 80-81.

96. Ibid., 77-79.

97. Kafu * , Amerika monogatari , vol. 3: Nagai Kafu^{[ *]} zenshu^{[ *]} (Complete works of Nagai Kafu * ) (Tokyo: Chuokoronsha, 1949). After he returned to Japan Kafu * also wrote Furansu monotagari (Stories from France) based on his eleven months in France.

98. Okubo * , Yume to seijuku , 76.

99 Ibid., 67-71.

100. Ibid., 88.

101. Keene, Dawn to the West, 399.

102. Ibid., 400 and Okubo * , Yume to seijuku , 66.

103. Okubo * , Yume to seijuku , 87. The initiation of the Russo-Japanese War peace talks "stirred activity" in the Japanese embassy, necessitating the hiring of "one clerk of honest character." See Nagai Kafu * , Seiyo^{[ *]} nisshi sho^{[ *]} (Diary of my trip to the west, abridged), vol. 3: Nagai Kafu^{[ *]} zenshu^{[ *]} , 386.

104. In his diary Kafu * tells us about hearing Carmen "for the fourth time," his excitement over hearing Wagner, Verdi, Saint Saens, Debussy, and seeing Sarah Bernhardt. At one point he was warned by a friend about rumors of his dismissal from the bank because of his "inappropriate" and "unworldly behavior" (Kafu * , Seiyo^{[ *]} nisshi , 413).

105. Kafu * , Amerika monogatari , 117-18.

106. "Rokugatsu no yoru no yume" (A dream one night in June), Amerika Monogatari , 343-69.

107. Ibid., 354.

108. Ibid., 355.

109. Ibid., 356.

110. Kafu * Seiyo^{[ *]} nisshi , 410.

111. Kafu * , "Rokugatsu no yoru," 357.

112. Kafu * writes about his affair with Edith in his diary but not in Amerika monogatari. Likewise, Rosalind only appears in the short story in Amerika monogatari and not in his diary.

113. Kafu * , Amerika monogatari , 262-63.

114. Ibid.

1. New York Times , 20 February 1994.

2. See Mary Yoko Brannen," 'Bwana Mickey': Constructing Cultural Consumption at Tokyo Disneyland," in Amy Kaplan and Donald E. Pease, eds., Cultures of United States Imperialism (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1993), 617-34. This essay interprets Tokyo's Disneyland, an "exact replica" of Disneyland in California, and looks at how American symbols have been adapted to a Japanese cultural context.

3. The concept of "Occidentalism" is discussed by Sadik Jalal al-'Azm in "Orientalism and Orientalism in Reverse," Khamsim 8 (1981), 5-26, and in Deborah Gewertz and Frederick Errington, "We Think Therefore They Are? On Occidentalizing the World," Anthropological Quarterly 64:2 (April 1991), 80-91. I am indebted to Ali Mirsepassi for bringing these articles to my attention.

4. Edward W. Said, Orientalism (New York: Vintage, 1979).

5. See John W. Dower, War Without Mercy: Race and Power in the Pacific War (New York: Pantheon, 1986).

6. See Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities , rev. (New York: Verso, 1991).

7. Renato Rosaldo, Culture and Truth: The Remaking of Social Analysis (New York: Beacon, 1993), 102-3.

8. Roland Robertson, "Mapping the Global Condition: Globalization as the Central Concept," in Mike Featherstone, ed., Global Culture: Nationalism , Globalization and Modernity (London: Sage Publications, 1990), 21. Robertson's analysis was based on the premise that the agents of the "structuration of the world" are participant societies ("relevant collective actors").

9. Ibid., 28 (ital. in original).

10. Mike Featherstone, "Global Culture: An Introduction," in Featherstone, ed., Global Culture , 1-2.

11. Ibid., 12.

12. Masao Miyoshi and H. D. Harootunian, "Introduction," in Miyoshi and Harootunian, eds., Postmodernism and Japan, South Atlantic Quarterly 87:3 (Summer 1988), 390. The essay discussed postmodernism's relation (or avowed nonrelation) to politics and how Japan is positioned in the analysis.

13. See Rosaldo, "Imperialist Nostalgia," in Culture and Truth , 68-87. Japan escaped political and territorial colonization by the West (although the post-World War II period can be interpreted as such a time), but the longing for "authentic" and "traditional" forms of culture—flower arrangement, tea ceremony, reticence and hesitation in social behavior, and the like—remain as part of the nostalgic Occidental gaze.

14. Hearts and Minds , 1974; Karel van Wolferen, The Enigma of Japanese Power (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1989), 1.

1. Of the 154,802 Japanese in California in 1908 who cultivated land, 94,008 came from the southern and western prefectures of Hiroshima, Wakayama, Fukuoka, and Kumamoto. Yosaburo Yoshida, "Sources and Causes of Japanese Emigration," The Annals 34:2 (September 1909): 161.

2. The honseki system was originally codified in the seventh century with a Kosekiho * (household registry law) as a comprehensive means to assess and tax the population. The practice continued with various alterations and modifications, depending on who was in power. In 1872, the Meiji government established the system designating the family as the legal unit, then in 1898 passed the Kosekiho * as a supplement to the Civil Code. Family members were listed in the koseki (household registry) with their relationship to the head of the family. When a son married, his wife's name was added to his koseki and deleted from the koseki of her family of birth. Each family's koseki, which contained information about honseki, was placed with the ken or fu administrative office. The system was a means of identification and gave state sanction to the family as the unit of management, unity, and control.

3. Legally, under the 1872 koseki law, if an individual lived away from his or her honseki for ninety days or more, a notice of temporary residence had to be filed with the government offices in the new area. Three types of temporary residence notices were supposed to take care of every conceivable contingency. However, this system could not work unless all persons moving from their honseki filed notices each time they moved. Individual neglect rendered it a less-than-foolproof system. Census-taking was based on honseki counts and was tabulated from the records in government administrative offices until 1920, when the National Census Act was passed. As late as 1914, the government used the temporary residence notices to readjust population figures. Ito * Shigeru, "Senzen nihon no toshi seicho * " (Japan's prewar urban growth), Nippon rodokyokai^{[ *]} zasshi 24:7 and 8 (July and August 1982), 26-34, 23-37.

4 . Tokyoshi^{[ *]} tokei^{[ *]} nenpyo^{[ *]} , 1924.

5. Gluck, Japan's Modern Myths , 33 and 159.

6. Ryokenkafu shutsugan ni yosuru^{[ *]} zaigaikokan^{[ *]} hakkyu^{[ *]} kakushu shomeishokofu^{[ *]} jinmeihyo^{[ *]} (List of persons issued official certificates by overseas consular offices for passport applications), Nyuyoku^{[ *]} no bu (New York section), 2 vols., 1912-1924, RG 3.8.2.283, DFMJ.

7. Although the "miscellaneous" category included merchants and dealers as well as laborers and farmers, merchants and dealers made up only 2.5 percent. Kessner, The Golden Door , 33-34.

8. Wakatsuki, "Japanese Emigration," 489.

9. Ichihashi, The Japanese , 73.

10. Kosekiho^{[ *]} ni yori zaigaihonpojin^{[ *]} shotodokesho sono honsekichi kosekiri e sotatsu^{[ *]} no ikken (Documents concerning notices filed by citizens abroad to be sent to household registry officials in registered famly domicile areas according to honseki registry law), Nyuyoku^{[ *]} soryojikan^{[ *]} toriatsukai no bu (New York Consulate General Section), 43 vols., 1909-1921, RG 3.8.7.21, DFMJ. The New York Consul General recorded 756 births, deaths, marriages, or divorces of 533 citizens. The reports listed each citizen's name, honseki, type of notice (birth, death, etc.), name of new entry, and in the case of some births, name, gender, and ranking of child (first, second, etc.).

11. Ryokenkafu shutsugan ni yosuru^{[ *]} zaigaikokan^{[ *]} hakkyu^{[ *]} kakushu shomeishokofu^{[ *]} jinmeihyo^{[ *]} (List of persons issued official certificates by overseas consular offices for passport applications), Nyuyoku^{[ *]} no bu (New York section), 1912-1924, 2 vols., RG 3.8.2.283, DFMJ. Information sent to the Foreign Ministry included name, honseki, date of certificate, imin/hi-imin category, reason for certificate (travel, readmission, bringing relatives or employees), and the name of the person being brought to the U.S.

12. Mizutani, Nyuyoku^{[ *]} nihonjin hattenshi .