1. See John Goldthwaite, The Building of Renaissance Florence (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1980), 361-65, and Lewis Mumford, The City in History (New York: Harcourt, Brace, and World, 1961), 356-71.

2. Military engineering, for instance, became a specialized occupation by the seventeenth century; in eighteenth-century France, civil engineering provided the model of a state-sponsored profession that architects strove to emulate. I have analyzed the importance of this model in "Emblem and Exception: The Historical Definition of the Architect's Professional Role," in Judith R. Blau, Mark E. La Gory, and John S. Pipkin, eds., Professionals and Urban Form (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1983).

3. Reyner Banham, "A Black Box: The Secret Profession of Architecture," The New Statesman, Oct. 12, 1990, 25.

4. See David Brain, "Discipline and Style: The École des Beaux-Arts and the Social Production of an American Architecture," Theory and Society 18 (1989): 815ff.

5. I adopt Michel Foucault's concept of the discipline as a "system of control in the production of discourse" ("The Discourse on Language," trans. Rupert Swyer, appendix to The Archaeology of Knowledge [New York: Pantheon, 1972]). "For a discipline to exist," Foucault writes, "there must be the possibility of formulating--and of doing so ad infinitum--fresh propositions." Disciplines are "defined by groups of objects, methods, their corpus of propositions considered to be true, the interplay of rules and definitions, of techniques and tools: all these constitute a sort of anonymous system, freely available to . . . whoever is able to make use of them, without there being any question of their meaning or their continue

validity being derived from whoever happened to invent them" (222-23). I combine this concept of discipline with my understanding of the social appropriation of discourse. I believe, as does Foucault, that educational systems are "political means of maintaining or modifying the appropriation of discourse, with the knowledge and powers it carries with it" (227).

6. In architectural discourse, the term postmodernism tends to be reserved for the return to classicist and vernacular sources of formal inspiration in vocabulary and composition. I shall use the term more broadly, including all the revisions of European canonic modernism--not only the "traditional" return to premodern sources but also the "schismatic" treatment of modernism itself as a formal historical source. The distinction between varieties of "traditional" and "schismatic" post-modernism is elaborated by Robert Stern in "The Doubles of Postmodern," Harvard Architecture Review 1 (1980): 75-87.

7. Architects never attained the liberation from patronage that painters reached with the spread of easel painting and the organization of art markets. While the paintings that Van Gogh or Chaim Soutine had been tragically unable to sell could be "discovered" after their death, there is no such thing as "discovering" an architect who has never built anything, except within the specialized discourse of which only historians, critics, and architects are cognizant. The most notable example is that of Antonio Sant'Elia (1888-1916), the one architect among the Italian futurists. His extraordinarily beautiful visionary drawings with Mario Chiattone (exhibited in 1914 in Milan) are among the "sacred texts" of modern architecture. Sant'Elia's foreword to the catalog, interpreted by Filippo Marinetti, became the group's "Manifesto of Futurist Architecture." See Ulrich Conrads, Programs and Manifestoes on Twentieth-Century Architecture (Cambridge, Mass.: M.I.T. Press, 1970), 34-38.

8. On the emergence of the large architectural firm in the United States, see Diana Balmori, "George B. Post: The Process of Design and the New American Architectural Office (1868-1913)" Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 46 (1987): 342-355, and Bernard M. Boyle, "Architectural Practice in America, 1865-1965: Ideal and Reality," in Spiro Kostof, ed., The Architect (New York, Oxford University Press, 1987). For an excellent overview, see Robert Gutman, Architectural Practice: A Critical View (New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 1988), especially 23-60.

9. On the interaction between organization and recognition of merit, see the excellent study by Judith Blau, Architects and Firms (Cambridge, Mass.: M.I.T. Press, 1984), Chap. 5.

10. In American universities, these different orientations can result in affiliation with either technical or fine arts faculties.

11. Niels L. Prak, Architects: The Noted and the Ignored (New York: Wiley, 1984), 1-2, 14-16.

12. In the United States, where architects are legally in charge of producing contract drawings (the detailed and specified drawings that go to contractors for bidding and on which the production of the building is based), professional reputations, official recognition, and informal networks help to forge cooperative ties between "design" and "service-oriented" architects. In some cases, these ties are prompted by speculative clients who want both fancy design and economic efficiency. In others, design architects seek these associations themselves for a variety of reasons, which I discuss in chapter 4. break

13. The mechanisms of licensing, of course, recognize this primacy. In the United States, years of schooling are equivalent to years of practice but not sufficient to be eligible for examination by architectural boards or for professional registration. Two to three years of practice under the supervision of a licensed architect are required for the latter. It is still possible today to take the boards without any formal schooling, but only in a few states.

14. This was a finding of my research in "high volume" architectural offices. See Magali Sarfatti Larson, "Report to the National Science Foundation and the Research Corporation of the American Institute of Architects," Department of Sociology, Temple University, Philadelphia (1979).

15. Besides its specialized professional journals, architecture, like science, is also explained and presented to the lay public in the general press and the electronic media. Moreover, architectural design is featured by more or less specialized picture magazines such as Architectural Digest or House Beautiful, which have a keen sense of their readers' status aspirations. The dean of American architects, Philip Johnson, with his characteristic candor, calls them "pornography for architects."

16. See Foucault, "Discourse on Language." When I say "discursive field" I follow Foucault's more inclusive definition of discourse, which is close to Thomas Kuhn's composite notion of "paradigm" (though Foucault is obviously much broader in his usage than Kuhn). For Kuhn, a paradigm constructs, first of all, the area of nature or of the social world that scientists take as the object of their research. The paradigm rests on metaphysical assumptions that tacitly determine what kinds of questions it is legitimate to ask. The Kuhnian paradigm is not embodied in texts only--not even primarily in texts, axiomatic postulates, theories, problems, empirical findings, ideas, jargon, and the like--but in exemplars of scientific practice: In replicating practical models of how to do science, apprentices appropriate the paradigm, insuring its hold upon the field and the field's self-reproduction. See Kuhn, The Structure of Scientific Revolutions, 2d ed. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1970), and Mary Masterman's incisive discussion, "The Nature of the Paradigm," in I. Lakatos and A. Musgrave, eds., Criticism and the Growth of Knowledge (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1970).

17. Michael Graves, interview with the author, Dec. 1988.

18. Symbolic capital is, for Pierre Bourdieu, the authority to speak within and for a field, authority that accrues according to criteria determined (and often understood) only by the qualified participants themselves. See Pierre Bourdieu, "Le Champ scientifique," Actes de la recherche en sciences sociales 2-3 (June 1976): 88-104, and "La Production de la croyance: contribution à une économie des biens symboliques," Actes de la recherche en sciences sociales 13 (Feb. 1977): 3-43.

19. One century later, Michelangelo went on: "A noble house in the city brings considerable honor, being more visible than all one's possessions" (both quotations in Goldthwaite, Renaissance Florence, 83, 89).

20. Goldthwaite, Renaissance Florence, 77-83.

21. Marshall Berman, All That Is Solid Melts into Air (New York: Pantheon, 1988), 295.

22. Suzanne Langer, Feeling and Form (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1953), 73, 95ff.

23. Langer, Feeling and Form, 97. break

24. I am borrowing from the concept of a "period's eye," developed by Michael Baxandall. See his Painting and Experience in Fifteenth-Century Italy (New York: Oxford University Press, 1974), 29ff.

25. The concept of "art world" and the complex networks that permit production, circulation, and social appreciation of art works is elaborated by Howard Becker in Art Worlds (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1982), Chap. 1. On the concept of "field," see Bourdieu, "Le Champ scientifique."

26. Peter Bürger, for instance, sees the hallmark of the "authentic" avant-garde in the Dadaists and the Russian constructivists' efforts to abolish the separate institutional existence of art in bourgeois society. See his Theory of the Avant-Garde (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1984) and the introduction by Jochem Schulte-Sasse.

27. Jürgen Habermas, for instance, develops the architectural metaphor in his 1981 speech in Munich on "Modern and Postmodern Architecture" (reprinted in John Forester, ed., Critical Theory and Public Life [Cambridge, Mass.: M.I.T. Press, 1985]). Jean-Francois Lyotard grounds the three constitutive tendencies of postmodernism in architecture's abandonment of the Modern Movement. See his "Defining the Postmodern," in ICA Documents 4: Postmodernism (London: Institute of Contemporary Art, 1986), 6-7. Architecture is important in literary theory, particularly in Fredric Jameson's much-discussed "Postmodernism, or the Cultural Logic of Late Capitalism," New Left Review 146 (July-Aug. 1984): 53-92. See also Jameson, "Architecture and the Critique of Ideology," in Joan Ockman, ed., Architecture Criticism Ideology (New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 1985). Other discussions of architecture include David Harvey, The Condition of Postmodernity (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1989), 66-98, and Scott Lash, Sociology of Postmodernism (New York: Routledge, Chapman and Hall, 1990), 201-36.

28. The design of Brasilia is perhaps the best known of the exceptions. Thanks to James Holston, it certainly is the best studied by a social scientist. See his The Modernist City: An Anthropological Critique of Brasilia (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1989).

29. The sample is not statistically representative but formed qualitatively on the advice of experts. I interviewed thirty American architects and one international celebrity whose practice is based in Italy. The American group includes twenty-one of the most noted architects of the recent period and, in two cases, their managing partners (fifteen of them are an elite officially recognized in the international encyclopedia Contemporary Architects, ed. Ann Morgan, 2d ed. (Chicago, St. James' Press, 1987); five of them worked in large "corporate" firms; nine are "rising" (two were once rising) architects identified by the awards and official accolades they have received. I also interviewed the principal of a firm that specializes in doing production drawings for elite designers and consulted with eleven diverse experts in the field of architecture, including the editors of architectural journals, scholars, consultants, the former manager of the Institute for Architecture and Urban Studies, and John Zuccotti, the attorney for the Canadian developer Olympia and York. The interviews with four representatives of important developers--including two with senior vice presidents of Olympia and York--are only indicative of what a few of them think of architects. This study is not about clients but about how architects understand them and work with them. break

1. Such is the influential thesis of Emil Kaufmann. See Architecture in the Age of Reason (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1955), 181ff. in particular.

2. Giorgio Ciucci, "The Invention of the Modern Movement," Oppositions 24 (1981): 69.

3. Barbara Miller Lane, Architecture and Politics in Germany, 1918-1945, 2d ed. (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1985).

4. See Leonardo Benevolo, History of Modern Architecture, vol. 2, The Modern Movement (Cambridge, Mass.: M.I.T. Press, 1971), 585ff., and John Willett, Art and Politics in the Weimar Period (New York: Pantheon, 1978), 168ff.

5. An idea of the international effort at publicizing the new architecture can be gained from the bibliographic sources listed by the historian of modern architecture Leonardo Benevolo (in History of Modern Architecture, 2:843). He includes: Walter Gropius, Internationale Architektur (1925); Ludwig Hilbersheimer, Internationale neue Baukunst (1926); G. A. Platz, Die Baukunst der neuesten Zeit (1927); P. Meyer, Moderne Architektur und Tradition (1928); Henry Russell Hitchcock, Modern Architecture: Romanticism and Reintegration (1929); Bruno Taut, Die neue Baukunst in Europa und Amerika (1929), translated into English the next year; M. Malkiel-Jirmounsky, Les Tendances de l'architecture contemporaine (1930); S. Cheney, The New World Architecture (1930); and A. Sartoris, Gli elementi dell'architettura razionale (1932). Le Corbusier's Vers une architecture (1923) was translated into English as Towards a New Architecture in 1928. In America, the most influential texts were Le Corbusier; Henry Russell Hitchcock and Philip Johnson's catalog for the 1932 exhibition, The International Style; Laszlo Moholy-Nagy's The New Vision (1928); Gropius's The New Architecture and the Bauhaus (1935); followed by Nikolaus Pevsner's Pioneers of the Modern Movement from William Morris to Walter Gropius (1936) and by Walter Behrendt's survey Modern Building (1937). Throughout the period, the Museum of Modern Art in New York, with a Department of Architecture and Design founded and directed by Philip Johnson, was the undisputed center for the ideas of aesthetic modernism in the United States.

6. See Nikolaus Pevsner, Pioneers of Modern Design: From William Morris to Walter Gropius, 3d ed. (New York: Penguin, 1960), and Siegfried Giedion, Space, Time, and Architecture: Growth of a New Tradition, 5th ed. (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1973). Pevsner's revised edition for Penguin has a slightly different title from that for the first edition. The first meeting of CIAM was held in 1928 in the La Sarraz castle in Switzerland, property of a patron of modern artists, Hélène de Mandrot. The Germans were not heavily represented, a fact that reveals the difference of ideological approach at the outset of the Modern Movement. Le Corbusier, who was forty-one at the time, had included the older generation: the Dutchman Hendrik Berlage (seventy-two), the Swiss Karl Moser (sixty-eight), and the Frenchmen Tony Garnier (fifty-nine) and Auguste Perret (fifty-four). The CIAM's meetings became more difficult as the war approached: The fourth congress (that of Athens, in 1933) was followed by the fifth in Paris four years later. The work continued during the war in New York, in England, and underground in the Netherlands. In 1947, the British chapter called the sixth congress. CIAM ceased meeting at the end of the 1950s after acrimonious debates that started with continue

the ninth congress, in 1953 (see Ciucci, "Invention," and Giedion, Space, Time, 696-706).

7. In the foreword to the first edition, Giedion clearly announced that he saw in modernism the potential and the depth of a new classicism and that he attributed to architecture a central position in modern culture. He wrote: "I have attempted to establish, both by argument and by objective evidence, that in spite of the seeming confusion there is nevertheless a true, if hidden, unity, a secret synthesis, in our present civilization. To point out why this synthesis has not become a conscious and active reality has been one of my chief aims. My interest has been particularly concentrated on the growth of the new tradition in architecture, for the purpose of showing its interrelations with other human activities and the similarity of methods that are in use today in architecture, construction, painting, city planning and science" (Giedion, Space, Time, vi).

8. See Kenneth Frampton, Modern Architecture: A Critical History (New York: Oxford University Press, 1980), 29-40.

9. On illumination, heating, ventilation, and humidity control, see Reyner Banham, The Architecture of the Well-Tempered Environment (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1969). On materials and on architecture's relations with technology, see Giedion, Space, Time, 163-290.

10. The units consisted of "wooden ridges and furrow frames for the glass, . . . iron lattice girders on which the [glass] panes rested, and . . . cast-iron supporting pillars, bolted together floor by floor" (Giedion, Space, Time, 252). The construction also borrowed from the technology of railroad sheds; it was supervised by Charles Fox, a railroad engineer, and finished in four months. Heat was a major problem under the glass canopy, solved temporarily by English weather. Kenneth Frampton observes that the Crystal Palace "was not so much a particular form, as it was a building process made manifest as a total system, from its initial conception, fabrication and trans-shipment, to its final erection and dismantling" ( Modern Architecture, 34).

11. Le Corbusier, The Decorative Art of Today, transl. James Dunnett (Cambridge, Mass.: M.I.T. Press, 1987), 139. On Delaunay and the tower, see Stephen Kern, The Culture of Time and Space, 1880-1918 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1983), 143, 185, 207.

12. Walter Gropius, quoted by Reyner Banham in A Concrete Atlantis: U.S. Industrial Building and European Modernist Architecture 1900-1925 (Cambridge, Mass.: M.I.T. Press, 1986), 203, and Chap. 3. See also Le Corbusier, Towards A New Architecture, transl. Frederick Etchells (1927; reprint, New York: Praeger, 1970), 17-24. The exaltation of the machine and its products indirectly celebrates the engineer's role; see Le Corbusier, Towards a New Architecture, 105ff., and Decorative Art, Chap. 8.

13. Clement Greenberg, quoted by Matei Calinescu, Five Faces of Modernity (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1987), 222.

14. Thomas Crow, "Modernism and Mass Culture in the Visual Arts," in Benjamin Buchloh, ed., Modernism and Modernity: The Vancouver Conference Papers (Halifax: Press of Nova Scotia College of Art and Design, 1983), 221 (emphasis added). Crow is commenting upon Clement Greenberg's pathbreaking essay of 1939, "Avant-Garde and Kitsch." Crow notes that Greenberg's steadfast distinction continue

between kitsch and modern popular culture prevented him from seeing that the art avant-gardes were not only repulsed by mass culture and pressured by it to defend creative freedom; they were also fascinated by vernacular materials and even by kitsch.

15. Because its producers seek effect, mainly through sentimental associations, "any recourse [of kitsch] to sentiment and irrationality is bound to be transformed into a rational recipe-book of imitations" (Hermann Broch, "Notes on the Problem of Kitsch," in Gillo Dorfles, ed., Kitsch, the World of Bad Taste [New York: Universe Books, 1969]). See also Umberto Eco's enlightening work, "La Struttura del Cattivo Gusto," in Apocalittici e Integrati, 3d ed. (Milano: Bompiani, 1964), 65-129.

16. See Martin Pawley, Architecture versus Housing (New York: Praeger, 1971), Chaps. 1-2. On Howard, see Robert Fishman, Urban Utopias in the Twentieth Century (New York: Basic Books, 1977).

17. Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, "The Communist Manifesto," in Robert Tucker, ed., The Marx-Engels Reader (New York: Norton, 1978), 476.

18. Le Corbusier, Decorative Art, 133ff.

19. The canonically approved "precursors" of the late nineteenth century are found a little everywhere. Retrospectively, historians tend to include most of the innovative designers working from the late 1870s to the 1890s on, without weighing their respective influence. In rough chronological order, they are as follows. (1) The architects of Art Nouveau, which was most successful as a movement in the decorative arts. It started in Brussels in the 1880s and included the innovative architecture of Victor Horta and, later, Henry Van de Velde; the movement spread throughout Europe under the names of Liberty or Jugendstil. In Barcelona, the solitary and obsessed architecture of Antoni Gaudí is usually classified with Art Nouveau. (2) The British architects still attached to the Arts and Crafts Movement--Norman Shaw, Charles Voysey, Arthur Mackmurdo, Charles Rennie Mackintosh, and the Glasgow school (neither Pevsner nor Giedion name Sir Edwin Lutyens, the imperial architect "rediscovered" by Robert Venturi and adopted as a source by postmodernism). (3) The Austrian school of Otto Wagner, identified with the artists of the Sezession, includes Josef Hoffman, Josef Olbrich, and, importantly, Adolf Loos, author of the famous 1908 pamphlet "Ornament and Crime." (4) The Americans: Henry Richardson and, above all, Louis Sullivan and the "architect-engineers" of the Chicago school; the designer of the first steel frame building, William Le Baron Jenney; Dankmar Adler, Sullivan's brilliant engineering partner; the firms of Holabird and Roche and of Burnham and Root. The American twentieth-century master, Frank Lloyd Wright, had been an apprentice of Sullivan. Through the publication of his work, Wright's influence spread to Holland and Germany. (5) Finally, in Amsterdam, the relatively isolated work of Hendrik Berlage, who after 1911 introduced the architecture of Wright and other Americans to Europe. In the Amsterdam Stock Exchange of 1898, Berlage produced a building recognized in its own time as the first realization of a purified architecture (Giedion, Space, Time, 308-16). (6) The French designers who experimented brilliantly with reinforced concrete and glass fall out of the chronology: Henri Labrouste built his magnificent Bibliotheque Nationale in the period 1858-68, while Auguste Perret and Tony Garnier began to work in the first years of the twentieth century.

Before the war, innovations were particularly notable in the design of furniture and appliances. The inspiration came from England's Arts and Crafts Movement continue

(see Pevsner, Pioneers, Chap. 6, and Gillian Naylor, The Arts and Crafts Movement [London: Studio Vista, 1971]). Interesting observations on progressive furniture design in Germany can be found in Janos Frecot and Sonja Günther, "City, Architecture, and Habitat," in Eberhard Roters, ed., Berlin 1910-1933 (Secaucus, N.J.: Welfleet Press, 1982), 25-28. On the work of the German and the Austrian Werkbunds, see Joan Campbell, The German Werkbund: The Politics of Beform in the Applied Arts (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1978), Chaps. 1-2 and the Bibliography.

20. Giedion sees the cultural crisis of the nineteenth century as the divergence between "the paths of science and the arts. . . . The connection between methods of thinking and methods of feeling was broken" (Giedion, Space, Time, 182).

21. Bruno Zevi, Storia dell'Architettura Moderna (Torino: Einaudi, 1961), 26 (my translation). See also Paul C. Vitz and Arnold B. Glimcher, Modern Art and Modern Science: The Parallel Analysis of Vision (New York: Praeger, 1984).

22. As early as 1836, the great German architect Karl Gutzkow, comparing England's industrial buildings to its neo-Gothic Parliament, commented: "Desperate to invent a modern style of architecture, we have turned in our newer epoch back to antiquity or the Middle Ages, and thereby admit either our extraordinary lack of spirit and imagination, or the sobering facts and utility factors behind some buildings being made preferably modern, such as granaries, housing for invalids and the like" (quoted by Heinrich Klotz, The History of Postmodern Architecture [Cambridge, Mass.: M.I.T. Press, 1988], 12).

23. Adolf Loos in Ulrich Conrads, Programs and Manifestoes on Twentieth-Century Architecture (Cambridge, Mass.: M.I.T. Press, 1970), 19, 20, 22.

24. Marcel Franciscono, Walter Gropius and the Creation of the Bauhaus in Weimar (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1971), 29-30.

25. Ian Boyd White in Tilmann Buddensieg, ed., Industriekultur: Peter Behrens and the AEG (Cambridge, Mass.: M.I.T. Press, 1984), ix. See in particular the articles by Tilmann Buddensieg ("Industriekultur") and Fritz Neumeyer ("The Workers' Housing of Peter Behrens"). Behrens's office attracted as assistants men who were to become the masters of the Modern Movement: Walter Gropius met his partner Adolf Meyer in Behrens's office and, in 1910, presented to Walter Rathenau a prescient proposal for prefabricated housing; Ludwig Mies van der Rohe collaborated with Behrens for several years and was directly influenced by his neoclassical side; and, for a few months before the war, Le Corbusier, who admired what he saw but harbored doubts about the office's functionalist side.

26. See Wright's 1901 lecture, "The Art and Craft of the Machine," in Frank Lloyd Wright: Writings and Buildings, selected by Edgar Kaufmann and Ben Raeburn (Cleveland: Meridian, 1967), 55-73, and also "The Nature of Materials," 222-29.

27. Ludwig Hilberseimer, Architettura a Berlino negli Anni Venti (Milano: Franco Angeli, 1981), 41-42 (my translation).

28. Futurism was primarily a literary movement, inspired and led by the poet Filippo Marinetti. The manifesto for architecture, the work of Antonio Sant'Elia, appeared in 1914, backed by a series of audacious drawings, which nevertheless remained within "the traditional canons of perspective." Sant'Elia died in World War I, and his unfulfilled experiment, says the historian Leonardo Benevolo, continue

remains "ambiguous and uncertain." It has been interpreted "as an anticipation of Gropius and Le Corbusier, or as an argument against international architecture and in favour of a hypothetical autonomous Italian tradition" (Benevolo, History of Modern Architecture, 2:396-97). Expressionism was particularly important in German painting, both before and after World War I. In architecture, its most noted representatives were Hans Poelzig (born in 1869), Erich Mendelsohn, and, despite their association with the Modern Movement, Bruno Taut, Hugo Häring, and Hans Scharoun, among others. Taut recognized Paul Scheerbart, the utopian poet of glass architecture who died in 1915, as an inspiration. The important Belgian architect Henry Van de Velde (born in 1863) was closely associated with Germany, where he directed the Weimar School of Applied Arts. Van de Velde had been one of the masters of art nouveau, from which the veering toward expressionism is logical, after the decoration is restrained. The most characteristic feature of expressionism is the emphasis on unique, original forms that tend toward the organic fluidity of nature (which, by definition, produces unique forms). Concrete, which permits the articulation of many different forms in one single material, is a favorite medium. After World War II concrete was easier to use in clearly expressionist manner, for instance, by Paul Rudolph and Eero Saarinen of the United States or by Jörn Utzon of Denmark in the Sydney Opera House. There is no doubt that Le Corbusier's later work is expressionist in part or whole, as in the noted examples of the church of Notre Dame du Haut at Ronchamps, the chapel within the Dominican convent of La Tourette, and the General Assembly Building and High Court of Chandigarh, the capital he designed at Nehru's request for East Punjab.

29. "Arbeitsrat für Kunst," in Conrads, Programs, 44-45.

30. Le Corbusier, Towards a New Architecture, 14; 210, 261-69.

31. In 1929, for instance, Le Corbusier was awarded the contract for a partially built Centrosoyuz in Moscow; one year later, Ernst May and a team of twenty-two architects, including Mart Stam and Hans Schmidt, left Germany to work in the Soviet Union; Hannes Meyer and a group of former Bauhaus students were also involved in planning; Bruno Taut moved his practice in 1931 to Moscow (Willett, Art and Politics, 217-18).

32. See Pawley, Architecture, Chap. 2, and Ronald Wiedenhoeft, "Workers' Housing as Social Politics," in VIA IV: Culture and the Social Vision (Cambridge, Mass.: M.I.T. Press, 1980), 112-25.

33. Charles Maier, "Between Taylorism and Technocracy: European Ideologies and the Vision of Industrial Productivity in the 1920s," Journal of Contemporary History 5, no. 2 (April 1970): 29.

34. Mary Nolan, "Housework Made Easy: The Taylorized Housewife in Weimar Germany's Rationalized Economy," Feminist Studies 16 (1990): 549-78.

35. Maier, "Between Taylorism and Technocracy." See the thesis by Jost Hermand, "Unity within Diversity? The History of the Concept 'Neue Sachlichkeit,'" in Keith Bullivant, ed., Culture and Society in the Weimar Republic (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1977). Hermand argues that the Nazis attacked and condemned expressionism and the left-wing art of the 1920s. They allowed Neue Sachlichkeit to flourish in all but its openly left and critical forms.

36. Maier, "Between Taylorism and Technocracy," 59.

37. The most noted are André Lurçat, Pierre Chareau, the designer of a canonical glass house, Robert Mallet-Stevens, Eugène Beaudoin, and Marcel Lods, who, continue

in the 1930s, used economically and technically farsighted methods (metal skeleton and prefabricated infill elements of reinforced concrete as well as, stairs, balustrades, etc.) in public housing and schools. See Benevolo, History of Modern Architecture, 2:595ff.

38. These prototypes, famous in architectural history, were named the Domino House (1914) and the Monol and Citrohan houses (1920-22). They were partly realized in the project Le Corbusier built for the industrialist Henri Frugès at Pessac in 1925 and in the Paris International Exhibition of Decorative Arts of that year, in which, to the distaste of the exhibition's committee, Le Corbusier built, out of real materials, his "pavillon de l'Esprit Nouveau" and also exhibited the Plan Voisin for the center of Paris. See Charles Jencks, Le Corbusier (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1973).

39. Le Corbusier's work of the 1920s and early 1930s includes the "ideal villas" built for rich and enlightened clients in the suburbs of Paris: the Cook House in Boulogne (1926), the villa for Leon Stein, Gertrude's brother (1927), the Villa Savoye at Poissy (1929-31), and the different Errazuriz Villa in Chile (1930). He had also realized two apartment buildings for the Weissenhof exhibit of 1927, the Salvation Army City of Refuge shelter in Paris (1929-33), the Swiss Pavilion in Paris's University City (1930-32), the botched Centrosoyuz in Moscow (1929), an apartment building in Geneva, and little else. His most influential projects were the unrealized competition designs for the League of Nations in Geneva (1927) and the Palace of the Soviets in 1931. The former, in particular, was an outrage to the Modern Movement; it led to the foundation of CIAM to henceforth support modern architects in competition. Le Corbusier had been selected among the nine winners, but the jury was tied. The politicians assigned the task of redesign to four traditionalist architects among the winners; their final submission, in neoclassic style, pirated Le Corbusier's plan. See Peter Blake, Le Corbusier (Baltimore: Penguin, 1964), Chap. 11.

40. Le Corbusier, quoted by Jencks, Le Corbusier, 121.

41. Pawley estimates that three million dwellings were completed between 1918 and 1933. Of these, the programs identified with the new architecture represented a small part: May's Frankfurt program realized only 15,000; in Berlin, the building society of the federation of industrial trade unions, the Gehag, produced 10,000 units in the period 1924-33, while three of the more traditional societies (for civil servants and white-collar unions) produced 71,000 units "in the form of tenements, semi-detached and detached houses between 1924 and 1929" ( Architecture, 33). Wiedenhoeft's figure for Berlin is 161,000 new dwellings (both publicly and privately funded) from 1925 to 1931 ("Workers' Housing," 120).

42. Catherine Bauer, "The Social Front of Modern Architecture in the 1930s," Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 24, no. 1 (March 1965): 48. This article is a cogent retrospective analysis of the Modern Movement's social thrust.

43. In 1925, the extremely influential book by Adolf Behne, Der moderne Zweckbau (Modern Functional Construction), articulated the new ideas about building.

44. Lane, Architecture and Politics, 39.

45. See Wiedenhoeft, "Workers' Housing," 113ff.

46. W. Gaunt, "A Modern Utopia?" Studio 98 (1929): 859. break

47. Wiedenhoeft, "Workers' Housing," 118.

48. Pawley, Architecture, 28-29. I have also consulted Italian translations of German literature, in particular Carlo Aymonino, ed., L'Abitazione Razionale: Atti dei Congressi CIAM 1929-30 (Padova: Marsilio, 1971); Ernst May, Das neue Frankfurt (Bari: Laterza, 1975); Martin Steinmann, "Il Secondo CIAM e il Problema del Minimum," Psicon (Florence), 2-3 (1975): 61-70. In English, see Catherine Bauer's classic, Modern Housing (Boston: Houghton-Mifflin, 1934), Part 4; Lane, Architecture and Politics; and Wiedenhoeft, "Workers' Housing."

49. Both quotations are in Klotz, The History of Postmodern Architecture, 24.

50. Of course, the fascists knew the symbolic importance of form and exploited it politically with extraordinary talent. On the spectacles designed and planned by the architect Albert Speer for the Nazis, see Lane, Architecture and Politics, and especially Robert Taylor, The Word in Stone (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1974).

51. Bruno Taut, quoted by Lane, Architecture and Politics, 45.

52. Conrads, Manifestoes, 57-58.

53. Wiedenhoeft, "Workers' Housing," 120.

54. Its avowed purpose was, in part, to defend modern architects from the injurious treatment Le Corbusier had just suffered in the competition for the League of Nations. See Ciucci, "Invention," 70ff.

55. Richard Pommer and Christian F. Otto, Weissenhof 1927 and the Modern Movement in Architecture (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991), 166.

56. Henry Russell Hitchcock and Philip Johnson, The International Style (New York: Norton, 1966), 20.

57. Hitchcock and Johnson, International Style, 41.

58. Bauer, "The Social Front," 49. She continues: "With this dogmatic approach, the Ernst May team soon set off for Russia, where it doubtless contributed to their failure, along with their inability to cope with a backward building industry."

59. Sybil Moholy-Nagy, who lived the Modern Movement, ironically points out that Hitchcock and Johnson "slew the anti-aesthetic, expedient, economic and socially conscious tendencies of the day with arguments that would have expelled them instantly from Le Corbusier's CIAM, Gropius' Bauhaus, Mies' Werkbund and Oud's De Stijl . . . no one caught [their] schizophrenic sleight of hand, least of all the diaspora architects who only wanted to be accepted" ("The Diaspora," Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 24, no. 1 [March 1965]: 25).

60. An interesting note is that Mies van der Rohe, who was to develop in America the "curtain wall" and the exposed frame, believed so profoundly in the merits of brick that learning design and construction in brick was a fundamental part of his program at the Illinois Institute of Technology (William Jordy, "The Aftermath of the Bauhaus in America," in H. Fleming and B. Baylin, eds., The Atlantic Migration [Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1964], 512-13).

61. Le Corbusier, quoted in Benevolo, History of Modern Architecture, 2:444-45. The contrast between "landed" and "grounded" buildings was developed for me by the architect Charles Gwathmey during an interview in which he contrasted the approach of his teacher Louis Kahn to that of Le Corbusier, recognizing both as main sources of inspiration. break

62. See Giedion, Space, Time, 837ff., and Jencks, Le Corbusier, 123.

63. It is interesting to observe the increasing ideological dogmatism in an inventive architect like the Swiss Hannes Meyer, Gropius's first and most controversial successor at the Bauhaus. For an Italian collection of his writings, see Hannes Meyer, Architettura o Rivoluzione (Padova: Marsilio, 1969).

64. Le Corbusier, La Charte d'Athènes (Paris: Minuit, 1957), 87-91 (my translation).

65. Rudolf Arnheim, The Dynamics of Architectural Form (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1977), 10.

66. Steven Peterson, "Space and Anti-Space," Harvard Architecture Review 1 (1980): 91.

67. On Brasilia, see James Holston's important study, The Modernist City (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1989).

68. Alan Colquhoun, "On Modern and Postmodern Space," in Joan Ockman, ed., Architecture Criticism Ideology (New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 1985), 105.

69. In Barbaralee Diamonstein, American Architecture Now II (New York: Rizzoli, 1985), 93.

70. Karl Scheffler, quoted by Frecot and Günther, "City Architecture," 25.

71. William Conklin, "Forum: The Beaux-Arts Exhibition," Oppositions 8 (1977): 161-62.

72. Gropius, invited to chair the Department of Architecture at Harvard, was joined by his Bauhaus collaborator, Marcel Breuer; Mies van der Rohe, at the Illinois Institute of Technology, called to Chicago two teachers of his brief period as Bauhaus director, Ludwig Hilberseimer and Walter Peterhans; the graphic designers Herbert Bayer and Josef Albers ended up at Yale, and Laszlo Moholy-Nagy, with the sponsorship of the enlightened Walter Paepcke of the Container Corporation of America, reopened the Bauhaus as a graphic arts center in Chicago (after Moholy-Nagy's death in 1946 it was reabsorbed into the IIT; on this episode, see James Sloan Allen, The Romance of Commerce and Culture [Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1983], Chap. 2).

73. Jordy, "Aftermath," 522.

74. The dollar volume of new construction rose from $25.6 billion in 1946 to $29.5 billion in 1947 (constant dollars of 1957-59); in constant dollars of 1967, the volume of new construction, which becomes $31 billion for 1947, rose to $51.6 billion in 1954, then almost $57 billion in 1955. After a brief and small decline in 1956 and 1957, it returned to 1955 levels and jumped to $63 billion in 1959, $62.5 billion in 1960, $64.6 billion in 1961, $68 billion in 1962, $72.7 billion in 1963, and $75.2 billion in 1964 ( Construction Review, Dec. 1979, 6).

75. William Jordy, American Buildings and Their Architects, vol. 4, The Impact of European Modernism in the Mid-Twentieth Century (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday/Anchor Books, 1976), 222.

76. Moholy-Nagy, "Diaspora," 25. The true technological vision, indeed, was American. Since the late 1920s Buckminster Fuller had been denouncing the Bauhaus for the nullity of its technological program. See Reyner Banham's important treatise on (and partial rebuttal of) European modernism, Theory and Design in the First Machine Age (New York: Praeger, 1960), 326ff., for an endorsement of Fuller's technological genius demonstrated as early as 1927 in the Dymaxion House. break

77. See Jordy, American Buildings, 4:233, 237.

78. Robert Hughes, "Doing Their Own Thing," Time, Jan. 8, 1979, 52.

79. Michael Sorkin, "American Architecture since 1960: Quo Vadis," A & U (Tokyo) Extra ed. (March 1981): 24. Arguably, American business had discovered the advantages of design much earlier than in the 1950s (though later than the German AEG!): Norman Bel Geddes, noted for the "streamlined" design of automobiles and trains, invented the profession of industrial designer in the late 1920s. See Robert Stern's interesting comments about the 1920s in the United States: "Relevance of the Decade," Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians, 24, no. 1 (March 1965): 6-10. See also Allen, Romance .

80. Suzanne Stephens, "Precursors of Postmodernism," in A & U (Tokyo) Extra ed. (March 1981): 334. The architects are Eero Saarinen, Edward Durrell Stone, Minoru Yamasaki, Philip Johnson, and Louis Kahn.

81. Klaus Herdeg, The Decorated Diagram (Cambridge, Mass.: M.I.T. Press, 1983), 79 (emphasis added). The group studied by Herdeg includes: I. M. Pei (with Philip Johnson, the most internationally established of American architects, both as a designer and a commercial success); his present partner Henry Cobb; Edward Larrabee Barnes; John Johansen; Philip Johnson; Paul Rudolph; Ulrich Franzen; Victor Lundy; and two of Gropius's partners in his firm The Architects Collaborative (TAC), John Harkness and Louis McMillen.

82. Quotations from a Gropius Master's Class Problem, in Herdeg, Diagram, 79.

83. Jane Jacobs, The Death and Life of Great American Cities (New York: Vintage, 1961).

84. Robert Venturi, Complexity and Contradiction in Architecture (New York: Museum of Modern Art, 1966). Jacobs influenced Venturi's thought directly and indirectly. The most influential writing by an urban sociologist in this period was Herbert Gans's study of Boston's West End, parts of which appeared in the Journal of the American Institute of Planners (Feb. 1959) and are quoted by Jacobs ( Death and Life, 272). The whole study was published as The Urban Villagers (Glencoe, Ill.: Free Press, 1962). Gans was teaching in the 1950s and early 1960s at the University of Pennsylvania, in close association with Venturi and, especially, with Denise Scott Brown, who would later become Venturi's collaborator, wife, and partner. Scott Brown and Venturi acknowledge Gans's influence on their joint work.

85. Published in 1966, Venturi's book coincided with Aldo Rossi's Architecture of the City, which became highly influential in American schools after it was translated into English. Rossi's different departure from modernism speaks, in a sense, to cities ravaged not yet by "progress" but by war. Rejecting all surface work, Rossi and his followers in the new "rationalism" engage in a search for deep historical differences, which have sedimented into a morphology of types, of "urban artifacts." Apparently more confident than Venturi in both architecture and collective public life, Rossi meditates on "the historical use of geometric forms" and demands monuments whose beauty "resides both in the laws of architecture which they embody and in the collective's reason for desiring them" (Aldo Rossi, Architettura della Città [Padova: Marsilio, 1966]; English edition, revised by Rossi and Peter Eisenman, The Architecture of the City [Cambridge, Mass.: M.I.T. Press, 1982], 126).

86. History of Postmodern Architecture, Klotz, 5. break

87. In Diamonstein, American Architecture Now II, 155.

88. Venturi, Complexity and Contradiction, 22-23 (emphasis added).

89. For instance, Mies's archetypal Seagram building illustrates the modernist's search for aesthetic, not functional, purity: Its back should look like the blank wall it actually is because of the wind's lateral forces. But Mies did not think twice about covering it with the same beautifully detailed I-beams that frame the glass panels at the front and sides. By "dressing" the back wall Mies gave to the building its intended and perfect unity of appearance. Such hard-achieved unity had to be shown off: the perfect modern building is designed to stand alone . Philip Johnson described to me in these words the plaza that cost Sam Bronfman (Mr. Seagram) a million dollars a year in rent: "Mies decided to put [the building] back. I didn't think of it. It didn't cross my dim brain, but it did Mies. He said 'just put it on the back of the site. There is no way you can get back to look at a building in New York, so we'll create our own foreground and you'll see our building.'"

90. Robert Venturi, Denise Scott Brown, and Steven Izenour, Learning from Las Vegas (Cambridge, Mass.: M.I.T. Press, 1972), 89.

91. Venturi, Complexity and Contradiction, 51, 52.

92. Venturi, Complexity and Contradiction, 102.

93. James Freed has commented that Mies "did not perceive that in the US these architectural issues would be worked out in a different way. . . . [He] unwittingly made it possible in the long run to build in a shoddier way. When Mies's followers took over with their determinist aesthetic, developers realized that they didn't have to use stone or expensive details. They saw the new aesthetic as giving them free rein to put up simple, unadorned cheap glass boxes. Mies's theories led to buildings that were too abstracted" (quoted in Diamonstein, American Architecture Now II, 93).

94. Charles Jencks, The Language of Post-Modern Architecture (New York: Rizzoli, 1977), 6.

95. Vincent P. Pecora, "Towers of Babel," in Diane Ghirardo, ed., Out of Site (Seattle: Bay Press, 1991), 49.

96. Hugh Hardy, quoted in Diamonstein, American Architecture Now II, 84.

97. The Architectural League's 1965 exhibition, "Forty under Forty" (a practice initiated in 1941), was curated by Robert Stern under the supervision of Philip Johnson; it included many of the names that were to become noted in the revision of the modern in following years. Stern noted in the catalog that the number one problem of the younger architects was always finding "the elusive client who will have confidence in a younger man" (or woman!). In 1967, the Museum of Modern Art presented "The New City: Architecture and Urban Renewal," bringing attention to a number of architects working in urban design--some, like Jaquelin Robertson and Alexander Cooper, in the administration of Mayor John Lindsay. In 1979, the influential Arthur Drexler of the MOMA curated "Transformations in Modern Architecture," a massive exhibit that covered architectural trends worldwide; its main characteristic was a raging eclecticism, which still made a large part for International Style monumentality.

98. Andreas Huyssen, "Mapping the Postmodern," in After the Great Divide (Bloomington: University of Indiana Press, 1986), 187-88. break

99. The Institute was in a certain sense an extension of CASE (Conference of Architects for the Study of the Environment), a group of young East Coast architects and some of their teachers who had been meeting regularly since the early 1960s. CASE had self-consciously tried to emulate CIAM. Peter Eisenman says that "at various times the group included Bob Venturi [this is disputed by others], Richard Meier, Michael Graves, Tim Vreeland, Charles Moore, Mike McKinnell, Vincent Scully and Colin Rowe" (Diamonstein, American Architecture Now II , 72). On Oppositions , see Pecora, "Towers of Babel," and Joan Ockman, "Resurrecting the Avant-Garde," in Beatriz Colomina, ed., Architecture Production (New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 1988).

100. See Jencks, Language of Post-Modern Architecture , 80, and Abstract Representation (London: 1983).

101. Robert Stern, "The Doubles of Postmodern," Harvard Architecture Review 1 (1980): 76, 82.

102. "It consisted of elegant slab blocks fourteen stories high with rational 'streets in the air' (which were safe from cars but, as it turned out, not safe from crime); 'sun, space and greenery.'. . . It had a separation of pedestrian and vehicular traffic, the provision of play space, and local amenities such as laundries, creches and gossip centres" (Jencks, Language , 9). Note here the classical conceit of the architect: presuming that the people who had so vandalized, defaced, and mutilated Pruitt-Igoe hated the building and that the building had, itself, in some way caused their behavior rather than their forced displacements and their confinement with scarce jobs in the no-man's-land surrounding downtown St. Louis. Moreover, Jencks is wrong about the date of Pruitt-Igoe's demolition: only a piece was dynamited to make a dramatic point about the lack of federal funds for the long-slated demolition of a vacant project (personal communication from Roger Montgomery).

103. Dolores Hayden, Redesigning the American Dream (New York: Norton, 1984), 123.

104. Klotz, History of Postmodern Architecture , 75.

105. Vincent Scully, American Architecture and Urbanism , rev. ed. (New York: Henry Holt, 1988), 277 (emphasis added).

106. Johnson appeared holding a model of the AT&T building on the cover of Time (Jan. 8, 1979); when the design was selected, the New York Times gave it front-page coverage. See Todd A. Marder, ed., The Critical Edge: Controversy in Recent American Architecture (Cambridge, Mass.: M.I.T. Press, 1985).

107. William Pedersen, KPF's most noted designer, follows classical and symmetric principles of composition and uses classicist detail even where (as in the 1979-83 building at 333 Wacker Drive in Chicago) the overall form and the glass skin are clearly not "historicist." Among KPF's most notable designs, are the "mixed materials" and mixed vocabularies of the Hercules, Inc., headquarters in Wilmington (1979-83, design by Arthur May); the limestone and marble towers and generous site plan of the Procter and Gamble general offices complex in Cincinnati (1982-85), and a number of towers which try hard to be contextual and to respect the street (perhaps the most distinctive towers by William Pedersen are the 1982 building at 75 Federal Street in Boston and 125 East 57th Street in New York, finished in 1986). break

108. Scully, American Architecture , 278.

109. Klotz, History of Postmodern Architecture , 83.

1. A foremost example of this kind of analysis is Fredric Jameson's much-discussed article "Postmodernism, or the Cultural Logic of Late Capitalism," New Left Review 146 (July-Aug. 1987): 53-92.

2. It must be noted that private investment chiefly moves toward the financial, insurance, business, research, and professional services, which, like communication and transportation, are increasingly important for the production, circulation, and distribution of goods in the "postindustrial" phase.

3. The situation of American cities is closer to one long known in the Third World: Economic capitals become more dependent on world trends, while regional centers increasingly depend on decision-making nuclei seated elsewhere. I draw extensively in this chapter from several works: Scott Lash and John Urry, The End of Organized Capitalism (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1987); Robert B. Cohen, "The New International Division of Labor: Multinational Corporations and Urban Hierarchy," in Michael Dear and Allen Scott, eds., Urbanization and Urban Planning in Capitalist Society (New York: Methuen, 1981); John R. Logan and Harvey L. Molotch, Urban Fortunes: The Political Economy of Place (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987); and John H. Mollenkopf, The Contested City (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1983).

4. See Magali Sarfatti Larson et al., "The Professional Supply of Design," in Judith R. Blau, Mark E. La Gory, and John S. Pipkin, eds., Professionals and Urban Form (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1983).

5. Francis T. Ventre, "Myth and Paradox in the Building Enterprise," in Paul L. Knox, ed., The Design Professions and the Built Environment (New York: Nichols, 1988), 165. Robert Gutman reports that managers, especially "for buildings in which professionals and other upper-white collar personnel are employed," often solicit the views of staff and workers about their space needs and preferences. "One of the reasons . . . is the belief that designs that are more responsive to worker needs will improve productivity and morale" ( Architectural Practice: A Critical View [New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 1988], 89).

6. I borrow the term symbolic analysts from Robert Reich, who points out that most of the jobs of the most successful fifth of the labor force "consist of analyzing or manipulating symbols--words, numbers or visual images." Of course, Reich's thesis is that most of the new elite either refuses to live in cities or "lives, shops and works in areas of cities that, if not beautiful, are at least esthetically tolerable and reasonably safe" ("Secession of the Successful," New York Times Magazine , Jan. 20, 1991, 42, 44).

7. Philip Siller, interview with the author.

8. For a pioneering approach to the issue of savings and investments, see Fred Block, "Bad Data Drive out Good: The Decline of Personal Savings Reexamined," Journal of Post-Keynesian Economics 13 (1990): 3-19.

9. Manuel Castells, The City and the Grassroots: A Cross-Cultural Theory of Urban Social Movements (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1983), 302. break

10. Fred Block, Postindustrial Possibilities (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990), 19.

11. Carolyn Teich Adams, The Politics of Capital Investment: The Case of Philadelphia (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1988), 24. For the distinction between economic and social overhead capital, see pp. 6-7. Mollenkopf, The Contested City , and Logan and Molotch, Urban Fortunes , represent the "progrowth" coalition approach. Paul Peterson, City Limits (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1981), is one of the best-known examples of "economic structuralism." Adams's lucid study of Philadelphia's investment politics supports the last view better than the first. But she also discovers that a strong redistributive tendency toward poorer neighborhoods was sustained through the 1970s, even as the city's total budget for capital outlays shrank.

12. Logan and Molotch, Urban Fortunes , 57. Morton White and Lucia White discuss the American distrust of cities in The Intellectual versus the City (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1962). On Progressivism and the preaching of an antiurban ideal to the urban working class, see in particular Gwendolyn Wright, Moralism and the Model Home (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1980); Roy Lubove, The Progressives and the Slums (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1962); and, in general, Paul Boyer, Urban Masses and Moral Order in America, 1820-1920 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1978).

13. Adams, Politics of Capital Investment , 33ff.

14. John Mollenkopf reports that "in 1919, some 5,838 central offices controlled . . . 7.8% of all plants and one-third of all industrial employment. By 1929, roughly the same number of central offices accounted for 12% of the plants and 48% of employment. . . . By 1974, the five hundred biggest corporate offices controlled 71% of all manufacturing assets and 76% of the employment." Today, "two-thirds of the Fortune 500 . . . headquarters are located in the twenty-five largest metropolitan areas. New York City still contains one out of every seven headquarters, three times more than Chicago, the next largest corporate center" ( Contested City , 30-31).

15. The reasons for the early decentralization of economic activity in the American metropolis were both technological and social. On the one hand, American industry was far more capital intensive than its European counterparts in the interwar period. Requiring increasing acreage for each employee, modern industries found plentiful cheap land outside the metropolitan areas. On the other hand, since the depression of 1893, labor unrest and militant strikes had moved from smaller towns and outlying areas into the larger cities. There, the numbers and poverty of the immigrant masses nourished in the native middle classes a feeling of besiegement and fear of class warfare. See David M. Gordon, "Capitalist Development and the History of American Cities," in William K. Tabb and Larry Sawers, eds., Marxism and the Metropolis (New York: Oxford University Press, 1978), and "Class Struggle and the Stages of American Urban Development," in D. Perry and A. Watkins, eds., The Rise of Sunbelt Cities (Beverly Hills, Calif.: Sage, 1977). The classic work on early suburbanization is Sam Bass Warner, Streetcar Suburbs (Cambridge, Mass.: M.I.T. Press, 1973).

16. Mollenkopf, Contested City , 108. I follow his analysis closely in this section. On suburbanization before World War II, see Lash and Urry, End of Organized Capitalism , 116, and Table 4.5. Most industrial plants put up by the federal gov- soft

ernment in the war years (about twice the volume of what private industry built) were in the suburbs, and they were turned over to the private sector at the war's end. See Patrick J. Ashton, "The Political Economy of Suburban Development," in Tabb and Sawers, Marxism and the Metropolis , and Mollenkopf, Contested City , 98-109.

17. The most important programs for the cities were the Public Works Administration and the Work Progress Administration, the Housing Authority of the PWA, and the Federal Housing Authority, which, unlike other legislation, was directly designed by deadly foes of public and subsidized housing (representatives of the building industry and of the powerful National Association of Real Estate Boards). See Mollenkopf, Contested City , 54ff.

18. Mollenkopf, Contested City , 71.

19. Leonardo Benevolo, History of Modern Architecture , vol. 2, The Modern Movement (Cambridge, Mass.: M.I.T. Press, 1971), 651.

20. Richard Pommer, "The Architecture of Urban Housing in the U.S. in the Early 1930s," Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 37 (1978): 235. Pommer analyzes extensively the projects open to modern influences, some of which were included by Henry Russell Hitchcock and Philip Johnson in the 1932 International Style exhibition. Architectural research groups interested in housing--Buckminster Fuller's group and the Housing Study Guild organized by Lewis Mumford and Henry Wright in New York, the Architectural Research Group organized by Louis Kahn among unemployed architects in Philadelphia--influenced some of the practitioners, among whom were several Europeans (Oskar Stonorov and Alfred Kastner in Philadelphia, William Lescaze in Philadelphia and New York, and Alfred Frey and Albert Mayer in New York). Henry Wright, Clarence Stein, and their associates (like Frederick Ackerman, who became the director of New York City's Housing Authority) had a ubiquitous influence. Pommer believes that Henry Wright was the only one in his generation (he died in 1936) who understood European housing; his efforts to amalgamate it with American design led to his break with Clarence Stein.

21. With her classic book, Modern Housing (Boston: Houghton-Mifflin, 1934)--written after her trip to Europe with Mumford in the late 1920s--Catherine Bauer had become an expert in both European and American subsidized and low-cost housing. Lewis Mumford, of course, was widely known both as an independent scholar and as an advocate for affordable and humane housing and democratic urban planning.

22. Vincent Scully comments on the work of Henry Wright and Clarence Stein: "Working in a tradition as much Jeffersonian as picturesque . . . these two most dedicated of American housing experts and planners of the 1920s and 1930s had obviously come to loathe the density of the city and to hate its streets: they clearly used their radial roads to separate the buildings on both sides, not to connect them, as the city street had done, with a common, multiple-use public space." Their urban housing groups also showed "great suburban, perhaps even village charm" ( American Architecture and Urbanism , rev. ed. [New York: Henry Holt and Co., 1988], 163-64).

23. See Robert Stern, "International Style: The Crimson Connection," Progressive Architecture , Feb. 1982. As a young architecture professor, Holmes Perkins continue

helped Walter Gropius weather his first semester at Harvard. Later, as dean, he transformed the University of Pennsylvania's School of Architecture from a stubborn Beaux-Arts stronghold into a premiere modernist school (interview with the author, 1981).

24. Yet the United States in the 1930s counted with some remarkable architectural achievements in the modern style. Among many other notable buildings, the pioneering work of Frank Lloyd Wright's first Chicago phase had influenced European architects since the beginning of the century. In the 1920s, Rudolph Schindler and Richard Neutra brought modernism of European stamp to the original architecture of the West Coast. In the 1930s, Frank Lloyd Wright added two masterpieces to his opus: the extraordinary buildings for the Johnson Wax Company in Racine, Wisconsin, and the "Falling Water" house at Bear Run, Pennsylvania. In the large cities, says Vincent Scully, "the last of the old" skyscrapers and "the first of the new" appeared: Most notable among the "old" was the Beaux-Arts plan of the Rockefeller Center, built from 1931 to 1939, and the McGraw Hill building by Raymond Hood of 1931. The "new" was the Philadelphia Saving Fund Society building of 1932, designed by George Howe, a Beaux-Arts architect who had chosen modernism and would become dean at Yale, and his Swiss partner William Lescaze. See Scully, American Architecture, 151-54ff. The modern style was established enough in 1932 for an important businessman like James Willcox, chairman of PSFS, to be persuaded by Howe and Lescaze's logic, if not quite by the aesthetics of the building. See Robert Stern, "International Style: Immediate Effects," Progressive Architecture, Feb. 1982, and George Howe: Toward a Modern American Architecture (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1975).

25. The proceedings of the Connecticut General Life Insurance Conference of 1957 on the problems of cities were published by Wilfred Owen under the title Cities in the Motor Age (New York: Viking, 1959). See the classic work by Edgar M. Hoover and Raymond Vernon, Anatomy of a Metropolis (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1959), and Raymond Vernon, The Myth and Reality of Our Urban Problems (Cambridge, Mass.: M.I.T.-Harvard Joint Center for Urban Studies, 1962).

26. See Barry Checkoway, "Large Builders, Federal Housing, Postwar Suburbanization," in Rachel Bratt, Chester Hartman, and Ann Meyerson, eds., Critical Perspectives on Housing (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1986), in particular 120-23. I have relied for this section on Critical Perspectives; on Gwendolyn Wright, Building the Dream (Cambridge, Mass.: M.I.T. Press, 1983); on Bernard J.J. Frieden and Lynne B. Sagalyn, Downtown, Inc.: How America Rebuilds Cities (Cambridge, Mass.: M.I.T. Press, 1990); and on Martin Mayer, The Builders: Houses, Peoples, Neighborhoods, Governments, Money (New York: Norton, 1978). Federally insured mortgages, repaid over twenty-five years at low interest rates, required only a 10 percent down payment, while veteran mortgages required none and could be repaid over thirty years at 4 percent interest (Frieden and Sagalyn, Downtown, 11ff.). Mayer illustrates this with the example of a vet who bought a Levittown house for $8,000 in 1949 and was still paying $38 a month for it in 1977; next door, a Vietnam vet who had just bought the same type of house for $40,000 with a 9 percent thirty-year VA mortgage would have been paying $321 a month ( Builders, 14). break

27. Ashton, "The Political Economy of Suburban Development," 74.

28. The architect-planner Andrés Duany predicted in a 1990 interview on National Public Radio that the more modest suburbs will become "the new slums." On the types of suburbs and the inequality among them, see Logan and Molotch, Urban Fortunes, 187-99, and 193-95 on the racial segregation of the suburbs. See also Wright, Building the Dream, 248-49, for the endorsement of residential racism by the Federal Housing Authority.

29. Checkoway, "Large Builders," 122-23, and Michael Stone, "Housing and the Dynamics of U.S. Capitalism," in Bratt, Hartman, and Meyerson, Critical Perspectives, 51. See also Wright, Building the Dream, 242ff.

30. See Benevolo, History of Modern Architecture, 2:663ff.

31. The FHA, for one, did not consider that too-modern designs were a sound investment, and it turned down Frank Lloyd Wright's moderate-cost prefabricated "Usonian" houses. From 1941 on, Walter Gropius returned with Konrad Wachsmann to his early interest in prefabrication, in the hope of bringing some sort of order to the suburbs through standardization of parts and inventive planning, but it was never applied (Benevolo, History of Modern Architecture, 2:661-62). In the private sector, some builders commissioned prototype designs from architects, notably Joseph Eichler in California. "A typical contract with a builder gave the architect a retainer fee of $1,000 and $100 for each house that was built from his plans. The architectural journals endorsed these collaborations, proudly declaring that the influence of professional architects would be the salvation of mass building" (Wright, Building the Dream, 248-53). The influential designs for upscale private houses that became associated with "the California life-style" have practically all been suburban: So were, for example, Neutra's 1920s houses as well as his later work; most of Frank Lloyd Wright's houses--not only the "Usonian" prototypes but his luxurious homes on the West Coast and elsewhere; the Bay Region homes by William Wurster and Joseph Esherick before and after the war; Walter Gropius's and Marcel Breuer's houses in New England after 1938; and the "Case Study Houses" commissioned by the magazine Arts and Architecture between 1945 and 1966 in southern California (from architects Charles Eames, Craig Ellwood, Quincy Jones, Pierre Koenig, Richard Neutra, Raphael Soriano, and Eero Saarinen, among others). See Elizabeth A. T. Smith, ed., Blueprints for Modern Living: History and Legacy of the Case Study Houses (Cambridge, Mass.: M.I.T. Press, 1990).

32. Mayer, Builders, 32-33.

33. Ashton, "The Political Economy of Suburban Development," 72ff. During the 1960s, central cities lost, on the whole, 9 percent of their white population, while the black population grew by about 40 percent. "By 1980, 55 percent of blacks versus 24 percent of whites lived in central cities, and almost one-third of the entire central city population was black or Hispanic. During a period (1969-76) in which government-defined poverty dropped for the United States, it increased 6 percent in central cities and 16 percent in those larger than one million" (Susan Fainstein and Norman Fainstein, "Economic Change, National Policy, and the System of Cities," in Susan S. Fainstein et al., Restructuring the City [New York: Longman, 1983], 4).

34. At the end of the 1970s, industrial employment in the larger cities was down to 25 percent (compared to 75 percent in 1930), while the proportion of suburban continue

commuters to center city started to dwindle. See Lash and Urry, End of Organized Capitalism, 116-18.

35. Housing Advisory Committee, quoted in Mollenkopf, Contested City, 115. Of the committee's twenty-three members, "ten were bankers and lenders, seven were in real estate, architecture and building supply." A lawyer, a conservative economist, two officials of building trade unions, a Republican Housing Authority director from Cleveland, and the chairman--the new appointee to the head of the Home and Housing Financing Authority--completed the list. The new coalitions are described in Contested City, 77, 118-19ff., and in Frieden and Sagalyn, Downtown, 17-19.

36. Frieden and Sagalyn, Downtown, 16, 19.

37. Frieden and Sagalyn, Downtown, 44.

38. Scully, American Architecture, 167-69.

39. These apt words are William H. Jordy's. See his American Buildings and Their Architects, vol. 4, The Impact of European Modernism in the Mid-Twentieth Century (Garden City, N.Y.: Anchor/Doubleday, 1976). For Vincent Scully, Mies taught architects what was lost in the essentially graphic architecture of Gropius and Breuer: how to build "properly firm, permanent urban structures once again." Large bureaucratic firms (in particular the multicity firm of Skidmore Owings and Merrill) attained real excellence in following Mies's models closely. See Scully, American Architecture, 184ff.

40. Jordy, American Buildings, 4:249-51.

41. The literature on this brutal destruction of human lives is large. Jane Jacobs's The Death and Life of Great American Cities (New York, Random House, 1961) is perhaps the classic critique of urban renewal. A sensitive ethnographic account is Herbert Gans, The Urban Villagers (New York: Free Press, 1962). Robert Caro, The Power Broker: Robert Moses and the Fall of New York (New York: Knopf, 1974), offers a complete analysis of the renovation of New York and a powerful portrait of the man who became the emblem of cities killed by highways. Frieden and Sagalyn, Downtown, Chap. 2, provide a summary and an extensive bibliography. They report that 63 percent of all the families displaced from 1949 through 1963 whose race was reported were nonwhite (p. 28). By 1978, the residents of public housing were over 60 percent nonwhite, against 26 percent in 1944 and 39 percent in 1951. See Rachel G. Bratt, "Public Housing: The Controversy and Contribution," in Bratt, Hartman, and Meyerson, Critical Perspectives, 339. The production of public housing peaked in 1971, with 91,000 units. The private sector had become involved from 1959 on, in direct competition with public housing. The "turnkey" form of subsidized housing--important for architects--was introduced in 1965 (a developer's team competes to enter into a contract with a local housing authority, to which the developer then sells the finished project at a stipulated price; Bratt, "Public Housing," 341-42).

42. See Mollenkopf, Contested City, Chaps. 2 and 3. On the relation between urban renewal and ghetto revolts, see Roger Friedland, Power and Crisis in the City (London: Macmillan and Co., 1982).

43. Frieden and Sagalyn, Downtown, 266.

44. This was the conclusion drawn from survey data on the preferences of suburban and urban residents. See William Michelson, "Most People Don't Want What Architects Want" Trans-action 5, no. 8 (July-Aug. 1968): 37-43. break

45. For a thorough comparison of Northeast and Southwest cities, see Mollenkopf, Contested City, Chap. 6.

46. Mollenkopf, Contested City, 131, and Bratt, "Public Housing," 341. The percentage of architect-designed housing is reputedly negligible (there are no precise figures; estimates vary from 5 to 20 percent), but it is presumably stable, and it constitutes a very large part of what smaller firms design. The fluctuations of the construction industry and of real estate investment affect architectural practice in complex ways: For many architects, the loss of commissions for the commercial and institutional facilities required by large-scale new housing developments (the only kind that has an effect on statistics) has much graver consequences than the decline of housing starts in itself. Smaller firms, on the other hand, may benefit if strong demand, coupled with increases in the price of new housing, results in more rehabilitation and renovation of older structures. See Larson et al., "The Professional Supply of Design." However, in a recession, all investments decline; the fall in housing starts is just a sensitive indicator of the economic cycle because of the direct and symbiotic association of real estate with capital markets. For the period before the deregulation of the savings and loans, see Mayer, Builders, 353-415.

47. Mollenkopf reports that if the CDBG allocation formula "had not been amended in 1977 . . . New England would have lost 37% of its funds while the West South Central region would have increased 203%. The share of funds going to large central cities would have dropped from 71.8% of HUD grants to 42.2%. . . . Between 1971 and 1974, for example, grants to Dallas increased tenfold, Houston fourfold, Phoenix fourfold and Birmingham fivefold, while most northeastern cities made little gains" ( Contested City, 134-35).

48. Michael Pagano and Richard Moore, Cities and Fiscal Choices (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1985), quoted in Adams, Politics of Capital Investment, 140.

49. Richard Child Hill, "Crisis in the Motor City: The Politics of Economic Development in Detroit," in Fainstein et al., Restructuring the City, 105.

50. In Philadelphia, for instance, city-wide projects not located downtown (such as a stadium, two airports, the gas works, an ill-planned convention center, the now defunct municipal hospital, and, in particular, federally mandated improvements to the city's waste-water treatment plants) increased at the expense of neighborhood capital investments far more than did downtown projects from the mid-1960s to the 1980s (Adams, Politics of Capital Investment, 129-34).

51. For a detailed description of how low-income housing was pushed out of Battery Park City, see Rosalyn Deutsche, "Uneven Development: Public Art in New York City," in Diane Ghirardo, ed., Out of Site: A Social Criticism of Architecture (Seattle: Bay Press, 1991).

52. These techniques included "revenue bonds, tax-increment bonds, hotel or other special use taxes, loans from city agencies, and cash advances from developers" (Frieden and Sagalyn, Downtown, 156). About tax-increment financing, the one technique invented to finance private developments, see pp. 97-99, and about its dangers, pp. 248-252.

53. Frieden and Sagalyn, Downtown, 314-15 (emphasis added).

54. From 1972 to 1982, architectural receipts for "public and institutional facilities" decreased 10 percentage points (from 36 to 26.6 percent of total receipts, continue

with the entire decline concentrated in the last five years); the receipts for "single-family dwellings" remained about the same (4.2 and 4.7 percent), while "multifamily dwellings" declined from 13.4 to 9.2 percent. During this time, "commercial buildings" receipts went from 30.9 to 32.9 percent in 1977, to 44.5 percent in 1982 (see Gutman, Architectural Practice, Table 4, 119).

55. Deutsche, "Uneven Development," 165.

56. David Harvey, The Condition of Postmodernity (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1989), 91.

57. The innovative reuse of old industrial buildings for specialty shopping malls had started in the 1960s in San Francisco with Wurster, Bernardi, and Emmons's redesign of an old chocolate factory into the enormously successful Ghirardelli Square, followed by Joseph Esherick and Associates' remodeling of The Cannery. Small local entrepreneurs, not professional retail developers like Rouse, financed these smaller projects (see Frieden and Sagalyn, Downtown, 74-75; on James Rouse, see 204-5). On Portman and the hotel boom, which, from 1960 to 1982, gave more than 7,000 rooms each to New York, Chicago, Washington, D.C., New Orleans, and Atlanta and over 3,000 to Boston, Philadelphia, San Francisco, Seattle, St. Louis, and seven more cities, see pp. 267-68.

58. Jameson, "Postmodernism, or the Cultural Logic of Late Capitalism," 65-66.

59. Former Mayor Ed Koch is notorious, among other things, for urging "the public" not to give in to panhandlers and for his running battle against homeless loiterers who compromise the image of "ascendant New York." Deutsche analyzes at length his answer to a question at the 1988 convention of the American Institute of Architects about the landmark Grand Central Terminal: "These homeless people . . . they're sitting on the floor, occasionally defecating, urinating, talking to themselves--many, not all, but many--occasionally panhandling. We thought it would be reasonable for the authorities to say 'You can't stay here unless you're here for transportation.' Reasonable, rational people would come to that conclusion, right? Not the Court of Appeals" (quoted in Deutsche, "Uneven Development," 159ff).

60. Frieden and Sagalyn, Downtown, 265-66.

61. See Anthony Downs, The Revolution in Real Estate Finance (Washington, D.C.: The Brookings Institution, 1985), and Ann Meyerson, "Deregulation and the Restructuring of the Housing Finance System," in Bratt, Hartman, and Meyerson, Critical Perspectives .

62. An instructive contrast occurs in an interview Peter Eisenman conducted with Gerald Hines, a developer known for his patronage of elite architects (especially Philip Johnson). Eisenman mentions Berlin, where developers apparently cannot "afford to build office buildings" because the subsidies go to housing. Hines answers: "There are no problems in creating tax incentives; it is a simple matter of legislative lobbying. . . . At present there is a big incentive in building depreciation; you can depreciate any new building in fifteen years. . . . It will bring a lot of speculators into the building industry, which will lead to deterioration in the quality of our building stock" ("Interview: Gerald Hines and Peter Eisenman," Skyline, Oct. 1982, 21).

63. Downs, Revolution, 108.

64. Quoted by Joseph Giovannini, "The Grand Reach of Corporate Architecture," New York Times, Jan. 20, 1985, sec. 3, 28. break

65. "Interview: Gerald Hines and Peter Eisenman," 18.

66. Hines' Pennzoil building rented at $3-4 more than the going rate in 1982 and at $2 more in the depressed Houston market of 1985. His Republic Bank (a Dutch-gabled neo-Gothic design by Johnson Burgee) also enjoyed a $1-2 premium per square foot; moreover, it was 90 percent rented (Giovannini "Grand Reach," 28).

67. Scully, American Architecture, 290 (emphasis added).

68. First-time home buyers suffered; yet they do tend to have higher than average incomes--their median income was 47 percent higher in 1977 and 52 percent higher in 1979 than that of all households, and 152 percent higher in 1979 than the median income of all renters.

69. The percentage shares of cash family incomes that went to each fifth of families with children was as follows in some crucial years (percentages are rounded off to nearest decimal):

From 1978 to 1986, the percentages of households in various income categories varied as follows: below poverty line ($11,000): from 14.2 to 15.1 percent; from $11,000 to 18,900: 14.2 to 18.5 percent; from $18,900 to $46,800 (high budget): 52.3 to 44.3 percent; above $46,800: 19.3 to 22.1 percent. The shrinking of the middle class is visible in these figures. In 1983, the sharpest divergences of median income between metropolitan areas over one million and their suburbs were in the Northeast ($11,900), followed by the South ($9,800), the Midwest ($9,600), and finally by the West ($5,100). At a rate almost half the above, the Northeast and Midwest also led in the differences between smaller cities and their suburbs (adapted from Stephen J. Rose, The American Profile Poster [New York: Pantheon, 1986], 11, Table 5; 8, Table 4; and 26, Table 25).

70. See Neil Smith, "Gentrification, the Frontier, and the Restructuring of Urban Space," in Neil Smith and Peter Williams, eds., Gentrification of the City (Boston: Allen and Unwin, 1986).

71. I follow here the most recent analysis by Erik O. Wright and Bill Martin, "The Transformation of the American Class Structure, 1960-1980," American Journal of Sociology 93 (1987): 1-29, in which the authors revise an earlier study by Wright and Joachim Singelmann. While the category of "experts" replaces the earlier denomination of "semi-autonomous employees," the definitions remain essentially the same. "Petty bourgeois" and "small employers" (which do not concern us here) are either self-employed or own a substantial part of their businesses. "Managers" are employees who make "policy decisions about the operation of the organization in which they work," while supervisors" have no decision-making power but supervise other workers. "Experts" are employees in professional, technical, and managerial occupations who cannot be classified in any of the other categories, while "workers" are a residual category with lower skills than experts and probably no credentials ("Transformation," 9). break

72. Wright and Martin, "Transformation," 16, Table 3, 13, and 19.

73. Frieden and Sagalyn, Downtown, 202-3. See also Louise B. Russell, The Baby Boom Generation and the Economy (Washington, D.C.: The Brookings Institution, 1982).

74. See Gutman, Architectural Practice, 9ff. In the 1960 census, 30,531 persons reported their occupation as architects (an increase of 20.4 percent relative to 1950); 53,670 in 1970 (an increase of 75.8 percent); and 107,693--a 100.7 percent increase--in 1980. Compared to the architects' rate of growth (75.8 in 1960-70 and 252.7 percent in 1960-80), engineers of all categories increased, respectively, by 41.2 and 60.8 percent; civil engineers by 10.8 and 29.1 percent; accountants and auditors by 43.7 and 104.3 percent; lawyers and judges by 25.3 and 142.7 percent; and physicians by 21 and 86.1 percent (Roger Montgomery, "The Rapid Recent Expansion of American Architecture Employment," University of California, Berkeley, Architecture Employment Project Working Paper no. 85-1, June 1985, Tables 1 and 2). I had observed the same exceptional rate of growth in the 1960s, but the recession of the 1970s had led me to expect a decline in the next decade, which simply did not take place (see Larson et al., "The Professional Supply of Design," 252-53).

75. Robert Beauregard, Gentrification, Strategic Initiatives, and the Left (Philadelphia: Analysis and Policy Press, n.d.), 5. I have borrowed from his analysis of gentrifiers, pp. 3-5. See also Neil Smith, "Of Yuppies and Housing: Gentrification, Social Restructuring, and the Urban Dream," Environment and Planning D 5, no. 2 (June 1987): 151-72. Peter Marcuse has estimated that from 1970 to 1980 gentrification by homeowners helped to displace between 10,000 and 40,000 households in New York City, adding them to the 30,000 to 60,000 displaced by developers and government action ("Abandonment, Gentrification, and Displacement: The Linkages in New York City," in Smith and Williams, Gentrification of the City ).

76. For architects' residence in cities, see Larson et al., "The Professional Supply of Design," and Progressive Architecture, June 1990, 63-64. Fifty-six percent of the readers who responded to the magazine's poll on architects' life-styles preferred to live in cities: 30 percent specified in the "city itself," 19 percent in the suburbs. For young designers' practices, see Alex Cohen, "The Road to Independence," Progressive Architecture, July 1990, 100-101. Judith Blau's evidence is in Architects and Firms (Cambridge, Mass.: M.I.T. Press, 1987), 120ff.

77. Harvey, Condition of Postmodernity, 98.

78. Michael Jager, "Class Definitions and the Aesthetics of Gentrification: Victoriana in Melbourne," in Smith and Williams, Gentrification of the City .

79. Sharon Zukin, Loft Living: Culture and Capital in Urban Change (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1989).

80. The Canadian private corporation Olympia and York developed the two central office towers, designed by architect Cesar Pelli, while the total plan for Battery Park City was the work of the firm of Alexander Cooper and Stanton Eckstutt (both of whom had been leaders of Mayor John Lindsay's Urban Design Group). See Deutsche, "Uneven Development," 197-98, and note 50, above.

81. See Diana Crane, The Transformation of the Avant-Garde (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987), 6 and 2-9, and Zukin, Loft Living, 96-110.

82. On community art centers, see Crane, Transformation, 9. One hundred three community art centers had been established by the WPA in the 1930s; inter- soft

estingly, this was the first time that artists were recognized as bona fide members of the labor force during the depression (Zukin, Loft Living, 82-83; see also 98-99). On the careers of the average recipient of a Master of Fine Arts degree, see Donald Eckardt, "The Politics of the Avant-Garde: A Sociological Analysis of a Generation of Artists" (Ph.D. diss., Temple University, 1991).

83. Susan Sontag, "One Culture and the New Sensibility," in Against Interpretation and Other Essays (New York: Dell, 1966), 299, 302-4.

84. Zukin, Loft Living, 199.

85. See Marcuse, "Abandonment, Gentrification, and Displacement." See also Kim Hopper and Jill Hamberg, "The Making of America's Homeless: From Skid Row to the New Poor, 1945-1984," in Bratt, Hartman, and Meyerson, Critical Perspectives .

86. See Fred Block's admirable effort to outline the potential of the new phase in Postindustrial Possibilities .

87. Lionel Trilling, "The Fate of Pleasure: Wordsworth to Dostoevsky," Partisan Review 30 (1963): 178.

1. Gerald Hines, quoted by Joseph Giovannini, "The Grand Reach of Corporate Architecture," New York Times, Jan. 20, 1985, sec. 3. Prominent developers like Gerald Hines or Olympia and York also "capitalize on the names of the prestigious corporations that will occupy them . . . giv[ing] the impression that the lead corporations headquartered there own them--as Mr. Hines has done with Pennzoil Place in Houston."

2. "Interview: Gerald Hines and Peter Eisenman," Skyline, Oct. 1982, 18 (emphasis added).

3. See Niels L. Prak, Architects: The Noted and the Ignored (New York: Wiley, 1984), 19-22.

4. See Robert Gutman's excellent discussion in Architectural Practice: A Critical View (New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 1988), 56-60. Even Burgee Johnson, favorites of Gerald Hines (for whom they have designed fourteen towers), have not been able to buck the trend. Burgee says: "Gerry has always insisted on putting a Houston architect on the job with us. My agreement with Gerry is 'anything you can see, I do the working drawings for.' All the underground and internal stuff, the elevators and things like that that you can't see, they do the working drawings for" (interview with the author).

5. Suzanne Stephens, "SOM at Midlife," Progressive Architecture, May 1981, 138.

6. In 1981, none other than Nathaniel Owings observed: "SOM is taking orders, not creating new ideas. We are putting up office building after office building. Until recently, the firm was praised for its quality. I don't know if we still have that quality" (quoted by Stephens, "SOM," 141). Owings is the retired founder of SOM.

7. Gutman, Architectural Practice, 22. See also Judith Blau, Architects and Firms (Cambridge, Mass.: M.I.T. Press, 1984).

8. In 1982, architectural firms with over fifty employees represented 1.9 percent of the whole but garnered 29.9 percent of all receipts; firms with twenty to forty- hard

nine employees were 5.1 percent of the whole and earned 19.1 percent of the receipts; firms smaller than nineteen were 93 percent of the total, with 51 percent of the earnings (Gutman, Architectural Practice, Tables 1 and 2, 115-16).

9. Weld Coxe et al., "Charting Your Course," Architectural Technology, May-June 1986, 53.

10. The sample was a stratified snowball, formed by selecting U.S. architects from the encyclopedia Contemporary Architects, 2d ed. (Chicago: St. James Press, 1987), and by consulting experts. I asked the latter which architects they considered either important in the passage from modernism to postmodernism or now "rising." Especially if the architect I had planned to interview was unavailable, I also used published materials. From 1988 to 1990, I conducted extensive (and, in the case of Philip Johnson, repeated) interviews with twenty-nine architects, eight of whom were partners in very large strong-service firms in Chicago and New York. One of them, Richard Roth of Emory Roth and Sons, is principal in a large strong-delivery firm that makes production drawings in association with design architects of the first rank. Five architects have very small firms: Among these, Julie Eizenberg's husband-wife firm, Koenig Eizenberg in Santa Monica, was the only one just beginning, although it had received much attention since getting the First Design Award of Progressive Architecture in 1986. Craig Hodgetts of Hodgetts and Fung in Santa Monica and Stuart Cohen of Chicago had had national reputations but worked only locally, except for their academic commitments. Since I interviewed William Rawn in Boston in 1990, his outstanding work in affordable housing has been receiving national attention from the AIA and from the general press. The other firms range in size from Rob Quigley's (eleven persons) and Morphosis (which goes from thirteen to twenty) to the modal category hovering between sixty and eighty to the very large office of SOM-Chicago. I interviewed Vittorio Gregotti, principal of Gregotti Associates, Milan, at the end of 1990. I was privileged to attend a Research Roundtable organized by the Graduate School of Fine Arts of the University of Pennsylvania, the American Institute of Architects, and the Coxe Group of Philadelphia in April 1989. It was attended by both design and managing partners from firms that have received the AIA national award for design excellence for the firm's body of work as a whole. I shall indicate the source as Roundtable when I quote from my notes of the debates.

Except where the information given to me in interview was confidential, I mention the source. To avoid cumbersome footnotes, in this and the following chapters I do not give any other reference for the interviews I conducted myself.

11. This roster of international architectural celebrities, known outside architecture for their personas as much as for their work, is created by the critics, the media, and the architects themselves, with more than a little push from their clients. The "stars" have devoted their lives to architecture and deserve to be considered elite designers. Yet, in an outgrowth of architecture's charismatic tradition, the consuming need that the publicity apparatus has for image, has grabbed the (not unsuspecting) architects. They seem to bask somewhat uncomfortably in the limelight, believing, or affecting to believe, that it will help publicize not only their own careers but the profession as a whole. Steven M. Aronson has described the star system in amusing vignettes; centering the system on Philip Johnson, he builds his celebrity status up. See Hype! (New York: William Morrow, 1983). See also Denise continue

Scott Brown's feminist account of what it means to be married to an architectural "guru" (one's own work becomes invisible in a star system that has no place for women): "Room at the Top? Sexism and the Star System in Architecture," in Ellen P. Berkeley and Matilda McQuaid, eds., Architecture: A Place for Women (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1989).

12. The most effective makers of design reputations in New York (and celebrities in their own right) are: Philip Johnson, since the early days of his association with the Museum of Modern Art and the International Style. Robert Stern, who, according to Johnson, "is the one who has really followed-or tried to--the model of my career," doubles his reputation as a postmodernist architect with his academic and scholarly reputation, his writings, the exhibitions he has organized, and the popular series on American architecture for public television. Peter Eisenman, as founder and director of the Institute for Architecture and Urban Affairs, dispensed avant-garde recognition internationally until the institute's demise in 1978.

13. See Hélène Lipstadt, ed., The Experimental Tradition (New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 1988).

14. Roundtable, 1989.

15. For a "how to" book full of insight, see Weld Coxe, Marketing Architectural and Engineering Services, 2d ed. (New York: Van Nostrand Reinhold, 1982).

16. A common factor--which cannot be taken as representative--is that twenty-four of the twenty-seven elite designers I interviewed have either attended (as undergraduates or graduate students or both) or have taught at elite Eastern schools. Leading in numbers here are Harvard, the University of Pennsylvania, Cornell, and Yale.

17. This comment is by Warren Cox of Hartman Cox in Washington, D.C., winner of the AIA firm award for excellence in design. Like all the other elite designers present at the AIA Research Roundtable, Cox believes that the ideal is to bill the client "on time card" (time spent set at a fixed percentage or multiple) and to move away from both lump sum fees and fees based on a percentage of construction costs, neither of which pays for the time actually spent in design (Roundtable, 1989).

18. John Hejduk, in Barbaralee Diamonstein, American Architecture Now II, (New York: Rizzoli, 1985), 129, 133.

19. For evidence about the importance of spouses' incomes for artists, see Donald Eckardt, "Assessing the Avant-Garde: A Sociological Analysis of a Generation of Artists" (Ph.D. diss., Temple University, 1991).

20. Bourdieu's concept of symbolic capital within a specific field is different from the more diffuse notion of "cultural capital" and most clear with reference to science. See "The Specificity of the Scientific Field and the Social Conditions of the Progress of Reason," Social Science Information 14, no. 6 (1975): 19-47. See also the excerpt "Cultural Reproduction and Social Reproduction," in J. Karabel and A. H. Halsey, eds., Power and Ideology in Education (New York: Oxford University Press, 1975).

21. I am grateful to Barbara Czarniawska-Joerges and Kerstin Sahlins-Andersson for having brought this point to my attention.

22. In the depressed real estate market of the early 1990s, SOM has laid off 200 people in six months in its Chicago and New York offices and lost over $100 continue

million in project volume since 1989. KPF has lost about a dozen large projects, and it laid off 9 percent of its permanent staff at the beginning of 1991 ("Back to the Drawing Board," Newsweek, April 8, 1991, 60).

23. Known as "the Silver Fox" (for his white hair) in the profession, Kohn is a master of the process of selection by interview. Peter Linneman of the Wharton School's Real Estate Institute observes that Kohn knows how to speak to real estate executives "like one of them, and yet with great authority." Some of Kohn's guidelines: "Don't sketch out the design: you could draw the wrong one, and besides, you make the creative process look too casual. But just as important, try to be the last one interviewed and hope the decision is made right away" (quoted by Suzanne Stephens, "The Selling of the Architect, 1988," Avenue, Nov. 1988, 102). After ABC, KPF almost miraculously beat such huge and experienced firms as SOM-Chicago, Philadelphia's Vincent Kling, Helmut Obata Kassabaum of St. Louis, and Caudill Rowlett Scott of Houston for the design of a 437,000 square-foot headquarters building in Kentucky. After that KPF got a job for Motorola through a contact of Kohn's: "Somebody knew of us and recommended that we be interviewed, even though we were new." In three months, a small firm of five people was doing three enormous jobs, which proves they can be done with a small staff!

24. Bunshaft designed the Lever House and the Chase Manhattan buildings in New York, the Beinecke Rare Books Library at Yale, the airport at Mecca, and many other important buildings. His adverse influence on Robert Venturi's career is common knowledge in the profession: Through his position in the Washington, D.C., Fine Arts Commission, Bunshaft engineered a veto of the project by Venturi and Rauch, which had won the competition for Transportation Square.

25. See Pierre Bourdieu, Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgment of Taste, trans. Richard Nice (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1984), 365.

26. These observations are based on the Roundtable discussions, 1989. For a careful analysis of how size and bureaucratic rules balance each other to produce design recognized in professional awards, see Blau, Architects and Firms .

27. Reinforcing Stern's point, the careers of Gropius and Breuer's brilliant students at Harvard in the 1940s (Edward L. Barnes, John Johansen, Philip Johnson, Ioh Ming Pei, Pei's partners Henry Cobb and Araldo Cossutta, Paul Rudolph, Ulrich Franzen, Victor Lundy, and Gropius's partners in the Architects Collaborative, John Harkness and Louis McMillen) basically followed the same pattern: Except for Pei, Harkness, and McMillen, "all began their building careers with suburban houses for the Eastern establishment in New England, New York, and Florida. (Pei was hired right out of Harvard by William Zeckendorf, the legendary urban developer and speculator of the fifties and sixties, to work on schemes in Denver and other cities). . . . Their practice progressed . . . from private house clients to institutional clients who then commissioned schools, campus buildings and housing, theaters, and churches. Few examples of office buildings, other commercial structures, or public and speculative housing are to be found among their commissions of the fifties and sixties. Only beginning in the seventies, in the wake of the urban renewal boom . . . has their work become urban in locale and large in scale" (Klaus Herdeg, The Decorated Diagram [Cambridge, Mass.: M.I.T. Press, 1983], 12).

28. Robert Gutman points out that the Hillier Group of Princeton "ranked twentieth in business volume in the list of architectural giants compiled by Cor- soft

porate Design and Realty for 1986, but not until it appointed [Alan] Chimacoff [as director of design] did it begin to be short-listed in major national design competitions" ( Architectural Practice, 18).

29. Gutman, Architectural Practice, 56.

30. Coxe et al., Marketing, 84.

31. Here, for instance, is a telling account, again by Michael Graves: "I can't take the guilt of somebody [in the office] saying to me, when I leave at one o'clock in the morning, 'Can't you help me with this? Will you be here tomorrow morning?' No. I will be going to Sarah Lawrence to present our project to the faculty. And I'll go again to present it to the students. And . . . they introduced me yesterday saying 'Michael is here for the fifth or sixth time and the only other famous architect we have ever had is Philip Johnson and we don't think he ever came.' But Michael is going, he is showing it to the trustees, he is showing it to the faculty today and he will show it to the students and to the community. . . . If it means a dozen meetings, if it means community work every night . . . just to get some buildings up, I'll do it. And clients know that."

32. The involvement of clients who think of themselves as patrons can be cumbersome and is always time-consuming. Frank Gehry's managing partner David Denton thinks that the real patrons are clients who get a sense of personal fulfillment from participating in the process of design; they provide a small percentage of the firm's economic volume ("Actually, they expect a reduction in fees!"; Roundtable, 1989). Robert Stern echoes this: "Houses are marvelous," he says, "they give you a chance for aesthetic expression. . . . But, on the other hand, house clients are not professionals at being clients. . . . [They] are very demanding, the personal contact is wonderful, but it can also be straining."

33. His firm's solution is to base its survival on major interior projects: "300,000 square feet, at least two a year" (Roundtable, 1989).

34. Roundtable, 1989 (emphasis added).

35. Gutman, Architectural Practice, 88. See tables at 86 and 119.

36. Large train stations, like Union Station in Washington, D.C., or Grand Central in New York are renovated into upscale shopping malls and "privatized" to the detriment of homeless dwellers.

37. Myers was trained at the University of Pennsylvania when Edward Bacon, by whom he was influenced, was director of planning in Philadelphia. He had then a brilliant but also frustrating career in architecture and urban design in Toronto and practices now in Los Angeles.

38. "Interview: Gerald Hines and Peter Eisenman," 20.

39. DPZ's attacks against the suburbs (a temple to the automobile, isolation, sprawling malls, and office parks), long visible in architectural circles, are getting much attention from the general press. Visibility has gained for DPZ some significant public commissions, such as the twenty-year master plan for Trenton, New Jersey. Duany told a graduate seminar at the Harvard School of Design that the effects of his approach to planning are more likely to shape the future than reform the past: "Our revolution is taking over the codes. . . . Most of my time is not spent designing, but writing codes" ( Philadelphia Inquirer, Oct. 29, 1990, 10A).

40. Thus, Graham Gund, whose firm won the American Institute of Architects' award for excellence in design, laments that the psychological satisfaction he gets continue

from designing a house does not seem worth the time it takes from the firm's point of view: "We have too many $5 million projects; the 40 million one makes more sense" (Roundtable, 1989). In a much smaller firm than SOM, Gund echoes Diane Legge's statement of unresolved tension at the beginning of this section.

41. Vincent Scully, American Architecture and Urbanism , rev. ed. (New York: Henry Holt, 1988), 280. For an idea of how the mass press presented the skyscrapers of the building boom and their architects, see Newsweek , Nov. 8, 1982, 67-76.

42. Firms that have opted not to work for speculative clients, firms such as Morphosis or, for a time, Friday Architects, accept limitations that are bound to affect their prospects and those of their employees. A potentially significant phenomenon and career alternative is for architects to turn developers. I do not deal with it here, for only two of the architects I interviewed had acted as developers at the beginning of their independent practice, only in California (taking advantage of runaway real estate inflation) and only on a very small scale. The model that is always cited is the spectacular success of John Portman's design-development firm in conjunction with the Hyatt Hotels chain. See John Portman and Jonathan Barnett, The Architect as Developer (New York: McGraw Hill, 1976).

43. Progressive Architecture , June 1991, 114. See also the remarkable book by the Egyptian architect Hassan Fathy, Architecture for the Poor (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1973).

44. Stanley Tigerman says: "The reason architecture does so well here is that it is an autistic event: You don't have to talk. . . . There is the Midwestern antagonism to intellectuals, to talking. This place actually builds. It takes some care and joy in actually detailing and making things well."

45. In many other countries, the architect is not responsible for the working drawings: In Japan, the contractor has full responsibility; it is usual for the architect to have a small field office on the works to follow the execution of the project. In Italy, as in France, the separation between architect and contractor is mediated by a third party, the construction manager, who insures the coherence between the project and its realization. The maturity of segments of the building industry in the United States has made it possible to go directly from the architect's working drawings to execution. Except in the United Kingdom, it is also unusual for architects to choose contractors or engineering and other consultants. (I am grateful to Vittorio Gregotti for these details.)

46. Giovannini, "Grand Reach," 27.

47. See Alan Colquhoun's introduction to Essays in Architectural Criticism (Cambridge, Mass.: M.I.T. Press, 1985).

48. I borrow from the typology in Coxe et al., "Charting Your Course."

49. Cesar Pelli, who went from Eero Saarinen's "elite" office to head the small design department of a large architectural engineering firm (Daniel Mann Johnson Mendehall in Los Angeles) and from there to Gruen Associates, seems to have been one of the few exceptions. In fact, the awards Pelli won while at DMJM were not sufficient to bring "architectural" commissions to a firm that had no reputation for design. Working within Gruen's large commercial practice offered Pelli (though not Frank Gehry, who for years waited in vain at Gruen's to be promoted to associate) the opportunity to make a name for himself through such buildings as the 1973 Commons and Courthouse Center in Columbus, Indiana, and the Pacific Design continue

Center in Los Angeles. In 1977, Pelli's reputation gained him the prestigious deanship at Yale's School of Architecture. It is not indifferent that Pelli had maintained through teaching and visits the relationship with Yale that he first formed as project captain for Eero Saarinen's Yale buildings. The small practice Pelli started "on the side" with his wife, Diana Balmori, and Fred Clarke of Gruen's had mushroomed into an office of over 100 people by 1989.

50. Architects converted into media stars can be used to sell any product, like Michael Graves praising Dexter Shoes in a much-quoted New York Times 1987 ad, or the much-less-known but handsome couple of Todd Williams and Billie Tsien in The Gap's shirt ads.

51. No one knows the problem of succession better than John Burgee. In 1968, he and Philip Johnson started a practice that soon specialized in large-scale work for speculative clients, something to which Johnson (though not Burgee) was entirely new. The partnership has become "John Burgee, Architects," a firm for which the eighty-four-year-old Johnson is design consultant, and Burgee has another partner, whose name is not yet publicized. Burgee says "My name is not known as Philip's, even though it has been on the firm for twenty years." His strategy is essentially to "focus more on the firm--that is, a group of individuals, not a single person--and to stress more and more the quality that this group of experienced individuals can bring."

For this reason, Burgee wants to keep the office around sixty people, "the size where I am personally involved in each project and [yet] we can do the very big ones." To surmount the problem of succession, Burgee is working to develop another "hybrid," a medium-sized commercial practice of international scope that operates as an all-around service firm. The main difference with the "two-lives hybrid" is Burgee's (not always successful) struggle to keep the working drawings in house. It is possible that Burgee's practice will increasingly resemble the more traditional type of elite architectural firm, once the very high profile due to Philip Johnson's name and to the patronage of Hines Interests dissipates. (The extremely damaging outcome of a 1991 suit by a former partner has forced Burgee to file for Chapter 11 bankruptcy and may well have finished the firm.)

52. Some of the examples I feel bound to name belong to architects already included in the encyclopedia Contemporary Architects: the Cannery and Monterey's Aquarium by Esherick Homsey Dodge Davis; Tent City and the Transportation Building by Goody and Clancy of Boston; the Loyola Law School or the Hollywood Library by Frank Gehry (before the Pritzker Prize and his international fame); the Anti-Cruelty Society building and the Library for the Blind by Stanley Tigerman in Chicago; Franklin Court by Venturi and Rauch in Philadelphia; Gerald Horn's addition to Northwestern University's Law School for Holabird and Root. Some others belong to architects who are younger and should some day deserve to be included: the Lombard Street Community Center by Friday Architects in Philadelphia; Rob Quigley's Public Library and the Baltic Inn for the homeless in San Diego; Morphosis's Outpatient Cancer Unit at Mount Sinai Hospital in Los Angeles; Koning and Eizenberg's affordable housing in Santa Monica; William Rawn's two housing projects for the Bricklayers Union in Boston.

53. Even Bruce Graham, who did not need a career alternative and who complains bitterly about the state of architectural education, serves on the board of the continue

University of Pennsylvania's School of Fine Arts and is the moving force behind SOM's Foundation for Architecture.

54. The Baltic Inn has assuaged the neighborhood's fears so well that Quigley is now designing an upscale SRO for the "higher end of the low-rent market" and several others throughout the city. In Los Angeles, Koning and Eizenberg are designing "the first new SRO hotel in three decades" for a nonprofit developer. See Progressive Architecture, June 1991, 104-5.

1. See Anita Jacobson-Widding, ed., Body and Space: Symbolic Models of Unity and Division in African Cosmology and Experience (Uppsala: Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis, 1991).

2. Reyner Banham, "A Black Box: The Secret Profession of Architecture," New Statesman, Oct. 12, 1990, 23.

3. David Watkin, Morality and Architecture (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1977), 2.

4. "Interview: Henry Cobb and Peter Eisenman," Skyline, June 1982, 14. Needless to say, theoretically oriented architects differ sharply about what architectural theory should be. Julie Eizenberg, for instance, talks at length about her and Hans Koning's analysis of the formal architectural grammar of Frank Lloyd Wright's houses. She calls "architectural" the links between spaces, independent of the built elements that express them. Of Eisenman's rotations of basic geometrical forms, she says, "he has made a mystery out of just cutting up a building, putting it back together, and saying it is something very special. . . . Once you have done that . . . someone [still] has got to say this is a good space or it is not."

5. "Interview: Gerald Hines and Peter Eisenman," Skyline, Oct. 1982, 21.

6. Michel Foucault, "Space, Knowledge, and Power" [Interview with Paul Rabinow], Skyline, March 1982, 20.

7. "Interview: Henry Cobb and Peter Eisenman," 12.

8. Le Corbusier, Towards a New Architecture, transl. by Frederick Etchells (1927; reprint, New York: Praeger, 1970), 7.

9. See Banham, "A Black Box," 23.

10. Louis Kahn, quoted by William Jordy, American Buildings and Their Architects, vol. 4, The Impact of European Modernism in the Mid-Twentieth Century (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday/Anchor, 1976), 372. On the Beaux-Arts influence, see 382-92.

11. Le Corbusier, Towards a New Architecture, 8-9.

12. Alan Lipman, "The Architectural Belief System and Social Behaviour," British Journal of Sociology 20 (1969): 193, 195.

13. Richard Meier, in Barbaralee Diamonstein, American Architecture Now II (New York: Rizzoli, 1985), 168.

14. Mary McLeod, "Architecture," in Stanley Trachtenberg, ed., The Postmodern Moment (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1985), 26ff. I might note in passing the irony that postmodern architects properly called attempt to "speak" the humanist premodern language that their counterparts in other disciplines are busy denouncing and "deconstructing." break

15. Watkin, Morality and Architecture, 2. For Watkin, the three most persistent "external" explanations of architecture from the nineteenth century on were: (1) religion, sociology, or politics (roughly, a British tradition identified with Ruskin and Pugin); (2) the Zeitgeist (a German tradition, echoing romanticism and Alois Riegl's notion that the telos of art takes over the artist's individual will); and (3) a rational and technical justification (the French tradition of Viollet-le-Duc and the great Beaux-Arts teachers, in particular Julien Guadet).

16. The search for ennobling affinities (in this case with the Russian avant-garde of 1918-24 and with the philosopher Jacques Derrida via his fame in American departments of English) was particularly obvious in the so-called deconstructivist show at the Museum of Modern Art. See the catalog by Philip Johnson and Mark Wigley, Deconstructivist Architecture (New York: Museum of Modern Art, 1988).

17. Herdeg, Decorated Diagram (Cambridge, Mass.: M.I.T. Press, 1983), 5.

18. Robert Venturi, Complexity and Contradiction in Architecture (New York: Museum of Modern Art, 1966), 23.

19. See Robert Stern, "The Doubles of Postmodern," Harvard Architecture Review 1 (1980): 76, 82, and Charles Jencks, The Language of Post-Modern Architecture (New York: Rizzoli, 1977), 80.

20. Peter Eisenman, "Recent Projects" in Reconstruction-Deconstruction, special issue of Architectural Design (London) (1989): 29.

21. Elite architects provide further confirmation of what Harrison White has established for industrial markets. In sociological theory, "markets are self-reproducing social structures among specific cliques of firms and other actors who evolve roles from observations of each other's behavior. . . . The key fact is that producers watch each other within a market. . . . What a firm does in a market is to watch the competition in terms of observables." See "Where Do Markets Come From?" American Journal of Sociology 87 (1981): 518.

22. In Diamonstein, American Architecture Now II, 50.

23. Alan Colquhoun, "On Graves," Oppositions 12 (1978): 18, 2.

24. See the perceptive analysis by Craig Calhoun, "Imagined Communities, Indirect Relationships, and Postmodernism: Technology, Large-Scale Social Integration, and the Transformation of Everyday Life," paper presented at the Conference of Social Theory and Emerging Issues in a Changing Society, University of Chicago, April 1989.

25. Vincent Scully, "Animal Spirits," Progressive Architecture, Oct. 1990, 90, 91. See the whole issue, in particular Mark Alden Branch, "Why (and How) Does Disney Do It?" The $375 million hotel and convention complex includes projects by Graves, Robert Stern, Antoine Predok, and lesser known local architects for the moderately priced hotels. The Dolphin and the Swan, with 2,300 rooms, form the largest convention hotel complex in the Southeast. The $2.3 billion Euro-Disney amusement park (on a site plan developed by Stern Associates, Venturi Rauch Scott Brown, and Tigerman McCurry) includes theme hotels by Stern, Graves, the self-proclaimed "cosmic modernist" Predok, and the French architect Antoine Grumbach as well as an "Entertainment Center" by Frank Gehry. Graves, Stern, Gehry, the Japanese "star" Arata Isozaki, as well as New York's Gwathmey Siegel are working for Disney on other projects and locations, from Isozaki's headquarters in Orlando to Graves's in Burbank. Disney does not spend outside the theme park the continue

millions that it spends inside (the attractions, unlike the hotels, guarantee enormous returns). The client is tough. The CEO, Michael Eisner, asserts that the key to quality is not cost but imagination. Completing the assimilation of his world-famous architects to his prodigiously imaginative designers of park attractions, Eisner asks for "entertainment architecture"--that is, fantasy at the controlled price of an ordinary Sheraton. See Pilar Viladas, "Mickey the Talent Scout," Progressive Architecture , June 1988, 104-5.

26. See Charles Moore, "You Have to Pay for the Public Life," Perspecta 9-10 (1965): 58-87. Paul Goldberger suggests that Michael Eisner's recourse to famous architects is part of an upgrading effort to reach "yuppie" consumers; see "And Now, an Architectural Kingdom," New York Times Magazine, April 8, 1990, 23-24.

27. Walter Benjamin, "The Work of Art in the Age of Mechanical Reproduction," in Illuminations (New York: Schocken, 1969), 238-240. The essay was originally published in 1936. Vincent Pecora notes that Benjamin, despairing of the opposition to Hitler, clung to the positive hope that "the right of ordinary people to touch, to use, and yes, perhaps even to throw away when no longer of service" could dispel "all regressive worship from afar," including that of the Führer. See his "Towers of Babel," in Diane Ghirardo, ed., Out of Site (Seattle: Bay Press, 1991), 74. For the opposite views of Theodor Adorno and Max Horkheimer, see the excerpt, "The Culture Industry: Enlightenment as Mass Deception," in James Curran, Michael Gurevitch, and Janet Woollacott, eds., Mass Communication and Society (Beverly Hills, Calif.: Sage, 1979).

28. Mark Girouard, quoted in Watkin, Morality and Architecture , 12.

29. William Pedersen, "Intentions," in Kohn Pedersen Fox: Buildings and Projects (New York: Rizzoli, 1987), 302-3 (emphasis added).

30. Joan Goody, in Diamonstein, American Architecture Now II , 117.

31. Magali Sarfatti Larson, The Rise of Professionalism (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1977), 56-63.

32. Paul Tillich, quoted in Barbara Miller Lane, "Architects in Power: Politics and Ideology in the Work of Ernst May and Albert Speer," Journal of Interdisciplinary History 17 (1986): 290.

33. Sir Henry Wotton, quoted in Lipman, "Architectural Belief System," 196.

1. Reyner Banham, "A Black Box: The Secret Profession of Architecture," New Statesman , Oct. 12, 1990, 25.

2. Schön identifies twelve normative design domains, which "contain the names of elements, features, relations and actions, and of norms used to evaluate problems, consequences and implications." They are: Program/Use; Siting; Building Elements; Organization of Space; Form; Structure/Technology; Scale; Cost; Building Character; Precedent; Representation; Explanation (Donald Schön, The Reflective Practitioner: How Professionals Think in Action [New York: Basic Books, 1984], 95-97).

3. Here, for instance, is an account of the postindustrial reorganization of production in Germany: "Complex products are increasingly conceptualized as systems continue

of subsystems, or modules. Instead of developing each subsystem itself, the final producer defines the characteristics of the product as a whole and the functional relations between the different modules of which it is composed. Whenever possible, each of these is then developed in collaboration with a system supplier who possesses the relevant technical expertise and know-how. Final assembly, however, remains the responsibility of the final producer" (Horst Kern and Charles Sabel, "Trade Unions and Decentralized Production: A Sketch of Strategic Problems in the West German Labor Movement," Politics and Society 19 [1991]: 378, [emphasis added]).

4. David Greenspan, "A Conversation at Hammond Beeby and Babka," Inland Architect, Nov.-Dec. 1985, 30.

5. Schön, Reflective Practitioner, 101.

6. William Pedersen, in Barbaralee Diamonstein, American Architecture Now II (New York: Rizzoli, 1985), 179-80 (emphasis added).

7. Cesar Pelli, "Transparency--Physical and Perceptual," A & U (Tokyo), Special issue, (1976): 78-79. Of course, Pelli can be much more technical than this. See, for instance, his interview in Skyline, May 1982, 23-24. I quote Pelli's more articulate statement in A & U rather than his more fluid comments to me in an interview conducted in Spanish.

8. It is hard to find fault with Graham's opinion that "nobody ever thought, 'well, maybe Scandinavians can live in towers, but can black people?' They never thought about the segregation they were creating, they actually thought they were doing good."

9. Stanley Tigerman, in Diamonstein, American Architecture Now II, 230.

10. Tom Wolfe, From Bauhaus to Our House (New York: Farrar Straus Giroux, 1981), Chap. 4.

11. The architectural critic Charles Jencks made a different connection, putting the symbolic death of modernism at July 15, 1972, at 3:32 P.M.--the time at which the slabs of Pruitt-Igoe, Minoru Yamasaki's award-winning project of 1955, were dynamited in St. Louis.

12. Among the most interesting projects were Robert Stern's "Subway Suburb," an ideal plan for an abandoned and burned-out site in the East New York part of Brooklyn; St. Joseph's Village for the elderly (a competition entry); and his unbuilt winning competition for 1,000 units on Roosevelt Island in New York City. Stern's analysis of the social potential of the suburb (in which he acknowledges Stein and Henry Wright's "middle city suburbs" of Sunnyside and Forrest Hills) is extremely interesting; see Barbaralee Diamonstein, American Architecture Now (New York: Rizzoli, 1980), 245-48.

13. Kenneth Frampton's critique, "America 1960-1970: Notes on Urban Images and Theory," appeared in Casabella, Dec. 1971, 24-38. Denise Scott Brown, "Pop Off: Reply to Kenneth Frampton," 35, 37, and see also Scott Brown, "Learning from Pop," and Robert Venturi, "Learning the Right Lessons from the Beaux-Arts," all in Robert Venturi and Denise Scott Brown, A View from the Campidoglio: Selected Essays 1953-1984 (New York: Harper and Row, 1984). The reference to "taste culture" (or publics) is from Herbert Gans, who had a profound influence on Scott Brown and Venturi. See his Popular Culture and High Culture: An Analysis and Evaluation of Taste (New York: Basic Books, 1974). The criticism continue

of the Venturis is from Andreas Huyssen, After the Great Divide (Bloomington: University of Indiana Press, 1986), 187.

14. Kenneth Frampton, "Towards a Critical Regionalism: Six Points for an Architecture of Resistance," in Hal Foster, ed., The Anti-Aesthetic: Essays on Postmodern Culture (Port Townsend, Wash.: Bay Press, 1983), 26, 21, 28.

15. Today, Krier is Prince Charles's favorite architect and architectural adviser in the hoped-for reconstruction of a "Victorian" city.

16. The project had a very limited budget and mostly black tenants. It consisted of several building types (a wall of row houses, three duplexes and one single-story apartment, a four-story apartment building for elderly tenants, and a small community center) on "twenty-five acres of cleared, hilly land located next to a commuter railroad station and a major suburban highway." The exchange took place at the symposium "Beyond the Modern Movement," organized in 1977 by the Harvard Architecture Review . See the Spring 1980 issue. Quotations on 207, 215, 216 (emphasis added).

17. Robert Venturi, Complexity and Contradiction in Architecture, 2d ed. (New York: Museum of Modern Art, 1977), 14.

18. Robert Stern, in Diamonstein, American Architecture Now, 237.

19. This is not quite true. But when I mentioned Mies van der Rohe's still-standing, still-inhabited, still-decent 1920s housing on Berlin's Afrikaner Strasse, Johnson reemphasized form: "Oh, but that was almost retardataire !"

20. Philip Johnson, "Reflections: On Style and the International Style; On Post-modernism; On Architecture," Oppositions 10 (1977): 18.

21. In the late 1980s, Johnson was sponsoring the "deconstructive" trend. He stressed the pervasive influence of painting: Picasso and cubism inspired Le Corbusier's purism directly; passing through Malevitch's painting and Tatlin's architecture in Russia, then turning West again after "constructivism failed as a formal movement," cubism also inspired the German architects.

22. The broad view is taken from architectural historians before Pevsner's and Giedion's apologias for the Modern Movement. See Robert Stern, "The Doubles of Postmodern," Harvard Architecture Review 1 (1980): 75-87. Paradoxically, Peter Eisenman also sees all "humanist" Western architecture as theoretically continuous. In "Post-Functionalism," Oppositions 7 (1976): n.p., he relies on Levi-Strauss and Foucault to define modernism as "a sensibility based on the fundamental displacement of man." For Eisenman, architecture needs the humanist fiction of a central subject to unify, within the subject's single experience, function, and form, "a concern for internal accommodation" and "a concern for articulation of ideal themes in form." Eisenman sees modernism as two formal tendencies in dialectical tension: form as the transformation of simpler geometric ideas or Platonic solids, and form as fragments abstracted "from some pre-existent set of non-specific spatial entities" (which presumably exist in nature, the built environment, or history). Few practicing architects can follow Eisenman's theoretical sophistication, nor does he use these terms except in writing, although his abstract analysis takes in much that elite architects say in tangible form. For a cogent critique of the analogy between architecture and linguistics, see Mary McLeod, "Architecture," in Stanley Trachtenberg, ed., The Postmodern Moment: A Handbook of Contemporary Innovation in the Arts (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1985). break

23. Johnson, "Reflections," 18. See Robert Venturi, "A Definition of Architecture as Shelter with Decoration on It, and Another Plea for Symbolism of the Ordinary in Architecture," in Venturi and Scott Brown, View from the Campidoglio, 62-67.

24. Vincent Scully, American Architecture and Urbanism, new rev. ed. (New York: Henry Holt, 1988), 171.

25. Quoted in Tim Loughran, "Looking at a Dixie Cup Skyline," Crain's New York Business, Oct. 17, 1988, 47.

26. Robert Venturi, "Diversity, Relevance, and Representation in Historicism, or Plus Ça Change,  . . ." in Venturi and Scott Brown, View from the Campidoglio, 109, 113, 114 (emphasis added).

27. Cesar Pelli, interviewed by Mark Alden Branch, Art New England, April 1990, 13.

1. Some of the most important prizes are awarded by independent institutions interested in the advance of a discipline or an art. Precisely because they are interested in the field as defined by its eminent practitioners, these institutions always delegate their choices to highly regarded representatives. Each year the American Academy of Arts and Letters presents an American architect with the Arnold Brunner Memorial Prize and with a gold medal in architecture. The Pritzker Prize, given annually by the Hyatt Foundation, is an international architecture award modeled on the Nobel Prize. The American Institute of Architects gives each year a gold medal, the highest award within the U.S. profession. It also bestows awards to local AIA chapters and regional and national awards to completed buildings. To recognize the collective nature of architectural work, the AIA also grants an annual award for design excellence to a firm .

2. On the mystification by architectural "glossies," see Robert Gutman, Architectural Practice: A Critical View (New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 1988), 58-59.

3. The magazine was born in 1920 as Pencil Points . It aimed for the audience of draftsmen and apprentices in architectural offices, to whom it offered more than just picture plates--it contained articles on educational and technical services and emphasized draftsmanship and rendering. According to the editor of Progressive Architecture, John Morris Dixon, the subscription list was around 73,000 in 1987, plus direct sales. The magazine sold from 11,000 to 12,000 pages of paid advertisements per year.

4. Progressive Architecture (hereafter, PA ), Jan. 1984, 85.

5. PA, Jan. 1967, 144.

6. PA, Jan. 1988, 76.

7. PA, Feb. 1980, 23.

8. PA, June 1973, 86. In 1966, when Pelli received PA 's First Award, he was still the relatively unknown chief of design for DMJM (Daniel Mann Johnson Mendenhall) of Los Angeles, a huge architectural-engineering firm known for highly competent comprehensive services (and very large projects)--not for originality or excellence in architectural design. break

9. PA , Jan. 1988, 76. According to a 1973 survey, "almost 75% of the projects awarded . . . are built [and] almost 90% of the projects built are built without changes" ( PA , June 1973, 86).

10. John Morris Dixon, interview with the author. May 6, 1988.

11. Suzanne Stephens, personal communication to the author, March 1989.

12. John Morris Dixon, "Editorial," PA , June 1973, 85. In 1957, the Museum of Modern Art recorded the establishment's acceptance of the International Style in its exhibition "Buildings for Business and Government." Arthur Drexler, the Museum's influential director of Architecture and Design, considered it both a signpost for architectural historians and a factor in the further acceptance of the modernist canon (personal communication of Mr. Stuart Wrede, Mr. Drexler's successor as director of the Architecture and Design Department of the Museum of Modern Art, Sept. 1987).

13. Thomas Creighton, quoted in Wolf von Eckardt, "The First Twenty Years," PA , June 1973, 89.

14. John Morris Dixon, "Editorial," PA , June 1973: 85 (emphasis added).

15. Rowan, in PA , Jan. 1966, 117.

16. PA , Jan. 1966, 160.

17. PA , Jan. 1966, 162.

18. PA , Jan. 1966, 160.

19. PA , Jan. 1966, 128-33.

20. PA , Jan. 1966, 161.

21. PA , Jan. 1966, 162.

22. See Joan Campbell, The German Werkbund: The Politics of Reform in the Applied Arts (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1978), 57-68 in particular.

23. See Vincent Scully, American Architecture and Urbanism , new rev. ed. (New York: Henry Holt, 1988), 226-27 and 245-55.

24. The architectural design jury included John Dinkeloo (Kevin Roche's partner) and Sarah Harkness (founding partner of The Architects Collaborative with Walter Gropius) on the side of modernism and large-scale practice. On the side of revisionism, both judges were convinced partisans of a modernist architectural language . The two younger men were Charles Gwathmey, one of the New York Five who recognizes to this day Le Corbusier and Louis Kahn as main sources of inspiration, and Craig Hodgetts, winner of two PA First Award's, particularly interested in innovative constructional solutions and in a "technological" aesthetics.

25. PA , Jan. 1977, 49 (emphasis added).

26. In my study of AIA member firms in 1977, residential commissions represented the second largest type in these firms' average practice. The mean percentage was 26.3 percent for commercial, office, and retail, followed by 21.5 percent residential and, more distantly, by 15.5 percent educational buildings. See Magali Sarfatti Larson, George Leon, and Jay Bolick, "The Professional Supply of Design," in Judith R. Blau, Mark La Gory, and John S. Pipkin, eds., Professionals and Urban Form (Albany, State University of New York Press, 1983), 269.

27. See Vincent Pecora's trenchant analysis, "Towers of Babel," in Diane Ghirardo, ed., Out of Site: A Social Criticism of Architecture (Seattle: Bay Press, 1991), in particular 67-69.

28. PA , Jan. 1967, 167 (emphasis added). break

29. PA , Jan. 1968, 131-32. The First and Second Awards were conferred, respectively, to extremely cheap public housing in a relocation project by Jan Wampler in San Juan, Puerto Rico, and to Robert Oxman's two prototype fishing villages for the Land Administration of Puerto Rico.

30. PA , Jan. 1968, 132.

31. PA , Jan. 1970, 107 (emphasis added).

32. Richard Pommer, "The New Architectural Supremacists," Artforum , Oct. 1976.

33. PA , Jan. 1975, 45.

34. PA , Jan. 1982, 131.

35. PA , Jan. 1976, 55 (emphasis added).

36. PA , Jan. 1976, 74, 56. Raquel Ramati is wrong: Half of the developers of multifamily housing use architects employed in-house (therefore "invisible") for most of their projects. So do many owners of motel and hotel chains (though not one of the largest, the Marriott Corporation; see PA , June 1988, 96). See Gutman, Architectural Practice , 10-11.

37. PA , Jan. 1969, 136.

38. Imagery may be more important in natural than in urban settings since the visual integrity of landscape is easier to invade, even by a house, than the city's patchwork. The 1971 jury relied on this belief to allay its familiar misgivings about conferring the First Award to a private house (for only the second time since 1954). The judges were: Edward Barnes, Yale's adviser for architecture and planning, and Ulrich Franzen--both New York architects known for corporate and institutional work; Barnard College historian John Kouvenhoven; Ezra Ehrenkrantz, specialist in systems construction, member from 1966 to 1968 of various national task forces on cities; and Myron Goldsmith, partner at SOM-Chicago. The following exchange is worth quoting:

Kouvenhoven: Aren't we, by picking the Sun Valley house and throwing out all the urban planning things, saying that architects aren't sociologists?

Franzen: I think that any architect who thinks he's a sociologist ought to be locked up.

Barnes: One of the intriguing things about this First Award is that it slants down the hill the way the hill does, but also that it does really involve itself very much with itself. . . . The way it would mate with the hill, the snow--you could ski right down it. . . . I wonder why there weren't more people doing anonymous houses, houses camouflaged in some way so that we don't mess up nature . ( PA , Jan. 1971, 61 [emphasis added])

As Ezra Ehrenkrantz judiciously observed, neither this mountain house nor an even more minimalist project left nature untouched; they just used "a different kind of imagery" ( PA , Jan. 1971, 84).

39. De Blois and Moore, in PA , Jan. 1978, 68.

1. The crisis in architectural standards at this point evokes (even if faintly) Thomas Kuhn's account of a science nearing paradigmatic change. The modernist continue

paradigm had been central for over a decade, even if it never produced the massive dogmatism of scientific work. See Thomas Kuhn, The Structure of Scientific Revolutions , rev. ed. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1970).

2. Progressive Architecture (hereafter, PA ), Jan. 1967, 168.

3. PA , Jan. 1969, 141, 140, 104 (emphasis added).

4. PA , Jan. 1969, 146-47 (emphasis added).

5. Robert Gutman, Architectural Practice: A Critical View (New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 1988), 35.

6. PA , Jan. 1972, 58.

7. Alexander Tzonis and Liane Lefaivre, "The Architecture of Narcissism," Harvard Architecture Review 1 (1980): 54.

8. Tzonis and Lefaivre, "Architecture of Narcissism," 55.

9. See in this regard Göran Wallén's instructive paper on Swedish architecture, "The Scientification of Architecture," in Gernot Böhme and Nico Stehr, eds., The Knowledge Society: The Growing Impact of Scientific Knowledge on Social Relations (Dordrecht and Boston: D. Reidel, 1986).

10. PA , Jan. 1967, 144.

11. PA , Jan. 1970, 79 (emphasis added).

12. PA , Jan. 1970, 134-35 (emphasis added).

13. Ulrich Franzen, PA , Jan. 1971, 71 (emphasis added).

14. Louis Sauer, PA , Jan. 1972, 59 (emphasis added).

15. Moshe Safdie, PA , Jan. 1972, 58-59.

16. John Johansen, PA , Jan. 1973, 93.

17. PA , Jan. 1971, 71ff.

18. PA , Jan. 1972, 58.

19. Don Stull and Hugh Hardy, PA , Jan. 1973, 92 (emphasis added).

20. PA , Jan. 1974, 55.

21. PA , Jan. 1974, 55. "It's all this damn mechanical aesthetic," said Denise Scott Brown of "The Machines." Commenting on the best example, she said: "It's a shame to spend all that money making a new old barn, why do you need that sophistication?" And Herb Greene, architect and professor at the University of Kentucky, commented that "Le's Maisons" were "degrading to Le Corbusier," in whose work "things happen not just around the building, but in the content of the forms. These people have . . . absorbed [the schema] only by taking planes and right angles." Robertson knowingly explained to the others that "It's really more Cornell than Yale. It's Colin Rowe through Peter Eisenman, and then transferred to the less polemical members of the group" Ibid, (67-68).

22. PA , Jan. 1974, 52.

23. PA , Jan. 1975, 55 (emphasis added).

24. PA , Jan. 1975, 46 (emphasis added). When completed, the house was widely published nationally and internationally, launching Arquitectonica, the firm founded in 1977 by Spear, Bernardo Fort-Brescia, and other young architects, to rapid success.

25. On the changing sociological content of the avant-garde see Diana Crane, The Transformation of the Avant-Garde (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987), in particular 9-15.

26. Tzonis and Lefaivre, "Architecture of Narcissism," 57. break

27. Peter Eisenman, House X (New York: Rizzoli, 1982), 38, 36. With House X , Eisenman moved toward "decomposition," "deconstruction," and meaning: "House X is strongly colored by metaphoric ideas of ruin, decay, and falling to pieces, but it attempts to use these ideas in a totally different fashion from the postmodernists. . . . The imagery of House X is rooted in a pervasive and explicit ideological concern with a cultural condition, namely, the apparent inability of modern man to sustain any longer a belief in his own rationality and perfectability" (34).

28. Vincent Pecora, "Towers of Babel," in Diane Ghirardo, ed., Out of Site: A Social Criticism of Architecture (Seattle: Bay Press, 1991), 55.

29. Indeed, in these ten years, the juries conferred a First Award only in 1977, 1979, 1980, and 1985. As in all their awards and citations, the divided jury of 1977 managed to agree on a First Award for different reasons, picking a residence for twenty-four Buddhists in the coastal mountains of California, by Bernard Maquet. In 1979, the First Award went to a remarkable and very beautiful engineering feat: the Ruck-a-Chucky Bridge in Auburn, California. T. Y. Lin International were the structural engineers, with Hanson Engineers, Inc., as consultants; Myron Goldsmith of SOM-Chicago was in charge of architectural design. In 1980, two young Argentinian architects and educators, Rodolfo Machado and Jorge Silvetti, won the award for an urban design that connected two levels of the Rhode Island School of Design by a system of steps and walks. In 1985, Silvetti received an award for an architectural intervention that visually linked four public squares in the Sicilian town of Leonforte. The fact that the bridge was exceptional in the history of the awards and that the same architect received two First Awards out of four given suggests that "events" (as the judges called the bridge) and consistent excellence are recognized even in the absence of clearly spelled-out criteria of evaluation.

30. Henry Cobb, "Forum on the Beaux-Arts Exhibition," Oppositions 8 (1977): 174.

31. A visible effect of this limitation is illustrated in this rhetorical question by Natalie de Blois about a "developer's" building: "Why is so much attention lavished on making the exterior as urban and varied as possible, and yet, when one goes inside, the space is all equivalent?" PA , Jan. 1978, 79.

32. PA , Jan. 1977, 49 (emphasis added).

33. PA , Jan. 1977, 61.

34. PA , Jan. 1978, 65-66 (emphasis added).

35. None of the 1979 jurors was a celebrity or a flamboyant revisionist. They were Fred S. Dubin, president of Dubin Bloome Associates of New York and Hartford; Barry Elbasani, vice president of Elbasani Logan Severin Freeman of Berkeley; Anthony Lumsden, former collaborator of Cesar Pelli, still at DMJM as vice president and director for design; and Werner Seligmann, formerly of Cornell, dean of the School of Architecture at Syracuse University. The quotation is from Elbasani, PA , Jan. 1979, 69.

36. For the distinction between "postmodernism" and "schismatic modernism" see chapter 2 and Robert Stern, "The Doubles of Postmodern," Harvard Architecture Review 1 (1980): 75-87. When I interviewed Hodgetts, Gehry, and Thom Mayne in 1989, they were all quick to pick up (while asking me for a sociological explanation) what was by then a cliché--namely that historicist postmodernism, in particular the work of Michael Graves, was the architecture "of the age of Reagan." continue

See Mary McLeod's perceptive analysis, "Architecture and Politics in the Reagan Era: From Postmodernism to Deconstructivism," Assemblage 8 (1989): 23-59.

37. PA, Jan. 1983, 84, 96.

38. As we have seen, when Eisenman argues for architecture's "ideological" capacity to project a different vision of the world, his primary concern is the discipline's exploration of its own language and problems. He is concerned neither with the social conditions under which architecture is practiced nor even with who, besides some chosen architects and critics, receives the projected message.

39. Eisenman, House X, 34.

40. At forty, Helmut Jahn was already at the top of a firm known for its very large projects. He was to buy it in 1982. Coming from Germany to Chicago in 1966, Jahn was soon taken under the wing of Gene Summers, formerly Mies's close collaborator; he moved to Murphy Associates with Summers and remained when Summers left. Although his international fame was yet to come, his Monroe Center project had been cited by PA in 1978, and the Rust-Oleum corporate headquarters in Illinois had been much noticed. The other jurors participated in the heated final debates, without being able to modify their outcome. For urban design, they were: John Kriken, director of urban design and planning at SOM-San Francisco, and Blanche Lemco van Ginkel, director of the School of Architecture at the University of Toronto and partner in van Ginkel Associates. For research: Wolfgang Preiser, partner in Architectural Research Consultants and codirector of the Institute for Environmental Education of the University of New Mexico, and Francis Ventre, chief of the Environmental Design Research Division at the National Bureau of Standards.

41. Even the larger projects were not that large. They included, besides the First Award to Machado and Silvetti's urban design for the Rhode Island School of Design: Arquitectonica's apartment house in Miami, Backen Arrigoni and Ross's condominium in San Francisco, a Public Works Service Center in Evanston, Illinois, by Sisco Lubotsky with Stuart Cohen, a YWCA in Houston by Taft Architects, and the literal historicism of renovations and additions to a hospital in Bayonne, New Jersey, by John Blatteau for a large Philadelphia firm.

42. See John Dixon's thoughtful editorial "Modernism Fights Back" ( PA, March 1980). The choice of readers' "Views" in February and March of 1980 is extensive but sanitized, no doubt, for the sake of advetising income. The two most frequent complaints were the abandonment of pluralism and . . . Michael Graves. The only supporting letter published came from William Conklin. The most surprising came from Charles Gwathmey, award winner in 1973, juror in 1977: "The PA Design Awards program has become a self-serving and a predictable insidious recurrence. For many years it was Moore and clones, now it is Graves and clones, with the ethic clearly being the more eclectic, decorative and unbuildable, the better" (April 1980, 4). One reader summarized the two feelings: "Rogers, Stern, Gehry and Jahn have arrived at a consensus which eliminates the many directions of thought prevalent in recent years to state in unmistakable terms that the future of architectural design is 'Gravely Obfuscated Embellishism.' Gravely because it is a narrow genre of design principally initiated by Michael Graves, although obliquely assisted by Meier, Venturi and, most recently, Tigerman." Another connected it to the types of commissions: "The opportunity to pursue [this] kind of architecture . . . is available only continue

to those who dabble with the personal statements associated with custom-built houses out in the country. Even at that, I would seriously question the livability of some of these stylistic tours de force " (March 1980, 14).

43. PA, Jan. 1980, 98, 105 (emphasis added).

44. PA, Jan. 1980, 88 (emphasis added).

45. The classic theory of status groups, which derive status honor from a specific style of life and protect it through restrictions on social intercourse, is based on Max Weber. See "Class, Status, Party," in Hans Gerth and C. W. Mills, eds., From Max Weber (New York: Oxford University Press, 1967). The most comprehensive modern adaptation is Pierre Bourdieu, Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgment of Taste (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1984).

46. A now classic philosophical statement on the colonization of aesthetics is Jean Baudrillard's For a Critique of the Political Economy of the Sign, trans. Charles Levin (St. Louis: Telos Press, 1981). Two interesting sociological analyses are Craig Calhoun, "The Infrastructure of Modernity: Indirect Relationships, Information Technology and Social Integration," in Hans Haferkamp and Neil J. Smelser, eds., Social Change and Modernity (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990), and David Harvey, The Condition of Postmodernity (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1989), especially Chaps. 4 and 17. Stuart Ewen's All Consuming Images (New York: Basic Books, 1988), though not a theoretical analysis, offers a rich and somewhat rambling description of the consumption of style in contemporary culture. See, in particular, his discussion of architectural form, pp. 199-232.

47. In their famous essay, "The Culture Industry: Enlightenment as Mass Deception," Max Horkheimer and Theodor Adorno commented on the manipulation of fragments and detail for effect (and for profit): "When the detail won its freedom, it became rebellious and, in the period from Romanticism to Expressionism, asserted itself as free expression, as a vehicle of protest against the organization. . . . The totality of the culture industry has put an end to this. Though concerned exclusively with effects, it crushes their insubordination and makes them subserve the formula, which replaces the work. The same fate is inflicted on whole and parts alike. . . . The so-called dominant idea is like a file which ensures order and no coherence. The whole and the parts are alike. . . . Their prearranged harmony is a mockery of what had to be striven after in the great bourgeois works of art" ( Dialectic of Enlightenment, trans. John Cumming (New York: Continuum, 1989), 125-26.

48. PA, Jan. 1983, 84.

49. The judges were all fellows of the AIA: Richard Stein of New York, past chairman of the AIA energy task force; Robert Frasca, design partner of the large firm Zimmer Gunsul Frasca of Portland, Oregon; George Hartman of Hartman and Cox in Washington, D.C.; and Romualdo Giurgola, 1980 winner of the competition for the most important government building of the postwar period, the Australian Parliament in Canberra.

50. PA, Jan. 1981, 119 (emphasis added).

51. PA, Jan. 1981, 119 (emphasis added).

52. See William Pedersen and Elizabeth Plater-Zyberk, PA , Jan. 1985, 84, and James Polshek, PA, Jan. 1984, 87.

53. PA, Jan. 1984, 86-87 (emphasis added). break

54. PA, Jan. 1985, 85.

55. Kenneth Frampton, "Towards a Critical Regionalism," in Hal Foster, ed., The Anti-Aesthetic (Port Townsend, Wash.: Bay Press, 1983), 20, 21. See also chapter 6 above.

56. For Eisenman, commercial practice, motivated by the market and the pure benefit of the client, differs from professional practice, in which "designing the most square feet for the least cost is mediated by a concern for society at large." Professional practice, when "mediated through a set of a priori forms that are thought to have a quality unto themselves" becomes artistic or aesthetic . But ideological practice is motivated by ideals, "a position on what should be the case, as opposed to what is, in terms of society, of building, of symbolism" ("Interview: Cesar Pelli and Peter Eisenman," Skyline, May 1982, 23).

57. Vincent Scully, "Theory and Delight," PA, , Oct. 1989, 87.

58. PA, Jan. 1985, 85 (emphasis added).

59. PA, Jan. 1984, 87 (emphasis added).

60. PA, Jan. 1982, 110. Beeby's observation is supported by sociological research. Blau's study of New York architects during 1974-79 showed that the small and flexible entrepreneurial offices fared better in times of crisis than the large firms with corporate clients. Moreover, looking at the awards received by the firms, Blau established that those few small firms that had acquired characteristics of rational organization and management typical of larger and more bureaucratic firms were more likely to do exceptionally good work than the latter (Judith Blau, Architects and Firms (Cambridge, Mass.: M.I.T. Press, 1984), Chap. 5.

61. This interpretation is congruent with Ann Swidler's two models for the study of culture, settled and unsettled. See her "Culture in Action," American Sociological Review 51 (1986): 273-86.

62. Architectural elites, however, seem much more doubtful about the merit of faithful historical imitations than their most famous advocate, Prince Charles of Britain (advised in architectural matters by Leon Krier).

63. PA, Jan. 1987, 86-90.

1. My empirical study supports Andreas Huyssen's argument: "A crucial question . . . concerns the extent to which modernism and the avant-garde as forms of an adversary culture were nevertheless conceptually and practically bound up with capitalist modernization and/or with communist vanguardism, modernization's twin brother. . . . Postmodernism's critical dimension lies precisely in the radical questioning which linked modernism and the avant-garde to the mindset of modernization" ("Mapping the Postmodern," in After the Great Divide [Bloomington: University of Indiana Press, 1986], 183). See also Kenneth Frampton's similar approach in "Towards a Critical Regionalism: Six Points for an Architecture of Resistance," in Hal Foster, ed., The Anti-Aesthetic: Essays on Postmodern Culture (Port Townsend, Wash.: Bay Press, 1983), 20.

2. Scott Lash's sociological approach to modernism/postmodernism in both architecture and cities admits that it is confusing and ambiguous to take the latter continue

as cultural objects ( Sociology of Postmodernism [London and New York: Routledge, 1990], 31; see in particular 31-36 and Chap. 8).

3. Lash takes as a criterion of modernity Weber's central concept about the "self-legislation" of each sphere of culture (the attempt by social actors within each sphere to develop their own conventions and mode of valuation; Sociology of Postmodernism, 9). See Max Weber, "Religious Rejections of the World and Their Directions," in Hans Gerth and C. W. Mills, eds., From Max Weber (New York: Oxford University Press, 1958).

4. European postmodernism, for instance, started earlier. In part, the reconstruction of ancient urban centers compelled architects to contextualize buildings within both a spatial environment and a historical tradition. From the practice of a few noted firms (notably the Milanese firm of Belgioioso Peressutti and Rogers with their "medieval" skyscraper, the Velasca Tower), which the CIAM congresses brought together up to 1960, to a variety of theoretical articulations, the movement was rapid. See Heinrich Klotz, The History of Postmodern Architecture (Cambridge, Mass.: M.I.T. Press, 1988), in particular 83-111. In 1966 Aldo Rossi developed his approach to architecture as the historical, hence specific, elaboration of archetypal geometric forms. See his The Architecture of the City (Cambridge, Mass.: M.I.T. Press, 1982), and Klotz, History of Postmodern Architecture, 238ff.

5. In architecture, furthermore, the critique of the global ahistoricism of modernism dictated deliberate efforts toward new forms of regionalism. There is no reason that regionalism should be fitting for the headquarters of transnational corporations; and, appropriately, not many headquarters in Asian or Latin American capitals pretend to be "regional." But then the calls for regionalism seldom ask, "Regionalism for what? "

6. M. J. Mulkay and B. S. Turner, "Over-production of Personnel and Innovation in Three Social Settings," Sociology 5 (1971): 47-61.

7. A note against the retrospective attribution of cultural coherence to the varied struggles of the 1960s: the specialized fields of cultural production were affected directly by younger cohorts, who denounced universities, professions, even the political parties of the Left, as arms or accomplices of the state. The struggles of colonized minorities within the United States and the wars waged on colonized peoples without lent gravity to the New Left's distrust of political representation and to the countercultural emphasis on "liberated" social spaces. Because the civil rights struggle and Vietnam infused the whole period with tremendous political intensity, each group of dissenters could interpret its own circumscribed challenge against a particular status quo as a revolutionary effort. Moreover, television news and the newspapers, forcing a synchronic existence on different and only symbolically related events, amplified this illusion. In art-related fields, the residual power of avant-gardist metaphors colored the rhetoric of dissent. As both the student movement and the broader political struggles abated, narrow conflicts remained as metonymies for the wider ones, partial combats that were never as radical in content and significance as their memory. We may also ask if, without Nazi and Stalinist repression, without the bloodbath of war, this would not have happened as well to the art avant-gardes of the revolutionary 1920s and 1930s.

8. This sketch is based on Paul M. Hirsch's work "Processing Fads and Fashions: An Organization-Set Analysis of Cultural Industry Systems," American Journal of continue

Sociology 77 (1972): 639-59. For a full indictment, see the classic text by Theodor Adorno and Max Horkheimer, "The Culture Industry: Enlightenment as Mass Deception," in Dialectic of Enlightenment, trans. John Cumming (New York: Continuum, 1989).

9. As Thomas Fisher notes in a recent Progressive Architecture editorial, small firms remain numerous, but "the 5% of firms with 20 or more employees now handle 50% of the billings and their economic dominance seems destined to grow as architectural practice becomes increasingly international and--because of computers--more and more capital intensive" ( Progressive Architecture, Dec. 1991, 7).

10. Hirsch, "Processing Fads," 649.

11. The literature on postmodernism is enormous. Raymond Williams discusses structures of feeling in Marxism and Literature (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1977), 128-35. Some of the important works, many of which I have already quoted: Jürgen Habermas, "Modernity vs. Postmodernity," New German Critique 22 (Winter 1981): 3-14; "The French Path to Postmodernity," New German Critique 33 (Fall 1984): 79-102; "Psychic Thermidor and the Rebirth of Rebellious Subjectivity" and "Neoconservative Culture Criticism in the United States and West Germany," in Richard Bernstein, ed., Habermas and Modernity (Cambridge, Mass.: M.I.T. Press, 1985); "Modern and Postmodern Architecture," in John Forester, ed., Critical Theory and Public Life (Cambridge, Mass.: M.I.T. Press, 1985); Jean-François Lyotard, The Postmodern Condition: A Report on Knowledge, trans. Geoff Bennington and Brian Massumi (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1989), and "Defining the Postmodern," in ICA Documents 4: Postmodernism (London: Institute of Contemporary Art, 1986), 6-8; Richard Rorty, "Habermas and Lyotard on Postmodernity," in Bernstein, ed., Habermas . David Harvey, The Condition of Postmodernity (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1989), Fredric Jameson, "Postmodernism, or the Cultural Logic of Late Capitalism," New Left Review 146 (July-Aug. 1987): 53-92, and Scott Lash, The Sociology of Postmodernism have been quoted either here or in previous chapters. I have found the following helpful: Seyla Benhabib, "Epistemologies of Postmodernism," New German Critique 33 (Fall 1984): 103-26, and the entire issue; Charles Bernstein, "Centering the Postmodern," Socialist Review 96 (Nov.-Dec. 1987): 45-56; Dick Hebdige, "Staking out the Posts," in Hiding in the Light (New York and London: Routledge, 1988); Huyssen, After the Great Divide; Fred Pfeil, "Postmodernism as a Structure of Feeling," in Cary Nelson and Lawrence Grossberg, eds., Marxism and the Interpretation of Culture (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1988); and Andrew Ross, ed., Universal Abandon? The Politics of Postmodernism (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1988). On the visual arts see ICA Documents 4: Postmodernism and Craig Owens, "The Allegorical Impulse: Toward a Theory of Postmodernism," October 12 (Spring 1980): 67-86 and 13 (Summer 1980): 59-80. The best critique and the best bibliographic source for architecture is Mary McLeod "Architecture," in Stanley Trachtenberg, ed., The Postmodern Moment: A Handbook of Contemporary Innovation in the Arts (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1985), and "Architecture and Politics in the Reagan Era: From Postmodernism to Deconstructivism," Assemblage 8 (1989): 23-59.

12. Charles Bernstein's critique of Jameson--that he collapses the specific history of each medium and all postmodern manifestations to derive a "dominant," as continue

if all techniques in every medium were only symptoms of the same disease--applies to much of this pseudo-theorizing. Besides contesting Jameson's specific readings, Bernstein points out that the premise Jameson posits for the postmodern shift (the complete absorption and co-optation of modernism within establishment culture) is false. He accuses Jameson of following for modernism the same faulty procedure he followed to construct postmodernism--collapsing together different art media and different manifestations within each medium. See Bernstein, "Centering the Postmodern."

13. Lyotard, "Defining the Postmodern," 6.

14. Lyotard, Postmodern Condition, xxiv and ff.

15. Habermas, "Modern and Postmodern Architecture," 318-19, 322.

16. For an example, see Mark Wigley, "Introduction," in Deconstructivist Architecture, Catalog of the Exhibition (New York: Museum of Modern Art, 1988).

17. Jameson gives a striking analysis of John Portman's Bonaventura Hotel in Los Angeles, but he ignores the fact that Portman, being his own developer, is one of the least "alienated" designers one can find in contemporary architecture. Portman goes for success on a broad scale, and his hotels are enormously successful with customers and public. See Jameson, "Postmodernism," 81-83.

18. Walter Benjamin, "The Work of Art in the Age of Mechanical Reproduction," in Illuminations, trans. Harry Zohn (New York: Schocken, 1969), 239-41.

19. I am alluding to Walter Benjamin's seventh thesis on the philosophy of history: "Without exception the cultural treasures [a historical materialist] surveys have an origin which he cannot contemplate without horror. They owe their existence not only to the efforts of the great minds and talents who have created them, but also to the anonymous toil of their contemporaries. There is no document of civilization which is not at the same time a document of barbarism" ( Illuminations, 256).

1. The simple rank-order coefficients that measure association between ordinal scales, Spearman's r s and Kendall's tau, show a weak association between the ranking of entries and that of winners from highest to lowest number. These coefficients vary from + 1.0 when the two rankings are in perfect agreement to - 1.0 (perfect disagreement), with 0 showing no relationship whatsoever. Here, the value of Spearman's coefficient is 0.1712 and that of Kendall's 0.1368, relationships that are significant at the 0.051 and the 0.067 levels respectively.

2. See Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Construction Report, Series C-30.

3. In private nonresidential construction, the following categories would be most relevant: office buildings; hotels and motels; other commercial; religious; educational; hospital and institutional; miscellaneous nonresidential. Private nonresidential construction as a whole includes categories such as manufacturing facilities, railroads, public utilities, petroleum pipelines, farm structures, and miscellaneous structures that would involve architects only exceptionally and, even then, would most probably involve large architectural-engineering firms, which seldom empha- soft

size design. For this reason I have considered selected categories, even though the census did not provide broken-down series in every year.

4. Private nonresidential construction as a whole shows a nonnegligible decline of 7.8 percent in 1966-67 (for which broken-down categories are not available) and again in 1969-70 (the decline is 5.7 percent in the categories I have been considering): in both years, the number of submissions to PA declined relative to the previous year, while the percentage of winners increased. break