1. While only psychiatrists (i.e., M.D.'s) have the authority to prescribe drugs, both clinical psychologists (Ph.D.'s and Psy.D.'s) and social workers (M.S.W.'s)—provided they are licensed by their respective state boards—are legally entitled to practice "psychotherapy" and, perhaps more importantly, to receive compensation from insurance companies.

2. It was not until the January 1904 issue of Index Medicus that "psychotherapy" first appeared in the subject index, and another two years would pass before the word appeared as a separate subject heading. Index Medicus, 2d ser., 2 (1904). On page 37, a reference appears to a French article written by the Swiss neurologist Paul Dubois. Barbara Sicherman claims psychotherapy's first appearance in Index Medicus takes place in 1906. See Sicherman, "The New Psychiatry: Medical and Behavioral Science, 1895-1921," in American Psychoanalysis: Origins and Development, ed. Jacques M. Quen and Eric T. Carlson (New York: Brunner, Mazel, 1978). While Sicherman is correct in terms of the listings under the category, "Therapeutics, Materia Medica," which appears at the beginning of each monthly issue, she neglects to consider the subject Index that appears in the year-end issue of each volume. "Suggestion," which first appears in the February 1886 issue of Index Medicus, 1st ser., 8 (1886) is replaced by ''Psychotherapy" in the April 1906 issue.

3. This point is not universally accepted. Francis Gosling has argued that "throughout the years from 1870 to 1910 physicians of all types displayed increasing recognition that psychological treatment alone could have just as great an effect on neurasthenic patients as physical remedies." There are two flaws in this assertion. The first concerns the time frame. Prior to 1900 there is little evidence suggesting that American physicians self-consciously sought to employ psychological treatment. The second flaw is more substantive. At no time, either before or after 1900, did any American physician of note ever advocate the application of "psychotherapy" to the exclusion of all somatic therapies. See Francis G. Gosling, Before Freud: Neurasthenia and the American Medical Community, 1870-1910 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1987).

4. David W. Wells, Psychology Applied to Medicine (Philadelphia: F.A. Davis, 1907), 123.

5. John Hughlings Jackson, Selected Writings of John Hughlings Jackson, 2 vols., ed. J. Taylor, G. Holmes, and F.M.R. Walsh (London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1932), 1:452.

6. George Beard, Practical Treatise on Nervous Exhaustion (Neurasthenia): Its Symptoms, Nature, Sequences, and Treatment (New York: William Wood, 1880), 114.

7. S. Weir Mitchell, "The Treatment by Rest, Seclusion, et., in Relation to Psychotherapy," Journal of the American Medical Association 50 (1908): 2037.

8. Claude Quetel, History of Syphilis, trans. Judith Braddock and Brian Pike (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1990); Allan M. Brandt, No Magic Bullet: A Social History of Venereal Disease in the United States since 1880 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1985); Daphne A. Roe, A Plague of Corn: The Social History of Pellagra (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1973); Elizabeth W. Etheridge, The Butterfly Caste: A Social History of Pellagra in the South (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood, 1972); and Otto Marx, "What Is the History of Psychiatry?" American Journal of Orthopsychiatry 40 (1970): 598.

9. For a summary of American medical attitudes regarding mental therapeutics, see Edward Wylis Taylor, "The Attitude of the Medical Profession Toward the Psychotherapeutic Movement," Boston Medical and Surgical Journal 157 (26 December 1907): 843-850.

10. Hugo Münsterberg, Psychotherapy (New York: Moffat, Yard, 1909), 360.

11. Richard C. Cabot, "The American Type of Psychotherapy," in Psychotherapy: A Course Reading in Sound Psychology, Sound Medicine, and Sound Religion 1 (1908): 1.

12. Robert C. Fuller, Americans and the Unconscious (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986), 97.

13. John C. Burnham, "Psychology and Counseling: Convergence into a Profession," in The Professions in American History, ed. and introd. Nathan O. Hatch (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1988), 183.

14. Nathan G. Hale, Jr., Freud and the Americans: The Beginnings of Psychoanalysis in the United States, 1876-1917 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1970), 72.

15. George Frederick Drinka, The Birth of Neurosis (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1984), 287; For other examples of this type of analysis, see James Hoopes, Consciousness in New England: From Puritanism and Ideas to Psychoanalysis and Semiotic (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1989), 237-238. Building on Hale's work, Castel et al. contend, "At the end of the last century, however, the somatic style in mental medicine fell into crisis and neurologists were thereby prevented from capitalizing fully on their gains. The results of research on brain lesions proved disturbing, and disease classifications based on the structure of the nervous system were widely viewed as abstract and arbitrary, incapable of providing an adequate account of complex mental pathology." Robert Castel, Françoise Castel, and Anne Lovell, The Psychiatric Society, trans. Arthur Goldhammer (New York: Columbia University Press, 1982), 26. Regarding the applicability of Kuhn's theory to the history of psychiatry, Dowbiggin observes, "Psychiatry as a profession may be in a perpetual state of Kuhnian crisis by virtue of its inherent cognitive and empirical difficulties. As a result, psychiatric knowledge has a fluid character that—combined with the fact that it never ceases to be free of 'social' considerations—virtually guarantees that it will be a shifting blend of cultural attitudes, social values, political beliefs, and professional imperatives." See Ian Dowbiggin, "French Psychiatry, Hereditarianism, and Professional Legitimacy, 1840-1900," Research in Law, Deviance and Social Control 7 (1985): 135-165. See also Dowbiggin's Inheriting Madness: Professionalization and Psychiatric Knowledge in Nineteenth-Century France (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991), 166.

16. Thomas S. Kuhn, The Structure of Scientific Revolutions, 2d ed. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1970); For an excellent analysis of Kuhn's impact, see David Hollinger, "T. S. Kuhn's Theory of Science and Its Implications for History," in In the American Province: Studies in the History and Historiography of Ideas (Bloomington: Indiana University Press), 105-129.

17. Charles E. Rosenberg, "Body and Mind in Nineteenth-Century Medicine: Some Clinical Origins of the Neurosis Construct," Bulletin of the History of Medicine 63 (1989): 189.

18. Gerald N. Grob, "Rediscovering Asylums: The Unhistorical History of the Asylum," in The Therapeutic Revolution: Essays in the Social History of American Medicine, ed. Morris J. Vogel and Charles E. Rosenberg, 135-157 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1979); Richard Harrison Shyrock, "The Medical History of the American People," in Medicine in America: Historical Essays (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1966), 5.

19. Edward Shorter, From Paralysis to Fatigue: A History of Psychosomatic Illness in the Modern Era (New York: Free Press, 1992), 233-253.

20. Gerald N. Grob, Mental Illness and American Society, 1875-1940 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1983), 112.

21. John Hughlings Jackson, Selected Writings of John Hughlings Jackson, 2:212; quoted in Michael J. Clark, "The Rejection of Psychological Approaches to Mental Disorders in Late Nineteenth-Century British Psychiatry," in Madhouses, Mad-Doctors, and Madmen: The Social History of Psychiatry in the Victorian Era, ed. Andrew Scull (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1981), 271-312; also see Rosenberg, "Body and Mind," 193-194.

22. Lester S. King, Transformations in American Medicine: From Benjamin Rush to William Osler (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1991), 174. On the American reception of germ theory, see Grob, Mental Illness, 122; James H. Cassedy, Medicine and American Growth, 1800-1860 (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1986), 83; and John Duffy, The Sanitarians: A History of American Public Health (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1990), 196.

23. See Grob, Mental Illness, 108; J. Sanbourne Bockoven, Moral Treatment in American Psychiatry (New York: Springer, 1963); John C. Burnham, "Psychiatry, Psychology, and the Progressive Movement," in The Professions in American History, ed. Nathan O. Hatch, 188-189 (Notre Dame: Notre Dame University Press, 1988); and Wells, Psychology Applied to Medicine, vii.

24. Walter Bromberg, The Mind of Man: The Story of Man's Conquest of Mental Illness (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1937), 198-199.

25. Few issues have elicited greater controversy in the history of psychiatry than the significance of moral therapy. Virtually all historians of psychiatry agree that the late eighteenth century and early nineteenth century was a time of unprecedented medical awareness of mental illness. This consensus rapidly disintegrates, however, when efforts are made to assess the significance of this previously absent medical concern. Although the erection of asylums throughout Europe and North America, the imposition of the so-called moral treatment, and the oversight of medical doctors are universally regarded as hallmarks in the foundation of modern psychiatry, the cultural and historical ramifications of these developments are hotly contested by historians, sociologists, and myriad other scholars. "Traditional" historians tend to take nineteenth-century "reformers" at their word and thereby regard this period as among the most progressive episodes in the history of mental medicine. By way of contrast, "revisionists" argue that "this very humanization of madness and crime created new forms of repression" leading ultimately to a drastic regimen of social control over a host of marginal members of society—many of whom had long been left alone. For a representative, though by no means exhaustive, sample of ''traditionalist" interpretations of moral therapy, see Bromberg, The Mind of Man; Albert Deutsch, The Mentally Ill in America: A History of Their Care and Treatment from Colonial Times (Garden City: Doubleday, Doran, 1937); Gregory Zilboorg, in collaboration with George W. Henry, A History of Medical Psychology (New York: W.W. Norton, 1941); Franz G. Alexander and Sheldon T. Selesnick, The History of Psychiatry: An Evaluation of Psychiatric Thought and Practice from Prehistoric Times to the Present (New York: Harper and Row, 1966); and Norman Dain, Concepts of Insanity in the United States, 1789-1865 (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1964). For some revisionist interpretations, see Michel Foucault, Madness and Civilization: A History of Insanity in the Age of Reason, trans. Richard Howard (New York: Vintage Books, 1973); Christopher Lasch, "Origins of the Asylum," in The World of Nations: Reflections on American History, Politics, and Culture (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1973), 6; David Rothman, The Discovery of the Asylum: Social Order and Disorder in the New Republic (Boston: Little, Brown, 1971); idem, "Social Control: The Uses and Abuses of the Concept in the History of Incarceration," in Social Control and the State, ed. Stanley Cohen and Andrew Scull, 106-117 (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1981); Andrew Scull, Most Solitary of Afflictions: Madness and Society in Britain, 1700-1900 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1993); idem, "The Discovery of the Asylum Revisited," in Madhouses, Mad-Doctors, and Madmen, 144-165; idem, "Moral Treatment Reconsidered," in Social Order/Mental Disorder: Anglo-American Psychiatry in Perspective (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989), 80-94; idem, "A Failure to Communicate?" in Rewriting the History of Madness: Studies in Foucault's Histoire de Folie, ed. Andrew Still and Irving Velody (London: Routledge, 1992); idem, "Madness and Segregative Control: The Rise of the Insane Asylum," Social Problems 24 (1977): 338-351.

26. Norman Dain and Eric T. Carlson, "Milieu Therapy in the Nineteenth Century: Patient Care at the Friend's Asylum, Frankford, Pennsylvania, 1817-1861," Journal of Nervous and Mental Disease 131 (October 1960): 277-290; Oskar Diethelm, "An Historical View of Somatic Treatment in Psychiatry," American Journal of Psychiatry 95 (1939): 1165-1179; Bockoven, Moral Treatment, 10-19, 69-80.

27. Proponents of moral therapy, explains Roy Porter, "were not interested in a 'talking cure,' or in 'working through' problems. Theirs was a psychiatry which operated not through peeling off layers of consciousness or recovering the repressed, nor even through a 'meeting of the mind,' but by making people want to be good." Roy Porter, Mind Forg'd in Manacles: A History of Madness in England from the Restoration to the Regency (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1987), 226.

28. Prior to 1910 the Readers' Guide to Periodical Literature does not list a single article on either Freud or psychoanalysis.

29. John C. Burnham explains, "One can easily account for the rise of psychotherapy and the rise of behaviorism in terms of the internal histories of psychiatry and psychology. But the fact that these movements coincided in time with the Progressive social reform movement, and the fact that social control was an aim of reformers in politics and science, can be accounted for only by treating the developments in psychiatry and psychology and in all other middle-class endeavors as part and parcel of the Progressive movement itself." John C. Burnham, "Psychiatry, Psychology, and the Progressive Movement," in Paths into American Culture: Psychology, Medicine, and Morals (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1988), 192; see also Drinka, The Birth of Neurosis; George Gifford, ed., Psychoanalysis, Psychotherapy and the New England Medical Scene, 1894-1944 (New York: Science History, 1978); Eugene Taylor, William James on Exceptional Mental States: The 1896 Lowell Lectures (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1984).

30. For examples of works that make this mistake, see Alfred Booth Kuttner, "Nerves," in Civilization in the United States, ed. Harold Stearns (New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1922), 427-442. See also Henry Alden Bunker, Jr., "From Beard to Freud: A Brief History of the Concept of Neurasthenia," Medical Review of Reviews 36 (1930): 108-114; Philip Wiener, "G. M. Beard and Freud on 'American Nervousness,'" Journal of the History of Ideas 17 (1956): 269-274; and Kenneth Levin, "S. Weir Mitchell: Investigation and Insights in Neurasthenia and Hysteria," Transactions and Studies of the College of Physicians of Philadelphia 38 (1970): 168-173.

31. Index Catalogue of the Library of the Surgeon-General's Office 11, 2d ser. (1906): 603-607.

1. Josef Breuer and Sigmund Freud, Studies on Hysteria, trans. James Strachey (New York: Basic Books, 1955).

2. The secondary literature on shell shock and war neuroses is extensive. Good places to start are Elaine Showalter, The Female Malady: Women, Madness, and English Culture, 1830-1980 (New York: Penguin Books, 1985), 167-194; Wolfgang Schivelbusch, Railway Journey: The Industrialization of Time and Space in the 19th Century (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989), 150-158; Judith Lewis Herman, Trauma and Recovery: The Aftermath of Violence—From Domestic Abuse to Political Terror (New York: Basic Books, 1992), 20-28; Martin Stone, "Shell Shock and the psychologists," in The Anatomy of Madness, ed. William F. Bynum, Roy Porter, and Michael Shepard (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985); and Allan Young, The Harmony of Illusions: Inventing Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995).

3. Lawrence M. Friedman, A History of American Law, 2d ed. (New York: Touchstone Books, 1985), 471.

4. Exact figures for train accidents and injuries prior to 1889 are impossible to determine. The newly established Interstate Commerce Commission did not begin compiling such statistics until 1889.

5. Walter Licht, Working for the Railroad: The Organization of Work in the Nineteenth Century (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1983), 191. The corresponding figures for Great Britain differed significantly: one trainman in every 329 was killed and one in 30 was injured.

6. See Robert B. Shaw, A History of Railroad Accidents, Safety Precautions and Operating Practices (n.p.: Vail-Ballou Press, 1978).

7. Although there are literally scores of books and articles devoted to the history and cultural significance of neurasthenia, there are only a small number of English-language works that consider the subject of railway spine. See Eric Caplan, "Trains, Brains, and Sprains: Railway Spine and the Origins of Psychoneuroses," Bulletin of the History of Medicine 69 (1995): 387-419; Ralph Harrington, "The Neuroses of the Railway," History Today 44 (1994): 15-21; idem, "The 'Railway Spine' Diagnosis and Victorian Response to PTSD," Journal of Psychosomatic Research 40 (1996): 11-14; Allard Dembe, Occupation and Disease: How Social Factors Affect the Conception of Work-related Disorders (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1996), 107-119; Young, Harmony of Illusions, 1-28; Ian Hacking, Rewriting the Soul: Multiple Personality and the Sciences of Memory (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995), 184, 192-193; Thomas Keller, "Railway Spine Revisited: Traumatic Neurosis or Neuro-trauma," Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences 50 (1995): 507-524; Schivelbusch, Railway Journey, 134-170; Drinka, The Birth of Neurosis, 109-122; Michael R. Trimble, Post-Traumatic Neurosis: From Railway Spine to Whiplash (New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1981); Gosling, Before Freud, 91-92; Hoopes, Consciousness in New England, 243-244; Edward M. Brown, ''Regulating Damage Claims for Emotional Injuries before the First World War," Behavioral Sciences and the Law 8 (1990): 421-434; and Hale, Freud and the Americans, 87-88. Together these works provide a fairly accurate, albeit general, discussion of the neurological discourse on the subject of railway spine. None goes substantially beyond this discourse, however. Drinka and Schivelbusch offer some interesting cultural speculations. Trimble provides a more rigorous discussion of some of the primary medical texts on the subject.

Gosling concentrates on the role of neurasthenia, and Hoopes explores the distinctions between functional and structural notions of disease that informed the debate.

8. Morton Prince, "The Present Method of Giving Expert Tension in Medico-Legal Cases, as Illustrated by One in which Large Damages were Awarded, Based on Contradictory Medical Evidence," Boston Medical and Surgical Journal 122 (1890): 77.

9. Shobal Vail Clevenger, Spinal Concussion: Surgically Considered as a Cause of Spinal Injury, and Neurologically Restricted to a Certain Symptom Group, for which Is Suggested the Designation Erichsen's Disease, as One Form of the Traumatic Neuroses (Philadelphia: F. A. Davis, 1889), 207.

10. Charles D. Dana, "The Traumatic Neuroses: Being a Description of the Chronic Nervous Disorders that Follow Injury and Shock," in A System of Legal Medicine, vol. 2, ed. Allan McClane Hamilton and Lawrence Godkin (New York: E. B. Treat, 1894), 299.

11. John G. Johnson, "Concussion of the Spine in Railway Injuries," Medico-Legal Journal 1 (1883-1884): 515 (italics added). See Landon Carter Gray's comments following William J. Herdman, "Traumatic Neurasthenia (Railway Spine, Spinal Concussion), What Is It, and How Can It be Recognized?" International Journal of Railway Surgery 2 (1898): 221.

12. Erichsen was certainly not the only physician of his day to focus on the particular medical issues raised by railway injuries. Two fellow countrymen and surgeons, William Camps and Thomas Buzzard, had also published brief essays on the subject of railway accidents. "The extent of the injuries which may be caused by a railway accident," Camps proclaimed, "are not, in my judgment, very easily or adequately to be realized or appreciated. The actual destruction of life and limb of which we read with so much that excites in us the emotion of horror, forms but a part of the suffering really undergone by the unfortunate victims. There is something in the crash, the shock, and the violence of a railway collision, which would seem to produce effects upon the nervous system quite beyond those of any ordinary injury." William Campe, Railway Accidents or Collisions: Their Effects upon the Nervous System (London: H. K. Lewis, 1866). Also see Thomas Buzzard, "On Cases of Injury from Railway Accidents," Lancet (1866): 23, 186.

13. John Eric Erichsen, On Railway and Other Injuries of the Nervous System (London: Walton and Maberly, 1866), v.

14. John Eric Erichsen, On Concussion of the Spine, Nervous Shock, and Other Obscure Injuries to the Nervous System in Their Clinical and Medico-Legal Aspects (New York: William Wood, 1883), 158-159.

15. See next chapter; see also George Beard, "Neurasthenia, or Nervous Exhaustion," Boston Medical and Surgical Journal 3 (1869): 217-219. For a discussion of Beard's contribution, see Charles Rosenberg, "The Place of George Beard in Nineteenth-Century Psychiatry," in No Other Gods: On Science and American Social Thought (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1976), 98-108; and Barbara Sicherman, "The Use of Diagnosis: Doctors, Patients, and Neurasthenia," Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences 32 (1977): 33-54.

16. Erichsen, On Railway and Other Injuries, 9.

17. Ibid., 96-100. This is a paraphrase.

16. Erichsen, On Railway and Other Injuries, 9.

17. Ibid., 96-100. This is a paraphrase.

18. Trimble neglects to consult Erichsen's pioneering 1866 series of lectures in which he first expresses his ideas and treats the topic of hysteria in a radically different manner than he did in his revised and expanded 1875 edition.

19. As Mark Micale explains, prior to Charcot's work of the 1880s, "the great majority of physicians, including many of the most 'progressive' doctors of the day, held that hysteria, in some undefined but definite way, was, as it always had been, intimately caught up with the female generative system." Mark S. Micale, "Charcot and the Idea of Hysteria in the Male: Gender, Mental Science, and Medical Diagnostics in Late Nineteenth-Century France," Medical History 34 (1990): 370. In his dissertation, Micale provides an excellent summary of the treatment of male hysteria prior to Charcot's reassessment of the issue in the 1880s: "Diagnostic Discrimination: Jean-Martin Charcot and the Nineteenth-Century Idea of Masculine Hysterical Neurosis" (Ph.D. dissertation, Yale University, 1987). For an excellent general treatment of the history of hysteria, see Ilza Veith, Hysteria: The History of a Disease (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1965); see also Sander L. Gilman, ed., Hysteria Beyond Freud (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993).

20. Historians have provided compelling and persuasive evidence that gender issues played a substantial, perhaps even the dominant, role in late-nineteenth-century psychiatric theories and practices. Class also factored into the analysis concerning mental distress, but there is widespread consensus that issues of class failed to occupy as prominent a position as those of gender. The discourses germane to both neurasthenia and hysteria, the two most popular, if not actually the most prolific, nervous disorders of the late nineteenth century are among the most gender-centered issues of the age. Indeed, as both Janet Oppenheim and Elaine Showalter argue, it was not until the First World War that Anglo-American physicians widely embraced the notion that men as well as women might experience hysteria. See Janet Oppenheim, Shattered Nerves: Doctors, Patients and Depression in Victorian England (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991), and Showalter, Female Malady .

21. Erichsen, On Railway and Other Injuries, 70-71.

22. Ibid., 127.

21. Erichsen, On Railway and Other Injuries, 70-71.

22. Ibid., 127.

23. Carroll Smith-Rosenberg, "The Hysterical Woman: Sex Roles and Role Conflict in Nineteenth-Century America," in Disorderly Conduct: Visions of Gender in Victorian America (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1985), 205. Smith-Rosenberg's statements regarding hysterics apply equally well to victims suffering from a host of apparently nonsomatic disorders. See Robert A. Aronowitz, "From Myalgic Encephalitis to Yuppie Flu: A History of Chronic Fatigue Syndromes," in Framing Disease: Studies in Cultural History, ed. Charles E. Rosenberg and Janet Golden (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1992), 155-181.

24. As quoted by Herbert W. Page, Injuries of the Spine and Spinal Cord Without Apparent Mechanical Lesion and Nervous Shock in their Surgical and Medico-Legal Aspect (London: J. & A. Churchill, 1883), 193.

25. D. R. Wallace, "Spinal Concussion and John Eric Erichsen's Book," Railway Surgeon 1 (1894-1895): 249.

26. R. M. Hodges, "So-Called Concussion of the Spinal Cord," Boston Medical and Surgical Journal 104 (1881): 338. Schivelbusch incorrectly dates this article at 1883: Railway Journey, 144n.24.

27. Johnson, "Concussion of the Spine," 504.

28. D. R. Wallace, "A Reply to Dr. Swearingen," The Railway Surgeon: Official Journal of the National Association of Railway Surgeons 1 (1894-1895): 259.

29. "Railway Accidents and Railway Evidence," British Medical Journal 2 (December 1, 1866): 612.

30. John Eric Erichsen, "Mr. Erichsen's work 'Railway and Other Injuries of the Nervous System,'" British Medical Journal 2 (1866): 679.

31. Ibid., 670.

30. John Eric Erichsen, "Mr. Erichsen's work 'Railway and Other Injuries of the Nervous System,'" British Medical Journal 2 (1866): 679.

31. Ibid., 670.

32. Hodges, "So-Called Concussion," 388.

33. Ibid., 361.

32. Hodges, "So-Called Concussion," 388.

33. Ibid., 361.

34. His 1881 prize-winning essay was entitled "Injuries to the Back without Apparent Mechanical Lesions, in their Surgical and Medico-Legal Aspects."

35. Page, Injuries of the Spine .

36. Thomas Furneaux Jordan, "Shock after Surgical Operation," British Medical Journal 1 (1867): 136. For biographical details, see "Thomas Furneaux Jordan," Plarr's Lives of the Fellows of the Royal College of Surgeons of England (Bristol: John Wright & Sons, 1930), 1:635-637. For a history of surgical shock, see Peter English, Shock, Physiological Surgery, and George Washington Crile: Medical Innovation in the Progressive Era (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood, 1980). Of particular significance is English's first chapter, "Surgical Shock Before Crile: A Disorder of the Nervous System," 3-20.

37. Trimble, Post-Traumatic Neurosis, 27.

38. Page, Injuries of the Spine, 147.

39. James Paget, "Nervous Mimicry," in Clinical Lectures and Essays (London: Longmans, Green, 1875): 2:172-252. Reprinted from Lancet 2 (1873): 511-513, 547-549, 619-621, 727-729, 773-775, 833-835.

40. Page, Injuries of the Spine, 204 (italics added).

41. Brown, "Regulating Damage Claims," 425-426.

42. Page, Injuries of the Spine, 205.

43. James Jackson Putnam, "Recent Investigation into the Pathology of So-Called Concussion of the Spine," Boston Medical and Surgical Journal 108 (1883): 217.

44. Dana, "The Traumatic Neuroses," 300.

45. Putnam, "Recent Investigation," 217.

46. Ibid., 219.

45. Putnam, "Recent Investigation," 217.

46. Ibid., 219.

47. G. L. Walton, "Possible Cerebral Origins of Symptoms Usually Classed Under 'Railway Spine,'" Boston Medical and Surgical Journal 109 (1883): 337. Historian Jan Goldstein makes the important point that while "Charcot shared the view that hysteria was not a variety of full-fledged insanity—indeed, this was the generally accepted view of the psychiatrists of his day— ... for him its lesser severity did not constitute a detraction." Jan Ellen Goldstein, Console and Classify: The French Psychiatric Profession in the Nineteenth Century (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1987), 331-332.

48. Mark Micale, "Hysteria Male/Hysteria Female: Reflection on Comparative Gender Construction in Nineteenth-Century France and Britain," in Science and Sensibility: Gender and Scientific Inquiry, 1780-1945, ed. Marina Benjamin (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1991), 363-411; Oppenheim, Shattered Nerves, 293-319; Shorter, From Paralysis to Fatigue, 191-192.

49. My discussion on Charcot is derived from the following sources: Henri Ellenberger, The Discovery of the Unconscious: The History and Evolution of Dynamic Psychiatry (New York: Basic Books, 1970), 89-109; Frank J. Sulloway, Freud, Biologist of the Mind: Beyond the Psychoanalytic Legend (New York: Basic Books, 1979), 28-49; Ernest Jones, The Life and Work of Sigmund Freud (New York: Basic Books, 1953), 1:221-267; Peter Gay, Freud: A Life for Our Time (New York: W. W. Norton, 1988), 46-53; Edward Shorter, From Paralysis, 167-196; Kenneth Levin, "Freud's Paper 'On Male Hysteria' and the Conflict Between Anatomical and Physiological Models," Bulletin of the History of Medicine 48 (1974): 377-397; idem, Freud's Early Psychology of the Neuroses: A Historical Perspective (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1978); Trimble, Post-Traumatic Neurosis, 34-56; Mark S. Micale, "Charcot and the Idea of Hysteria in the Male: Gender, Mental Science, and Medical Diagnostics in Late Nineteenth-Century France," Medical History 34 (1990): 363-411; idem, Diagnostic Discrimination: Jean-Martin Charcot and the Nineteenth-Century Idea of Masculine Hysterical Neurosis (Ann Arbor: University Microfilms, 1987); Leon Chertok, "On Objectivity in the History of Psychotherapy," Journal of Nervous and Mental Diseases 153 (1971): 73-78; idem, "Hysteria, Hypnosis, Psychopathology," Journal of Nervous and Mental Diseases 161 (1975): 367-378; and Ola Anderson, Studies in the Prehistory of Psychoanalysis: The Etiology of Psychoneuroses and Some Related Themes in Sigmund Freud's Scientific Writings and Letters, 1866-1896 (n.p.: Scandinavian University Books, 1962).

50. Micale, "Diagnostic Discrimination," 387. Micale adds, "Charcot's inspiration for the trauma came from a rather specialized medico-legal debate, originating outside France, over what was then called 'railway spine'" (79); Chertok adds, "In point of fact Charcot drew part of his inspiration from the Anglo-Saxon investigations (by Putnam, Page, etc.) on male hysteria resulting from railway accidents." "Hysteria," 369.

51. For a British perspective, see Lorraine J. Daston, "British Responses to Psycho-Physiology, 1860-1900," Isis 69 (1978): 192-208.

52. Shorter, From Paralysis, 176. Even Freud, who would later minimize the significance of somatic factors in psychic events, acknowledged the presence of organicity in his and Breuer's now-famous volume of 1895, Studies on Hysteria . As the editor points out, "Freud was devoting all of his energies to explaining mental phenomena in physiological and chemical terms. ... It was not until 1905 [in his book on jokes, chapter 5] that he first explicitly repudiated all intention of using the term 'cathexis' in any but a psychological sense and all attempts at equating nerve-tracts or neurons with paths of mental association." In a note, the editor adds, "The insecurity of the neurological position which Freud was still trying to maintain in 1895 is emphasized by the correction he felt obliged to make thirty years later in the very last sentence of the book. In

1895 he used the word, ' Nervensystem ' ('nervous system'); in 1925 he replaced it by ' Seelenleben ' ('mental life')." Freud and Breuer, Studies on Hysteria, xxiv.

53. Page himself had been aware of Charcot's early work on hysteria, but he seemed to have been oblivious to the physiological significance the French neurologist attached to the disease. Moreover, at the time when Page had first read Charcot, Charcot had neither written a single word on the topic of male hysteria nor begun his investigation of hypnotism. In the single reference that Page made to the French master's work, he cited Charcot's assertion concerning the elusive nature of certain hysterical symptoms and the fact that many patients were themselves "quite surprised when [their] existence is revealed to them" ( Lectures on Nervous Disease, 1877). Like the numerous citations he provided from other medical authorities, the passage that Page quotes from Charcot's work was used primarily to reinforce Page's central argument concerning the specious nature of Erichsen's doctrines.

54. Jean-Martin Charcot, Lectures of Localization in Diseases of the Brain translated by E. P. Fowler (New York: William Wood, 1878), preface.

55. The source of Charcot's interest in hypnotism is commonly believed to be an 1875 article, "The Somnambulistic Provocation," by Charles Richet, in which Richet argues that hypnosis involves physiological changes in the nervous system and is itself a form of neurosis (Charles Richet, "Du somnabulisme provoqué," Journal de l'anatomie et de le physiologie normales et pathologiques de l'homme et des animaux 2 [1875]: 348-377). See Levin, "Freud's Paper," 50. For a brief summary of Charcot's views on hypnotism, see Jerome M. Schneck, "Jean-Martin Charcot and the History of Experimental Hypnosis," Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences 16 (1961): 297-300. Schneck contrasts Charcot's interest in the experimental uses of hypnosis with Bernheim's focus on its potential therapeutic value. For a discussion of the popular perception of hypnosis in France, see Robert G. Hillman, ''A Scientific Study of Mystery: The Role of the Medical and Popular Press in the Nancy-Salpêtrière Controversy on Hypnotism," Bulletin of the History of Medicine 39 (1965): 163-182. Hillman asserts that the controversy between Charcot and Bernheim made "hypnotism a subject of general knowledge" (173).

56. Sulloway contends that the study of hypnotism was "a bold step in his medical career, since in France, as elsewhere, the whole subject had been in considerable scientific disrepute for almost a century [ever since the debates over mesmerism in the 1780s]. Four years later, in 1882, Charcot delivered a paper on hypnotism at the Academie des Sciences in which he personally endorsed the phenomenon of hypnotism. "The paper, Sulloway continues, brought about a "complete reversal within France of the negative attitude in official science toward mesmerism or 'animal magnetism'—a subject that the Academie des Sciences itself had twice formally condemned" (30).

57. See Levin, "Freud's Paper," 384-385. Freud, who had recently visited with Charcot, charged that Charcot's school "speaks therefore, of the physical or physiological phenomena of hypnosis." As quoted in Levin; Sigmund Freud, "Preface to the Translation of Bernheim's Suggestion, " Complete Psychological Works 1:77.

58. Shorter, From Paralysis, 176.

59. In his dissertation Micale provides an excellent summary of the treatment of male hysteria prior to Charcot's reassessment of the issue in the 1880s. For an excellent general treatment of the history of hysteria, see Veith, Hysteria .

60. Micale, "Charcot," 370.

61. Ibid., 370.

60. Micale, "Charcot," 370.

61. Ibid., 370.

62. Micale, "Diagnostic Discrimination," 85.

63. Micale, "Charcot," 385. In his dissertation Micale asserts, "Charcot's inspiration for the trauma came from a rather specialized medico-legal debate, originating outside France, over what was then called 'railway spine'" (79).

64. J.-M. Charcot, Clinical Lectures on Certain Diseases of the Nervous System, trans. E. P. Hurt (Detroit: George S. Davis, 1888), 99.

65. Ibid., 99.

66. Ibid., 100.

64. J.-M. Charcot, Clinical Lectures on Certain Diseases of the Nervous System, trans. E. P. Hurt (Detroit: George S. Davis, 1888), 99.

65. Ibid., 99.

66. Ibid., 100.

64. J.-M. Charcot, Clinical Lectures on Certain Diseases of the Nervous System, trans. E. P. Hurt (Detroit: George S. Davis, 1888), 99.

65. Ibid., 99.

66. Ibid., 100.

67. My analysis here follows from Micale, "Charcot," 387-390.

68. Charcot (1888). Charcot cites the work of Putnam, Walton, Page, Oppenheim, and Thomsen in support of his doctrines.

69. Quotation from Micale, "Charcot," 394, citing Charcot's Leçons du Mardi 2, lesson 15, 352.

70. For an extensive discussion of hysterical symptoms, see Daniel Hack Tuke's Dictionary of Psychological Medicine (Philadelphia: P. Blakiston, Son, 1892), 618-627. In his discussion of male hysteria, Tuke noted, "The difficulty of diagnosis is much increased by the frequent occurrence of purely fraudulent imitation of such cases" (625).

71. Micale makes the point that Charcot's neurological conception of hysteria was a blow to gynecologists, alienists, and obstetricians. See "Diagnostic Discrimination."

72. As quoted in Trimble, Post-Traumatic Neurosis, 45 (italics in original).

73. Anderson, Studies in the Prehistory of Psychoanalysis, 59.

74. Micale provides an excellent discussion of this resistance in his dissertation. He devotes the final section of his work to what he terms a "speculative" analysis of the "internal resistance" to the concept of masculine hysteria.

75. For a provocative treatment of the British reaction to female hysteria, see Showalter, Female Malady, 145-167.

76. Philip Coombs Knapp, "Nervous Affections Following Railway and Allied Injuries," in Text Book on Nervous Disease by American Authors, ed. Francis X. Dercum (New York: Lea Brothers, 1895), 159.

77. Landon Carter Gray, discussion following Dercum's paper, "Two Cases of 'Railway-Spine' with Autopsy," Transactions of the American Neurological Association 21 (1896): 43.

78. Philip Coombs Knapp, "Nervous Affections Following Railway Injury ('Concussion of the Spine,' 'Railway Spine,' and 'Railway Brain')," Boston Medical and Surgical Journal 119 (1888): 422. He cites Westphal's "Three Cases of Railway Spine Thought to be due to Minute Hemorrhages."

79. For a discussion of Oppenheim's views, see Clevenger, Spinal Concussion, 77-117, and "Recent View on 'Railway Spine,'" Boston Medical and Surgical Journal 115 (1886): 286-287.

80. H. Oppenheim, Diseases of the Nervous System, trans. Edward E. Mayer (Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott, 1900), 741. Emphasis in original.

81. For a succinct biographical summary of Knapp's professional accomplishments, see Dictionary of American Medical Biography: Lives of Eminent Physicians of the United States and Canada, from the Earliest Times, ed. Howard A. Kelly and Walter L. Burrage (Boston: Milford House, 1971), 708-709.

82. Knapp, "Nervous Affections" (1888), 421.

83. Knapp, "Nervous Affections" (1895), 136.

84. Landon Carter Gray, "Traumatic Neurasthenia," International Clinics 2 (1893): 144-150.

85. F. X. Dercum, "The Back in Railway Spine," American Journal of Medical Sciences 102 (1891): 264.

86. Edward Spitzka, "Spinal Injuries as a Basis of Litigation," American Journal of Neurology and Psychiatry (1883): 540-543.

87. Charles Dana, "Concussion of the Spine and Its Relation to Neurasthenia and Hysteria," Medical Record 26 (1884): 617.

88. I do not mean to suggest that scientific issues can ever be fully divorced from social and cultural circumstances. But the degree of their attachment is not always constant. While there is a good deal to be said for work that emphasizes the often-symbiotic relationship between science and culture, it is platitudinous and often incorrect to make too much of the supposed false dichotomy between the two realms. While some "science" is no doubt very much a part of the underlying culture that produces it, not all "science" is necessarily so.

89. Brown, "Regulating Damage Claims," 424.

90. Clevenger, Spinal Concussion, 207.

91. Brown, "Regulating Damage Claims," 428-430.

92. Harold N. Moyer, "The So-Called Traumatic Neurosis," Railway Surgeon 8 (1901-1902): 151.

93. Thomas G. Morton, "Some Medico-Legal Experiences in Railway Cases," Journal of the American Medical Association 21 (1893): 522.

94. John Punton, discussion following D. S. Fairchild's "Some Points in the Examination and Diagnosis of Traumatic Nerve Affections," Railway Surgeon 7 (1900-1901): 158.

95. Hugh Burford, "The Railway Surgeon as Medico-Legal Expert," International Journal of Surgery 11 (1898): 148.

96. D. R. Wallace "A Reply to Dr. Swearingen," Railway Surgeon 1 (1894-1895): 259.

97. Gary Y. Schwartz, "Tort Law and the Economy in Nineteenth-Century America: A Reinterpretation," Yale Law Journal 90 (July 1981): 1764.

98. Schwartz reports that "[in] California appellate opinions, one can detect two hundred forty-eight jury verdicts for plaintiffs, only twenty-six for defendants. In suits against railroads, the breakdown in verdicts is one hundred eleven to twelve. In New Hampshire after 1850, there were one hundred and forty-seven jury verdicts for plaintiffs, but only twenty-two for defendants. During the entire nineteenth century, in suits against towns for highway accidents, the jury verdict ratio was forty-one to nine; in all tort suits against the railroads, it was seventy-one to four." "Tort Law," 1764. See Richard A. Posner, "A Theory of Negligence," Journal of Legal Studies 1 (January 1972): 92; Friedman, History of American Law, 2d ed., 471. ''Uppermost in the minds of both judges and lawyers of the time," Malone explains, "was a seething, although somewhat

covert, dissatisfaction over the part they felt the jury was destined to play in these cases against corporate defendants." Web Malone, "The Formative Era of Contributory Negligence," in Tort Law in American History, ed. and introd. Kermit L. Hall (New York: Garland, 1987): 300.

99. "Possibly," speculates Schwartz, "upper-class judges felt no sympathy for injured blue-collar workers." Schwartz, "Tort Law," n. 399, 1771; Friedman, History of American Law, 470; See Morton J. Horwitz, The Transformation of American Law, 1870-1960: The Crisis of Legal Orthodoxy (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992), 57-59, 113-116, 123-143. Not all legal historians share this interpretation, however. After reviewing more than 1,500 appellate cases from 1875 to 1905, Posner writes, "I discern no systematic bias in the law of negligence as it was applied between 1875 and 1905 in favor of industrial growth and expansion, except insofar as the efficient use of resources may be thought to foster, or perhaps to be the equivalent of, economic development. The common law seems to have been fairly evenhanded in its treatment of the claims of victims and injurers." "Theory of Negligence,'' 73.

100. See J. Barculo, Haring v. New York and Erie R.R., 13 Barb. 2, 15 (N.Y. 1853).

101. The distinction that nineteenth-century American judges made between injured workers and injured passengers is a subject that demands more serious intention than I can offer in this brief summary. Posner explains this distinction by arguing, "[The] rule that common carriers owed a higher duty to their passengers signifies that passengers expect (and are willing to pay for) a high level of safety—because the railroad has a comparative advantage in accident prevention (indeed, passengers are normally helpless to avert an accident) and because a collision or derailment (like a plane crash today) is likely to kill or seriously injure them." "Theory of Negligence," 38; Schwartz adds: "Because the high speeds of the new railroads created 'hazards to life and limb,' and because railroads were 'entrusted [with] the lives and safety' of their passengers the New Hampshire Supreme Court held railroads liable to passengers for 'even the smallest neglect.'" "Tort Law," 1743. Also see Licht, Working for the Railroad, 197.

102. "The railway does not owe a like duty to its passengers, to its servants, to persons who are rightfully upon public highways which adjoin or cross its lines, to persons who come upon its line or premises as mere licensees, and to persons who trespass upon its line or premises." Christopher Stuart Patterson, Railway Accident Law: The Liability of Railways for Injuries to the Person (Philadelphia: T. and J. W. Johnson and Co., 1886), 2-3.

103. R.R.R. v. Derby, 14 Howard 468, as quoted in Patterson, Railway Accident Law, 232; contrast this view to Patterson's claim that "railways do not warrant to their servants the safe condition of their line, nor the security of their appliances and machinery, and they guarantee only that due care shall be used in constructing and in keeping in repair, and in operating the line, appliances and machinery" (300).

104. Henry Hollingsworth Smith, "Concussion of the Spine," Journal of the American Medical Association 13 (1888): 181.

105. For discussion of fraudulent cases, see Hodges, "So-Called Concussion," 387; Morton, "Some Medico-Legal Experiences," 520-525; C. J.

Cullingworth, "Fraudulent Damage Claims in Railroad Accidents," The Medico-Legal Journal 1 (1883-1884): 175-178; Pearce Bailey, "Simulation of Nervous Disorder Following Accidents," Railway Surgery 3 (1896-1897): 439-442; Herbert Judd, "The Medico-Legal Aspect of Concussion of the Spine,'' Journal of the American Medical Association 13 (1889): 188-194; L. Bremer, "A Contribution to the Study of Traumatic Neuroses (Railway Spine)," Alienist and Neurologist 10 (1889): 437-455.

106. James Syme, "On Compensation For Railway Injuries," Lancet (January 5, 1867): 2.

107. Judd, "The Medico-Legal Aspect," 188.

108. Erichsen, On Railway and Other Injuries, 97.

109. R. Harvey Reed, "The National Association of Railway Surgeons—Its Objects and Benefits," Fort Wayne Journal of Medical Science (later Journal of the National Association of Railway Surgeons ) 1 (January 1889): 6.

110. For a complete list of the membership, see Fort Wayne Journal of Medical Science 2 (1889-1890): 442-446. There is a wide, albeit not well-organized, body of periodical literature that discusses the National Association of Railway Surgeons. Some of the more valuable sources are Medico-Legal Journal, 1-20; Railway Age; Railway Surgeon: Official Journal of the National Association of Railway Surgeons 1-9; and International Journal of Surgery 11 (1898). These volumes contain articles that focus on a host of issues and are the best source of information on railway spine from the perspective of the railroad industry itself.

111. B.A. Watson, "The Practical Relation of the So-Called 'Railway Spine' and the Malingerer," Railway Age 16 (1891): 214.

112. Milton Jay, discussion following Webb J. Kelly, "Not a Case of 'Railway Spine,'" Journal of the American Medical Association 24 (1895): 446-448.

113. Reed, "National Association of Railway Surgeons," 6.

114. Ibid., 8.

113. Reed, "National Association of Railway Surgeons," 6.

114. Ibid., 8.

115. See William A. Hammond, "Certain Railway Injuries to the Spine in their Medico-Legal Relations," Fort Wayne Journal of the Medical Sciences 2 (1889-1890): 409-424; F. X. Dercum, "Railway Shock and Its Treatment," Fort Wayne Journal of the Medical Sciences 2 (1889-1890): 229-249; Pearce Bailey, "Simulation of Nervous Disorder Following Accidents," Railway Surgery 3 (1896-1897): 439-442; Pearce Bailey, "The Injuries Called Spinal: Their Relations to Railway Accidents," Railway Surgery 4 (1897-1898): 483-489; idem, "The Medico-Legal Relations of Traumatic Hysteria," Railway Surgery 5 (1898-1899): 555-559, 578-580.

116. For a succinct summary of Bell's accomplishments, see Dictionary of American Biography, 1: 153-154.

117. Bell's speech was quoted in the Boston Medical and Surgical Journal, Railway Surgeon, and Journal of the American Medical Association, just to name a few.

118. Clark Bell, "Railway Spine," Medico-Legal Journal 12 (1894-1895): 133.

119. Ibid., 135.

120. Ibid., 137.

118. Clark Bell, "Railway Spine," Medico-Legal Journal 12 (1894-1895): 133.

119. Ibid., 135.

120. Ibid., 137.

118. Clark Bell, "Railway Spine," Medico-Legal Journal 12 (1894-1895): 133.

119. Ibid., 135.

120. Ibid., 137.

121. John E. Parsons, Esq., "Mental Distress as an Element of Damage

in Cases to Recover for Personal Injuries," in Allan McClane Hamilton and Lawrence Godkin, A System of Legal Medicine (New York: E. B. Treat, 1894), 2:385.

122. J. H. Greene, "Hypnotic Suggestion in Its Relation to the Traumatic Neuroses," Railway Age 17 (1892): 814.

123. Ibid.

122. J. H. Greene, "Hypnotic Suggestion in Its Relation to the Traumatic Neuroses," Railway Age 17 (1892): 814.

123. Ibid.

124. For a succinct summary of Bernheim's views on suggestion and the controversy between him and Charcot, see Ellenberger, Discovery of the Unconscious, 85-89.

125. W. B. Outten, discussion following John Punton's "The Treatment of Functional Nervous Affection Due to Trauma," Railway Surgeon 4 (1897-1898): 31.

126. Outten, "Railway Injuries: Their Clinical and Medico-Legal Features," in Medical Jurisprudence: Forensic Medicine and Toxicology, ed. R. A. Witthaus and Tracy C. Becker (New York: William Wood, 1894), 591.

127. Ibid., 572 (emphasis added).

128. Ibid., 573.

129. Ibid., 591.

126. Outten, "Railway Injuries: Their Clinical and Medico-Legal Features," in Medical Jurisprudence: Forensic Medicine and Toxicology, ed. R. A. Witthaus and Tracy C. Becker (New York: William Wood, 1894), 591.

127. Ibid., 572 (emphasis added).

128. Ibid., 573.

129. Ibid., 591.

126. Outten, "Railway Injuries: Their Clinical and Medico-Legal Features," in Medical Jurisprudence: Forensic Medicine and Toxicology, ed. R. A. Witthaus and Tracy C. Becker (New York: William Wood, 1894), 591.

127. Ibid., 572 (emphasis added).

128. Ibid., 573.

129. Ibid., 591.

126. Outten, "Railway Injuries: Their Clinical and Medico-Legal Features," in Medical Jurisprudence: Forensic Medicine and Toxicology, ed. R. A. Witthaus and Tracy C. Becker (New York: William Wood, 1894), 591.

127. Ibid., 572 (emphasis added).

128. Ibid., 573.

129. Ibid., 591.

130. Quotation from R. M. Swearingen's "A Review of Dr. Wallace and the Railway Surgeons on Spinal Concussion," Railway Surgeon 1 (1894-1895): 254.

131. Outten, "Railway Injuries," 625.

132. David S. Booth, "The Neuropath and Railway Neuroses," Railway Surgeon 9 (1902-1903): 63.

133. R. S. Harnden, discussion following William Herdman's "Traumatic Neurasthenia (Railway Spine, Spinal Concussion): What Is It, and How Can It Be Recognized," International Journal of Surgery 11 (1898): 221.

134. George Ross, discussion following Booth, "Neuropath," 66.

135. See Silas Weir Mitchell, Wear and Tear or Hints for the Overworked (Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott, 1872); idem, "Rest in Nervous Disease: Its Use and Abuse," in A Series of American Clinical Lectures, ed. E. C. Seguin (New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1876); idem, Fat and Blood: An Essay on the Treatment of Certain Forms of Neurasthenia and Hysteria, 4th ed. (Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott, 1888); and idem, "The Evolution of the Rest Treatment," Journal of Nervous and Mental Disease 31 (1904): 368-373.

136. For a historical perspective on the rest cure, see Smith-Rosenberg, "Hysterical Woman," 195-216; Charles E. Rosenberg and Carroll Smith-Rosenberg, "The Female Animal: Medical and Biological Views of Women and Her Role in Nineteenth-Century America," Journal of American History 60 (1973): 332-356; Ann Douglas Wood, "'The Fashionable Diseases': Women's Complaints and Their Treatment in Nineteenth-Century America," in Clio's Consciousness Raised: New Perspectives in the History of Women, ed. Mary S. Hartman and Lois Banner (New York: Octagon Books, 1976), 1-22; Suzanne Poirier, "The Weir Mitchell Rest Cure: Doctors and Patients,'' Women's Studies 10 (1983): 15-40; Susan E. Cayleff, "'Prisoners of Their Own Feebleness': Women, Nerves, and Western Medicine—A Historical Overview," Social Science and Medicine 26 (1988): 1199-1208; John S. Haller, Jr., "Neurasthenia: Medical Profession and Urban 'Blahs,'" New York State Journal of Medicine

473 (1970): 2489-2496; idem, "Neurasthenia: The Medical Profession and the 'New Woman' of the Late Nineteenth Century," New York State Journal of Medicine 474 (1971): 473-482; John S. Haller, Jr., and Robin M. Haller, The Physician and Sexuality in Victorian America (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1974): 2-43; T. Jackson Lears, No Place of Grace: Anti-Modernism and the Transformation of American Culture, 1880-1920 (New York: Pantheon Books, 1981); and Tom Lutz, American Nervousness, 1903: An Anecdotal History (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1991).

137. John Punton, "The Functional Treatment of Nervous Affection Due to Trauma," Railway Surgeon 4 (1897-1898): 27.

138. Ibid., 28.

137. John Punton, "The Functional Treatment of Nervous Affection Due to Trauma," Railway Surgeon 4 (1897-1898): 27.

138. Ibid., 28.

139. Outten, discussion following Booth, "Neuropath," 66.

140. John Eric Erichsen, letter to the editor, Texas Sanitarian 3 (1894): 448-449.

1. Shorter, From Paralysis , 201-232.

2. Despite Beard's contribution to American neurology, his life work has failed to arouse the interest of any potential biographer. Several insightful articles contain interesting bits and scraps about his life. A good place to start is with Charles Dana, "Dr. George M. Beard: A Sketch of His Life and Character, with Some Personal Reminiscences," Archives of Neurology and Psychiatry 10 (1923): 427-435. For more recent examples, see Charles E. Rosenberg, "George M. Beard and American Nervousness," in No Other Gods: On Science and American Social Thought (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1976), 98-108; Barbara Sicherman, ''The Use of Diagnosis," 33-54; Eric T. Carlson, "George Beard and Neurasthenia," in Essays on the History of Psychiatry , ed. Edwin R. Wallace IV and Lucius C. Pressley (Columbia: W. S. Hall Psychiatric Institute, 1980), 50-57.

3. E. H. Van Deusen, "Observation on a Form of Nervous Prostration (Neurasthenia) Culminating in Insanity," American Journal of Insanity 25 (1868-1869): 445-461. Van Deusen's role in the discovery of neurasthenia was frequently overlooked by Beard's neurological colleagues. This neglect generated considerable frustration among members of the AMSAII. C. H. Hughs, writing in an 1880 issue of the Alienist and Neurologist made it a point to credit Van Deusen's "original" paper: "In this instance, as in many others, the medical superintendents of the hospitals for the insane, in this country, have anticipated the profession outside of them in important contributions of clinical medicine." "Notes on Neurasthenia," Alienist and Neurologist 1 (1880): 439.

4. Van Deusen, "Observation," 445.

5. Ibid., 445.

4. Van Deusen, "Observation," 445.

5. Ibid., 445.

6. George M. Beard, "Neurasthenia, or Nervous Exhaustion," Boston Medical and Surgical Journal 3 (1869): 218.

7. W. A. McClain, "The Psychology of Neurasthenia," Medical Record 48 (1895): 81-83.

8. See Nathan G. Hale, Jr., James Jackson Putnam and Psychoanalysis (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1971), and Bonnie Ellen Blustein, Preserve Your Love for Science: Life of William Alexander Hamilton, American Neurologist (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991); also see Rosenberg, "George Beard," 98.

9. McClain, "Psychology of Neurasthenia," 81-83.

10. See George Cheyne, The English Malady: or, A Treatise of Nervous Diseases of All Kinds (London: Wisk, Ewing, and Smith, 1733).

11. Edward Cowles, "The Mechanism of Insanity," American Journal of Insanity 48 (1890-1891): 55.

12. J. S. Greene, "Neurasthenia: Its Causes and Its Home Treatment," Boston Medical and Surgical Journal 109 (1883): 76.

13. In many respects, Beard's class-conscious conception of neurasthenia resembled a disease described by George Cheyne in his 1733 treatise, The English Malady . As Roy Porter explains, "[N]ervous diseases were thus class-specific, affecting the cream, refined and delicate spirits, high flyers, those explained Cheyne, 'who have a great deal of sensibility, are quick thinkers, feel pleasure and pain the most readily, and are of the most lively imagination.'" Porter, Mind Forg'd in Manacles , 84.

14. Marrs, Confessions , 2.

15. McClain, "Psychology of Neurasthenia," 81-83.

16. Barbara Sicherman, The Quest for Mental Health in America, 1880-1917 (New York: Arno Press, 1980), 175. Not all historians share this appraisal. Anson Rabinbach contends, "Clearly, fatigue was perceived as both a physical and a moral disorder—a sign of weakness and the absence of will." The Human Motor: Energy, Fatigue, and the Origins of Modernity (New York: Basic Books, 1990), 38-39. Rabinbach's use of the passive voice is problematic, however. Perceived by whom? As the above quotations make evident, many, in fact, regarded fatigue as a virtue of sorts—it implied that one was a hardworking "brain worker." See Haller, ''Neurasthenia," 2489.

17. Beard, Practical Treatise , 81.

18. Paul Dubois, The Psychic Treatment of Nervous Disorders , trans. William Alanson White and Smith Ely Jelliffe (New York: Funk and Wagnalls, 1904), 18.

19. George Beard, American Nervousness: Its Causes and Consequences, a Supplement to Nervous Exhaustion (Neurasthenia) , introd. Charles E. Rosenberg (New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1881; New York: Arno Press, 1972), vi-vii.

20. Annie Payson Call, Power Through Repose (Boston: Roberts Brothers, 1891), 13.

21. George M. Beard, "Certain Symptoms of Nervous Exhaustion," Virginia Medical Monthly 5 (1878): 184.

22. Regarding the European context, Edward Shorter maintains, "The disease represented a way of bringing into the office of the nerve doctor rather than internists the lucrative clientele of middle-class businessmen." From Paralysis , 224.

23. Typically, the word sex , rather than the word gender , is used to denote

the "biological" rather than the "cultural" dimensions of various issues concerning the differences between males and females. Such a distinction, while certainly not arbitrary, nonetheless remains problematic. As Thomas Laqueur explains, "[On] the basis of historical evidence ... almost everything one wants to say about sex—however sex is understood—already has in it a claim about gender." "So-called biological sex," Laqueur adds, ''does not provide a solid foundation for the cultural category of gender, but constantly threats to subvert it." Making Sex: Body and Gender from the Greeks to Freud (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1990), 11, 124.

24. For a discussion of the doctrine of separate spheres, see Rosalind Rosenberg, Beyond Separate Spheres: The Intellectual Origins of Modern Feminism (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1982).

25. Cowles, "The Mechanism of Insanity," 249.

26. H. C. Sharpe, "Neurasthenia and Its Treatment," Journal of the American Medical Association 32 (1899): 72. "To place a woman outside of a domestic setting, to train a woman to think and feel 'as a man,'" Carroll Smith-Rosenberg notes, "violated virtually every late-Victorian norm. It was literally to take her outside of conventional structures and social arrangements." "The New Women as Androgyne: Social Disorder and Gender Crisis, 1870-1936," in Disorderly Conduct: Visions of Gender in Victorian America (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1985), 252.

27. Lears, No Place of Grace , 51.

28. Beard, American Nervousness , 20.

29. J.S. Jewell, "Nervous Exhaustion, or Neurasthenia, in Its Bodily and Mental Relations," Journal of Nervous and Mental Diseases 6 (1879): 47.

30. Donald Meyer, The Positive Thinkers: Religion as Pop Psychology from Mary Baker Eddy to Oral Roberts (New York: Pantheon Books, 1965), 24.

31. Beard, American Nervousness , 10.

32. Beard, "Certain Symptoms," 182.

33. Thomas Stretch Dowse, On Brain and Nerve Exhaustion (Neurasthenia) and on the Exhaustion of Influenza (London: Bailliere, Tindall and Cox, 1892), 2.

34. John P. Savage, "Hints on Nervous Exhaustion (Neurasthenia)," Cincinnati Lancet and Clinic (1880): 153.

35. A.D. Rockwell, "Electricity in Neurasthenia and Other Functional Neuroses," International Clinics 2 (1891): 283.

36. C.P. Hughs, "Notes on Neurasthenia," Alienist and Neurologist 1 (1880): 439.

37. Louis Faugeres Bishop, "A Study of the Symptomatology of Neurasthenia in Women," Medical News 71 (1897): 71.

38. W.R. Gowers, Diseases of the Nervous System (Philadelphia: P. Blakiston, Son, 1889), 1341-1342. Emphasis in original.

39. Philip Coombs Knapp, "The Nature of Neurasthenia and Its Relation to Morbid Fears and Imperative Ideas," Boston Medical and Surgical Journal 135 (1896): 410.

40. Both Erwin Ackerknecht and Charles E. Rosenberg point out that the discovery of neurasthenia was partially attributable to interaction with a particular type of patient. Unlike asylum superintendents who saw predominantly incurable patients, Beard came across a number of men and women with whom he could work, and who appeared to benefit from medical intervention. See Ackerknecht, A Short History of Psychiatry , 2d ed. (New York: Hafner, 1968), 95, and Rosenberg, "George Beard," 98.

41. Henri Ellenberger attributes the first modern psychotherapeutic exploitation of the healer-patient rapport to Mesmer. "This term was used from the beginning by Mesmer and was handed down by generations of magnetizers and hypnotists to the beginning of the twentieth century while the concept was gradually being developed and perfected." Ellenberger, Discovery of the Unconscious , 152.

42. Russell C. Maulitz, "'Physician versus Bacteriologist': The Ideology of Science in Clinical Medicine," in The Therapeutic Revolution: Essays in the Social History of American Medicine , ed. Charles E. Rosenberg and Morris J. Vogel (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1970), 94-96.

43. John Harley Warner, The Therapeutic Perspective: Medical Practice, Knowledge, and Identity in America, 1820-1885 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1986), 264; Maulitz makes the important point that "'science,' in medicine, came to mean different things to different people." "'Physician versus Bacteriologist,'" 104.

44. Martin S. Pernick, A Calculus of Suffering: Pain, Professionalism, and Anesthesia in Nineteenth-Century America (New York: Columbia University Press, 1985), 311 n.93; Warner, The Therapeutic Perspective , 247.

45. Pernick, Calculus , 143. Warner explains that "[the] movement in therapeutics from empiricism and specificity toward rationalism and universalism was accompanied by a growing belief that the quest for invariant therapeutic laws had again become a legitimate enterprise." Warner, The Therapeutic Perspective , 250.

46. See Gosling, Before Freud .

47. Warner, The Therapeutic Perspective , 250; Pernick, Calculus , 135-146.

48. Neurasthenic discourse is by no means the only example of this phenomena. An 1882 article, appearing in the Boston Medical and Surgical Journal , asserted that "[no] two patients have the same constitution or mental proclivities. No two instances of typhoid fever, or of any other disease, are precisely alike. The intelligent and efficient care of any case of illness demands a consideration of all the circumstances which are peculiar to itself and of the traits of the body and mind which are peculiar to the patient." "Routine Practice," Boston Medical and Surgical Journal 108 (1883): 42-43, quoted in Pernick, Calculus , 144.

49. T.W. Fisher, "Neurasthenia," Boston Medical and Surgical Journal 9 (1872): 72.

50. Howell T. Pershing, "The Treatment of Neurasthenia," Colorado Medical Journal 1 (1903-1904): 83.

51. Pritchard, "The American Disease," 19.

52. McClain, "Psychology of Neurasthenia," 81-83.

53. For an excellent and nuanced discussion of medical conservatives who championed the role accorded to the individual, see Pernick, Calculus , 135-141.

54. Warner, The Therapeutic Perspective, passim.

55. The significance that physicians attached to doctor-patient rapport was by no means confined to neurasthenia and other functional nervous diseases. It applied to various organic and structural diseases as well.

56. Pritchard, "The American Disease," 19-20.

57. John Punton, "Modern Aspects of Neurasthenia and Its Treatment," Texas Journal of Medicine 1 (1905-1906): 203.

58. William Harvey King, "Some Points in the Treatment of Neurasthenia," Transactions of the American Homeopathic Association (1901): 493. It is tempting to make more of King's phallic metaphor than he doubtless intended.

59. James Jackson Putnam, "Remarks on the Psychical Treatment of Neurasthenia," Boston Medical and Surgical Journal 132 (1895): 506.

60. Jeanne Cady Solis, "The Psychotherapeutics of Neurasthenia," Physician and Surgeon 27 (1905): 315.

61. William Broaddus Pritchard, "The American Disease: An Interpretation," Canadian Journal of Medicine and Surgery 18 (1905): 12.

62. Beard, Practical Treatise, 12.

63. Beard, American Nervousness, 276.

64. Cowles, "The Mechanism," 209.

65. Anna Hayward Johnson, "Neurasthenia," Philadelphia Medical Times (1881): 738.

66. Rabinbach, The Human Motor, 162.

67. The impact of alternative healing, and more particularly of the American mind cure movement, on the regular medical community is the subject of my next chapter. See Putnam, "Remarks," Boston Medical and Surgical Journal 132 (1895): 505.

68. Morton Prince, discussion following Putnam, "Remarks," 517.

69. Susan Leigh Star mistakenly attributes the wide array of somatic therapies designed to treat various nervous disorders to what she refers to as diagnostic uncertainty. "Clinicians responding to diagnostic uncertainty," she writes, "were forced to treat each patient with a wide variety of therapies. In the absence of simple testing procedures or pathognomonic signs, they had only the hope that by giving patients a number of different therapies one would succeed. Patients at Queen Square were massaged, electrified, and given steam baths and mud plaster, potassium bromide, 'metallotherapy' (an obscure treatment that involved placing metal disks over different parts of the body), and even leeches." Star, Regions of the Mind: Brain Research and the Quest for Scientific Certainty (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1989), 76. What Star fails to appreciate is that for late-nineteenth-century physicians, even diagnostic certainty rarely inspired therapeutic certainty. It was rare indeed that the realm of diagnostics might affect the realm of treatment. In fact, the response to therapy was, and often still is, a key factor in diagnosis.

70. William F. Hutchinson, "Three Typical Cases of Neurasthenia," Medical Record 18 (1880): 399.

71. McClain, "The Psychology of Neurasthenia," 81-83.

72. A. D. Rockwell, "Neurasthenia and Its Relation to Other Disease," Medical Record 51 (1897): 307-310 (emphasis in original). For a contrary view,

see Ann Hayward Johnson, who contends, "The importance of making a correct differential diagnosis between functional and organic nervous disease cannot be overestimated. In general, prognosis and treatment are directly opposite." "Neurasthenia," 740.

73. Beard, "Neurasthenia, or Nervous Exhaustion," 217.

74. Rosenberg, "George Beard," 104.

75. Hale, Freud and the Americans, 67.

76. See Susan E. Cayleff, Wash and Be Healed: The Water-Cure Movement and Women's Health (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1987); for an excellent survey of the history of baleonology, see Roy Porter, ed., The Medical History of Water and Spas (London: Wellcome Institute for the History of Medicine, 1990). For a more detailed discussion of water cure in the United States, see Jane B. Donegan, "Hydropathic Highway to Health": Women and Water-Cure in Antebellum America (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1986); and M. S. Legan "Hydropathy, or the Water-Cure," in Pseudo-Science and Society in Nineteenth-Century America, ed. A. Wroebel (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1987), 74-99.

77. L. Reuben, "Imaginary Disease," Water-Cure Journal (1850): 120, quoted in Cayleff, Wash and Be Healed, 64-65. Emphasis in original.

78. Bernard Sachs, "Functional Nervous Troubles: Neurasthenia, Its Occurrence in Young and Old, Symptomatology, and Treatment," International Clinics 1 (1891): 241.

79. Harold N. Moyer, "The Treatment of Neurasthenia," Journal of the American Medical Association 37 (1901): 1568.

80. Solis, "Psychotherapeutics of Neurasthenia," 312-316.

81. G. Manley Ransom, "Neurasthenia—Its Cure by Thermal Therapy," Medical Record 47 (1895): 366.

82. Putnam, "Neurasthenia and Its Treatment," 21.

83. Daniel R. Brower, "The Treatment of Neurasthenia," Journal of the American Medical Association 36 (1901): 232-235.

84. Putnam, "Neurasthenia and Its Treatment," 21.

85. H. C. Patterson, "Practical Experience in the Treatment of Neurasthenia," Medical Times 29 (1901): 360.

86. Wharton Sinkler, "Use of Hydrotherapy in Neurasthenia and Other Nervous Affections," Therapeutic Gazette 25 (1901): 590.

87. Beard, "Certain Symptoms," 184.

88. Rockwell, "Neurasthenia and Its Relation to Other Disease," 306.

89. For an exception, see Morton Prince, "The Educational Treatment of Neurasthenia and Certain Hysterical States," Boston Medical and Surgical Journal 139 (1898): 333.

90. John D. Quackenbos, "Causes and Recent Treatment of Neurasthenia," New Hampshire Medical Society (1897-1898): 97.

91. C. F. Hodge, "A Microscopic Study of Changes Due to Functional Activity in Nerve Cells," reprinted from Journal of Morphology 7 (1892): 112-113.

92. Ibid., 158-159. Emphasis in original.

91. C. F. Hodge, "A Microscopic Study of Changes Due to Functional Activity in Nerve Cells," reprinted from Journal of Morphology 7 (1892): 112-113.

92. Ibid., 158-159. Emphasis in original.

93. References to Hodge's work may be found in the following articles: H. C. Patterson, "Practical Experience in the Treatment of Neurasthenia," Medical Times 29 (1901): 360-362; Campbell Meyers, "Neurasthenia in Some

of Its Relations to Insanity," Canadian Medical Journal 16 (1904): 89-94; Solis, "The Psychotherapeutics of Neurasthenia," 312-316; and Punton, "Modern Aspects of Neurasthenia, 201-205.

94. Robert T. Edes, "The New England Invalid," The Shattuck Lecture 1895 (Boston: David Clapp and Son, 1895), 32.

95. Quackenbos, "Causes and Recent Treatment," 97.

96. Moses Allen Starr, "The Toxic Origins of Neurasthenia and Melancholia," Medical Record 59 (1901): 721.

97. J. G. Biller, "Treatment of Neurasthenia," Journal of the American Medical Association 38 (1902): 4-6.

98. Archibald Church, "Treatment of Neurasthenia," Chicago Medical Recorder 20 (1901): 324.

99. George Beard, Sexual Neurasthenia (Nervous Exhaustion): Its Hygiene, Causes, Symptoms and Treatment, 5th ed. (New York: E.B. Treat, 1900), 271.

100. Ibid., 255-272.

99. George Beard, Sexual Neurasthenia (Nervous Exhaustion): Its Hygiene, Causes, Symptoms and Treatment, 5th ed. (New York: E.B. Treat, 1900), 271.

100. Ibid., 255-272.

101. Dowse, On Brain and Nerve Exhaustion, 61.

102. Margaret Rowbottom and Edward Susskind, Electricity and Medicine: History of Their Interaction (San Francisco: San Francisco Press, 1984); idem, "Psychiatric Treatment During the Nineteenth Century," Bulletin of the History of Medicine 22 (1948): 156-177; and Harry S. Holcombe, "Electrotherapy," Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences 22 (1967): 180-182.

103. Holcombe, "Electrotherapy," 180.

104. Rowbottom and Susskind, Electricity, 71-89.

105. Ibid., 113.

104. Rowbottom and Susskind, Electricity, 71-89.

105. Ibid., 113.

106. George M. Beard and A. D. Rockwell, A Practical Treatise on the Medical and Surgical Uses of Electricity (New York: William Wood, 1867).

107. Rowbottom and Susskind, Electricity, 113.

108. As early as 1846, John Galt referred to the clinical use of electricity. See John Galt, The Treatment of Insanity (New York, 1846), and S. Weir Mitchell, G.R. Morehouse, and W.E. Keen, Gunshot Wounds and Other Injuries of Nerves (Philadelphia, 1864).

109. Beard, "Neurasthenia or Nervous Exhaustion," 218.

110. Francis B. Bishop, "The Cause of Some Cases of Neurasthenia, and their Treatment by Electricity," Transactions of the American Electro-Therapeutic Association (1901): 331.

111. Daniel R. Brower, "Cerebral Neurasthenia, or Failure of Brain Power, with Special Reference to Electrotherapeutics," Transactions of the American Electro-Therapeutic Association (1901): 337.

112. Rockwell, "Electricity in Neurasthenia," 282.

113. Margaret A. Cleaves, "Franklinization as a Therapeutic Measure in Neurasthenia," Journal of the American Medical Association 27 (1896): 1043.

114. W.F. Robinson, "The Electrical Treatment of Certain Phases of Neurasthenia," Journal of Nervous and Mental Disease 20 (1893): 34.

115. Robinson, "Electrical Treatment," 38.

116. Putnam, "Neurasthenia and Its Treatment," 22.

117. W.B. Miller, "Static Electrical Treatment of Neurasthenia," Galliard's Southern Medicine 83 (1905): 26.

118. Gerald N. Grob explains, "Medical intervention reflected shared faith

between patient and physician that assumed it would be effective. The alternative belief in therapeutic nihilism was never seriously entertained, partly because physicians rejected an approach that might impair their social legitimacy, and partly because these patients and families eagerly sought treatment." Mental Illness and American Society, 122.

119. Van Deusen, "Observation," 457.

120. For examples of medication recommended to treat neurasthenia, see Van Deusen, "Observation," 445-461; Beard, "Neurasthenia, or Nervous Exhaustion," 217-219; Beard, "Cases of Hysteria," 438-451; and Dana, "On the Pathology,'' 57-62.

121. Savage, "Hints on Nervous Exhaustion," 153-154.

122. J.P.C. Foster, "Suggestive and Hypnotic Treatment of Neurasthenia," Yale Medical Journal 8 (1901-1902): 14-22.

123. Greene, "Neurasthenia," 78.

124. Patterson, "Practical Experience," 361.

125. Harold N. Moyer, "The Treatment of Neurasthenia," Journal of the American Medical Association 37 (1901): 1657.

126. Beard, American Nervousness, 313.

127. See Beard, "Neurasthenia, or Nervous Exhaustion," 217-219; idem, American Nervousness, 253-277; William A. Hammond, Cerebral Hyperaemia: The Result of Emotional Strain or Emotional Disturbance, the So-called Nervous Prostration of Neurasthenia (Washington: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1878); Savage, "Hints on Nervous Exhaustion," 153-154; Johnson, "Neurasthenia," 737-744; Greene, "Neurasthenia," 75-78; Cowles, "The Mechanism," 49-70; 209-252; Sachs, "Functional Nervous Troubles: Neurasthenia," 237-246; Putnam, "Neurasthenia and Its Treatment," 17-28; Quackenbos, "Causes and Recent Treatment," 92-103; Landon Carter Gray, "Neurasthenia: Its Symptoms and Treatment," Medical News 75 (1899): 788-791; Carlin Phillips, "The Etiology and Treatment of Neurasthenia: An Analysis of Three Hundred and Thirty-three Cases," Medical Record 55 (1899): 413-422; Frederick A. McGrew, "Neurasthenia and the Rest Cure," Journal of the American Medical Association 34 (1900): 1466-1468; Church, "Treatment of Neurasthenia," 320-325; King, "Some Points," 493-506; Patterson, "Practical Experience," 360-361; Moyer, "The Treatment of Neurasthenia, 1656-1658; Brower, "The Treatment of Neurasthenia," 232-235; Biller, "Treatment of Neurasthenia," 4-6; S. Weir Mitchell, "The Evolution of the Rest Treatment," Journal of Nervous and Mental Disease 31 (1904): 368-373; Pershing, "The Treatment of Neurasthenia," 82-87; and Solis, "The Psychotherapeutics of Neurasthenia," 312-316.

128. Mitchell, "Rest in Nervous Disease."

129. For biographical information on Mitchell, see Ernest Earnest, S. Weir Mitchell, Novelist and Physician (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1950); D. M. Rein, S. Weir Mitchell as a Psychiatric Novelist (New York: International Universities Press, 1952).

130. Mitchell, "The Evolution of the Rest Treatment," 372.

131. Sicherman, "The Use of a Diagnosis," 40.

132. Mitchell, "Rest in Nervous Disease," 84.

133. Ibid., 85.

134. Ibid., 102.

132. Mitchell, "Rest in Nervous Disease," 84.

133. Ibid., 85.

134. Ibid., 102.

132. Mitchell, "Rest in Nervous Disease," 84.

133. Ibid., 85.

134. Ibid., 102.

135. Patterson, "Practical Experience," 360.

136. My use of feminine pronouns stems largely from the fact that most, though not certainly not all, rest cure patients were women.

137. Mitchell, Fat and Blood, 58.

138. Ibid., 59.

137. Mitchell, Fat and Blood, 58.

138. Ibid., 59.

139. Mitchell, "Rest in Nervous Disease," 61.

140. Ibid., 95.

141. Ibid., 96.

142. Ibid.

139. Mitchell, "Rest in Nervous Disease," 61.

140. Ibid., 95.

141. Ibid., 96.

142. Ibid.

139. Mitchell, "Rest in Nervous Disease," 61.

140. Ibid., 95.

141. Ibid., 96.

142. Ibid.

139. Mitchell, "Rest in Nervous Disease," 61.

140. Ibid., 95.

141. Ibid., 96.

142. Ibid.

143. Quackenbos, "Causes and Recent Treatment," 98.

144. Ann Douglas Wood may be correct when she asserts that "Mitchell's treatment depended in actuality not so much on the techniques of rest and overfeeding, as on the commanding personality and charismatic will of the physician." "'The Fashionable Diseases.'" Little evidence exists, however, which can support the claim that Mitchell himself subscribed to such a belief. Although Mitchell readily conceded the role of the physician's personality in his ''cure," he went to great lengths to emphasize the somatic aspects of his therapy. A similarly misplaced claim can be found in the writing of Kenneth Levin. "Without using the term 'unconscious,'" Levin proclaims, "Mitchell makes extensive use of the concept." True enough. But in making such a claim, Levin must rely on an anachronistic reading of Mitchell's writings that neglects to take seriously Mitchell's self-professed somaticism. Levin, "S. Weir Mitchell."

145. Smith-Rosenberg, "The Hysterical Woman," 195-216.

146. She continues: "Though much has been made recently of the painful procedure of cauterization for female complaints, it was actually a common therapy for venereal disease. Male genitals were cauterized by the same complacent physicians who cauterized their female patients." See Regina Morantz-Sanchez, "The Lady and Her Physicians," in Clio's Consciousness Raised: New Perspectives on the History of Women, ed. Mary S. Hartman and Lois Banner (New York: Octagon Books, 1976), 44.

147. Bromberg, The Mind of Man, 204.

148. Mitchell, "The Evolution of the Rest Treatment," 373.

149. Prince, "The Educational Treatment," 334.

150. McGrew, "Neurasthenia and the Rest Cure," 1466.

151. Church, "Treatment of Neurasthenia," 323.

152. Patterson, "Practical Experience," 362.

153. Arthur E. Mink, "Neurasthenia, with Special Reference to the Best Mode of Treatment," Medical Bulletin (Philadelphia) 20 (1898): 466.

154. Pritchard, "The American Disease," 22.

155. H. V. Halbert, "The Management of Neurasthenia," Clinique (Chicago) 24 (1903): 494-495.

156. Pritchard, "The American Disease," 22.

157. Herbert J. Hall, "The Systematic Use of Work as a Remedy in Neurasthenia and Allied Conditions," Boston Medical and Surgical Journal 152 (1905): 30.

158. King, "Some Points in the Treatment of Neurasthenia," 493.

159. Gray, "Neurasthenia: Its Symptoms and Treatment," 790.

160. For examples of works that make this mistake, see Kuttner, "Nerves"; Bunker, "From Beard to Freud"; Wiener, ''G. M. Beard and Freud"; and Levin, "S. Weir Mitchell," 168-173.

1. William James, The Varieties of Religious Experience: A Study in Human Nature (New York: Collier Books, 1961), 89.

2. John F. Teahan, "Warren Felt Evans and Mental Healing: Romantic Idealism and Practical Mysticism in Nineteenth-Century America," Church History 48 (1979): 74; Richard Weiss, The American Myth of Success: From Horatio Alger to Norman Vincent Peale (New York: Basic Books, 1969), 195-196.

3. This phrase, explains Stewart W. Holmes, "is preferable to that of 'scientific materialism' because a thorough understanding of modern science certainly does not necessarily make one mechanistically or grossly materialistic in his evaluation of the life process." "Phineus Parkhurst Quimby: Scientist of Transcendentalism," New England Quarterly 17 (1944): 356.

4. Martin S. Pernick, "Back from the Grave: Recurring Controversies over Defining and Diagnosing Death in History," in Death: Beyond Whole-Brain Criteria, ed. Richard M. Zaner (Dordrecht: Kluwer, 1988), 49.

5. James Turner, Reckoning with the Beast: Animals, Pain, and Humanity in the Victorian Mind (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1980), 83, 106.

6. James, Varieties, 90. Writing of the differences between Christian Science and New Thought, Richard M. Huber declares, "Though to an outsider Christian Science and New Thought seem practically indistinguishable, they differ sharply in two areas. Christian Science is closely organized and rigidly centralized with a unified doctrine and an absolute discipline over its practice. In matters of faith, the absolute idealism of Christian Science denies the existence of matter and the reality of suffering. The New Thought movement consists of independent sects loosely organized and is unified very casually in doctrine. Centering authority in no book or person, it permits the individual to roam freely in the world's literature and to develop his own beliefs. In matters of faith, the restrained idealism of New Thought does not deny the existence of sickness, sin, and poverty, but asserts that these evils can be overcome by right thinking." Huber, The American Idea of Success (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1971), 130.

7. In 1896 Horatio Dresser explained, "[The] mental healing world is split into two camps,—those who consistently carry out the law of love and those whose motive it is to support their leader at any cost. Concerted treatment to ruin the prospects and the business of those who fearlessly and charitably publish the truth about that leader is now a widely known and most deplorable fact. People hesitate to tell what they know lest they become the object of this underhand and most pernicious practice. They fear for themselves and their

friends. And thus aspersions are cast on the whole society of earnest truth-seekers whose sole object it is to win and promulgate impersonal truth." The Life, Kansas City, 22 January 1896.

8. Hale, James Jackson Putnam, 11. In his study of the origins of psychoanalysis in the United States, Hale adds that while "the mind cure cults [probably] forced New England physicians to develop psychotherapy, they discouraged physicians elsewhere. ... As late as 1910 the New England interest in psychotherapy, especially of a religious nature, was regarded as a regional aberration." Freud and the Americans, 122. See also Weiss, The American Myth of Success, 197; Fuller, Americans and the Unconscious, 51.

9. Gardner Murphy and Robert O. Ballou, eds., William James on Psychical Research (New York: Viking Press, 1960), 10.

10. Richard Dewey, "Mental Therapeutics in Nervous and Mental Diseases," American Journal of Insanity 57 (1900-1901): 676.

11. Robert T. Edes, "Mind Cures from the Standpoint of the General Practitioner," Boston Medical and Surgical Journal 151 (18 August 1904): 173-179.

12. Edward W. Taylor, "The Attitude of the Medical Profession Toward the Therapeutic Movement," Boston Medical and Surgical Journal 157 (26 December 1907): 844.

13. Nancy B. Sherman, "Has Suggestion a Legitimate Place in Therapeutics?" Transactions of the Fifty-second Session of the American Institute of Homeopathy (1896): 651.

14. W.F. Hartford "Subjective Therapeutics," Medical Record 54 (1898): 158-159, quoted in John S. Haller, American Medicine in Transition, 1840-1910 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1981), 144-145.

15. Weiss, The American Myth of Success, 199; see Donald Meyer, "William James as the Authority," in The Positive Thinkers: Religion as Pop Psychology from Mary Baker Eddy to Oral Roberts (New York: Pantheon Books, 1965), 315-324.

16. Sydney E. Ahlstrom, "Harmonial Religion Since the Late Nineteenth Century," in A Religious History of the American People (Garden City: Image Books, 1975), 2:528; Ann Braude, Radical Spirits: Spiritualism and Women's Rights in Nineteenth-Century America (Boston: Beacon Press, 1989), 185.

17. See Haller, American Medicine in Transition, 100-149; Catherine L. Albanese, Nature Religion in America: From the Algonkian Indians to the New Age (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990); idem, "Physic and Metaphysic in Nineteenth-Century America: Medical Sectarians and Religious History," Church History 55 (1986): 489-502; and James C. Whorton, Crusaders for Fitness: The History of American Health Reformers (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1982).

18. Albanese, Nature Religion, 123

19. In addition to previously cited sources, see J. Stillson Judah, The History and Philosophy of the Metaphysical Movement in America (Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1967); Ronald L. Numbers and Rennie B. Schoepflin, "Ministries of Healing: Mary Baker Eddy, Ellen G. White, and the Religion of Health," in Women and Health in America, ed. Judith Walzer Leavitt (Madison: University

of Wisconsin Press, 1984): 376-389; Rennie B. Schoepflin, "Christian Science Healing in America," in Other Healers: Unorthodox Medicine in America, ed. Norman Gevitz (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1988), 192-214; David Harrell, All Things Are Possible: The Healing and Charismatic Movement in Modern America (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1975); and R. Laurence Moore, In Search of White Crows: Spiritualism, Parapsychology, and American Culture (New York: Oxford University Press, 1977).

20. Meyer, Positive Thinkers, 312.

21. Gail Thain Parker, Mind Cure in New England from the Civil War to World War One (Hanover: University of New England Press, 1973), 32.

22. Horatio Dresser, "The Mental Cure in Its Relation to Modern Thought," Arena 16 (1896): 135.

23. For a fascinating and humorous tale of one man's quest for health, see William Taylor Marrs, Confessions of a Neurasthenic (Philadelphia: F.A. Davis, 1908).

24. While there is at present no biography of Phineus Parkhurst Quimby, there are a number of sources that discuss his life. He is listed in Dictionary of American Biography 15: 304-305. The first historical treatment of Quimby occurred just two decades after his death when Julius A. Dresser published The True History of Mental Science: The Facts Concerning the Discovery of Mental Healing (Boston: Geo. H. Ellis, 1887). The following year, Quimby's son George published a brief biographical sketch that appeared in the New England Magazine 6 (1888): 267-276. A decade later, Annetta Gertrude Dresser published The Philosophy of P. P. Quimby: With Selections from His Manuscripts and Sketch of His Life (Boston: Geo. H. Ellis, 1895). Also see Georgine Milmine, Mary Baker G. Eddy: The Story of Her Life and the History of Christian Science (New York: Doubleday, Page, 1909); Horatio Dresser provides a biographical sketch in The Quimby Manuscripts Showing the Discovery of Spiritual Healing and the Origins of Christian Science, ed. Horatio W. Dresser (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell, 1921); Frank Podmore, Mesmerism and Christian Science: A Short History of Mental Healing (London: Methuen, 1909); Horatio Dresser, A History of the New Thought Movement (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell, 1919). For more recent sources, see Bromberg, The Mind of Man, 141-147; Holmes, "Phineus Parkhurst Quimby," 356-380; Charles Braden, Spirits in Rebellion: The Rise and Development of New Thought (Dallas: Southern Methodist University Press, 1963). Robert Peel has written extensively on Quimby in his biography of Mary Baker Eddy, Mary Baker Eddy: The Years of Discovery (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1966), 151-192, 297-300. Also see Stephen Gottschalk, The Emergence of Christian Science in American Religious Life (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1973), 104-112; Robert C. Fuller, Mesmerism and the American Cure of Souls (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1982); Errol Stafford Collie, Quimby's Science of Happiness: A Non-Medical Scientific Explanation of the Cause and Cure of Disease (Marina del Rey, Calif.: DeVorss, 1980). For Quimby's personal writings, see Earvin Seale, ed., Phineus Parkhurst Quimby: The Complete Writings, 3 vols. (Marina del Rey, Calif.: Devorss, 1988).

25. As quoted in Weiss, The American Myth of Success, 199-200.

26. Daniel Drake, a professor at the Louisville Medical Institute, was among the earliest American physicians to attribute mesmerism's power to suggestion. See Drake's Analytical Report of a Series of Experiments in Mesmeric Somniquism (1844).

27. For examples of "respectable" mesmeric literature, see "Wonderful Physical Manifestation," Atlantic Monthly (August 1868); Aaron S. Hayward, Vital Magnetic Cure: An Exposition of Vital Magnetism, and Its Application to the Treatment of Mental and Physical Disease (Boston: William White, 1871), and Frederick T. Parson, Vital Magnetism: Its Power Over Disease—A Statement of the Facts Developed by Men Who Have Employed this Agenda Under Various Names as Animal Magnetism, Mesmerism, Hypnotism, Etc., from the Earliest Times Down to the Present (New York: Adams, Victor, 1877).

28. Alan Gauld, A History of Hypnotism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 193.

29. See Signe Toksvig, Emanuel Swedenborg: Scientist and Mystic (Freeport: Books for Library Press, 1948); Ralph Waldo Emerson, "Swedenborg: or, the Mystic," in Representative Men (Joseph Simon Publisher): 59-94.

30. Whitney Cross asserts that "mesmerism led to Swedenborgianism, and Swedenborgianism to Spiritualism, not because of the degree of intrinsic relationship between their propositions but because of the assumptions according to which their American adherents understood them." See Cross, The Burned-over District: The Social and Intellectual History of Enthusiastic Religion in Western New York, 1800-1850 (New York: Octagon Books, 1981), 342.

31. John Humphrey Noyes, History of American Socialism (Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott, 1870), 538-539; Robert C. Fuller, Alternative Medicine and American Religious Life (New York: Oxford University Press, 1989), 52.

32. Emerson, "Swedenborg," 59-94.

33. Fuller, Unconscious, 189. For biographical details of Grimes, see Dictionary of American Biography 4:630-631.

34. Fuller, Unconscious, 189.

35. Fuller, Alternative, 52; see George Bush, Mesmer and Swedenborg; Or, The Relation of the Development of Mesmerism to the Doctrines and Disclosures of Swedenborg (New York: John Allen, 1847). For details on Bush's life, see Dictionary of American Biography 2:347.

36. Bush, Mesmer and Swedenborg, v.

37. Ibid., 17.

36. Bush, Mesmer and Swedenborg, v.

37. Ibid., 17.

38. See Janet Oppenheim, The Other World and Beyond: Spiritualism and Psychical Research in England, 1850-1914 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985).

39. Fuller, Mesmerism, 1982.

40. Dresser, The Quimby Manuscripts Showing the Discovery of Spiritual Healing and the Origins of Christian Science, 1921.

41. Quimby, Phineus Parkhurst Quimby: The Complete Writings, 319.

42. Ibid., 250.

41. Quimby, Phineus Parkhurst Quimby: The Complete Writings, 319.

42. Ibid., 250.

43. Horatio Dresser provides a biographical sketch in The Quimby Manuscripts . For a more recent edition, see Phineus Parkhurst Quimby: The Complete Writings .

44. Dresser, The Quimby Manuscripts, 69, 263.

45. Ibid., 591.

46. Ibid., 194.

47. Ibid., 277.

44. Dresser, The Quimby Manuscripts, 69, 263.

45. Ibid., 591.

46. Ibid., 194.

47. Ibid., 277.

44. Dresser, The Quimby Manuscripts, 69, 263.

45. Ibid., 591.

46. Ibid., 194.

47. Ibid., 277.

44. Dresser, The Quimby Manuscripts, 69, 263.

45. Ibid., 591.

46. Ibid., 194.

47. Ibid., 277.

48. Dresser, The Philosophy of P.P. Quimby, 23.

49. Ibid., 46.

50. Ibid., 96.

48. Dresser, The Philosophy of P.P. Quimby, 23.

49. Ibid., 46.

50. Ibid., 96.

48. Dresser, The Philosophy of P.P. Quimby, 23.

49. Ibid., 46.

50. Ibid., 96.

51. Quimby, Phineus Parkhurst Quimby: The Complete Writings, 288.

52. Julia Anderson Root, Healing Power of Mind: A Treatise on Mind-Cure, with Original Views on the Subject and Complete Instructions for Practice and Self-Treatment, 2d ed. (Peoria: H.S. Hill, 1886), 161.

53. Warren Felt Evans, Divine Law of Cure (Boston: H.H. Carter, 1884), 9.

54. Although there is no formal biography of Warren Felt Evans, the most detailed study of his life was prepared by William J. Leonard and presented in a prominent New Thought periodical. See William J. Leonard, "Warren Felt Evans, M.D.," Practical Ideals 10 (September-October 1905): 1-16; (November 1905): 1-23; (December 1905): 9-26; and (January 1906): 10-26. For a more recent discussion, see Dictionary of American Biography 3:213-214; and Teahan, "Warren Felt Evans and Mental Healing."

55. In 1862 Evans published his first book of significant length, The Celestial Dawn, in which he endeavored to promote Swedenborg's views without making any direct reference to the Swedish mystic. The book generated considerable dissatisfaction among his fellow ministers, and within months of its publication, Evans left the Methodist church and formally joined Swedenborg's New Church. See Leonard, "Warren Felt Evans" (September-October), 8-9.

56. Leonard, "Warren Felt Evans" (November), 14.

57. Warren Felt Evans, The Mental Cure, Illustrating the Influence of the Mind on the Body, Both in Health and Disease, and the Psychological Method of Treatment, 7th ed. (Boston: Colby and Rich, 1869). Over the course of the next decade and a half, Evans would write five additional books on the subject of mental healing: Mental Medicine (Boston, 1872), Soul and Body (Boston: Colby & Rich, 1876), The Divine Law of Cure (Boston: H.H. Carter, 1884), The Primitive Mind Cure (Boston. H.H. Carter, 1885), and Esoteric Christianity, and Mental Therapeutics (H.H. Carter & Karrick, 1886). The last work was a text that outlined the central principles of his system.

58. Evans, Mental Cure, 318.

59. Ibid., 38.

58. Evans, Mental Cure, 318.

59. Ibid., 38.

60. See Edwin Clarke and L.S. Jacyna, Nineteenth-Century Origins of Neuroscientific Concepts (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987).

61. Evans, Mental Cure, 223.

62. Warren Felt Evans, "The Mental-Cure," Mind Cure and Science of Life 1 (1885): 141. Emphasis in original.

63. Evans, Divine Law, 203. Emphasis in original.

64. Ibid., 161. Emphasis in original.

63. Evans, Divine Law, 203. Emphasis in original.

64. Ibid., 161. Emphasis in original.

65. Edna Heidbreder, Seven Psychologies (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice Hall, 1933), 45.

66. Ibid., 44; Edwin G. Boring, A History of Experimental Psychology, 2d ed. (New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts, 1950), 181.

65. Edna Heidbreder, Seven Psychologies (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice Hall, 1933), 45.

66. Ibid., 44; Edwin G. Boring, A History of Experimental Psychology, 2d ed. (New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts, 1950), 181.

67. Boring, A History, 173, 185

68. Heidbreder, Seven Psychologies, 48. For a brief history of the law, see Robert Young, "Association of Ideas," in Dictionary of the History of Ideas, 1:111-118.

69. A notable exception, Evans acknowledged, could be found in the writing of James Mill. "I know of no writer on mental science who gives to it anything like the importance that belongs to it except Mr. James Mill." Indeed, Evans cited extensively from Mill's Analysis of the Phenomena of the Human Mind (1829). Evans, Divine Law, 287.

70. Evans, Divine Law, 293 (emphasis in original). For a splendid analysis of this issue in the British medical context, see Michael J. Clark, "'Morbid Introspection,' Unsoundness of Mind and British Psychological Medicine, c. 1830-c. 1900," in The Anatomy of Madness, ed. W.F. Bynum, Roy Porter, and Michael Shepard (London: Routledge, 1988), 3:71-101.

71. Evans, Mental Cure, 252.

72. Evans, Divine Law, 205.

73. Evans, Mental Cure, 269.

74. Ibid., 277.

75. Ibid., 279.

73. Evans, Mental Cure, 269.

74. Ibid., 277.

75. Ibid., 279.

73. Evans, Mental Cure, 269.

74. Ibid., 277.

75. Ibid., 279.

76. Evans's understanding of the "law of sympathy" derived from his reading of Herman Boerhaave (1668-1738). "Boerhaave relates that the pupils of a squint-eyed schoolmaster near Leyden, after a while, exhibited the same obliquity of vision." Mental Cure, 276.

77. Ibid., 276.

78. Ibid., 277.

79. Ibid., 271-272.

76. Evans's understanding of the "law of sympathy" derived from his reading of Herman Boerhaave (1668-1738). "Boerhaave relates that the pupils of a squint-eyed schoolmaster near Leyden, after a while, exhibited the same obliquity of vision." Mental Cure, 276.

77. Ibid., 276.

78. Ibid., 277.

79. Ibid., 271-272.

76. Evans's understanding of the "law of sympathy" derived from his reading of Herman Boerhaave (1668-1738). "Boerhaave relates that the pupils of a squint-eyed schoolmaster near Leyden, after a while, exhibited the same obliquity of vision." Mental Cure, 276.

77. Ibid., 276.

78. Ibid., 277.

79. Ibid., 271-272.

76. Evans's understanding of the "law of sympathy" derived from his reading of Herman Boerhaave (1668-1738). "Boerhaave relates that the pupils of a squint-eyed schoolmaster near Leyden, after a while, exhibited the same obliquity of vision." Mental Cure, 276.

77. Ibid., 276.

78. Ibid., 277.

79. Ibid., 271-272.

80. The literature on Christian Science is vast. Much of it is polemical. A voluminous historiography exists concerning the life and work of Mary Baker Eddy alone. For contemporary commentary see James Monroe Buckley, Faith-Healing, Christian Science and Kindred Phenomena (New York: Century, 1887); Frederick W. Peabody, "A Complete Exposé of Eddyism or Christian Science and the Plain Truth in Plain Terms Regarding Mary Baker G. Eddy, Founder of Christian Science," an address delivered at Tremont Temple, Boston, on August 1, 1901; William A. Purrington, Christian Science: An Exposition of Mrs. Eddy's Wonderful Discovery, Including Its Legal Aspects: A Plea for Children and Other Helpless Sick (New York: E.B. Treat, 1900); Georgine Milmine, Mary Baker G. Eddy: The Story of Her Life and the History of Christian Science (New York: Doubleday, Page, 1909), which first appeared in serial form in McClure's Magazine (1907-1908); Mark Twain, Christian Science (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1907); Lyman P. Powell, Christian Science: The Faith and Its Founder (New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1907); Frank Podmore, Mesmerism, chapter 16; James H. Snowden, The Truth about Christian Science: The Founder and the Faith (Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1920). For more recent treatment, the best place to start is Bromberg, Mind of Man, 145-158, and Peel, Mary Baker Eddy; also see Marian King, Mary Baker Eddy: Child of Promise (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice Hall, 1968). For balanced appraisals, see Gottschalk, The Emergence; Julius S. Silberger, Jr., Mary Baker Eddy: An Interpretive Biography of the Founder of Christian Science (Boston: Little, Brown,

1980); Schoepflin, "Christian Science Healing in America," 192-214; and Cassedy, Medicine in America, 100-101.

81. Schoepflin, "Christian Science Healing in America," 197-200.

82. Numbers and Schoepflin, "Ministries of Healing," 379.

83. Mary Baker Eddy was married several times and changed her name on numerous occasions. Her name at birth was Mary Morse Baker. In 1843 she married George Washington Glover and became Mary Baker Glover. Glover died within the decade, and in 1853 she married Dr. Daniel Patterson and became Mary Baker Patterson—this was her name when she visited Quimby in 1862. She later divorced Patterson and changed her name back to Mary Morse Glover. Finally, in 1877 she married Asa Gilbert Eddy and became and remained Mary Baker Eddy for the rest of her life. For purposes of narrative clarity, I have chosen to refer to her as Mary Baker Eddy except in those instances in which chronology compels me to do otherwise.

84. "Mary Baker Eddy," 3:9.

85. Ibid., 9.

84. "Mary Baker Eddy," 3:9.

85. Ibid., 9.

86. Podmore, Mesmerism, 253.

87. Ibid., 268.

86. Podmore, Mesmerism, 253.

87. Ibid., 268.

88. Mary Baker Eddy was certainly not unique in claiming that her theories of healing were entirely original. Earlier in the century, Sylvester Graham made no mention of his debt to Broussais. In his six major books on the subject of mental healing, Evans made only a single reference to Quimby. It appears in his second book, Mental Medicine (1872), 209. Ellen White, the prophetess of Seventh Day Adventism, likewise boasted that her views of health reform were divinely ordained. Numbers and Schoepflin, "Ministries of Healing," 376-389.

89. Mary Baker Glover Eddy, Science and Health (Boston: W.F. Brown, 1875), 72, 413.

90. My discussion focuses exclusively on the original 1875 edition.

91. "Mary Baker Eddy," 10.

92. Eddy, Science and Health, 334.

93. Ibid., 4.

94. Ibid., 330.

95. Ibid.

96. Ibid., 358.

97. Ibid., 334, 344, 361.

98. Ibid., 34.

92. Eddy, Science and Health, 334.

93. Ibid., 4.

94. Ibid., 330.

95. Ibid.

96. Ibid., 358.

97. Ibid., 334, 344, 361.

98. Ibid., 34.

92. Eddy, Science and Health, 334.

93. Ibid., 4.

94. Ibid., 330.

95. Ibid.

96. Ibid., 358.

97. Ibid., 334, 344, 361.

98. Ibid., 34.

92. Eddy, Science and Health, 334.

93. Ibid., 4.

94. Ibid., 330.

95. Ibid.

96. Ibid., 358.

97. Ibid., 334, 344, 361.

98. Ibid., 34.

92. Eddy, Science and Health, 334.

93. Ibid., 4.

94. Ibid., 330.

95. Ibid.

96. Ibid., 358.

97. Ibid., 334, 344, 361.

98. Ibid., 34.

92. Eddy, Science and Health, 334.

93. Ibid., 4.

94. Ibid., 330.

95. Ibid.

96. Ibid., 358.

97. Ibid., 334, 344, 361.

98. Ibid., 34.

92. Eddy, Science and Health, 334.

93. Ibid., 4.

94. Ibid., 330.

95. Ibid.

96. Ibid., 358.

97. Ibid., 334, 344, 361.

98. Ibid., 34.

99. Podmore, Mesmerism, 272.

100. In 1886, Mrs. Eddy's former student, Edward G. Arens, established "the University of the Science of the Spirit," which charged a tuition of only $100. The Mind Cure Journal reported, "We regret very much to see the spirit of mammon and avarice figure so prominent a part with some of the so-called Christian Scientists. Our objection is not general but limited to a very few. I know that $100 is a stiff sum to charge those who desire to learn this science, but when '$300' are charged it is the most shameful extortion." "Christian Science or Mammon," The Mind Cure and Science of Life 1 (1885): 109. Also see Buckley, Faith-Healing, 247.

101. Buckley, Faith-Healing, 242.

102. Schoepflin, "Christian Science," 197-200.

103. Numbers and Schoepflin, "Ministries of Healing," 381.

104. Rosenberg, Beyond Separate Spheres .

105. An article appearing in the Boston Post declared, "Mind Cure is called a Boston craze: no other city has developed the system to such an extent, and probably in no other place are there so many disciples of mental healing; a system claiming so many adherents, and recognized so largely by eminent men, deserves to be better understood than it is at present by the majority of people." Quoted in "A Fair Statement," Mind Cure and Science of Life 1 (1885): 79.

106. Gottschalk speculates that Julius Dresser's return to Boston was in large measure inspired by his having received news of Mrs. Eddy's success.

107. "A Fair Statement," 180.

108. Root, Healing Power , 165-169.

109. Swarts's journal chronicled the increasing national interest in mental healing. An editorial reported that "Mrs. Julia A. Root and others are sweeping the Pacific coast. Dr. Sawyer is holding guard over the Northwest with his Metaphysical Institute at Milwaukee, Wisconsin. Mrs. Mary H. Plunkett, and aids are flashing light at Detroit, Michigan, with the Mental Science College. "Mental-Cure Sanitarium," Mind Cure and Science of Life 2 (1886): 183.

110. The Christian Science Journal was narrower in its focus.

111. A. J. Swarts, "Defeat the Bill," Mind Cure and Science of Life 1 (28 January 1886): 114.

112. A. J. Swarts, "Metaphysics or Mind Cure," Mind Cure and Science of Life 1 (1885): 26.

113. Ibid., 27.

112. A. J. Swarts, "Metaphysics or Mind Cure," Mind Cure and Science of Life 1 (1885): 26.

113. Ibid., 27.

114. When it finally ceased publication in 1888, Katie Swarts recommended that subscribers switch to the Christian Science Journal .

115. Journal of Christian Science (February 1885), quoted in Mind Cure and Science of Life Magazine 1 (1885): 171.

116. For an excellent discussion of the issues confronting American Protestant ministers during the late nineteenth century, see Jon H. Roberts, Darwinism and the Divine: Protestant Intellectuals and Organic Evolution, 1859-1900 (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1988); also see Gottschalk, The Emergence , 188.

117. Buckley, Faith-Healing .

118. Ibid., 290.

117. Buckley, Faith-Healing .

118. Ibid., 290.

119. Schoepflin, "Christian Science," 206; Ronald L. Numbers, "The Fall and Rise of American Medicine," in The Professions in American History , ed. and introd. Nathan O. Hatch (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1988), 64.

120. Purrington, Christian Science , 3.

121. Gottschalk correctly points out that prior to the mid-1890s non-Christian Science mental healers had yet to organize themselves as an effective opposition to Mrs. Eddy's church. The term New Thought does not appear until the mid-1890s.

122. Charles Brodie Patterson, What Is New Thought? The Living Way (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell, 1913), 14.

123. Braden, Spirits , 12-13.

124. W.J. Coleville, "The Ethics of Mental Healing," Metaphysical Magazine 1 (1895): 76.

125. Leander Edmund Whipple, The Philosophy of Mental Healing (New York: Metaphysical, 1893), 134.

126. Henry Wood, The New Thought Simplified: How to Gain Harmony and Health (Boston: Lee and Shepard, 1903), 150.

127. Henry Wood, Ideal Suggestion Through Mental Photography: A Restorative System for Home and Private Use Preceded by a Study of the Laws of Mental Healing , 10th ed. (Boston: Lea and Shepard Publishers, 1893), 21.

128. Henry Wood, The New Old Healing (Boston: Lothrop, Lea and Shepard, 1908), 234.

129. Joseph L. Hasbroucke, "Popular Fallacies Concerning Mind Cure," Metaphysical Magazine 1 (1895): 228.

130. Henry Wood, The New Thought Simplified: How to Gain Harmony and Health (Boston: Lea and Shepard, 1903), 159.

131. Ralph Waldo Trine, In Tune with the Infinite or Fullness of Peace, Power, and Plenty (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell, 1897), 51.

132. Wood, The New Thought Simplified , 93.

133. Josephine Curtis Woodbury, "Christian Science and Its Prophetess," Arena 21 (1899): 570.

134. Eddy, Science and Health , 342.

135. Joseph L. Hasbroucke, "Popular Fallacies Concerning Mind Cure," Metaphysical Magazine 1 (1895): 227.

136. Coleville, "The Ethics of Mental Healing," 81.

137. Hippolyte Bernheim, Suggestive Therapeutics: A Treatise on the Nature and Uses of Hypnotism (New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1895).

138. W.J. Coleville, "The Educational Uses of Mental Suggestion," Metaphysical Magazine 1 (1895): 353-363; J. Elizabeth Hotchkiss, "The New Psychology," Metaphysical Magazine 1 (1895): 377-390; B.J. Fowler, "Hypnotism and Mental Suggestion," Arena 6 (1892): 208-218; Shelby Mamaugh, "The Philosophy of Psycho-Therapeutics," Metaphysical Magazine 3 (1896): 269-275.

139. W.H. Holcombe, "The Power of Thought," Transactions of the Institute of Homeopathy (1888): 603.

140. Patterson, What Is New Thought ? 90.

141. Root, Healing Power , 9.

142. Wood, Ideal Suggestion , 79.

143. Ibid., 20.

142. Wood, Ideal Suggestion , 79.

143. Ibid., 20.

144. "Thomas Jay Hudson," Dictionary of American Biography 9:341-342.

145. Thomas J. Hudson, The Law of Psychic Phenomenon: A Working Hypothesis for the Systematic Study of Hypnotism, Spiritism, Mental Therapeutics, Etc. 17th ed. (Chicago: A. C. McClurg, 1899), 150.

146. "Thomas J. Hudson," Dictionary of American Biography , 9:341-342.

147. Hudson, Psychic Phenomenon , 177.

148. Thomas J. Hudson, The Law of Mental Medicine; and the Correlation of the Facts of Psychology and Histology in Their Relation to Mental Therapeutics (London: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1904), vii.

149. Ibid., 11, 14.

148. Thomas J. Hudson, The Law of Mental Medicine; and the Correlation of the Facts of Psychology and Histology in Their Relation to Mental Therapeutics (London: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1904), vii.

149. Ibid., 11, 14.

150. Shelby Mumaugh, "The Philosophy of Psycho-Therapeutics," Metaphysical Magazine 3 (1896): 271-272.

151. Ibid., 275.

150. Shelby Mumaugh, "The Philosophy of Psycho-Therapeutics," Metaphysical Magazine 3 (1896): 271-272.

151. Ibid., 275.

152. Wood, The New Old Healing , 233.

153. Haller, American Medicine , 143.

154. Regular physicians had long challenged the claims of the Spiritualists. But prior to the 1870s, their efforts to discredit the movement typically consisted of isolated attempts to expose examples of fraud and deceit. This situation changed during the 1870s when neurologists began their own campaign to discredit the movement. Members of this novel medical specialty rejected Spiritualists' claims that the phenomena of somnambulism and trance were attributable to supernatural forces. George Beard regarded Spiritualism as one of history's greatest delusions. His views were echoed by several of his Anglo-American neurological colleagues. William Alexander Hammond linked the "disease" to the female reproductive system and sought to discredit the entire movement by arguing that Spiritualism was itself a form of mental illness In Great Britain, Henry Maudsley argued that belief in Spiritualism was the product of an inherited constitutional defect in the nerves and brain. See also George M. Beard, "The Psychology of Spiritualism," North American Review (July 1879): 75; William Alexander Hamilton, The Physics and Physiology of Spiritualism (New York: Appleton, 1871); and idem, Spiritualism and Allied Causes of Nervous Derangement (New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1876). In addition, see Edward M. Brown "Neurology and Spiritualism in the 1870s," Bulletin of the History of Medicine 57 (1983): 563-577; S. E. D. Shortt, "Physicians and Psychics: The Anglo-American Medical Response to Spiritualism, 1870-1890," Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences 39 (1984): 339-355. For a comparative analysis of the situation in France, see Goldstein, Console and Classify , 257-263, 273.

155. Dresser, History of New Thought , 147.

156. T. L. Brown, "Metaphysical Healing versus Mental Science," Transactions of the Institute of Homeopathy (1886): 366-369.

157. Laura G. V. Mackie, "Psychotherapy, Its Use and Abuse," Woman's Medical Journal 19 (1909): 23.

158. Eliza Calvert Hall, "Mental Science and Homeopathy," Metaphysical Magazine 7 (1898): 350.

159. Eliza Calvert Hall, "The Evolution of Mental Science," Metaphysical Magazine 14 (1901): 174.

160. See William A. Purrington, A Review of Recent Legal Decisions Affecting Physicians, Dentists, Druggists, and the Public Health together with a Brief for the Prosecution of Unlicensed Practitioners of Medicine, Dentistry, Pharmacy, with a Paper Upon Manslaughter, Christian Science and the Law and Other Matters (New York: E. B. Treat, 1899); Samuel L. Baker, "Physician Licensure Laws in the United States, 1865-1915," Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences 39 (1984): 173.

161. For an analysis of the history of licensure laws, see Samuel L. Baker, "A Strange Case: The Physician Licensure Campaign in Massachusetts in 1880," Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences 40 (1984): 286-308;

Richard H. Shyrock, Medical Licensing in America, 1650-1965 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1967); Odin W. Anderson, The Uneasy Equilibrium (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1968); Rosemary Stevens, American Medicine and Public Interest (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1981); Numbers, ''The Fall and Rise," 51-72; Burton J. Bledstein, The Culture of Professionalism: The Middle Class and the Development of Higher Education in American (New York: W. W. Norton, 1976), 97-99, 108-110; Samuel Haber, The Quest for Authority and Honor in the American Professions, 1750-1900 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991), 329-331; and William G. Rothstein, American Physicians in the Nineteenth Century: From Sects to Science (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1972).

162. B. J. Fowler, "The Menace of Medical Monopoly," Arena 9 (1894): 400.

163. Henry Wood, "Medical Slavery," Arena 8 (1893): 681.

164. Boston Evening Transcript , 2 (March 1898), 7.

165. Ibid.

166. Ibid.

167. Ibid.

168. Ibid.

169. Ibid.

164. Boston Evening Transcript , 2 (March 1898), 7.

165. Ibid.

166. Ibid.

167. Ibid.

168. Ibid.

169. Ibid.

164. Boston Evening Transcript , 2 (March 1898), 7.

165. Ibid.

166. Ibid.

167. Ibid.

168. Ibid.

169. Ibid.

164. Boston Evening Transcript , 2 (March 1898), 7.

165. Ibid.

166. Ibid.

167. Ibid.

168. Ibid.

169. Ibid.

164. Boston Evening Transcript , 2 (March 1898), 7.

165. Ibid.

166. Ibid.

167. Ibid.

168. Ibid.

169. Ibid.

164. Boston Evening Transcript , 2 (March 1898), 7.

165. Ibid.

166. Ibid.

167. Ibid.

168. Ibid.

169. Ibid.

170. Murphy and Ballou, William James on Psychical Research , 10.

171. Letter from William James to James Jackson Putnam, 2 March 1898, cited in Hale, James Jackson Putnam and Psychoanalysis , 71.

172. Letter from William James to James Jackson Putnam, 4 March 1898, cited in Hale, James Jackson Putnam and Psychoanalysis , 73.

173. Letter from James Jackson Putnam to William James, 9 March 1898, cited in Hale, James Jackson Putnam and Psychoanalysis , 73-74.

174. Robert T. Edes, "The New England Invalid," The Shattuck Lecture 1895 (Boston: David Clapp and Son, 1895), 48.

175. Robert T. Edes, "Points in the Diagnosis and Treatment of Some Common Neuroses," Journal of the American Medical Association 37 (1896): 1081.

176. Henry H. Goddard, "The Effects of Mind on Body as Evidenced by Faith Cures," American Journal of Psychology 10 (1899): 431-502.

177. Ibid., 491, 500.

178. Ibid., 499.

176. Henry H. Goddard, "The Effects of Mind on Body as Evidenced by Faith Cures," American Journal of Psychology 10 (1899): 431-502.

177. Ibid., 491, 500.

178. Ibid., 499.

176. Henry H. Goddard, "The Effects of Mind on Body as Evidenced by Faith Cures," American Journal of Psychology 10 (1899): 431-502.

177. Ibid., 491, 500.

178. Ibid., 499.

1. See Roger Smith, Inhibition: History and Meaning in the Sciences of the Mind and Brain (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992), 35; idem, "The Human Significance of Biology: Darwin, Carpenter, and the versa causa ," in Nature and the Victorian Imagination , ed. U. C. Knoepflmacher and G. B. Tennyson (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1977), 219; and Clarke and Jacyna, Nineteenth-Century Origins , 128.

2. Speaking before the American Medico-Psychological Association in 1894, S. Weir Mitchell declared, "You were the first of the specialists and you have never come back into line. It is easy to see how this came about. You soon began to live apart, and you still do so. Your hospitals are not our hospitals; your ways are not our ways. You live out of the range of critical shot; you are not preceded and followed in your ward by clever rivals, or watched by able residents fresh with the learning of schools." Quoted in Gerald N. Grob, The Mad Among Us: A History of the Care of America's Mentally Ill (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1994), 136.

3. Grob's discussion of psychoanalysis, a particular method of psychotherapy, can be applied to virtually all methods of psychotherapy. "For the bulk of institutionalized patients," Grob explains, "psychoanalytic therapy had little meaning. The number of mentally ill patients who were institutionalized would in any case have precluded its use within hospitals. Analysts, moreover, dealt mainly with what was known as the psychoneuroses; the hard-core psychoses remained largely outside psychoanalytic practice or theory." Mental Illness and American Society , 121, 179-200. See also Erwin Ackerknecht, Short History of Psychiatry , 82; and Françoise Castel, The Psychiatric Society (New York: Columbia University Press, 1982), 26.

4. The history of the reflex is long. The best places to start are Ruth Leys, From Sympathy to Reflex: Marshall Hall and His Opponents (New York: Garland, 1990); idem, "Background of the Reflex Controversy: William Alison and the Doctrine of Sympathy before Hall," Studies in the History of Biology 4 (1980): 1-66; see also Clarke and Jacyna, Nineteenth-Century Origins , 114-117, 124; and Shorter, From Paralysis to Fatigue , 40-68.

5. Quoted in Clarke and Jacyna, Nineteenth-Century Origins , 128. See also "Mid-Nineteenth-Century British Psycho-Physiology: A Neglected Chapter in the History of Psychology," in The Problematic Science: Psychology in Nineteenth-Century Thought , ed. William R. Woodward and Mitchell G. Ash (New York: Praeger, 1982), 124-125; Smith, Inhibition , 69.

6. L.S. Jacyna, "The Physiology of the Mind, the Unity of Nature, and the Moral Order in Victorian Thought," British Journal of the History of Science 14 (1981): 111.

7. William Carpenter, "On the Influence of Suggestion in Modifying and Directing Muscular Movement Independent of Volition," in Nature and Man , 170, quoted in Smith, "The Human Significance of Biology," 221.

8. Clarke and Jacyna, Nineteenth-Century Origins , 131, 147. Gregory Zilboorg notes, "It would be a mistake, of course, to consider this 'cerebromythological' trend nothing more than a rejection of psychology. It was a direct outgrowth of a narrowly conceived opposition to speculative psychology; it was a narrowly conceived attitude toward disease. But it was also a stimulus to further study of such organic diseases as general paralysis and to the deepening of the studies of various febrile exhaustive states, alcoholic mental disorders, and senile psychoses due to vascular changes in the brain." History , 442.

9. Cynthia Eagle Russett, Sexual Science: The Victorian Construction of Womanhood (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1989), 109.

10. Quoted in Young, Mind, Brain and Adaptation , 208.

11. John P. Gray, "The Dependence of Insanity on Physical Disease," American Journal of Insanity 27 (1870-1871): 385-386. Although Gray represented the majority opinion of American psychiatrists, he was not without his critics. For an opposing view, see H. B. Wilbur, "Materialism In its Relations to the Causes, Conditions, and Treatment of Insanity," Quarterly Journal of Psychological Medicine and Medical Jurisprudence 6 (1872): 29-61. A reviewer contrasted the theories of Gray and Wilbur in the following manner: "The difference between Dr. Gray and Dr. Wilbur is this: The former ... does not deny the agency of moral cause in producing insanity, but maintains that such causes first induce disease of the brain or of the system generally, and ultimately of the brain. ... Dr. Wilbur maintains that moral causes induce a change in the immaterial entity mind, by which independently of any cerebral disease, its actions are disordered and insanity exists." T.H., "Is Insanity a Disease of the Mind, Or of the Body," American Journal of Insanity 29 (1872-1873): 884.

12. Clarke and Jacyna, Nineteenth-Century Origins , 213-214.

13. Its original German title was "Über die elektrische Erregbarkeit des Grosshirns," and it appeared in Arch. f. Anat., Physiol. und wissenschaftl. Mediz. (Leipzig) 37 (1970): 300-332. Much of my discussion follows from Young, Mind, Brain and Adaptation , 224-233.

14. Young, Mind, Brain and Adaptation , 229.

15. Quoted in Young, Mind, Brain and Adaptation , 232. Young notes that this particular sentence "raises the issue of the philosophic assumptions underlying Fritsch and Hitzig's experiments and their incompatibility with the assumptions of the associationist tradition to which Jackson and Ferrier belongs. Put simply, Fritsch and Hitzig were ontological dualists and believed in separate substances of mind and its mechanisms. The brain is the material substance of the immaterial soul, and the grey matter of the cortices constituted the 'first tools of the soul.'"

16. Ibid., 234.

17. Ibid., 134.

15. Quoted in Young, Mind, Brain and Adaptation , 232. Young notes that this particular sentence "raises the issue of the philosophic assumptions underlying Fritsch and Hitzig's experiments and their incompatibility with the assumptions of the associationist tradition to which Jackson and Ferrier belongs. Put simply, Fritsch and Hitzig were ontological dualists and believed in separate substances of mind and its mechanisms. The brain is the material substance of the immaterial soul, and the grey matter of the cortices constituted the 'first tools of the soul.'"

16. Ibid., 234.

17. Ibid., 134.

15. Quoted in Young, Mind, Brain and Adaptation , 232. Young notes that this particular sentence "raises the issue of the philosophic assumptions underlying Fritsch and Hitzig's experiments and their incompatibility with the assumptions of the associationist tradition to which Jackson and Ferrier belongs. Put simply, Fritsch and Hitzig were ontological dualists and believed in separate substances of mind and its mechanisms. The brain is the material substance of the immaterial soul, and the grey matter of the cortices constituted the 'first tools of the soul.'"

16. Ibid., 234.

17. Ibid., 134.

18. Kurt Danziger, "Mid-Nineteenth-Century British Psycho-Physiology: A Neglected Chapter in the History of Psychology." in The Problematic Science: Psychology in Nineteenth-Century Thought , ed. William R. Woodward and Michael G. Ash (New York: Praeger, 1982), 134. "In the mind of the medical man," explains Gregory Zilboorg, "mental disease became a purely physical disease long before he had the slightest conception of the anatomy of the brain or of the physiology of the glands of internal secretion. The scientific trends of all ages were brought to bear in order to justify the conviction rather than to explain the disease. This conviction has always been the most potent factor in the formation of purely somatological theories." History , 507.

19. John P. Gray, "Pathology of Insanity," American Journal of Insanity 31 (1874-1875): 13.

20. Shyrock, "Medical History of the American People," 21; Goldstein, console and Classify , 332.

21. For an excellent discussion of the position held by nineteenth-century asylum superintendents, see Charles E. Rosenberg, The Trial of Assassin Guiteau: Psychiatry and Law in the Gilded Age (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1968).

22. King, Transformations in American Medicine , 174; Shyrock, "Medical History of the American People," 23.

23. Elaine Showalter, "Syphilis, Sexuality, and the Fiction of Fin de Siècle," in Sex, Politics, and Science in the Nineteenth-Century Novel: Selected Papers from the English Institute, 1983-1984 , ed. Ruth Bernard Yeazell (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1986), 110.

24. Ibid. Showalter mistakenly fuses notions of organic models of mental illness with hereditary ones. While the two theories are not necessarily mutually exclusive, they are distinct. A germ that causes a disease is different from a gene that causes one. For clarification of this point, see Grob, "Rediscovering," 143.

23. Elaine Showalter, "Syphilis, Sexuality, and the Fiction of Fin de Siècle," in Sex, Politics, and Science in the Nineteenth-Century Novel: Selected Papers from the English Institute, 1983-1984 , ed. Ruth Bernard Yeazell (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1986), 110.

24. Ibid. Showalter mistakenly fuses notions of organic models of mental illness with hereditary ones. While the two theories are not necessarily mutually exclusive, they are distinct. A germ that causes a disease is different from a gene that causes one. For clarification of this point, see Grob, "Rediscovering," 143.

25. Quetel, History of Syphilis , 161. Quetel's statement, while accurate, is exaggerated. The transformation of psychiatric medicine (i.e., of psychiatry and neurology) from its environmental to its organic orientation had begun long before Schaudinn's and Hoffmann's 1905 discovery of the Treponema palladum . Their discovery's significance to psychiatry was that it appeared to confirm a long-standing assumption regarding the somatic basis of certain states of insanity. See also Brandt, No Magic Bullet . The story of syphilis is obviously far more complex than I have presented. Because the disease owed itself to sexual activities and, often, sexual relations with prostitutes, morality frequently entered the discussion of the disease. Victims of syphilis were rarely accorded the same sympathy as, say, victims of cholera. See also Grob, Mental Illness , 112; Hideyo Noguchi and J.W. Moore, "Demonstration of Treponema Palladum In the Brain in Cases of General Paralysis" (1913), in The Origins of Modern Psychiatry , ed. C. Thompson (New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1987), 211-217.

26. For a concise biography of Daniel Hack Tuke, see Thompson, Origins of Modern Psychiatry , 53-58. According to the Oxford English Dictionary , Tuke is the first English-language speaker to employ the word psychotherapeutics (1872). Unlike later advocates of what came to be known as psychotherapy, Tuke did not conceive of psychotherapeutics as a method appropriate only for the treatment of mental disease. His aspirations were far more audacious. A proper understanding of the mind's impact on the body, he believed, would be useful in fighting not only functional but also organic disease. In this respect, his conception of psychotherapeutics bore a stark resemblance to the doctrines espoused by the leading exemplars of the American mind cure movement. For psychotherapy's etymology, see Oxford English Dictionary , 2d ed. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1989), 12:770-771.

27. Daniel Hack Tuke, Of the Influences of the Mind Upon the Body in Health and Disease Designed to Elucidate the Actions of the Imagination (London: J. & A. Churchill, 1872), vi.

28. Ibid., 381.

27. Daniel Hack Tuke, Of the Influences of the Mind Upon the Body in Health and Disease Designed to Elucidate the Actions of the Imagination (London: J. & A. Churchill, 1872), vi.

28. Ibid., 381.

29. Oppenheim, Shattered Nerves . See also Clark, "The Rejection of Psychological Approaches," 281-282.

30. George Beard, "The Influence of the Mind in the Causation and Cure of Disease—The Potency of Definite Expectation," Journal of Nervous and Mental Diseases 1 (1876): 429-435.

31. Ibid., 429, 431.

32. Ibid., 432.

30. George Beard, "The Influence of the Mind in the Causation and Cure of Disease—The Potency of Definite Expectation," Journal of Nervous and Mental Diseases 1 (1876): 429-435.

31. Ibid., 429, 431.

32. Ibid., 432.

30. George Beard, "The Influence of the Mind in the Causation and Cure of Disease—The Potency of Definite Expectation," Journal of Nervous and Mental Diseases 1 (1876): 429-435.

31. Ibid., 429, 431.

32. Ibid., 432.

33. Hale recounts the hostile reception with which Beard's neurological colleagues greeted his 1876 paper on the subject of mental healing. See Hale, Freud and the Americans , 66; Andrew Scull, "Historical Sociology of Psychiatry," in Social Order/Mental Disorder: Anglo-American Psychiatry in Historical Perspective (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989), 25.

34. Hale, Freud and the Americans , 66.

35. Beard, "The Influence of the Mind," 432.

36. Hale, Freud and the Americans , 67.

37. Ackerknecht, Short History , 82; see also Bockoven, Moral Treatment in American Psychiatry , 95.

38. Grob, Mental Illness , 111.

39. Ackerknecht, Short History , 82.

40. Sheldon Leavitt, Psychotherapy in the Practice of Medicine and Surgery (Chicago: Garner Press, 1903), 29.

41. Lewellys F. Barker, "Some Experiences with the Simpler Methods of Psychotherapy and Re-Education," American Journal of the Medical Sciences 132 (1906): 520.

42. Lewellys F. Barker, "Psychotherapy," Journal of the American Medical Association 51 (1 August 1908): 371.

43. Bernard Sachs, "Advances in Neurology and Their Relation to Psychiatry," American Journal of Insanity 54 (1898): 17.

44. Ibid., 18-19.

43. Bernard Sachs, "Advances in Neurology and Their Relation to Psychiatry," American Journal of Insanity 54 (1898): 17.

44. Ibid., 18-19.

45. T.L. Brown, "Physical Causes of Nervous Diseases," Transactions of the Institute of Homeopathy (1884): 295.

46. For an excellent discussion of late-nineteenth- and early-twentieth-century medical optimism, see Haber, Quest for Authority , 326.

47. See Lewellys F. Barker, "On the Importance of Pathological and Bacteriological Laboratories in Connection with Hospitals for the Insane," American Journal of Insanity 57 (1900-1901): 515.

48. P.M. Wise, "Presidential Address," American Journal of Insanity 58 (1901-1902): 79 (italics added).

49. While discussions of heredity and its possible role in contributing to mental and nervous disorders were widespread, hereditary explanations had few, if any, therapeutic implications—at least for the growing number of anti-Lamarckians. For a fascinating study of the impact of hereditarian ideas, see Dowbiggin, Inheriting Madness.

50. Taylor, William James on Exceptional Mental States , 3.

51. Isador Coriat, "Some Personal Reminiscences of Psychoanalysis in Boston: An Autobiographical Note," Psychoanalytic Review 32 (January 1945): 2, 3.

52. George Gifford maintains, "At Harvard, psychologists William James and Hugo Münsterberg were part of the 'Boston Group' whose leader was J. J. Putnam and whose other members were: Josiah Royce, George A. Waterman, Boris Sidis, Morton Prince, and Edward Cowles. Later they were joined by Adolf Meyer. They met regularly to discuss patients and assess ideas stemming from the European literature, including those of Charcot, Janet, Bergson, and Freud." Gifford, Psychoanalysis , xix; Hoopes, Consciousness in New England , 237-243; see also Eugene Taylor, William James on Consciousness beyond the Margin (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996).

53. Kurt Danziger, "On the Threshold of the New Psychology: Situating Wundt and James," in Wundt Studies: A Centennial Collection , ed. Wolfgang G. Bringmann and Ryan O. Tweny (Toronto: C.J. Hogrefe, 1980): 365; quoted in Ruth Leys, "Adolf Meyer: A Biographical Note," in Defining American Psychology: The Correspondence between Adolf Meyer and Edward Bradford Titchener , ed. Ruth Leys and Rand B. Evans (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1990), 44.

54. Leys, "Adolf Meyer," 44.

55. Howard Feinstein suggests, "James was a mind that emphasized process and movement rather than inert categories, empirical evidence rather than process accepted canons, and the tensions, often actually painful for the young, between determinism (influence and historical possibilities) and the felt actuality of freedom of the will in the shaping of a life." Becoming William James (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1984), 15. Gerald Myers points out that, in James, one "finds ... the struggle of the doctor, the psychologist, and the philosopher to solve that problem [i.e., the relationship between mind and body] in terms that satisfy all three; there is a tendency for the physiologist in James to solve it primarily through biology of the brain, for the psychologist in him to do it through sensations and experiences, and for the philosopher to resolve it through unusual concepts and arguments." See Gerald E. Myers, "Introduction: The Intellectual Context," in William James, The Principles of Psychology (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1981), xii.

56. William James, Talks to Teachers on Psychology and to Students on Some of Life's Ideals (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1983), 161.

57. See Kurt Danziger, "Mid-Nineteenth Century British Psycho-Physiology: A Neglected Chapter in the History of Psychology," in The Problematic Science: Psychology in Nineteenth-Century Thought , ed. William R. Woodward and Michael G. Ash (New York: Praeger, 1982), 130.

58. William James, "Habit," Popular Science Monthly 30 (1886-1887): 446.

59. William B. Carpenter, Principles of Mental Physiology, with Their Application to the Training and Discipline of the Mind, and the Study of Its Morbid Condition (New York: D. Aphelion, 1874); quoted in James, "Habit," 437.

60. James, Talks to Teachers , xi—xxvi.

61. For a brief introduction to James's Talks to Teachers , see the introduction prepared by Gerald E. Myers, xi—xxvi. See also "The Text of Talks to Teachers on Psychology ," 234-287.

62. James, Talks to Teachers , 27, 48, 108.

63. James, "Habit," 447. Emphasis in original.

64. James, Talks to Teachers , 57.

65. Ibid., 57-58.

64. James, Talks to Teachers , 57.

65. Ibid., 57-58.

66. W.S. Taylor, Morton Prince and Abnormal Psychology (New York: D. Appleton, 1928). For biographical details on Prince's life, see Nathan G. Hale Jr., "Introductory Essay," in Morton Prince, Psychopathology and Multiple Personality: Selected Essays (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1975) (hereafter cited as P & MP ); and Otto Marx, "Morton Prince and Psychopathology," in George Gifford, Psychoanalysis, Psychotherapy and the New England Medical Scene, 1894-1944 (New York: Science History Publications, 1978), 155-162.

67. Morton Prince, "Association Neuroses" (1891), in P & MP , 75.

68. Hale, "Introductory Essay," 2.

69. Morton Prince, The Nature of the Mind and Human Automatism (Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott, 1885), 10.

70. Taylor, Morton Prince , 98.

71. Ibid., 97. For a brief discussion of the controversial history of hypnotism, see Ackerknecht, Short History , 83-91. For more extensive coverage, see Gauld, History of Hypnotism .

70. Taylor, Morton Prince , 98.

71. Ibid., 97. For a brief discussion of the controversial history of hypnotism, see Ackerknecht, Short History , 83-91. For more extensive coverage, see Gauld, History of Hypnotism .

72. Morton Prince, "Hughlings Jackson on the Connection between the Mind and the Brain," in Clinical and Experimental Studies in Personality (Cambridge: Sci-Art Publishers, 1929), 515; quoted in Hale, "Introductory Essay," 5.

73. Prince, "Association Neuroses" (1891), in P & MP , 62-63. Association psychology has a long history dating back to John Locke and the late seventeenth century. For a brief background, see Robert Young, "Association of Ideas," in Dictionary of the History of Ideas , ed. Philip P. Wiener (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1973), 1:111-118; Boring, A History of Experimental Psychology ; Heidbreder, Seven Psychologies ; L.S. Hearnshaw, A Short History of British Psychology, 1840-1940 (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1964).

74. Hale, "Introductory Essay," 5.

75. John Holland Mackenzie, "The Production of the So-Called 'Rose Cold' by means of an Artificial Rose," American Journal of the Medical Sciences 91 (1886): 57; quoted in Hale, "Introductory Essay," 5.

76. Prince, "Association Neuroses" (1891), in P & MP , 65. Emphasis in original.

77. Ibid., 75.

78. Ibid., 63.

76. Prince, "Association Neuroses" (1891), in P & MP , 65. Emphasis in original.

77. Ibid., 75.

78. Ibid., 63.

76. Prince, "Association Neuroses" (1891), in P & MP , 65. Emphasis in original.

77. Ibid., 75.

78. Ibid., 63.

79. Hale, "Introductory Essay," 5.

80. Prince, "Association Neuroses" (1891), in P & MP , 82.

81. "Very largely due to Carpenter's advocacy," Hearnshaw explains, "the doctrine of unconscious cerebral functioning became generally accepted." Hearnshaw, Short History of British Psychology , 23.

82. Boring, History , 240.

83. Morton Prince, "The Educational Treatment of Neurasthenia and Certain Hysterical States," Boston Medical and Surgical Journal 139 (1898): 33.

84. Ibid., 335.

85. Ibid.

83. Morton Prince, "The Educational Treatment of Neurasthenia and Certain Hysterical States," Boston Medical and Surgical Journal 139 (1898): 33.

84. Ibid., 335.

85. Ibid.

83. Morton Prince, "The Educational Treatment of Neurasthenia and Certain Hysterical States," Boston Medical and Surgical Journal 139 (1898): 33.

84. Ibid., 335.

85. Ibid.

86. For a discussion of Putnam's views regarding neurasthenia, see chapter 2.

87. Hale, James Jackson Putnam , 11.

88. Ibid., 12.

87. Hale, James Jackson Putnam , 11.

88. Ibid., 12.

89. Nathan G. Hale Jr., "James Jackson Putnam and Boston Neurology: 1877-1918," in Psychoanalysis, Psychotherapy and the New England Medical Scene , 149-154.

90. James Jackson Putnam, "Not the disease Only, But Also the Man," Boston Medical and Surgical Journal (July 20, 1899): 53. Emphasis added.

91. Ibid., 54.

90. James Jackson Putnam, "Not the disease Only, But Also the Man," Boston Medical and Surgical Journal (July 20, 1899): 53. Emphasis added.

91. Ibid., 54.

92. Boris Sidis, "The Nature and Principles of Psychology," American Journal of Insanity 56 (1899-1900): 41-52.

93. For biographical information on Sidis, see Biographical Dictionary of American Psychology , ed. Leonard Zusne (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1984), 396.

94. Boris Sidis, The Psychology of Suggestion: A Research into the Subconscious Nature of Man and Society (New York: D. Appleton, 1898).

95. Boris Sidis and Simon P. Goodhart, Multiple Personality: An Investigation into the Nature of Human Individuality (New York: Greenwood Press, 1905).

96. H. Addington Bruce, Scientific Mental Healing (Boston: Little, Brown, 1911): 53.

97. For a succinct, intellectual biographical sketch of Meyer, see Ruth Leys, "Adolf Meyer," 39-57. See also Gerald N. Grob, "Adolf Meyer and American Psychiatry in 1895," American Journal of Psychiatry 119 (1963): 135-142; idem, Mental Illness , 112-118. See also Alfred Lief, ed., The Commonsense Psychiatry of Dr. Adolf Meyer (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1948); For Meyer's personal work, see The Collected Papers of Adolf Meyer , ed. Eunice E. Winters, 4 vols. (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1952) (hereafter cited as CP ).

98. Ruth Leys, "Types of One: Adolf Meyer's Life Chart and the Representation of Individuality," Representations 34 (1991): 2.

99. Leys, "Adolf Meyer," 41. Meyer received his first appointment in the United States from Shobal Vail Clevenger, a leading proponent of a somatic interpretation of railway spine. See "Thirty-Five Years of Psychiatry" (1928-1929), CP , 2:2-3.

100. The word pragmatism , given its frequency of use, has not surprisingly taken on a multiplicity of meanings. Even those who pioneered the term did not always agree on its meaning. As James's biographer, Ralph Barton Perry, asserts, "Perhaps it would be correct, and just to all parties, to say that the modern movement known as pragmatism is largely the result of James's misunderstanding of Peirce." The Thought and Character of William James 2 (Boston: Little, Brown, 1935). Bruce Kuklick adds, "In time James diverged so radically from Peirce that the latter renounced the child that James had nurtured." The Rise of American Philosophy: Cambridge, Massachusetts 1860-1930 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1977), 264. In a 1907 essay entitled, "What Pragmatism Means," James wrote,

Pragmatism is willing to take anything, to follow either logic or the senses and to count the humblest and most personal experience. She will count mystical experiences if they have practical consequences. She will take a God who lives in the very dirt of private fact—if that should seem a likely place to find him. Her only test of probable truth is what works best in the way of leading us, what fits every part of life best and combines with the collectivity of experience's demands, nothing being omitted. If theological ideas should do this, if the notion of God, in particular, should prove to do it, how could pragmatism possibly deny God's existence? She could see no meaning in treating as "not true" a notion that was pragmatically so successful. What other kind of truth could there be, for her, than all this agreement with concrete reality?

William James, "What Pragmatism Means" (1907), in The American Intellectual Tradition: 1865 to the Present , ed. David A. Hollinger and Charles Capper (New York: Oxford University Press, 1989), 2:110. See also Hollinger, "The Problem of Pragmatism in American History," in In the American Province ,

23-43; S.P. Fullinwider, Technicians of the Finite: The Rise and Decline of the Schizophrenic in American Thought , 1840-1960 (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1982), 70.

101. Meyer, "The Problems of Mental Reaction Types, Mental Causes and Diseases" (1908), CP , 2:596. (italics added).

102. Ruth Leys explains that Meyer's conception of science was in part attributable to the "positivist or empiro-critical philosophy of the physicist Ernst Mach and the philosopher Richard Avenarius." Although he was exposed to Mach and Avenarius in the 1890s, Leys continues, "it was not until the early 1900s that Meyer came to appreciate fully the potential significance of those ideas for his own psychiatric work." "Correspondence Between Meyer and Tichener," 64-66. For a discussion of Mach's philosophy of science, see John T. Blackmore, Ernst Mach: His Work, Life, and Influence (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1972), 164-180. For a discussion of Avenarius's philosophy, see Wendall T. Bush, Avenarius and the Standpoint of Pure Experience (New York: Science Press, 1905), 34-59.

103. Meyer, "The Problems of Mental Reaction Types," 597.

104. Meyer's pragmatism was not without its limitations. As Ruth Leys explains:

Meyer's project was epistemologically incoherent on two closely related counts. First, as recent writers on the theory of interpretation have emphasized, the realm of facts cannot be imagined to precede the realm of interpretation in this way. A thoroughgoing pragmatism might rather have compelled Meyer to realize that the notion of an interpretatively neutral method was a chimera and that, inevitably, a particular interpretation inhered in the very procedures he advocated. ... Second, conceding for a moment the possibility of such a method and hence the availability of a set of facts prior to the interpretation, Meyer's belief that the mere inspection of those facts would suffice to determine their correct interpretation was also problematic for either the facts in question were imagined as calling for one interpretation rather than another—in which case their neutrality became suspect—or they were genuinely neutral—in which case the choice of one interpretation over another could only be arbitrary.

See Leys, "The Correspondence between Adolf Meyer and E. B. Titchener," in Defining American Psychology , 88. In a later article, Leys says, "In spite of his professedly pragmatic orientation, Meyer's conception of science led him to conceive of the facts of a case as available prior to any particular interpretation—if only the investigator knew how to induce them and make them perspicuous." "Types of One," 6.

105. Meyer, "Problems of Mental Reaction Types," 597-598.

106. Ibid., 598.

107. Ibid., 599. Emphasis in original.

105. Meyer, "Problems of Mental Reaction Types," 597-598.

106. Ibid., 598.

107. Ibid., 599. Emphasis in original.

105. Meyer, "Problems of Mental Reaction Types," 597-598.

106. Ibid., 598.

107. Ibid., 599. Emphasis in original.

108. Leys, "Adolf Meyer," 45.

109. Ibid., 43. Meyer's early enthusiasm for hypnotism stemmed from his exposure to the theory and practice of Forel. "Thirty-Five Years of Psychiatry," 15; "The Scope of Psychopathology" (1916), CP , 2:618-623.

108. Leys, "Adolf Meyer," 45.

109. Ibid., 43. Meyer's early enthusiasm for hypnotism stemmed from his exposure to the theory and practice of Forel. "Thirty-Five Years of Psychiatry," 15; "The Scope of Psychopathology" (1916), CP , 2:618-623.

110. In the Index to the Complete Papers , there is not a single reference to either Christian Science or New Thought.

111. Leys, "Adolf Meyer," 43.

112. John Gach, "Culture and Complex: On the Early History of Psychoanalysis in America," in Essays on the History of Psychiatry, ed. Edwin R. Wallace IV and Lucius C. Pressley (Columbia: W.S. Hall Psychiatric Institute, 1980), 141.

113. Meyer, "The Dynamic Interpretation of Dementia Praecox" (1910), CP, 2:457.

114. James, Varieties of Religious Experience, 91.

115. Meyer, "A Few Trends in Modern Psychiatry," (1904), CP, 2: 386-404.

116. As Ruth Leys explains, "Meyer refined the method of history taking he had inherited from nineteenth-century hospital practice. First he formalized and standardized the method of examination so that it could be taught in a systematic fashion. He provided students with a basic outline to be followed, specifying the order of procedure, the essential psycho-biological data to be ascertained, the various tests to be used to determine the patient's mental and neurological states, and—most important—suggesting the actual questions to be asked the patient, something that had been lacking in previous handbooks of psychiatry. Leys, "Adolf Meyer," 71-72; "Types of One," 11-18.

117. See Defining American Psychology . See also Leys, "Type of One."

118. Adolf Meyer, "The Material of Human Nature and Conduct" (1935), CP, 3:49; quoted in Leys, "Adolf Meyer," 39. Meyer did not accept James's argument in Variety of Religious Experiences that while mind cure did not work for everyone, "[it] would surely be pedantic and over-scrupulous for those who can get their savage and primitive philosophy of mental healing verified in such experimental ways as this, to give us a work of command for more scientific therapies" (110). Indeed, Meyer wanted to do precisely this!

119. Meyer, "Misconceptions at the Bottom of Hopelessness of All Psychology," (1907), CP, 2:573-580.

120. Meyer, "Problems of Mental Reaction Types," 595.

121. Ibid., 596. Emphasis in original.

122. Ibid., 596-597.

120. Meyer, "Problems of Mental Reaction Types," 595.

121. Ibid., 596. Emphasis in original.

122. Ibid., 596-597.

120. Meyer, "Problems of Mental Reaction Types," 595.

121. Ibid., 596. Emphasis in original.

122. Ibid., 596-597.

123. Discussion following Ralph Layman Parson's paper on psychotherapy, Transactions of the American Medico-Psychological Association 10 (1903): 380.

124. Meyer, "Dynamic Interpretation," 443-458. Meyer's attitude on the inapplicability of the syphilis model was not typical. See Grob, Mental Illness, 347 n.5.

125. Meyer, "A Short Sketch of the Problems of Psychiatry," CP, 2: 273-282.

126. Ibid, 281.

125. Meyer, "A Short Sketch of the Problems of Psychiatry," CP, 2: 273-282.

126. Ibid, 281.

127. For an example of Gray's somaticism, see John P. Gray, "Pathology of Insanity," American Journal of Insanity 31 (1874-1875): 13.

128. Meyer, "The Role of Mental Factors in Psychiatry" (1908), CP, 2: 581-590.

129. Ibid., 582. Emphasis in original.

130. Ibid., 582-583.

131. Ibid., 583.

132. Ibid., 583-584.

133. Ibid., 586.

134. Ibid.

128. Meyer, "The Role of Mental Factors in Psychiatry" (1908), CP, 2: 581-590.

129. Ibid., 582. Emphasis in original.

130. Ibid., 582-583.

131. Ibid., 583.

132. Ibid., 583-584.

133. Ibid., 586.

134. Ibid.

128. Meyer, "The Role of Mental Factors in Psychiatry" (1908), CP, 2: 581-590.

129. Ibid., 582. Emphasis in original.

130. Ibid., 582-583.

131. Ibid., 583.

132. Ibid., 583-584.

133. Ibid., 586.

134. Ibid.

128. Meyer, "The Role of Mental Factors in Psychiatry" (1908), CP, 2: 581-590.

129. Ibid., 582. Emphasis in original.

130. Ibid., 582-583.

131. Ibid., 583.

132. Ibid., 583-584.

133. Ibid., 586.

134. Ibid.

128. Meyer, "The Role of Mental Factors in Psychiatry" (1908), CP, 2: 581-590.

129. Ibid., 582. Emphasis in original.

130. Ibid., 582-583.

131. Ibid., 583.

132. Ibid., 583-584.

133. Ibid., 586.

134. Ibid.

128. Meyer, "The Role of Mental Factors in Psychiatry" (1908), CP, 2: 581-590.

129. Ibid., 582. Emphasis in original.

130. Ibid., 582-583.

131. Ibid., 583.

132. Ibid., 583-584.

133. Ibid., 586.

134. Ibid.

128. Meyer, "The Role of Mental Factors in Psychiatry" (1908), CP, 2: 581-590.

129. Ibid., 582. Emphasis in original.

130. Ibid., 582-583.

131. Ibid., 583.

132. Ibid., 583-584.

133. Ibid., 586.

134. Ibid.

135. Meyer, ''A Few Trends," 386-404.

136. Beatrice M. Hinckle, M.D., "Psychotherapy, With Some of Its Results," Journal of the American Medical Association 50 (9 May 1908): 1496.

137. Both Hale and Burnham correctly note the impact of European neurology on American medicine. What neither author considers, however, is the relatively limited depth of its influence. While the "advanced guard" was doubtless aware of the latest neurological "breakthroughs" emanating from Paris, Berlin, Vienna, and other European capitals, the rank and file had little exposure to such ideas. Hale, Freud in America; John C. Burnham, Psychoanalysis and American Medicine: 1894-1918 (New York: International Universities Press, 1967).

138. Edward Wylis Taylor, "The Attitude of the Medical Profession Toward the Psychotherapeutic Movement," Boston Medical and Surgical Journal 157 (26 December 1907): 843-850.

139. Ibid., 844.

140. Ibid., 847.

141. Ibid. Putnam had earlier asserted, "Through analytic case-histories, patiently recorded, it has been sought to picture the mental history of sufferers from such disorders as those enumerated, with the same sort of fidelity as is displayed in the descriptions of the anatomists." James Jackson Putnam, "A Consideration of Mental Therapeutics as Employed by Special Students of the Subject," Boston Medical and Surgical Journal 151 (1904): 179-183.

138. Edward Wylis Taylor, "The Attitude of the Medical Profession Toward the Psychotherapeutic Movement," Boston Medical and Surgical Journal 157 (26 December 1907): 843-850.

139. Ibid., 844.

140. Ibid., 847.

141. Ibid. Putnam had earlier asserted, "Through analytic case-histories, patiently recorded, it has been sought to picture the mental history of sufferers from such disorders as those enumerated, with the same sort of fidelity as is displayed in the descriptions of the anatomists." James Jackson Putnam, "A Consideration of Mental Therapeutics as Employed by Special Students of the Subject," Boston Medical and Surgical Journal 151 (1904): 179-183.

138. Edward Wylis Taylor, "The Attitude of the Medical Profession Toward the Psychotherapeutic Movement," Boston Medical and Surgical Journal 157 (26 December 1907): 843-850.

139. Ibid., 844.

140. Ibid., 847.

141. Ibid. Putnam had earlier asserted, "Through analytic case-histories, patiently recorded, it has been sought to picture the mental history of sufferers from such disorders as those enumerated, with the same sort of fidelity as is displayed in the descriptions of the anatomists." James Jackson Putnam, "A Consideration of Mental Therapeutics as Employed by Special Students of the Subject," Boston Medical and Surgical Journal 151 (1904): 179-183.

138. Edward Wylis Taylor, "The Attitude of the Medical Profession Toward the Psychotherapeutic Movement," Boston Medical and Surgical Journal 157 (26 December 1907): 843-850.

139. Ibid., 844.

140. Ibid., 847.

141. Ibid. Putnam had earlier asserted, "Through analytic case-histories, patiently recorded, it has been sought to picture the mental history of sufferers from such disorders as those enumerated, with the same sort of fidelity as is displayed in the descriptions of the anatomists." James Jackson Putnam, "A Consideration of Mental Therapeutics as Employed by Special Students of the Subject," Boston Medical and Surgical Journal 151 (1904): 179-183.

142. Discussion following E. W. Taylor, "The Attitude of the Medical Profession Toward the Psychotherapeutic Movement," Journal of Nervous and Mental Diseases (June 1908): 403. This article includes the discussion following the Boston Medical and Surgical Journal articles cited above.

143. Ibid., 403-404.

144. Ibid., 848, 850.

145. Ibid., 401.

146. Ibid., 403, 405, 406.

147. Ibid., 408, 410.

148. Ibid., 408, 413.

149. Ibid., 410.

142. Discussion following E. W. Taylor, "The Attitude of the Medical Profession Toward the Psychotherapeutic Movement," Journal of Nervous and Mental Diseases (June 1908): 403. This article includes the discussion following the Boston Medical and Surgical Journal articles cited above.

143. Ibid., 403-404.

144. Ibid., 848, 850.

145. Ibid., 401.

146. Ibid., 403, 405, 406.

147. Ibid., 408, 410.

148. Ibid., 408, 413.

149. Ibid., 410.

142. Discussion following E. W. Taylor, "The Attitude of the Medical Profession Toward the Psychotherapeutic Movement," Journal of Nervous and Mental Diseases (June 1908): 403. This article includes the discussion following the Boston Medical and Surgical Journal articles cited above.

143. Ibid., 403-404.

144. Ibid., 848, 850.

145. Ibid., 401.

146. Ibid., 403, 405, 406.

147. Ibid., 408, 410.

148. Ibid., 408, 413.

149. Ibid., 410.

142. Discussion following E. W. Taylor, "The Attitude of the Medical Profession Toward the Psychotherapeutic Movement," Journal of Nervous and Mental Diseases (June 1908): 403. This article includes the discussion following the Boston Medical and Surgical Journal articles cited above.

143. Ibid., 403-404.

144. Ibid., 848, 850.

145. Ibid., 401.

146. Ibid., 403, 405, 406.

147. Ibid., 408, 410.

148. Ibid., 408, 413.

149. Ibid., 410.

142. Discussion following E. W. Taylor, "The Attitude of the Medical Profession Toward the Psychotherapeutic Movement," Journal of Nervous and Mental Diseases (June 1908): 403. This article includes the discussion following the Boston Medical and Surgical Journal articles cited above.

143. Ibid., 403-404.

144. Ibid., 848, 850.

145. Ibid., 401.

146. Ibid., 403, 405, 406.

147. Ibid., 408, 410.

148. Ibid., 408, 413.

149. Ibid., 410.

142. Discussion following E. W. Taylor, "The Attitude of the Medical Profession Toward the Psychotherapeutic Movement," Journal of Nervous and Mental Diseases (June 1908): 403. This article includes the discussion following the Boston Medical and Surgical Journal articles cited above.

143. Ibid., 403-404.

144. Ibid., 848, 850.

145. Ibid., 401.

146. Ibid., 403, 405, 406.

147. Ibid., 408, 410.

148. Ibid., 408, 413.

149. Ibid., 410.

142. Discussion following E. W. Taylor, "The Attitude of the Medical Profession Toward the Psychotherapeutic Movement," Journal of Nervous and Mental Diseases (June 1908): 403. This article includes the discussion following the Boston Medical and Surgical Journal articles cited above.

143. Ibid., 403-404.

144. Ibid., 848, 850.

145. Ibid., 401.

146. Ibid., 403, 405, 406.

147. Ibid., 408, 410.

148. Ibid., 408, 413.

149. Ibid., 410.

142. Discussion following E. W. Taylor, "The Attitude of the Medical Profession Toward the Psychotherapeutic Movement," Journal of Nervous and Mental Diseases (June 1908): 403. This article includes the discussion following the Boston Medical and Surgical Journal articles cited above.

143. Ibid., 403-404.

144. Ibid., 848, 850.

145. Ibid., 401.

146. Ibid., 403, 405, 406.

147. Ibid., 408, 410.

148. Ibid., 408, 413.

149. Ibid., 410.

1. James Jackson Putnam Papers (hereafter referred to as JJPP), Countway Library, James Jackson Putnam to Richard C. Cabot, 5 November 1906.

2. "Emmanuel Movement Deplored by Eminent Physicians of Boston," Boston Sunday Herald, 27 December 1908.

3. Allen Bruce Fleming, "Psychology, Medicine, and Religion: A Form of Early Twentieth-Century American Psychotherapy (1905-09)" (Ph.D. dissertation, Fuller Theological Seminary, School of Psychology, 1989), 29.

4. Several historians have written on the Emmanuel movement. Most focus primarily on the movement's religious and cultural impact. Described in a variety of fashions, this church-sponsored venture is rarely credited for its most enduring contribution. The Emmanuel movement was not merely "a variety of American religious experience," "a transition from the supernaturalism of the mind cure cults to scientific psychotherapy," "a defensive measure against the curists," or "a precursor to Freud." It was instead the primary agent responsible for the efflorescence of psychotherapy in the United States during the first decade of the twentieth century. See Raymond J. Cunningham, ''Ministry of Healing: The Origins of the Psychosomatic Role of the American Churches" (Ph.D. Dissertation, Johns Hopkins University, 1965); Fleming, Psychology, Medicine, and Religion; idem, "The Emmanuel Movement: A Variety of American Religious Experience," American Quarterly 14 (1964): 48-63; Brian Dean Smith, "The Moral Treatment of Psychological Disorder: A Historical and Conceptual Study of Selected Twentieth-Century Pastoral Psychologists" (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Washington, 1989); Robert Charles Powell, "Healing and Wholeness: Helen Flanders Dunbar (1902-59) and an Extra-Medical Origin of the American Psychosomatic Movement, 1906-36" (Ph.D. dissertation, Duke University, 1974); idem, "The 'Subliminal' versus the 'Subconscious' in the American Acceptance of Psychoanalysis, 1906-1910," Journal of the History of the Behavioral Sciences 15 (1979): 155-165; G. Allison Stokes, "The Rise of the Religion and Health Movement in American Protestantism, 1906-1945" (Ph.D. dissertation, Yale University, 1981); and Fuller, Americans and the Unconscious, 103. Notable exceptions to this line of analysis can be found in the work of John Gardner Greene and Katherine McCarthy. See Greene, "The Emmanuel Movement, 1906-1929," New England Quarterly 7 (1934): 532. More recently, McCarthy has suggested, "From today's perspective it appears that the medical profession won the territorial struggle essentially by co-opting the ideas that the Emmanuel clergy had demonstrated to have such popular appeal." "Psychotherapy and Religion: The Emmanuel Movement," Journal of Religion and Health 23 (1984): 102. See also Sanford Gifford, "Medical Psychotherapy and the Emmanuel Movement," in Psychoanalysis, Psychotherapy and the New England Medical Scene, 1894-1944, ed. George Gifford (New York: Science History Publications, 1978), 106-118; John C. Burnham, "Psychology and Counseling: Convergence into a Profession," in The Professions in American History, ed. and introd. Nathan O. Hatch (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1988), 181-198. For an example of a historian who appreciates the movement's impact on American medicine but lacks the requisite medical-historical background to frame his analysis effectively, see Stow Persons, American Minds: A History of Ideas (Huntington: Robert E. Krieger, 1958), 444-445. See also Hale, Freud and the Americans, 248; and Hoopes, Consciousness in New England, 261.

5. Fred Matthews, "The Americanization of Sigmund Freud: Adaptations of Psychoanalysis before 1917," Journal of American Studies 1 (1967): 45.

6. H. Addington Bruce, "Books and Men: Some Books on Mental Healing," Forum 43 (1910): 316-323.

7. Ray Stannard Baker, New Ideas in Healing (New York: Frederick A. Stokes, 1909), 51.

8. For some examples of medical opposition to the Emmanuel movement, see Clarence B. Farrar, "Psychotherapy and the Church," Journal of Nervous and Mental Diseases 36 (1909): 11-24; Allan McLane Hamilton, "The Religio-Medical Movements," North American Review 189 (February 1909): 223-232; W. Bunce, ''The Emmanuel and Allied Movement," Cleveland Medical Journal 8 (1909): 254-263; Tom A. Williams, "Requisites for the Treatment of the Psycho-Neuroses: Psycho-Pathological Ignorance, and the Misuse of Psychotherapy by the Novice," Old Dominion Journal of Medicine and Surgery 8 (1909): 363-368; John J. Moren, "The Question of Therapeutics," Louisville Monthly Journal of Medicine and Surgery 16 (August 1909): 65-69; C. C. Beling, "Psychotherapy," Journal of the Medical Society of New Jersey 5 (May 1909): 617-619; and John K. Mitchell, "The Emmanuel Movement: Its Pretensions, Its Practice, Its Dangers," American Journal of the Medical Sciences (December 1909): 781-793. For examples of clerical opposition to the movement, see Harry Kimball, "A Little Excursion into Psychotherapy," Congregationalist and Christian World (January 30, 1909); George L. Parker, The Other Side of Psychotherapy (Boston: Salem D. Towne, 1908); James Monroe Buckley, "Dangers of the Emmanuel Movement: Reasons Why It Should Not Be Generally Adopted," Century 77 (February 1909): 631-635; Charles Reynolds Brown, Faith and Health (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell, 1910); and George A. Gordon, "The Practice of Medicine by the Unfit," Congregationalist and Christian World (February 13, 1909): 211-212.

9. See Readers' Guide to Periodical Literature, 1905-1909, 714. The next volume of the guide, which covers the years 1910-1914, lists only five articles under the heading Emmanuel Movement, four on Freud, and eleven on psychoanalysis. Volume 4, which covers the years from 1915 to 1918, lists eight articles on Freud and thirty-one on psychoanalysis. Volume 4 has no listing for the Emmanuel movement.

10. "Health and Happiness," Good Housekeeping 44 (1907): 405; quoted in Cunningham, Ministry of Healing, 147.

11. For an autobiographical sketch of Elwood Worcester, see Life's Adventure: The Story of a Varied Career (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1932); see also Powell, Healing and Wholeness, and Cunningham, Ministry of Healing, 116-123.

12. My discussion of McComb derives from Cunningham, Ministry of Healing, 130; and William Macomber, The History of the Emmanuel Movement from the Standpoint of a Patient (Boston: Emmanuel Church, 1908).

13. Worcester, Life's Adventure, 162-166.

14. Powell, Healing and Wholeness, 167.

15. Worcester's claim regarding S. Weir Mitchell's influence served an important political function and thus helped to legitimate the movement in the eyes of many skeptical physicians. It is important to note, however, that Mitchell himself never came out in support of the movement. Indeed, by 1908 he had become an outspoken critic. See S. Weir Mitchell, "The Treatment by Rest, Seclusion, Etc., in Relation to Psychotherapy," Journal of the American Medical Association 50 (1908): 2033-2037.

16. As quoted in Greene, "The Emmanuel Movement, 1906-1929," 496.

17. My discussion of Pratt follows largely from Powell, Healing and Wholeness , 171-173.

18. Powell, Healing and Wholeness , 172-173.

19. Powell, Healing and Wholeness , quoting Worcester, Life's Adventure , 1932A.

20. Worcester, Life's Adventure , 283.

21. Elwood Worcester, "The Emmanuel Movement," Century 78 (1909): 423.

22. Worcester, Life's Adventure , 278.

23. Ibid., 276.

22. Worcester, Life's Adventure , 278.

23. Ibid., 276.

24. Worcester "The Emmanuel Movement," 421-429.

25. Greene, "The Emmanuel Movement," 506.

26. Ibid.

27. Ibid., 507.

25. Greene, "The Emmanuel Movement," 506.

26. Ibid.

27. Ibid., 507.

25. Greene, "The Emmanuel Movement," 506.

26. Ibid.

27. Ibid., 507.

28. Worcester, Life's Adventure , 287. Emphasis added.

29. See Rollin Lynde Hart, "'Christian Science' Without Mystery: Mental Healing on a Sound Basis as Practiced by the Emmanuel Episcopal Church, of Boston," World's Work 15 (December 1907): 9649.

30. Richard C. Cabot, "New Phases in the Relation of the Church to Health," Outlook (February 29, 1908): 504-508.

31. JJPP, James Jackson Putnam to Richard C. Cabot, 5 November 1906.

32. "Evening at the Emmanuel Church," Good Housekeeping 46 (February 1908): 200; Hart, "'Christian Science' Without Mystery," 9649. Richard C. Cabot suggested the response of women was attributable to the fact that ''most psychoneurotics are women ... [and] [m]ost women care deeply for religion." Cabot, "The Literature of Psychotherapy," in Psychotherapy: A Course Reading in Sound Psychology, Sound Medicine, and Sound Religion 3, 24.

33. "Evening at the Emmanuel Church," 201.

34. Lyman P. Powell, "Psychotherapy at Northampton: An Account of Personal Experience," Psychotherapy , 66.

35. As quoted in Homer Gage, "The Emmanuel Movement from a Medical View Point," Popular Science Monthly 75 (October 1909): 363.

36. Elwood Worcester, Samuel McComb, and Isador H. Coriat, Religion and Medicine: The Moral Control of Nervous Disorders (New York: Moffat, Yard, 1908), 67.

37. "Emmanuel Clinics," Good Housekeeping 47 (October 1908): 361-363.

38. See Cunningham, Ministry of Healing .

39. Samuel Fallows and Helen M. Fallows, Science of Health from the Viewpoint of the Newest Christian Thought (Chicago: Our Daily Company, 1903); Cunningham, Ministry of Healing , 5.

40. Cunningham, Ministry of Healing , 151.

41. The Emmanuel Movement: A Brief History of the New Cult, with Sermons from Prominent Ministers and Opinions of Laymen (Brooklyn: Brooklyn Daily Eagle, 1908).

42. Samuel Fallows, Health and Happiness; or Religious Therapeutics (Chicago: A.C. McClurg, 1908).

43. Robert MacDonald, Mind, Religion, and Health: With an Appreciation of the Emmanuel Movement (New York and London: Funk & Wagnalls, 1908).

44. The Emmanuel Movement: A Brief History , 26.

45. In December 1906, a Boston Journal headline proclaimed, "At Auto-Suggestion Meeting Dr. Worcester Claims To Have Brought Dead Woman to Life Again." Reporting on the same alleged incident, the Detroit News declared, "That he himself had restored the dead to life—that he by prayer and faith had chased the grim destroyer from the bedside of a parishioner, some minutes after the soul had fled, was the statement by which Dr. Ellwood [ sic ] Worcester, whose auto-suggestion class at the fashionable Emanuel [ sic ] Church on Newbury Street is attracting much attention in society circles, electrified his hearers at the meeting last night. Detroit Journal , 16 December 1906, quoted in Greene, "The Emmanuel Movement." Worcester responded to these charges almost immediately. The respectable Boston Transcript reported that the woman had not died; she had merely lost consciousness, which she regained on hearing the rector's voice. "Dr. Worcester states emphatically that he did not ascribe her change to the power of prayer at all." Boston Transcript , 13 December 1906, quoted in Greene, "The Emmanuel Movement.''

46. Worcester, Life's Adventure , 287.

47. Powell, Healing and Wholeness , 183.

48. Samuel McComb, "The Moral Treatment of Nervous Diseases," Good Housekeeping 44 (March 1907): 269 (italics added).

49. Ibid., 269-271.

48. Samuel McComb, "The Moral Treatment of Nervous Diseases," Good Housekeeping 44 (March 1907): 269 (italics added).

49. Ibid., 269-271.

50. "This Department and the Emmanuel Church Movement," Good Housekeeping 44 (April 1907): 405.

51. "Results at Emmanuel," Good Housekeeping 45 (November 1907): 504, 507, 508.

52. The Readers' Guide to Periodical Literature, 1905-1909 , lists only two articles on the movement for the year 1907.

53. Hart, "'Christian Science' Without Mystery," 9648, 9652.

54. Cabot, "New Phases," 504-508.

55. Ibid., 506.

54. Cabot, "New Phases," 504-508.

55. Ibid., 506.

56. Samuel McComb, "Christianity and Health: An Experiment in Practical Religion," Century 75 (March 1908): 795.

57. Cunningham, Ministry of Healing , 154.

58. For an excellent summary of the traveling experiences of Worcester and McComb, see Cunningham, "A Parish Church Only in Name," chapter 5 in Ministry of Healing , 150-189.

59. Worcester, Life's Adventure , 293.

60. Cunningham, Ministry of Healing , 154.

61. "Report of the Committee Appointed to Consider and Report on the Subject of Ministries of Healing: (a) The Unction of the Sick; (b) Faith Healing and 'Christian Science,'" in Six Lam Beth Conferences , edited by Davidson, 390-393.

62. New York Times , 22 November 1908.

63. Cunningham, Ministry of Healing , 162.

64. Samuel McComb, The Healing Ministry of the Church (Boston: Emmanuel Church, 1908); Macomber, History of the Emmanuel Movement ; William James, "Energies of Man" (from American Magazine October 1907) (New York: Moffat, Yard, 1908); J. Warren Achorn, Some Physical Disorders Having Mental Origin (Boston: Emmanuel Church, 1908); Isador H. Coriat, Some Familiar Forms of Nervousness (New York: Moffat, Yard, 1908); James G. Mumford, Some End-Results of Surgery (New York: Moffat, Yard, 1908); and Cabot, Psychotherapy in Its Relation to Religion .

65. Index Catalogue of the Library of the Surgeon-General's Office , 2d ser., 14 (1909): 42.

66. "The Greatest Modern Discovery," Current Literature 45 (September 1908): 304-307.

67. New York Times , 18 July 1908.

68. H. Addington Bruce, "Review of Religion and Medicine," Outlook (November 1908): 72.

69. Greene, "The Emmanuel Movement," 518.

70. Worcester, McComb, and Coriat, Religion and Medicine , 13.

71. Ibid., 52.

72. Ibid., 7.

70. Worcester, McComb, and Coriat, Religion and Medicine , 13.

71. Ibid., 52.

72. Ibid., 7.

70. Worcester, McComb, and Coriat, Religion and Medicine , 13.

71. Ibid., 52.

72. Ibid., 7.

73. Charles L. Dana, "Psychotherapy," Journal of Nervous and Mental Diseases 35 (1908): 389.

74. Ibid., 389.

73. Charles L. Dana, "Psychotherapy," Journal of Nervous and Mental Diseases 35 (1908): 389.

74. Ibid., 389.

75. Farrar, "Psychotherapy and the Church," 11-24.

76. Ibid., 11.

77. Ibid., 13.

78. Ibid., 14.

79. Ibid., 18.

75. Farrar, "Psychotherapy and the Church," 11-24.

76. Ibid., 11.

77. Ibid., 13.

78. Ibid., 14.

79. Ibid., 18.

75. Farrar, "Psychotherapy and the Church," 11-24.

76. Ibid., 11.

77. Ibid., 13.

78. Ibid., 14.

79. Ibid., 18.

75. Farrar, "Psychotherapy and the Church," 11-24.

76. Ibid., 11.

77. Ibid., 13.

78. Ibid., 14.

79. Ibid., 18.

75. Farrar, "Psychotherapy and the Church," 11-24.

76. Ibid., 11.

77. Ibid., 13.

78. Ibid., 14.

79. Ibid., 18.

80. Charles K. Mills, M.D., "Psychotherapy: Its Scope and Limitations," Monthly Cyclopedia and Medical Bulletin 1 (1908): 329.

81. Ibid., 340 (italics added).

80. Charles K. Mills, M.D., "Psychotherapy: Its Scope and Limitations," Monthly Cyclopedia and Medical Bulletin 1 (1908): 329.

81. Ibid., 340 (italics added).

82. Mitchell, "The Treatment by Rest, Seclusion, Etc.," 2033-2037.

83. Ibid., 2035.

82. Mitchell, "The Treatment by Rest, Seclusion, Etc.," 2033-2037.

83. Ibid., 2035.

84. Discussion following S. Weir Mitchell's paper, "Rest Treatment in Relation to Psychotherapy," Transactions of the American Neurological Association 37 (1909): 215-218.

85. Ibid., 218, 219.

86. Ibid., 217.

84. Discussion following S. Weir Mitchell's paper, "Rest Treatment in Relation to Psychotherapy," Transactions of the American Neurological Association 37 (1909): 215-218.

85. Ibid., 218, 219.

86. Ibid., 217.

84. Discussion following S. Weir Mitchell's paper, "Rest Treatment in Relation to Psychotherapy," Transactions of the American Neurological Association 37 (1909): 215-218.

85. Ibid., 218, 219.

86. Ibid., 217.

87. JJPP, James Jackson Putnam to Elwood Worcester, 12 September 1908.

88. Ibid. (italics added).

87. JJPP, James Jackson Putnam to Elwood Worcester, 12 September 1908.

88. Ibid. (italics added).

89. Worcester, Life's Adventure , 295.

90. Cunningham, Ministry of Healing , 163; see Elwood Worcester, "The Results of the Emmanuel Movement," Ladies Home Journal 25 (November 1908): 7-8; 26 (December 1908): 9-10; (January 1909): 17-18; (February 1909): 15-16; idem, "The Emmanuel Church Tuberculosis Class," (March 1909): 17-18. Despite the editors' claim that Worcester would not respond to any mail, Worcester received close to five thousand letters, most of which he

answered. "These articles, more than anything else," Worcester recounted, "brought our work before the whole country." Life's Adventure , 296.

91. Psychotherapy: A Course Reading in Sound Psychology, Sound Medicine, and Sound Religion 1 (New York: Centre, 1908).

92. In a letter to Putnam dated 19 August 1908, William James spoke highly of the venture: "Your program for Parker takes my breath away. It is truly grand to see you in extreme old age renewing your mighty youth and planning yourself for flights to which those of the newest airships are as sparrows fluttering in the gutter! Go in, dear Jim! It is magnificent. It won't be easy work, but it has got to be done by someone. The program you sketch is, I think, the form which the more spiritualistic philosophy of the future is bound more and more to assume, thou I fancy it will always be dogged more or less by a more materialistic or mechanistic-deterministic enemy." William James to James Jackson Putnam, 19 August 1908 in James Jackson Putnam and Psychoanalysis: Letters between Putnam and Sigmund Freud, Ernest Jones, William James, Sandor Ferenczi, and Morton Prince, 1877-1917 , ed. Nathan G. Hale, Jr. (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1971), 74.

93. From "Announcement of the Course," Psychotherapy—A Course of Readings in Sound Psychology, Sound Medicine, and Sound Religion , ed. William B. Parker (New York: Centre, 1908) appearing in Outlook .

94. Over twenty men and women published articles in Psychotherapy . James Jackson Putnam, Richard C. Cabot, and John Warren Achorn all contributed to the general section. The physiological section contained articles by Frederick Peterson, E.E. Southard, Beatrice Hinckle, Frederick T. Simpson, John E. Donley, M.A. Bliss, Frank K. Hallock, and Isador Coriat. The psychological section included pieces by Josiah Royce, R.S. Woodworth, James R. Angell, Joseph Jastrow, J.M. Bramwell, Charles Lloyd Tuckey, and Paul Dubois. Parker had also intended to include an article by Sigmund Freud in this section but was forced instead to rely on one furnished by Ernest Jones. The historical section was composed of Reverend Loring W. Batten, Reverend Joseph Cullen Ayer, Reverend Curtis Manning Geer, Max Eastman, and I. W. Bevan, the associate editor of the Churchman . Finally, the Religious section contained articles by Samuel Fallows, Lyman Powell, Albert Shields, and Dickinson S. Miller. For an excellent analysis of Psychotherapy , see Fleming, Psychology, Medicine, and Religion .

95. JJPP, W.B. Parker to James Jackson Putnam, 15 August 1908.

96. Ibid.

97. Ibid.

98. Ibid.

95. JJPP, W.B. Parker to James Jackson Putnam, 15 August 1908.

96. Ibid.

97. Ibid.

98. Ibid.

95. JJPP, W.B. Parker to James Jackson Putnam, 15 August 1908.

96. Ibid.

97. Ibid.

98. Ibid.

95. JJPP, W.B. Parker to James Jackson Putnam, 15 August 1908.

96. Ibid.

97. Ibid.

98. Ibid.

99. Loring W. Batten, The Relief of Pain by Mental Suggestion: A Study of the Moral and Religious Forces of Healing (New York: Moffat, Yard, 1917), preface.

100. "Emmanuel Clinics," Good Housekeeping 47 (October 1908): 361.

101. Ibid.

100. "Emmanuel Clinics," Good Housekeeping 47 (October 1908): 361.

101. Ibid.

102. Joseph Collins, "Some Fundamental Principles in the Treatment of Functional Nervous Disease, with Especial Reference to Psychotherapy," American Journal of Medical Science 135 (February 1908): 169.

103. Ibid., 170.

102. Joseph Collins, "Some Fundamental Principles in the Treatment of Functional Nervous Disease, with Especial Reference to Psychotherapy," American Journal of Medical Science 135 (February 1908): 169.

103. Ibid., 170.

104. New York Times , 10 November 1908.

105. New York Times , 8 November 1908.

106. Ibid.

107. Ibid., 13 November 1908.

108. Ibid., 24 November 1908.

109. Ibid., 26 November 1908.

105. New York Times , 8 November 1908.

106. Ibid.

107. Ibid., 13 November 1908.

108. Ibid., 24 November 1908.

109. Ibid., 26 November 1908.

105. New York Times , 8 November 1908.

106. Ibid.

107. Ibid., 13 November 1908.

108. Ibid., 24 November 1908.

109. Ibid., 26 November 1908.

105. New York Times , 8 November 1908.

106. Ibid.

107. Ibid., 13 November 1908.

108. Ibid., 24 November 1908.

109. Ibid., 26 November 1908.

105. New York Times , 8 November 1908.

106. Ibid.

107. Ibid., 13 November 1908.

108. Ibid., 24 November 1908.

109. Ibid., 26 November 1908.

110. "Clerical Healing," Medical Record 74 (1908): 840.

111. Ibid.

110. "Clerical Healing," Medical Record 74 (1908): 840.

111. Ibid.

112. "Medical Practice and Medical Record," New York Medical Journal 84 (November 14, 1908). As quoted in Cunningham, Ministry of Healing .

113. Boston Herald , 21 November 1908.

114. Ibid.

113. Boston Herald , 21 November 1908.

114. Ibid.

115. Boston Herald , 22 November 1908.

116. Ibid.

115. Boston Herald , 22 November 1908.

116. Ibid.

117. "The Emmanuel Movement of Mental Healing," Boston Medical and Surgical Journal 159 (26 November 1908): 730-732.

118. Ibid., 731.

117. "The Emmanuel Movement of Mental Healing," Boston Medical and Surgical Journal 159 (26 November 1908): 730-732.

118. Ibid., 731.

119. New Jersey Herald , 30 November 1908.

120. "The Emmanuel Movement: A Rejoinder," Boston Medical and Surgical Journal 159 (December 31, 1908): 9.

121. Ibid., 10.

120. "The Emmanuel Movement: A Rejoinder," Boston Medical and Surgical Journal 159 (December 31, 1908): 9.

121. Ibid., 10.

122. Robert T. Edes, "The Present Relations of Psychotherapy," Journal of the American Medical Association 52 (9 January 1909): 96.

123. See "An Advisory Board for the Emmanuel Movement," Boston Medical and Surgical Journal 160 (January 21, 1909): 90-91; "The Emmanuel Movement: An Explanation," Boston Medical and Surgical Journal 160 (28 January 1909): 123.

124. Hamilton, "The Religio-Medical Movements," 225.

125. "Religion and Medicine: The Emmanuel Movement," Old Dominion Journal of Medicine and Surgery 8 (February 1909): 122, 123.

126. Psychotherapeutics: A Symposium (Boston: R. G. Badger, 1910).

127. For a brief discussion of the New Haven conference, see Hale, Freud and the Americans .

128. Psychotherapeutics: A Symposium , 9.

129. Ibid., 118.

128. Psychotherapeutics: A Symposium , 9.

129. Ibid., 118.

130. Boston Transcript , 11 September 1909.

131. Mitchell, "The Emmanuel Movement," 781.

132. "Dangers of the New Therapeutic Movement," Current Literature 44 (April 1908): 634-635.

133. Chauncey Hawkins, "Psychotherapy and the Church: Some Guiding Principles," Congregationalist and Christian World (October 10, 1908).

134. Parker, The Other Side of Psychotherapy , 23, 24.

135. Buckley, "Dangers of the Emmanuel Movement," 635.

136. Gordon, "The Practice of Medicine by the Unfit," 211-212.

137. "The Practice of Psychotherapy: Some Counter Considerations," Congregationalist and Christian World (6 March 1909): 308.

138. Ibid., 308.

137. "The Practice of Psychotherapy: Some Counter Considerations," Congregationalist and Christian World (6 March 1909): 308.

138. Ibid., 308.

139. Brown, Faith and Health , 167.

140. Lightner Witmer, "Review and Criticism: Mental Healing and the Emmanuel Movement," Psychological Clinic 2 (15 December 1908, 15 January 1909, 15 February 1909): 212-224, 239-250, 282-300.

141. Ibid., 249-250.

140. Lightner Witmer, "Review and Criticism: Mental Healing and the Emmanuel Movement," Psychological Clinic 2 (15 December 1908, 15 January 1909, 15 February 1909): 212-224, 239-250, 282-300.

141. Ibid., 249-250.

142. Henry Rutgers Marshall, "Psychotherapy and Religion," Hibbert Journal 7 (January 1909): 300. For a reply to Marshall's critique, see Samuel McComb, "The Christian Religion as a Healing Power," Hibbert Journal 7 (October 1909): 10-27.

143. Hugo Münsterberg, Psychotherapy (New York: Moffat, Yard, 1909), 346. For an excellent biography of Münsterberg, see Matthew Hale, Human Science and Social Order: Hugo Münsterberg and the Origins of Applied Psychology (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1980).

144. Münsterberg, Psychotherapy , 10.

145. James Jackson Putnam, "The Service to Nervous Invalids of the Physician and of the Minister," Harvard Theological Review 2 (April 1909): 239.

146. Elwood Worcester and Samuel McComb, Christian Religion as a Healing Power: A Defense and Exposition of the Emmanuel Movement (New York: Moffat, Yard, 1909). An abridged version of this work appeared in Century magazine. See Worcester, "The Emmanuel Movement," 421-429.

147. Worcester, "The Emmanuel Movement," 421.

148. McComb and Worcester, Christian Religion as a Healing Power , 96-97.

149. Worcester, "The Emmanuel Movement," 422.

150. McComb and Worcester, Christian Religion as a Healing Power , 54-56.

151. Brown, Faith and Health , 157-158.

152. Worcester, Life's Adventure , 289.

153. Greene, "The Emmanuel Movement," 525.

154. See Readers' Guide to Periodical Literature , 1910-1914. The article of note is by Ralph Wallace Reed, M.D. (visiting neurologist to the Bethesda Hospital and the Ohio Hospital for Women and Children), Cincinnati, Ohio, in a letter to Everybody's 22 (May 1910): 713-714.

155. Greene, "The Emmanuel Movement," 525. Although they ceased to publicize their work, Worcester and McComb did not abandon their venture altogether. No longer in the public spotlight, the program assumed a far more modest scope. Worcester and McComb continued to write on topics germane to psychotherapy, but they ceased to present their views in the popular press. In 1917, McComb published The New Life: The Secret of Happiness and Power (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1917). Three years later, Worcester published The Subconscious Mind: Its Nature and Value for the Cure of Nervous Disorders by Means of Suggestion and Auto-Suggestion (London: K.P. Trench, Trubner, 1920). In 1931, Worcester and McComb coauthored Body, Mind and Spirit (Boston: Marshall Jones, 1931).

156. John C. Fisher, "The Emmanuel Work from the Physician's View-Point," Review of Reviews 39 (May 1909): 586.

157. Homer Gage, "The Emmanuel Movement from a Medical View-Point," Popular Science Monthly 75 (October 1909): 369.

158. H. Addington Bruce, review of The Christian Religion as a Healing Power .

1. For a brilliant discussion of professional boundaries, see Andrew Delano Abbott, The System of Professions: An Essay on the Division of Expert Labor (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1988).

2. See the discussion in chapter 4 concerning the response to George Beard's "The Influence of the Mind in the Causation and Cure of Disease—The Potency of Definite Expectation" Journal of Nervous and Mental Diseases 1 (1876): 429-435.

3. For phrenology, see Roger Cooter, The Cultural Meaning of Popular Science: Phrenology and the Organization of Consent in Nineteenth-Century Britain (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985); idem, "Phrenology: The Provocation of Progress," History of Science 14 (1976): 211-234. For a discussion of the American scene, see John D. Davies, Phrenology Fad and Science: A 19th-Century American Crusade (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1955); and Eric T. Carlson, "The Influence of Phrenology on Early American Psychiatric Thought," American Journal of Psychiatry 115 (1958): 535-538. For a discussion of mesmerism, see Gauld, A History of Hypnotism . For a discussion of spiritualism, see Edward M. Brown, "Neurology and Spiritualism in the 1870s,'' Bulletin of the History of Medicine 57 (1983): 563-577; Shortt, "Physicians and Psychics."

4. See Burnham, Psychoanalysis and american Medicine; Freud and the Americans ; and F.H. Matthews, "The Americanization of Sigmund Freud: Adaptations of Psychoanalysis before 1917," Journal of American Studies 1 (1967): 39-62.

5. Prior to 1910 the Readers' Guide to periodical Literature does not list a single article on either Freud or psychoanalysis. The third volume, which covers the years 1910-1914, lists 4 articles on Freud and 11 on psychoanalysis. Volume 4, 1915-1918, lists 8 articles on Freud and 31 on psychoanalysis. Some of the more prominent articles are Charles F. Ousler, "Behind the Madman's Dreams," Technical World 21 (April 1914): 205-207; James Jackson Putnam, "The Psycho-Analytic Movement," Scientific American Supplement 78 (19 December 1914): 391; Max Eastman, "Exploring the Soul and Healing the Body," Everybody's 32 (1915): 741-750; idem, "Mr.-er-er- Oh! What's His Name? Ever Say That?" Everybody's 33 (1915): 95-103; Peter Clark Macfarlane, "Diagnosis by Dreams," Good Housekeeping 60 (1915): 125-133, 278-286; Lucian Cary, "Escaping Your Past," Technical World 23 (August 1915): 730-735; Walter Lippmann, "Freud and the Layman," New Republic 2 (April 17, 1915): 9-10; Floyd Dell, "Speaking of Psycho-Analysis: The New Boon for Dinner

Table Conversationalists," Vanity Fair 5 (December 1915): 53; John. B. Watson, "The Psychology of Wish Fulfillment," Scientific American 3 (November 1916): 479-487; Joseph Jastrow, "The Psycho-Analyzed Self,'' Dial 62 (3 May 1917): 395-398; and John P. Toohey, "How We All Reveal Our Soul Secrets," Ladies' Home Journal 34 (November 1917): 97; William H.W. Chase, "Freud's Theories of the Unconscious," Popular Science Monthly 78 (1 April 1911): 355-363; Edward M. Weyer, "The New Art of Interpreting Dreams," Forum 15 (May 1911): 589-600; "Freud's Discovery of the Lowest Chamber of the Soul," Current Literature 50 (May 1911): 512-514; H. Addington Bruce, "The Nature of Dreams," Outlook (August 1911): 875-881; idem, "Dreams and the Supernatural," Outlook (December 1911): 862-871; idem, "The Marvels of Dream Analysis," McClure's 40 (November 1912): 113-119; Stephen S. Colvin, "Real Mind Reading," Independent 71 (7 December 1911): 1258-1261; Samuel McComb, "The New Interpretation of Dreams," Century 34 (September 1912): 663-669; Edwin Tenney Brewster, "Dreams and Forgetting: New Discoveries in Dream Psychology," McClure's 39 (October 1912): 714-719.

6. For a discussion of the popular press's role in early-twentieth-century American medicine, see James H. Cassedy, "Muckraking and Medicine: Samuel Hopkins Adams," American Quarterly 16 (1964): 85-99.

7. See Catherine Lucille Covert, "Freud on the Front Page: Transmission of Freudian Ideas in the American Newspaper of the 1920s" (Ph.D. dissertation, Syracuse University, 1975).

8. The contribution of the refugee psychoanalysts who fled Europe in the 1930s played an important role in transforming both the style and the practice of psychoanalysis in the United States. I would argue, however, that as with the first wave of psychoanalysis, the second was susceptible to the overarching inflence of American culture.

9. Nathan G. Hale, Jr., The Rise and Crisis of Psychoanalysis in the United States: Freud and the Americans, 1917-1985 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995), 355.

10. For a fascinating discussion of these and other somatic therapies, see Andrew Scull, "Psychiatrists and Historical 'Facts' Part One: The Historiography of Somatic Treatments," History of Psychiatry 6 (1995): 225-241. For lobotomy, see Eliot S. Valenstein, Great and Desperate Cures: The Rise and Decline of Psychosurgery and Other Radical Treatments for Mental Illness (New York: Basic Books, 1986); Jack Pressman, Last Resort: Psychosurgery and the Limits of Medicine (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998). For a broad overview of somatic therapies, see Edward Shorter, A History of Psychiatry: From the Era of the Asylum to the Age of Prozac (New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1997), 190-238.