1. Richard Helgerson, Forms of Nationhood: The Elizabethan Writing of England (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992), 251.

2. Mark Pattison, Isaac Casaubon, 1559-1614 (London: Longmans, 1875), 414.

3. H. S. Bennett, English Books and Readers, 1558-1603 . (Cambridge: At the University Press, 1965), 112; William T. Costello, The Scholastic Curriculum at Early Seventeenth-Century Cambridge (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1958), 107; Douglas Bush, English Literature in the Earlier Seventeenth Century, 1600-1660 , Oxford History of English Literature (New York: Oxford University Press, 1945), 294.

4. Amos Funkenstein, Theology and the Scientific Imagination from the Middle Ages to the Seventeenth Century (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1986), 3.

5. Before the late 1970s, of course, a vast amount of scholarship was devoted to the religious backgrounds of English Renaissance literature; the main reason religion has dropped out of Renaissance scholarship is that people got tired of articles on eucharistic imagery in The Faerie Queene , etc. Even this earlier research, however, usually conceived of religion as a circumscribed category unrelated to the constructions of gender, subjectivity, sexuality, power, nationalism, and so forth.

6. A. G. Dickens, The English Reformation , 2d ed. (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1989), 156.

7. Following the periodization customary among students of English literature, I use ''Renaissance'' and "early modern period" interchangeably to cover the mid-fifteenth through the mid-seventeenth centuries, although scholarship on the Continental Renaissance usually distinguishes the Renaissance (the fourteenth to mid-sixteenth centuries) from the early modern era (mid-sixteenth through the seventeenth centuries).

8. "Religion" is here a catchall term for belief, exegesis, systematic theology, devotional lyrics, biblical poetry, religious art, ascetic practices, ritual, inquisitions, canon law, etc.

9. Recent exceptions, however, include some of the most original and important studies of Renaissance culture: William Bouwsma, John Calvin: A Sixteenth-Century Portrait (New York: Oxford University Press, 1988); Stephen Greenblatt, Marvelous Possessions: The Wonder of the New World (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991); and Helgerson, Forms of Nationhood .

10. The freeway should perhaps be imagined as dotted with helicopter pads, since these biblical discourses also pave a vertical trajectory connecting earth and heaven. For the purposes of this study, however, I am interested primarily in their horizontal axis.

11. Eric Voegelin, Order and History , 6 vols., vol. 2, The World of the Polis (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1957), 127; for this whole section, I draw heavily on Voegelin's discussion of the transition from myth to philosophy in pre-Hellenic Greece (2:127-37).

12. Ibid., 137.

13. Ibid.

14. According to Bennett, 20 percent of all books published under Elizabeth were translations ( English Books , xvi). I have omitted discussing biblical texts written in the Continental vernaculars—much to my regret, since Vondel's biblical tragedies are considered among the masterpieces of Dutch literature. My only justification is that I suspect most Renaissance Englishmen could not read Dutch either.

15. This narrowly nationalist focus weakens J. W. Binns's Intellectual Culture in Elizabethan and Jacobean England , ARCA: Classical and Medieval Texts 24 (Leeds: Francis Cairns, 1990), the only extant survey of English Renaissance neo-Latin scholarship and literature.

16. There is a second reason for selecting these particular narratives: we have little more definitive evidence for or against their truth than did Renaissance scholars. For the study of pre-nineteenth-century exegesis, the contingent fact that modern science discredited the historicity of certain biblical episodes has proven a highly distracting irrelevancy. To frame a history of exegesis by focusing, as commonly done, on Noah's Ark or the Garden of Eden is to submit a priori to the formulaic plot of reason's slow conquest over error and credulity.

1. The classic works on this subject are volume 4 of Henri de Lubac's Exégèse médièvale: Les quatre sens de l'écriture , 4 vols. (Paris: Aubier, 1959-1964), and Beryl Smalley's The Study of the Bible in the Middle Ages , 2d ed. (1952; rpt. Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1964). See also Smalley,

"The Bible in the Medieval Schools," in The Cambridge History of the Bible: The West from the Fathers to the Reformation , ed. G. W. Lampe, (Cambridge: At the University Press, 1969), 197-219; G. R. Evans, The Language and Logic of the Bible: The Road to Reformation (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985); Jerry H. Bentley, Humanists and Holy Writ: New Testament Scholarship in the Renaissance (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1983); Erika Rummel, Erasmus' Annotationes on the New Testament: From Philologist to Theologian , Erasmus Studies 8 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1986). For the fairly large bibliography on Erasmus's biblical scholarship, see Jean-Claude Margolin, "The Epistle to the Romans (Chapter 11) According to the Versions and/or Commentaries of Valla, Colet, Lefevre, and Erasmus," in The Bible in the Sixteenth Century , ed. David Steinmetz, Duke Monographs in Medieval and Renaissance Studies 11, (Durham: Duke University Press, 1990), 241-42.

2. By far the best survey of Renaissance biblical scholarship is François Laplanche's L'écriture, le sacré et l'histoire: Érudits et politiques protestants devant la Bible en France au XVIIe siècle (Amsterdam: Holland University Press, 1986), which focuses on Cappel and French Protestant exegesis but includes an intelligent discussion of the whole development of scholarly exegesis from Valla through late seventeenth-century Protestant scholarship in terms of its political, theological, and philological ramifications. See also the fourth volume of Stanislaus von Dunin-Borkowski's Spinoza , 4 vols. (Munster: Aschendorffschen Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1936), a bibliographic survey of sixteenth- and seventeenth-century historical and philological scholarship, both secular and sacred, with a fairly strong Roman Catholic bias; Ludwig Diestel's Geschichte des Alten Testamentes in der christlichen Kirche (Jena, 1869), which focuses on Protestant contributions to the development of modern biblical scholarship; Don Cameron Allen's The Legend of Noah: Renaissance Rationalism in Art, Science, and Letters , Illinois Studies in Language and Literature 33.3-4 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1949), which treats the secularization of exegesis—the increasing skepticism about the literal truth of the Bible; S. L. Greenslade, ed., The West from the Reformation to the Present Day , vol. 3 of The Cambridge History of the Bible (Cambridge: At the University Press, 1963), fairly superficial but good for an overview; and Richard Simon's Histoire critique des principaux commentateurs du Noveau Testament (Rotterdam, 1693), an exhaustive survey but vitiated by the pervasive confessional polemic and irritating omission of dates/chronology.

3. Critici sacri, sive annotata doctissimorum virorum in Vetus ac Novum Testamentum , ed. John Pearson, A. Scattergood, F. Gouldman, and R. Pearson, 9 vols., 2d ed. (Amsterdam, 1698). Diestel comments, "So entstand das Werk Critici sacri ... das des Guten wenig auslässt, doc auch vom Mittelmässigen vie! bietet, im Ganzen einer wissenschaftlichen Richtung im Sinne von Drusius huldigend. Sie geben ein ziemlich getreues Bild der Exegese von

1550-1660" ( Geschichte , 439). The Appendix gives its (unpaginated) table of contents.

4. Hugh Trevor-Roper, Catholics, Anglicans, and Puritans: Seventeenth-Century Essays (London: Secker and Warburg, 1987), 192.

5. Except, of course, in relation to Milton and a few other canonical authors. See, for example, Arnold Williams, The Common Expositor: An Account of the Commentaries on Genesis, 1527-1633 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1948); J. Martin Evans, Paradise Lost and the Genesis Tradition (Oxford: Clarendon, 1968); Michael Lieb, Poetics of the Holy: A Reading of Paradise Lost (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1981); Chana Bloch, Spelling the Word: George Herbert and the Bible (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1985); James G. Turner, One Flesh: Paradisal Marriage and Sexual Relations in the Age of Milton (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1987); Mary Ann Radzinowicz, Milton's Epics and the Book of Psalms (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1989); and Regina Schwartz, Remembering and Repeating: Biblical Creation in Paradise Lost (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988).

6. Brian Stock, Listening for the Text: On the Uses of the Past (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1990).

7. Turner's discussion of patristic and Renaissance Genesis commentaries in One Flesh gives an immensely learned overview of these disparate exegetic traditions.

8. The sources for this section include the Dictionary of National Biography ; B. Rekers, Benito Arias Montano (1527-1598) (London: Warburg Institute, 1972); H. J. de Jonge, "The Study of the New Testament," trans. J. C. Grayson, in Leiden University in the Seventeenth Century: An Exchange of Learning , ed. Th. H. Lunsingh Scheurleer and G. H. M. Posthumus Meyjes (Leiden: Brill, 1975), 65-110; Paul Sellin, Daniel Heinsius and Stuart England , Publications of the Sir Thomas Browne Institute 3 (Leiden: At the University Press, 1968); G. Lloyd Jones, The Discovery of Hebrew in Tudor England: A Third Language (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1983); J. Brugman, "Arabic Scholarship," in Leiden University in the Seventeenth Century , ed. Lunsingh Scheurleer and Posthumus Meyjes, 203-15; W. S. M. Knight, The Life and Works of Hugo Grotius , Grotius Society Publications 4 (1925; rpt. London: Wildy, 1965); Peter T. van Rooden, Theology, Biblical Scholarship, and Rabbinical Studies in the Seventeenth Century: Constantijn L'Empereur (1591-1648), Professor of Hebrew and Theology at Leiden , trans. J. C. Grayson, Studies in the History of Leiden University 6 (Leiden: Brill, 1989); Pattison, Isaac Casaubon ; Laplanche, L'écriture ; and the biography of Johannes Drusius given in the prefatory material to volume 6 of the Critici sacri (xxxiii-xli).

9. De Jonge, "Study," 83, 87, 100.

10. Sellin, Heinsius , 79.

11. Ibid., 103-5.

12. Andrewes was master of Pembroke from 1589-1605, but from 1589 on he was also the rector of St. Giles, Cripplegate, and prebend at St. Paul's and Southwell; thus, after 1589 he may not have spent much time at the university.

13. Lloyd Jones, Hebrew in Tudor England , 146-47.

14. Florence Higham, Lancelot Andrewes (London: SCM Press, 1952), 40.

15. Laplanche, L'écriture , 27; Diestel, Geschichte , 420.

16. Knight, Grotius , 98-103.

17. Anthony Grafton, Joseph Scaliger: A Study in the History of Classical Scholarship , vol. 1, Textual Criticism and Exegesis (Oxford: Clarendon, 1983), 1.

18. Smalley, Study of the Bible .

19. Biblia Sacra cum glossa ordinaria ... et postilla Nicholai Lirani ... necnon additionibus Pauli Burgensis ... & Matthiae Thoringi replicis , 6 vols. (Antwerp, 1617), 5:421. The King James Bible translates the passage as "Verily I say unto you, Wheresoever this gospel shall be preached in the whole world, there shall also be this, that this woman hath done, be told for a memorial of her."

20. Collatio Novi Testamenti was Valla's own title; Erasmus published it in 1505, however, as Adnotationes in Novum Testamentum .

21. Critici sacri 6:862; further references to the Critici sacri will appear in the text. The pagination of the volumes is a little complicated since each volume often has several sections each paginated separately, and the volumes have no table of contents to clarify matters. (There are also two volume 1s, which doesn't help matters, especially since the index seems keyed to the 1660 edition, which was bound differently.) For example, there are three sections in volume 6, each with its own pagination: one covers Matthew, the second Mark and Luke, and the third John. As long as the reader knows the biblical verse under discussion, however, it is not difficult to find the relevant page.

22. Jacques Chomarat, "Les Annotations de Valla, celles d'Erasme et la grammaire," in Histoire de l'exégèse au XVIe siècle , ed. Olivier Fatio and Pierre Fraenkel, (Geneva: Librairie Droz, 1978), 204, 211-12.

23. Lorenzo Valla, Elegantiarum libri sex , in Opera omnia , intro. Eugenio Garin, 2 vols. (Turin: Bottega d'Erasmo, 1962), 1:143, 215.

24. Donald Kelley, Foundations of Modern Historical Scholarship: Language, Law, and History in the French Renaissance (New York: Columbia University Press, 1970), 32-33.

25. In the dedicatory epistle to Sir Philip Sidney prefacing his edition of the New Testament, Stephanus (Henri Estienne) observes concerning Castellio's translation: "Sed quantum illorum hominum qui nec everrit pro evertit , nec sporta pro porta reponi sinebant plenam ignorantia superstitiosa timiditatem deploraret, tantum profecto eam quae in hoc nostrum seculum erupit non irreligiosam tantum sed religionis profanatricem audaciam detestaretur, quae in

interpretando hoc sacrosancto opere ... non solum pro idolis Deastros , & pro idololatris Deastricolas , aliaque id genus multa, sed Genios etiam pro Angelis , pro Baptismo lotionem (sicut lavare pro baptizare ) & fiduciam pro fide passim dixit ... tam multa denique novavit ut Testamentum hoc sic interpretatum alio etiam sensu novum appellari possit" (6: xvii).

26. De Jonge, "Study," 67.

27. Cf. Bentley, Humanists and Holy Writ , 180; Chomarat, " Les Annotations ," 222-23.

28. Chomarat, " Les Annotations ," 220-21.

29. Rummel, Erasmus' Annotationes , 74.

30. For this whole paragraph, I am indebted to Kathy Eden's "Hermeneutics and the Ancient Rhetorical Tradition," Rhetorica 5 (1987): 59-86; "The Rhetorical Tradition and Augustinian Hermeneutics in De doctrina Christiana," Rhetorica 8 (1990): 45-63; "Equity and the Origins of Renaissance Historicism: The Case for Erasmus,'' Yale Journal of Law and the Humanities 5 (1993): 137-45; "Strategies of Accommodation in Erasmus' Later Works,'' paper given at the conference of the International Society for the History of Rhetoric, September 1991.

31. Bentley, Humanists and Holy Writ , 212.

32. Theodore Beza, Jesu Christi Domini Nostri Novum Testamentum, sive Novum Foedus, cujus Graeco contextui respondent interpretationes duae: una, vetus; altera, Theodori Bezae ... Accessit etiam Joachimi Camerarii in Novum Foedus Commentarius (Cambridge, 1642), 89; Caesar Baronius, Annales Ecclesiastici , ed. Augustinus Theiner, 37 vols. (Paris, 1864-1883), 1:144.

33. One finds the same ahistorical approach in the loci communes of Melanchthon, Bucer, and other Protestant scholastics but based on Aristotelian/rhetorical method rather than typological ecclesiology; see, for example, Bucer's comment that "in the observations I have aimed at providing a sylvulam for the unlearned, so that, from Paul's limited dogmas and precepts (limited on account of the complex of things, persons and times and other peristaseon [circumstances], and which are called hypotheses ) we may ascend more easily and surely anagoge to theses , that is, the universal [infiniti] dogmas and precepts, which are not bound to persons, places, and times" (quoted in T. H. L. Parker, Calvin's New Testament Commentaries [Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 1971], 46; I have put Greek in Roman letters). As in Erasmus, the exegete divests historical narratives of local specificity in order to separate out general truths.

34. Parker, Calvin's Commentaries , 91.

35. Richard Muller, "The Hermeneutic of Promise and Fulfillment in Calvin's Exegesis of the Old Testament Prophecies of the Kingdom," in The Bible in the Sixteenth Century , ed. David Steinmetz, Duke Monographs in Medieval and Renaissance Studies 11 (Durham: Duke University Press), 73, 81.

36. Laplanche, L'écriture , 32.

37. Kelley, Foundations . Cf. Dunin-Borkowski: "Man kann in einem gewissen Sinn sogar sagen, dass die Kunst, die wir mittlere und höhere Kritik nennen, in einem iherer vorzüglichsten Ansätze, hier bei den juristischen 'Philologen' geboren wurde; was man bisher kaum jemals erkannt hat. Und eben deshalb war es noch um die Mitte des 17. Jahrhunderts Pflicht jedes Kritikers, dieses Schifttum genau zu kennen" ( Spinoza 4:207).

38. Anthony Grafton, Defenders of the Text: The Traditions of Scholarship in an Age of Science, 1450-1800 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1991), 142-44.

39. De Jonge, "Study," 86.

40. Casaubon, De rebus sacris et ecclesiasticis exercitationes XVI ad Cardinalis Baronii (London, 1614), 603-4.

41. Marjorie O'Rourke Boyle, Erasmus on Language and Method in Theology (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1977), 13-31.

42. Casaubon, Exercitationes , 476 (misprinted as 464).

43. Ibid., 610-17.

44. Daniel Heinsius, D. Heinsii sacrarum exercitationum ad Novum Testamentum libri XX , 2d ed. (Cambridge, 1640), 85.

45. Joachim Camerarius, Commentarius in Novum Foedus (1572; Cambridge, 1642), 17 (bound with Beza's Novum Testamentum ).

46. The latter possibility was particularly controversial, since it weakens the authority of the biblical witness and seems incompatible with belief in literal inspiration. Such criticism implicitly desacralizes the text, forcing one to treat it like other texts , as subject to the same authorial vicissitudes (Laplanche, L'écriture , 368-69). Hence, in order to place Spinoza's biblical scholarship in its disciplinary and historical context, Dunin-Borkowski gives a fairly lengthy monograph on the development of Classical philology and historiography during the Renaissance; Spinoza's radicalism, Dunin-Borkowski argues, consists mainly of applying to the Bible the methods that had been used in secular philology for close to two centuries ( Spinoza 4:160, 194-95).

47. Drusius was one of the earliest Protestant scholars to argue that some books of the Old Testament had disappeared—a position he connected to the further claim that the earliest canon of the Old Testament contained only the Pentateuch, the inclusion of the Prophets as part of the liturgy having begun only after Antiochus Epiphanes prohibited the reading of the Law (1.2.384-86).

48. Modern scholarship has thought this point worth making again; cf. Stock, Listening for the Text , 7-8.

49. "Archeology" ( ) is, significantly, the ancient term for what we would call antiquarian studies; see Arnaldo Momigliano, The Classical Foundations of Modern Historiography (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990), 60.

50. Frank Kermode, The Genesis of Secrecy: On the Interpretation of Narrative (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1979), 55-60.

51. Biblia Sacra 5:636.

52. Beza, Novum Testamentum , 143.

53. Baronius, Annales 1:128.

54. Casaubon, Exercitationes , 593.

55. Grotius, Critici sacri 6:176; Henry Hammond, A Paraphrase and Annotations upon all the Books of the New Testament , 5th ed. (London, 1681), 175.

56. John Lightfoot, A Commentary on the New Testament from the Talmud and Hebraica, Matthew-I Corinthians , 4 vols. (1859; rpt. Grand Rapids, Mich.: Baker Book House, 1979), 2:354.

57. For other Renaissance studies of ancient Jewish polity, see Laplanche, L'écriture , 30; Rooden, Theology , 219; and William McCuaig, Carlo Sigonio: The Changing World of the Late Renaissance (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1989), which unfortunately deals only with Sigonius's secular scholarship. Volume 5 of the Critici sacri reprints Cornelius Bertramus's De republica & politia Judaica (1574) and Petrus Cunaeus's De republica Hebraeorum libri III (1617).

58. Erich Auerbach, Mimesis: The Representation of Reality in Western Literature , trans. Willard Trask (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1953),44.

59. Ibid., 22-23.

60. Although at least some of this material was known to medieval exegetes, they rarely applied it to the interpretation of the New Testament; furthermore, the decline of humanistic studies after the mid-fourteenth century meant that Renaissance Hebrew scholarship did not build on a continuous tradition but at the time seemed "unprecedented" (Smalley, "The Bible in the Medieval Schools," 219). For Hebrew and Oriental philology in the Renaissance, see Allen, Noah ; Brugman, "Arabic Scholarship"; Basil Hall, ''Biblical Scholarship: Editions and Commentaries," in The Cambridge History of the Bible: The West from the Reformation to the Present Day , ed. S. L. Greenslade, (Cambridge: At the University Press, 1963), 38-93; De Jonge, ''Study"; Aaron L. Katchen, Christian Hebraists and Dutch Rabbis: Seventeenth Century Apologetics and the Study of Maimonides' Mishneh Torah , Harvard Judaic Texts and Studies 3 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1984); Laplanche, L'écriture ; Lloyd Jones, Hebrew in Tudor England ; Rooden, Theology ; Jerome Friedman, The Most Ancient Testimony: Sixteenth-Century Christian-Hebraica in the Age of Renaissance Nostalgia (Athens: Ohio University Press, 1983).

61. Conrad Pellican had published an elementary Hebrew grammar three years earlier, but this rather mediocre work was swiftly superseded by Reuchlin's text; see Friedman, The Most Ancient Testimony , 24, 31.

62. This, however, was largely filched from Raymundus Martini's Pugio Fidei , published 250 years earlier in 1278—a debt Galatinus did not acknowledge.

63. Hall, "Biblical Scholarship," 40.

64. See Katchen, Christian Hebraists .

65. Rekers, Montano , 53.

66. Hammond, A Paraphrase , 275.

67. For example, Camerarius, Novum Foedus , 16.

68. Joseph Justus Scaliger, Opus de emendatione temporum (Leiden, 1598), 534-36.

69. Beza, Novum Testamentum , 87.

70. Hammond, A Paraphrase , 131.

71. Baronius, Annales , 116-18; Cornelius à Lapide, The Great Commentary , ed. and trans. Thomas Mossman, 6 vols. (London, 1876-1887), 3:161-64.

72. Casaubon, Exercitationes , 474-78, 481; see also Laplanche, L'écriture , 286-88. "That day," of course, refers to the Hebrew day, which goes from sunset to sunset.

73. As did several important Roman Catholic exegetes—for example, Maldonatus and Cornelius Jansenius. Casaubon lists the advocates on either side in Exercitationes , 468.

74. Cloppenburg's argument and Cappel's replies are summarized in the other great Restoration compendium of biblical scholarship: Matthew Poole's Synopsis criticorum aliorumque S. Scripturae interpretum , 5 vols. (London, 1669), 4:607-10; see also Laplanche, L'écriture , 286-87.

75. Hence, Erasmus remarks, "Nam fieri potest ut de die Paschae statuendo labatur numero Ecclesia, cum is error ad pietatis aut fidei negotium proprie non pertineat" (7:1026).

76. Casaubon, Exercitationes , 482; see also the comments of the early sixteenth-century Hebraicist Sebastian Munster, in Critici sacri (6:859). Grafton discusses these calendrical matters in Defenders , 127.

77. Scaliger, De emendatione , 532.

78. Diestel, Geschichte , 280.

79. John Selden, De jure naturali & gentium juxta disciplinam Ebraeorum (London, 1640), 487-88.

80. Ibid., 490-91, 498.

81. Ibid., 490.

82. Mieke Bal, Death and Dissymmetry: The Politics of Coherence in the Book of Judges (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1988).

83. Biblia sacra cum glossa interlineari, ordinaria, et Nicolai Lyrani postilla, eiusdemque moralitatibus, Burgensis additionibus, & Thoringi replicis , 7 vols. (Venice, 1588), 5:7-10.

84. See Josephus, Against Apion , in Jospehus , trans. H. St. J. Thackeray, 8 vols., Loeb Classical Library (London: William Heinemann, 1926). 1:30-36.

85. Daniel P. Walker, The Ancient Theology: Studies in Christian Platonism from the Fifteenth to the Eighteenth Century (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1972), 18-19; Grafton, Defenders , 145-77.

86. Grafton, Scaliger , 116.

87. Rooden, Theology , 59n.

88. Quoted in De Jonge, "Study," 84.

89. Diestel considers this "Fülle von Anmerkungen und Parallelen aus den Klassikern" the distinctive feature of Grotian exegesis ( Geschichte , 432).

90. Mark Pattison, Essays by the Late Mark Pattison , ed. Henry Nettleship, 2 vols. (Oxford: Clarendon, 1889), 1:163; cf. Laplanche, L'écriture , 94-95.

91. Biblia Sacra (1617) 5:453; Erasmus, Critici sacri 6:932.

92. Justus Lipsius, De cruce libri tres (Antwerp, 1594).

93. Casaubon, Exercitationes , 601.

94. See chapter 3 for the Calvinist reading of this episode.

95. Hammond, A Paraphrase , 103.

96. Pierre Pithou, Mosaicarum et Romanarum legum collatio (1572), reprinted in Critici sacri 1.2.193-248.

97. Grotius, Critici sacri 6:891-92, 896-97; Scaliger, De emendatione , 534; Baronius, Annales , 120-21; Casaubon, Exercitationes , 488-89, 525, 608-9, 672; Hammond, A Paraphrase , 129-30.

98. Scaliger, De emendatione , 530.

99. Walker, Ancient Theology , 65.

100. Alan Richardson, "The Rise of Modern Biblical Scholarship and Recent Discussion of the Authority of the Bible," in The Cambridge History of the Bible: The West from the Reformation to the Present Day , ed. S. L. Greenslade (Cambridge: At the University Press, 1963), 300.

101. Zachary Sayre Schiffman observes a similar shift from "the lives of kings, captains, and saints" to "the institutional structure of ancient Gaul, Roman Gaul, and the kingdom of the Franks" in late sixteenth-century French historiography in his On the Threshold of Modernity: Relativism in the French Renaissance , Johns Hopkins University Studies in Historical and Political Science (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1991), 33-34, 38.

102. See the notes to Matthew 27:46-47 in the Critici sacri by Munsterus, Erasmus, Clarius, Zegerus, Drusius, and Grotius.

103. À Lapide, The Great Commentary (1876-1887) 3:151-2.

104. Diestel's comments on Grotius register his nineteenth-century perplexity at this combination: "so eigenthümlich verschlingt sich hier der strenge Supernaturalismus mit naturalistischen Ahnungen!" ( Geschichte , 433).

105. The fusion of historical/antiquarian research and traditional hermeneutic pieties comes through clearly in the summary of the contents prefacing the original edition of the Critici sacri (reprinted at the beginning of volume 8 in the 1698 edition): "Whatever seems worth of mention in the sacred volumes—things, persons, actions, places, times, regions, cities, temples, tools, vessels, weights, measures, coins, attire, gesture, duties, rituals, laws, customs—all here are learnedly and clearly described. Not only are the mysteries of types, enigmas of prophecies and parables, and all the more difficult places of the sacred text here elucidated, but also the etymologies of the words them-

selves, their meanings, even the dots and dashes are minutely examined. Here is shown whatever the Rabbis of the Synagogue or the Doctors of the Church subtly observe concerning the sacred writings. Here the holy oracles of God are compared with the monuments of other peoples; the laws of the Hebrews with the ordinances of the gentiles; the odes of David, the proverbs of Solomon, and inspired maxims of other writers with the parallel passages from the ethnic poets, rhetoricians, and philosophers. Here finally one can see the wonderful harmony and accord of the sacred books, where one text asks help from another and calls upon it as a friend—the best kind of interpretation."

106. For a (rather predictable) analysis of Renaissance exegesis in terms of the secularization of the West, see Klaus Scholder, The Birth of Modern Critical Theology: Origins and Problems of Biblical Criticism in the Seventeenth Century , trans. John Bowden (London, SCM Press, 1990).

107. Lorenzo Valla, The Treatise of Lorenzo Valla on the Donation of Constantine , trans. Christopher Coleman (New York: Russell and Russell, 1922), 105-7, 115-17.

108. See Anthony Kemp, The Estrangement of the Past: A Study in the Origins of Modern Historical Consciousness (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991), 62-63, 79.

109. Aristotle, History of Animals , trans. d'A. W. Thompson, in The Complete Works of Aristotle , ed. Jonathan Barnes, 2 vols., Bollingen Series 71 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1984), 1.1.487b-488a, 5.7-8.54lb-542a, 6.8.564a (1:776-77, 855-56, 887). ("Treads," for those who have forgotten their Chaucer, means "copulates with.")

110. Pseudo-Aristotle, On Marvellous Things Heard , trans. L. D. Dowdall, in The Complete Works of Aristotle 2:1280.

111. Francis Bacon, The Proficience and Advancement of Learning, Divine and Human , in Francis Bacon: A Selection of His Works , ed. Sidney Warhaft (New York: Odyssey Press, 1965), 204; Richard Hooker, Of the Laws of Ecclesiastical Polity , intro. Christopher Morris, 2 vols. (London: Dent, 1907), 1.8.5.

112. On the Wunderkammer , see Steven Mullaney, "Strange Things, Gross Terms, Curious Customs: The Rehearsal of Cultures in the Late Renaissance," in Representing the English Renaissance , ed. Stephen Greenblatt (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988), 65-92; Schiffman, On the Threshold , 3-4, 10-11.

113. Erasmus, De duplici copia verborum ac rerum commentarii duo , ed. Craig Thompson, trans. Betty Knott, in The Collected Works of Erasmus (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1974-), 24:637.

114. Once again, Scaliger is a seminal figure here. Discussion of the Hasids begins with the opening section of book 6 of De emendatione , which argues, contra Eusebius, that the monastic "Therapeutae" mentioned by Philo were not Christians but rather Essenes; furthermore, the name does not mean "healers" but "holy ones." He then goes on to note in passing the similarity

between Philo's Essenes and "Asidaioi" mentioned in 1 and 2 Maccabees (502-3). Drusius continued this line of inquiry in a brief passage in Quaestionum Ebraicarum libri tres (1599), where he argues that the Hasids mentioned in Maccabees were forerunners of Pharisees; hence, there were two main Jewish sects in Israel during the Hellenistic period—Hasids and Saducees. The Jesuit Nicholas Serarius rejected this interpretation, instead claiming that the Hasids were Essenes, and hence three groups existed within intertestamental Judaism. Drusius's De Hasidaeis (1603) then responded to Serarius, who replied in the Trihaeresium , defending his original opinion. In 1605 Drusius wrote an extended essay on the religious beliefs and politics of intertestamental Judaism, the De sectis Judaicis , dedicated to James I (to which was appended Scaliger's critique of Serarius, the Elenchus Trihaeresii ). The contributions of Scaliger and Drusius were republished together by Amama in 1619 as De sectis Judaicis commentarii trihaeresio ... accessit denuo Iosephi Scaligeri I.C.F. Elenchus Trihaeresii (Arnheim, 1619). See also Abraham Scultetus, Exercitationes Evangelicae 1.20-33, in Critici sacri 6:367-79; Bonaventura Bertramus, De republica Ebraeorum , in Critici sacri 5:367; and Petrus Cunaeus, De republica Hebraeorum libri III , in Critici sacri 5:420. This debate is also discussed by Grafton in Defenders , 137f.

115. Katchen, Christian Hebraists , 68; cf. Grafton, Defenders , 79.

116. For the relation between Renaissance legal historiography and the managment of diversity in the Renaissance, see also Schiffman, On the Threshold , 1-39.

117. Donald Kelley, "Louis le Caron Philosophe ," in Philosophy and Humanism: Renaissance Essays in Honor of Paul Oskar Kristeller , ed. Edward Mahoney (Leiden: Brill, 1976), 30.

118. John Barton, "The Faculty of Law," in The Collegiate University , ed. James McConica, vol. 3 of The History of the University of Oxford , gen. ed. T. H. Aston (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1984-), 279.

119. See Thomas Greene, Light in Troy (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1982).

120. James A. Boon, "Comparative De-enlightenment: Paradox and Limits in the History of Ethnology," Daedalus 109 (1980): 79; Schiffman, On the Threshold , 7.

121. Mullaney, "Strange Things," 65-66.

122. The contrast between tribal peoples and ancestors should, however, not be drawn too rigidly, since the Renaissance tended to regard Amerindians and other "primitive" societies as fundamentally similar to earlier phases of their own cultures, i.e., as resembling ancestors. Chapter 2 deals in greater depth with the Renaissance tendency to identify archaic and exotic cultures.

123. Grafton, Defenders , 172.

124. Erasmus, Ciceronianus; or, A Dialogue on the Best Style of Speaking (1517), trans. Izora Scott (1908; rpt. New York: AMS, 1972), 61-62, 121-22.

1. Hugo Grotius, Defensio fidei catholicae de satisfactione Christi adversus Faustum Socinum , in Opera omnia theologica in tres tomos divisa , 4 vols. (Amsterdam, 1679), 4:335-36. References to this work will hereafter appear in the text.

2. James G. Frazer, The New Golden Bough , ed. Theodor Gaster, abridged ed. (New York: Criterion, 1959), 534-41.

3. Jaroslav Pelikan, The Christian Tradition: A History of the Development of Doctrine , 5 vols., vol. 4, Reformation of Church and Dogma , 1300-1700 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press), 1984), 360.

4. Knight, Grotius , 270. Christian Gellinek notes that the work went through fifteen editions (four in Grotius's lifetime) and was translated into three languages ( Hugo Grotius , Twayne's World Authors Series [Boston: Twayne, 1983], 148).

5. Saint Anselm, Cur Deus Homo , in St. Anselm: Basic Writings , trans. S. N. Deane, 2d ed. (La Salle, Ill.: Open Court, 1962), 202.

6. Ibid., 280, 257.

7. Robert S. Franks, The Work of Christ: A Historical Study of Christian Doctrine (London: Thomas Nelson, n.d.), 371.

8. Myron Piper Gilmore, Argument from Roman Law in Political Thought, 1200-1600 , Harvard Historical Monographs 15 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1941), 49.

9. Grotius seems here to be using Bodin's analysis of imperium , which rests on the distinction between the actio legis possessed by ordinary magistrates, who are authorized only to carry out the sentence mandated by the law, and the merum imperium or "the power of life and death, when the law itself leaves no room for extenuation or grace," which is the highest mark of sovereignty. See Jean Bodin, Method for the Easy Comprehension of History , trans. Beatrice Reynolds (New York: Columbia University Press, 1945), 173-75; cf. Gilmore, Roman Law , 105.

10. Franks, The Work of Christ , 405.

11. Grotius apparently knew and admired this work, probably at second hand since he could not read English; see Gellinek, Grotius , 90.

12. Here payment ( solutio ) should, as Grotius makes clear, be understood to include both monetary payment and "paying the penalty"; that is, it can apply to either civil or criminal obligation.

13. Kelley, Foundations , 38-58, 67-68, 102-3; see also Julian H. Franklin, Jean Bodin and the Sixteenth-Century Revolution in the Methodology of Law and History (New York: Columbia University Press, 1963); George Huppert, The Idea of Perfect History: Historical Erudition and Historical Philosophy in Renaissance France (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1970). Kelley has more recently, however, begun to emphasize the lasting significance of Roman

law not only in jurisprudence but also in the development of social and political thought through and after the Renaissance; see especially his " Gaius Noster : Substructures of Western Social Thought," American Historical Review 84 (1979): 619-48.

14. Paul Koschaker, Europa und das römische Recht (Munich: Biederstein, 1947), 116, 119-20, 124; R. Stintzing, Geschichte der Deutschen Rechtswissenschaft , Geschichte der Wissenschaft in Deutschland 18 (Munich, 1880-1884), 121-22, 139.

15. Stintzing, Deutschen Rechtswissenschaft , 121, 391.

16. Ibid., 385-86; H. D. Hazeltine, "The Renaissance and the Laws of Europe," in Cambridge Legal Essays (Cambridge: W. Heffer, 1926), 152, 157.

17. Hazeltine, "The Renaissance," 148-49.

18. Josef Bohatec, Calvin und das Recht (1934; rpt. Darmstadt: Scientia Verlag Aalen, 1971), 119 (my translation).

19. Bohatec, Calvin , 117; Stintzing, Deutschen Rechtswissenschaft , 284-86.

20. James Q. Whitman, The Legacy of Roman Law in the German Romantic Era: Historical Vision and Legal Change (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1990), 4, 27.

21. Bohatec, Calvin , 27, 121; Alberico Gentili, De jure belli libri tres , trans. John Rolfe, intro. Coleman Phillipson, 2 vols., Classics of International Law (Oxford: Clarendon, 1933), 2:21a.

22. Kelley, Foundations , 204; Koschaker, Europa , 118, 249; cf. Donne, Biathanatos , ed. Ernest Sullivan (Newark: University of Delaware Press, 1984), 65-66: "that Law hath most force and valew, which is most general.... to my understanding, the Civill or Imperiall Law, having had once the largest extent, and being not abandon'd now, in the reason, and essence, and nature thereof, but only least the accepting of it should testify some dependency upon the Impire, we ow the first place in this Consideration to that Law."

23. However, he left Leiden (or rather was forced out) before Grotius arrived.

24. Quoted in Franklin, Bodin , 34.

25. Stintzing, Deutschen Rechtswissenschaft , 123, 377-79; A. P. Th. Eyssell, Doneau: Sa vie et ses ouvrages (1860; rpt. Geneva: Slatkine Reprints, 1970), 204, 209, 215.

26. Franklin, Bodin , 34-35.

27. Jonathan Culler, Framing the Sign: Criticism and Its Institutions , Oklahoma Project for Discourse and Theory 3 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1988), 15. On the theoretical uses of Roman law in the Renaissance, see Kelley, "Vera Philosophia: The Philosophical Significance of Renaissance Jurisprudence," Journal of the History of Philosophy 14 (1976): 267-79.

28. Gilmore, Roman Law , 70; Koschaker, Europa , 122; Quentin Skinner, The Foundations of Modern Political Thought , 2 vols. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1978), 2:263.

29. Koschaker, Europa , 249-52. This transposition is evident in Grotius's earliest contribution to international law, the Mare librum of 1609, which cites extensively from the Corpus juris as well as numerous medieval and Renaissance commentators, including Donellus, Papinian, Duaren, and Bartolus. Even though in Grotius's magisterial De jure belli ac pacis (1625) the hand of Roman law appears less visibly, much of what professes to be a strict deduction from natural law and the jus gentium is, on inspection, an elegant and erudite commentary on Roman municipal law, a debt that subsequent editors have betrayed by cramming Grotius's margins with Justinian (Knight, Grotius , 219).

30. Gentili, De jure belli 1.1.17.

31. Hugo Grotius, The Jurisprudence of Holland , trans. R. W. Lee (Oxford: Clarendon, 1936). 11.

32. Knight, Grotius , 195.

33. Its conception of the prince as legibus solutus often and explicitly supplied ideological legitimation for absolutism, but, as Skinner has shown, principles taken from Roman civil law could, when transferred to public law, underwrite resistence theory as well ( Foundations 2:124).

34. See J. G. A. Pocock, The Ancient Constitution and the Feudal Law: A Study of English Historical Thought in the Seventeenth Century , rev. ed. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), 23; Skinner, Foundations 2:263; Gilmore, Roman Law , 3-4, 70.

35. Gilmore, Roman Law , 95.

36. Kelley, Foundations , 138.

37. Grafton, Defenders of the Text , 23-46.

38. Harold J. Berman, Law and Revolution: The Formation of the Western Legal Tradition (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1983), 44, 151.

39. Franks, The Work of Christ , 77, 85, 135-36, 140, 221.

40. Funkenstein, Theology and the Scientific Imagination , 6.

41. Lancelot Andrewes, Sermons , ed. G. M. Story (Oxford: Clarendon, 1967), 159.

42. John Calvin, Commentary on a Harmony of the Evangelists, Matthew, Mark, and Luke , ed. William Pringle, 3 vols. (Edinburgh: Calvin Translation Society, 1846), 3:316-17; see likewise his explanation in The Adultero-German Interim (1547) that, following the Crucifixion, "the Father, softened by the odour of this most precious victim, laid aside his anger" (in Tracts and Treatises in Defense of the Reformed Faith , trans. Henry Beveridge, ed. Thomas Torrance, 3 vols. [Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 1958], 3:221).

43. John Calvin, Institutes of the Christian Religion , trans. Ford Lewis Battles, ed. John T. McNeill, 2 vols., Library of Christian Classics (London: SCM Press, 1960), 2.16.2.

44. To untangle the apparent contradiction between this claim and the examples given in the previous paragraph, one needs to distinguish martial law (which allowed substitution of physical penalties) from civil law (which did

not) and likewise to distinguish the early laws of pre-Christian Rome from those preserved in Justinian's redaction.

45. The Greeks apparently required even animal victims to signify consent before being sacrificed; see Marcel Detienne, "Culinary Practices and the Spirit of Sacrifice," in The Cuisine of Sacrifice among the Greeks , ed. Marcel Detienne and Jean-Pierre Vernant, trans. Paula Wissing (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1989), 9.

46. Cf. Grotius's De jure belli ac pacis libri tres , ed. and abridged trans. William Whewell, 3 vols. (Cambridge: At the University Press, 1853), 2.21.13: "'Neque virtutes, neque vitia parentum,' inquit Hieronymus, 'liberis imputantur.... Et huc illud vulgatum pertinet: 'noxa caput sequitur.' 'Sancimus,' aiunt Imperatores Christiani, 'ibi esse poenam, ubi et noxa est.' Diende: 'peccata igitur suos teneant auctores: nec ulterius progrediatur metus, quam reperiatur delictum.'"

47. Gentili, De jure belli 1.24; see also his De jure belli commentatio tertia (London, 1589), F(r).

48. Gentili, De jure belli 2.19.

49. Alberico Gentili, In titulos codicis si quis Imperatori maledixerit, ad legem Juliam majestatis disputationes decem , 2d ed. (Hanover, 1607), 181-82. See also Gesina H. J. van der Molen, Alberico Gentili and the Development Of International Law: His Life and Times , 2d ed. (Leiden: A. W. Sijthoff, 1968), 95-97.

50. Gentili, Si quis Imperatori , 186.

51. Bernice Hamilton, Political Thought in Sixteenth-Century Spain: A Study of the Political Ideas of Vitoria, De Soto, Suarez, and Molina (Oxford: Clarendon, 1963), 155-56; Domingo de Soto, De justitia et jure libri decem , 5 vols. (1556; rpt. Madrid: Instituto de Estudios Politicos, 1967-1968), 5.1.7; James Brown Scott, The Spanish Origin of International Law: Francisco de Vitoria and His Law of Nations (Oxford: Clarendon, 1934), appendix B, p. lxv; appendix F, p. cxxv. For Salamanca and sixteenth-century Spanish Thomism, see Anthony Pagden, The Fall of Natural Man: The American Indian and the Origins of Comparative Ethnology (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982), 60-61.

52. Gentili, De jure belli commentatio tertia , E3(v)-E4(v).

53. Grotius, De jure belli ac pacis 2.21.12.

54. Ibid. 2.21.14.1-3; cf. 2.21.8.3.

55. See, for example, the distinction in De jure belli ac pacis between the primitive law ( priscum jus ) of the Hebrews and Greeks, which permits putting a citizen to death without trial, and the lex evangelica (2.20.9-10).

56. Cf. ibid. 2.21.11.

55. See, for example, the distinction in De jure belli ac pacis between the primitive law ( priscum jus ) of the Hebrews and Greeks, which permits putting a citizen to death without trial, and the lex evangelica (2.20.9-10).

56. Cf. ibid. 2.21.11.

57. Thus, Grotius comments that only as God did Christ have the right to lay down his life (315).

58. Edmund Law, A Defence of Mr. Locke's Opinion Concerning Personal Identity (Cambridge, 1769), 10-11; quoted in R. C. Tennant, "The Anglican Response to Locke's Theory of Personal Identity," in Philosophy, Religion and Science in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries , ed. John W. Yolton (Rochester: University of Rochester Press, 1990), 190.

59. John Locke, An Essay Concerning Human Understanding , ed. Alexander C. Fraser, 2 vols. (New York: Dover, 1959), 2.27.7.

60. De Soto, De justitia 5.1.7. "Subject" ( suppositum ) here does not pick out the political relation of subjection but rather the ontological category of substance, i.e., that which underlies the accidental characteristics of appearance, occupation, class, age, etc. See Rodolphus Goclenius, Lexicon philosophicum quo tanquam clave philosophiae fores aperiuntur (Frankfurt, 1613; rpt. Hildesheim: Georg Olms, 1964), 1107.

61. Hamilton, Political Thought , 129; Pagden, The Fall of Natural Man , 90.

62. This right does presuppose self-ownership, a notion that considerably predates Locke; thus Marsilius of Padua (c. 1280-1343) comments in passing that the "term 'ownership' [ dominium ] is used to refer to the human will or freedom in itself.... Man alone among the animals is said to have ownership or control of his acts" ( The Defender of Peace , trans. Alan Gewirth, 2 vols. [New York: Columbia University Press, 1956], 2.13.16).

63. Richard Tuck, "The 'Modern' Theory of Natural Law," in The Languages of Political Theory in Early-Modern Europe , ed. Anthony Pagden (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), 105-19.

64. The King James Bible translates redemptionis pretium as "as a ransom."

65. It is instructive to contrast Grotius's analysis with Socinus's "modern" argument that the " dignitas " of Christ—the fact that he is the Son of God—is irrelevant to the efficacy or value of his death; for Socinus, bodies resemble cash—fungible units of identical value (330).

66. The intimate relation between slaughtering and sacrifice occurs also in the Hebrew, where zebah , the Old Testament word for "sacrifice," comes from the verb "to kill."

67. Walker, The Ancient Theology , 75. F. Saxl's "Pagan Sacrifice in the Italian Renaissance," Journal of the Warburg Insititute 2 (1939): 346-67, mentions several paintings of the Crucifixion where the background includes scenes of ritual sacrifice, but he locates only one late (1667) text where the Crucifixion is compared to pagan sacrifice, and even this text is, in fact, anti-Romanist propaganda: i.e., it claims that the Mass is a sacrifice in order to show that Roman Catholics are pagans. One occasionally does, however, find brief comparisons between gentile blood sacrifice and the Crucifixion; see, for example, Donne, Bianthanatos , 53, and Melanchthon's comment on Isaiah 53 (quoted in chapter 4 at note 16).

68. Sir John Suckling, An Account of Religion by Reason (1646), in The

Works of Sir John Suckling , ed. Thomas Clayton, 2 vols. (Oxford: Clarendon, 1971), 2:173; Hooker, Ecclesiastical Polity 5.78.3. See also the notes to Hebrews 13:14 in the Geneva and Bishops' Bibles.

69. Saxl, ''Pagan Sacrifice''; Margaret T. Hodgen, Early Anthropology in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press), 309.

70. Hodgen, Early Anthropology , 238, 302-3, 339; Bohatec, Calvin, 18; Pagden, The Fall of Natural Man , 174-75.

71. Cicero, Tusculan Disputations , trans. J. E. King, Loeb Classical Library (London: W. Heinemann, 1927), 1.13; Hooker, Laws 1.8.3.

72. Digest 1.1.9, in the Corpus juris civilis , ed. Paul Krueger and Theodor Mommsen, 3 vols. (Berlin: Weidmann, 1954).

73. For example, the jus naturale sometimes means instinctual behaviors common to men and animals (Ulpian); sometimes, as in Gaius, the dictates of natural reason; sometimes the laws of unfallen nature (as in the claim that natural law disallows slavery and private property), in which case the jus gentium is used to designate the fundamental laws of fallen existence, although elsewhere the distinction between the jus naturale and jus gentium does not distinguish pristine from fallen nature.

74. On natural law, see Charles S. Edwards, Hugo Grotius, the Miracle of Holland: A Study in Political and Legal Thought , intro. Richard A. Falk (Chicago: Nelson Hall, 1981), 27-113; Frederick Pollock, "The History of the Law of Nature: A Preliminary Study," Columbia Law Review 1 (1901): 11-32, and "The Sources of International Law," Columbia Law Review 2 (1902): 518-24.

75. The last two fields are interrelated, since in the hands of the Spanish theological jurists the study of international law, especially the jus belli , frequently centered on the legitimacy of the colonization of the Indies; see Pagden, The Fall of Natural Man , 107.

76. Bodin, Method , 8.

77. Hodgen, Early Anthropology , 277; Franklin, Bodin , 68-74.

78. Bodin, Method , 35.

79. Ibid., 298-99.

80. However, some Protestants—for example, Oldendorp and Selden—rejected the notion that natural laws, which are based on reason and divine authority, can be derived from the shared customs of fallen humanity; see Selden, De jure naturali , 73-98; Carl von Kallenborn, Die Vorlaufer des Hugo Grotius auf dem Gebiete des jus naturae et gentium (1848; rpt. Frankfurt: Antiquariat Sauer & Auvermann, 1965), 2.12-13.

81. Gentili, De jure belli 1.1. Cf. van der Molen, Gentili , 199-205.

82. Nevertheless, this empirically derived natural law has, as in Hooker, a transcendent ontological foundation, since the practices and beliefs common to

all cultures manifest the innate principles inscribed by God in the human heart ( De jure belli 1.1).

83. This is basically Grotius's position in The Jurisprudence of Holland , begun only two years after De satisfactione .

84. De Soto, De justitia 3.1.3. The work was first published in 1553/54; De Soto brought out a revised edition in 1556/57—the text cited here; there were twenty-seven further editions before 1600.

85. Hooker, Laws 1.7.4.

86. De Soto, De justitia 9.1.1. De Soto is echoing Aquinas's discussion in Summa Theologiae 2.2.85.

87. Pagden, The Fall of Natural Man , 122.

88. On the relation between the jus gentium, jus naturale , and Thomist discussions of Spanish colonial policy, see Pagden, The Fall of Natural Man , 62-65. See also his discussion of Las Casas, 119-45.

89. Manuel Gimenez Fernandez, "Fray Bartolome de Las Casas: A Biographical Sketch," in Bartolome de Las Casas in History: Toward an Understanding of the Man and His Work , ed. Juan Friede and Benjamin Keen (De Kalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 1971), 109; and, in the same volume, Angel Losada, "The Controversy Between Sepulveda and Las Casas in the junta of Valladolid, 279-308.

90. Bartolome de Las Casas, In Defense of the Indians , trans. Stafford Poole (De Kalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 1974), 228-29, 226, 234, 221.

91. Las Casas, Defense , 230, 222.

92. Cf. Donne, Biathanatos : "Immolation of Men was so ordinary that all-most every Nation, though not barbarous, had receiv'd it . The Druides of France made theyr Devinuations from Sacrifices of Men. And, in theyr warres, they presaged allso after the same fashion. And, for our tymes, it appears by the Spanish relations, That in onely Hespaniola they Sacrificed yearely 20000 children" (43).

93. Las Casas, Defense , 238.

94. Hamilton, Political Thought , 30, 128-29, 155-56.

95. Greenblatt, Marvelous Possessions , 131-32.

96. Cf. Michel Foucault, The Order of Things: An Archaeology of the Human Sciences (New York: Random House, 1970), 54.

97. John Bossy, Christianity in the West: 1400-1700 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1985), 169.

98. See Pagden, The Fall of Natural Man , 78-79; Michel de Montaigne, The Complete Essays of Montaigne , trans. Donald Frame (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1958), 2.12, pp. 432-33.

99. The English edition of 1974 seems to have been the first published version; a facsimile edition of the Latin manuscript, the Argumentum apologiae adversus Genesium Sepulvedam , ed. Angel Losada, came out the next year in

Madrid. Las Casas's Apologetica historia , which also treats Amerindian sacrifices, likewise remained in manuscript until this century.

100. Las Casas does, at one point, suggest that the sacrifice of Isaac may have been the origin of all human sacrifice, for when other nations heard that the "all-powerful God of the Jews" had commanded Abraham to offer his son, they concluded such gifts would be acceptable to God ( Defense , 239-41).

101. Compare Grotius's conclusion "verus tamen Sacerdos fuit & vera victima.... non figurate dictam, sed maxime veram, quippe cum sacerdotium ipsius Levitico sacerdotio, quod verum fuit sacerdotium, opponantur, ut ejusdem generis species perfectior, alteri speciei minus perfectae" (338) with Calvin: "The sacrificial victims which were offered under the law to atone for sins ... were so called, not because they were capable of recovering God's favor or wiping out iniquity but because they prefigured a true sacrifice such as was finally accomplished in reality by Christ alone" ( Institutes 4.18.13).

102. Thus, the more theologically conservative late seventeenth-century exegete Abraham Calov complained (in Ludwig Diestel's words) that Grotius "citire uberreich Klassiker, als ob Heidenthum und Gottesoffenbarung dasselbe seien" ( Geschichte , 404).

103. The Socinian implications of Grotius's posthumous Pauline commentaries were the subject of a pamphlet debate between Henry Hammond and the rigidly orthodox Calvinist John Owen; see Hammond's A second defense of the learned Hugo Grotius (London, 1655), to which Owen responded with A review of the Annotations of Hugo Grotius, in reference unto the doctrine of the deity and satisfaction of Christ (Oxford, 1656), which in turn occasioned Hammond's A continuation of the defense of Hugo Grotius in an answer to the review of his Annotations (London, 1657).

104. Hodgen, Early Anthropology , 349; Allen, Noah , 117-19; Grafton, Scaliger 1: 176.

105. "Necessarium ergo fuit sacrificium institui, quod religio Christiana quotidie Deo suo offerret.... Alioqui ut dicebamus, inferior obscuriorque hac parte esset lex nostra, non modo quam vetus, verum & quam lex naturae" ( De justitia 9.2.1). There is a remarkable passage in the Discorsi sopra Deche di Tito Livio where Machiavelli laments the passing of blood sacrifice: "When I meditated on the reason why people were more in love with freedom in those ancient times than they are now, I saw it was because they have grown weaker now than formerly, which is a result of the difference in education, this again being based on the difference of their religion from ours.... This may be seen from ... the magnificence of their sacrifices as compared with ours. There is more delicacy than splendor in our display, and no ferocious or jubilant action whatsoever. There was no lack of display then, nor lack of magnificence in their ceremonies, but added to it was the action of the sacrifice full of blood and ferocity, where a multitude of animals were slaughtered; which sight, being so terrible, made man behave likewise" (2.2; quoted in Saxl, ''Pagan Sacrifice,"

367). See also Greenblatt, Marvelous Possessions , 47-48. A similar flickering modernist nostalgia for the unembarrassed and unambiguous blood rituals of pre-Christian religion can be glimpsed in Grotius; the perception of the distance between modern and archaic cultures engendered ambivalent emotions from very early on.

106. Quoted in Las Casas, Defense , 223, from Lactantius's Divinarum institutionum , 1.21, and Problemata , 465.

107. Stephen D. Benin, "Sacrifice as Education in Augustine and Chrysostom," Church History 52 (1983): 10, 16; Frances M. Young, The Use of Sacrificial Ideas in Greek Christian Writers from the New Testament to John Chrysostom , Patristic Monograph Series 5 (Cambridge, Mass.: Philadelphia Patristic Foundation, 1979), 87. Funkenstein offers the fascinating suggestion that this patristic/medieval explanation of Israelite sacrifice led, during the Renaissance, to a "search for correspondences and concordances of legal, religious, and political institutions that express the qualitas temporum " and hence that sixteenth-century legal historicism may itself have been inspired by the traditional Christian explanation of sacrifice ( Theology and the Scientific Imagination , 241).

108. Greenblatt, Marvelous Possessions , 134, 136.

109. Ibid., 138; for the crucial, although concealed, presence of the Christian understanding of the Atonement in anthropological theory up through the twentieth century, see Detienne, "Culinary Practices," 13-20.

110. Foucault, The Order of Things , 32.

111. "O Nimium facilis ...," in De Dichtwerken van Hugo Grotius , ed. B. L. Meulenbroek (Assen: Van Gorcum, 1977), 1:2a: 2, p. 129, ll. 75-82; the translation is from Gellenik, Grotius , 32.

112. Simon Schama, The Embarrassment of Riches: An Interpretation of Dutch Culture in the Golden Age (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988), 29-33. Schama also records the interesting fact that "in Leiden, bread and herrings—the food that had been distributed immediately after the siege was lifted—was symbolically shared around the citizenry every October third, in a kind of historical eucharist" (93), replacing the rejected supper of van der Werff's body and blood.

1. Helen C. White, The Tudor Books of Private Devotion (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1951), 246-47; cf. Sacvan Bercovitch, The Puritan Origins of the American Self (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1975), 25; Bossy, Christianity in the West , 94.

2. For example, the passion sermons of Thomas Adams and Lancelot Andrewes. The only Lutheran exemplar I have come across is Foxe's passion sermon: A Sermon of Christ crucified, preached at Paules Crosse (1570), in The

English Sermons of John Foxe , intro. Warren Wooden (Delmar, N.Y.: Scholars' Facsimiles, 1978). Sibbes's passion sermons are anomalous; they seem influenced by the Calvinist paradigm, but all the hard edges have been softened, and I am primarily interested in hard edges.

3. Rather than confuse the reader with a lot of inessential information about these minor figures, I have generally chosen to cite in the text the works of Heinsius, Calvin, Hall, and (later) Nashe, mentioning the more obscure works in the footnotes. But a brief comment on these authors (based on the DNB, STC , and title pages of individual works) is not out of place.

Thomas Wilson (1563-1622): From 1586 to his death, Wilson was the rector of St. George the Martyr at Canterbury, although more than once he was accused of nonconformity. Christs Farewell to Jerusalem and last Prophesie was preached at the funeral of Doctor Colfe, vice dean of Canterbury Cathedral, on October 12, 1613, and published in London the next year. Wilson describes himself on the title page as "Minister of Gods word," suggesting Puritan sympathies.

Samuel Walsall (d. 1626): At the time of his death, Walsall was master of Corpus Christi, Cambridge; The Life and Death of Jesus Christ (Cambridge, 1607) was originally preached before James at Royston and printed five times between 1607 and 1622. The sermon is not exclusively "Calvinist," since it quotes extensively from Saint Bernard (who was, however, the one medieval theologian frequently cited by Calvinists).

Thomas Ailesbury [Aylesbury] (fl. 1622-59): The DNB describes Ailesbury as a Calvinist theologian. The Passion Sermon at Pauls-Crosse, upon Good-Friday last was published in London in 1626.

Bartholomew Chamberlaine, D.D.: The Passion of Christ, and the Benefits thereby (London, 1613) was first printed in 1584 and again, with variants, in 1613, 1615, and 1623.

Henry Jacob (1563-1624): Jacob was a Brownist and founder of first congregational church in England. A Treatise of the Sufferings and Victory of Christ, in the work of our redemption (London, 1597) was composed during one of Jacob's returns from exile, in response to Bishop Bilson's 1597 Paul's Cross sermon on Christ's descent into hell.

The only poem I have used is Nicholas Breton's "The Countesse of Penbrook's Passion," in vol. 1 of The Works in Verse and Prose , 2 vols., ed. Alexander Grosart, Chertsey Worthies' Library (1879; rpt. New York: AMS Press, 1966). This poem begins like the Calvinist passions, although it ends rather differently.

4. On the role of myth in relieving anxiety, see William J. Bouwsma, "Anxiety and the Formation of Early Modern Culture," in his A Usable Past: Essays in European Cultural History (Berkeley: University of California Press,1990), 157-89; Paul Ricoeur, The Symbolism of Evil , trans. Emerson Buchanan, Religious Perspectives 17 (New York: Harper and Row, 1967), 5, 167-68.

5. Charles and Elaine Hallet, The Revenger's Madness: A Study of Revenge Tragedy Motifs (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1980), 111; cf. Martin Mueller, Children of Oedipus and Other Essays on the Imitation of Greek Tragedy, 1550-1800 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1980), 25; Michael Shaw, "The Female Intruder: Women in Fifth-Century Drama," Classical Philology 70 (1975): 258n.

6. One might also add here the Renaissance transformation of Terentian comedy into the tragic prodigal son plays discussed by Richard Helgerson in The Elizabethan Prodigals (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1976), 3, 35.

7. This resemblance suggests that although Grotius's treatment of the Atonement is unprecedented, it is not merely anomalous; its disturbing acknowledgment of the violence lurking within Christian formularies does not distinguish De satisfactione from Calvinist orthodoxy but rather locates it within the discourses of the Protestant end myth.

8. William Empson, Seven Types of Ambiguity , 2d ed. (1947; rpt. New York: New Directions, 1966), 226-33; see also Louis Martz, The Poetry of Meditation: A Study in English Religious Literature of the Seventeenth Century , rev. ed. (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1962), 90-96. In fact, the Calvinist passion narratives evince much of the sadistic perversity that Empson attributes to Christianity as a whole in the final chapter of Milton's God (London: Chatto and Windus, 1961); unlike Professor Empson, however, I do not find this perversity typical of or intrinsic to Christianity.

9. Jean Delumeau, Sin and Fear: The Emergence of a Western Guilt Culture, Thirteenth—Eighteenth Centuries , trans. Eric Nicholson (New York: St. Martin's, 1990), 242-43.

10. Huldrich Zwingli, A briefe rehersal of the death resurrection, & ascention of Christ (London, c. 1561), 122.

11. Calvin, Harmony 3:240-41, 253, 256, 278, 281, 317.

12. Daniel Heinsius, The Mirrour of Humilitie: or two eloquent and acute Discourses upon the Nativitie and Passion of Christ , trans. I. H. (London, 1618), 63-64; Joseph Hall, The Works , ed. Philip Wynter, 10 vols. (Oxford: At the University Press, 1863), 2:647; Chamberlaine, The Passion of Christ , A5(v).

13. Heinsius, The Mirrour , 77.

14. Hall, Works 2:662.

15. Heinsius, The Mirrour , 70; cf. Hall, Works 2:641; Calvin, Harmony 3:248. The claim that the Jews killed Christ out of malice rather than ignorance is traditional; see Gavin Langmuir, History, Religion, and Antisemitism (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990), 288.

16. This representation of agency in terms of inner moral or spiritual states—i.e., the soul or conscience—disappears from the scholarly commentaries discussed in chapter 1, which interpret the biblical narratives in terms of public, cultural logics rather than the orientation of the soul toward Good or

Evil. The point of this shift seems to be, at least in part, to remove the symbolic underpinnings of post-Reformation religious violence: the identification of one's opponent as the local incarnation of Evil. The scholarly exegetes depict Christ's persecutors as bureaucratic functionaries, not deicidal fiends. In this sense, their erasure of the soul performs an Erasmian exorcism; it is an attempt to banish demons from historical interpretation.

17. Elaine Scarry, The Body in Pain: The Making and Unmaking of the World (New York: Oxford University Press, 1985), 58.

18. This identification of Christ's torturers with the cultural other is powerfully inverted in Bartolome de Las Casas's Brevisima relacion de la Destruycion de las Indias occidentales (1539), twice translated into English during the Renaissance: once as The Spanish Colonie (trans. M. M. S. [London, 1583]) and then as The Tears of the Indians (trans. John Phillips [London, 1656; rpt. Stanford, Calif.: Academic Reprints, 1953]). In the opening chapter of the earlier edition, Las Casas describes the Indians as "very humble, very patient, very desirous of peace making, and peaceful.... very gentle, and very tender ... very poore folke, which possesse litle, neither yet do so much as desire to have much worldly goodes.... lambes so meeke" (A [r]-A2[v]). In my UCLA library copy, someone has written next to this description, "noble savage." This marginalium, however, is incorrect; Las Casas's adjectives cast the Indians as types of Christ, not savages, whether noble or otherwise. Conversely, Las Casas depicts the Spaniards in the same language used for Christ's torturers in the passion narratives; they are "as wolves, as lions, & and as tigres most cruel" (A2[v]). One's impressions that Las Casas is describing the Spanish conquest as a version of the Crucifixion—and that the Catholic Spaniards intended that imitatio —are confirmed by the dreadful story of how the soldiers "made certayne Gibbets long and low, in such sort, that the feete of the hanged on, touched in a maner the ground, every one enough for thirteeve [ sic ], in the honour and worship of our Saviour and his twelve Apostles (as they used to speake) and setting to fire, burned them all quick that were fastened'' (A4[v]). A similar irony occurs in Montaigne's essay on cannibals, but Las Casas's evocation of the Passion makes the inversion of the conventional contrast between barbarian and Christian more bitterly tragic.

19. Heinsius, The Mirrour , 55-57; cf. Hall, Works 2:646; Calvin, Harmony 3:263, 329.

20. Since most of these printed texts were originally preached, "hearer/ reader" might be the more accurate term for their audience, but to avoid such unidiomatic awkwardness, "reader" will have to stand for both.

21. This is the principal point of the two Elizabethan homilies for Good Friday, especially the first, which explains at the outset that if we consider "that for our sins this most innocent Lamb was driven to death, we shall have much more cause to bewail ourselves, that we were the cause of his death, than to cry out of the malice and cruelty of the Jews, which pursued him to his death"

( The Two Books of Homilies Appointed to be Read in Churches , ed. John Griffiths [Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1859], 412).

22. Hall, Works 5:41.

23. Heinsius, The Mirrour , 65.

24. Chamberlaine, The Passion of Christ , C3(v).

25. Ibid., B8(r). In Calvin, however, the emphasis does not fall on tenderness but self-control (see below).

26. Heinsius, The Mirrour , 76-77.

27. Hall, Works 2:655. These outbursts of hatred are not a standard feature of Renaissance passion sermons; they do not occur in either Andrewes or Adams and are explicitly rejected in the first Homily. Since there were only a handful of Jews in pre-Civil War England, I doubt that they are literally anti-Semitic (i.e., intended to arouse hatred towards real Jews); on the uses and dangers of this sort of figurative anti-Semitism, see Stephen Greenblatt, "Marlowe, Marx, and Anti-Semitism," in his Learning to Curse: Essays in Early Modern Culture (New York: Routledge, 1990), 40-41.

28. Hall, Works 5:45.

29. Calvin, Harmony 3:295.

30. Hall, Works 2:654.

31. Calvin, Harmony 3:257.

32. Calvin, Harmony 3:289.

33. Hall, Works 2:655.

34. Emile Mâle, Religious Art from the Twelfth to the Eighteenth Century , Bollingen 90 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1982), 101-13.

35. Terence Cave, Devotional Poetry in France, c. 1570-1613 (Cambridge: At the University Press, 1969), 55.

36. Richard Strier, "Changing the Object: George Herbert and Excess," George Herbert Journal 2 (1978): 26.

37. Hall, Works 2:654, 661.

38. Heinsius, The Mirrour , 63.

39. Ibid., 59.

40. Walsall, The Life and Death , D2(v).

41. Ibid., D2(r); Hall, Works 2:662. See also Samuel Clark, The Blessed Life and Meritorious Death of our Lord & Saviour Jesus Christ (London, 1664), 51; Ailesbury, The Passion Sermon , 18-19; Hall, Works 5:37; Heinsius, The Mirrour , 59, 63.

42. Scarry, The Body in Pain , 53.

43. E.g., Calvin, Harmony 3:223, 288, 299; Hall, Works 5:34-35.

44. Clark, The Blessed Life , 54.

45. Calvin, Harmony 3:290; see also 3:259, 275, 282, 298; Jacob, A Treatise , 27; Hall, Works 5:47.

46. Heinsius, The Mirrour , 89.

47. Calvin, Harmony 3:304; also 3:276, 279, 291; cf. Bouwsma, Calvin , 184.

48. Ailesbury, The Passion Sermon , 29; Heinsius, The Mirrour , 62; see also Hall, Works 2:662, 5:35.

49. Erasmus, Disputatiuncula de taedio, pavore, tristitia Jesu, instante sup-plicio crucis (1503), in Opera omnia , ed. Joannes Clericus, 11 vols. (1703-1706; rpt. Hildesheim: Georg Olms, 1962), 5:1289-90.

50. On the tortured Christ as a beautiful youth, see John Heigham, The Life of our Blessed Lord and Saviour Jesus, Gathered out of ... Saint Bonaventure , 2d ed. (Douai, 1622), 572.

51. Jon. Augustinus Dietelmaier, Historia dogmatis de descensu Christi ad Inferos litteraria (Nürnberg, 1741), 160-91; Jacob, A Treatise .

52. Hall, Works 5:47; Heinsius, The Mirrour , 74-75. See also Calvin, Harmony 3:285; Institutes 2.16.6, 2.16.11.

53. Since the reader (or auditor) and author generally share the same textualized subject position—usually as members of a comprehensive "we"—I will henceforth refer to the implicit reader/author/auditor simply as "the reader."

54. So too in Greville's Caelica 99 , it is syntactically unclear whether the refrain's "deprived of human graces and divine" refers back to an implicit "I" or to the "saving Lord" of the subsequent line (in Five Courtier Poets of the English Renaissance , ed. Robert Bender [New York: Washington Square Press, 1967], 552-53); see also Bouwsma, Calvin , 92.

55. A similar rhetoric is at work in Shakespeare's Lucrece , where the delicately erotic portrayal of the heroine seems designed to titillate the (male) reader into a guilty half identification with the rapist, a complicity that does not cancel out ethical judgment but complicates it.

56. George K. Hunter makes a similar point about The Spanish Tragedy : "Kyd establishes a new relationship between tyrant and victim, presenting them as quasi-psychological polarities set up by a single mind rather than social polarities or religious opposites" ("Tyrant and Martyr: Religious Heroisms in Elizabethan Tragedy," in Poetic Traditions of the English Renaissance , ed. Maynard Mack and George deForest Lord [New Haven: Yale University Press, 1982], 94).

57. On the pieta at the end of Lear , see C. L. Barber, "The Family in Shakespeare's Development: Tragedy and Sacredness," in Representing Shakespeare: New Psycoanalytic Essays , ed. Murray Schwartz and Coppélia Kahn (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1980), 200.

58. On the loss of the "benign Holy Mother" in Protestantism, see Barber, "The Family," 196.

59. Stabat Mater , in The Oxford Book of Medieval Latin Verse , ed. F. J. E. Raby (Oxford: Clarendon, 1959), 436.

60. Calvin, Harmony 3:293.

61. Ailesbury, The Passion Sermon , 25.

62. Leo the Great, The Letters and Sermons , trans. Charles L. Feltoe,

Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, 2d ser., 12 (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 1979), 179.

63. Or, more correctly, the incarnate Christ is a divine person with both a divine and a human nature . In terms of orthodox Christology, then, Christ's human nature is not personal; he assumes our humanity, not his own. The last third of the Summa Theologica spells out the psychological implications of this unique compound with vermiculate precision.

64. Franks, The Work of Christ , 244.

65. Caroline Bynum, "The Body of Christ in the Later Middle Ages: A Reply to Leo Steinberg," Renaissance Quarterly 39 (1986): 399-439.

66. The essay would have been widely known, since later it was often published together with the Enchiridion . The best modern study of the Disputatiuncula can be found in John B. Gleason's John Colet (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989). 94-125; see also J. H. Lupton's A Life of John Colet, D.D. , 2d ed. (London: George Bell, 1909), 100-109. All references to the Disputatiuncula will appear in the text.

67. "At tu [Colet] mihi in Christo Chimaeram quandam fabricaris, absolutissimarn caritatem, cum acerbissima reformidatione, velut aquam igni commiscens" (1279). For the Thomist elements in Erasmus's argument, see Franks, The Work of Christ , 216, 222.

68. Fulke Greville, Mustapha , in Poems and Dramas of Fulke Greville, First Lord Brooke , ed. Geoffrey Bullough, 2 vols. (Edinburgh: Oliver and Boyd, 1939), 2:136.

69. Henry Vaughan's "Jesus weeping [II]" seems to allude to Erasmus's argument here, first disagreeing with it, then assenting: "Should not thy sighs refrain thy store / Of tears, and not provoke to more? / Since two afflictions may not raign / In one at one time, as some feign / ... Dear Lord! thou art all grief and love, / But which thou are most, none can prove" (ll. 14-17, 22-23; in Major Poets of the Earlier Seventeenth Century , ed. Barbara Lewalski and Andrew Sabol [Indianapolis: Odyssey, 1973], 555).

70. Calvin, Harmony 3:230.

71. Ibid. 3:226; cf. 3:232-33; Institutes 2.16.11-12; Hall, Works 2:633-34; Jacob, A Treatise , 56.

72. Calvin, Harmony 3:318-19.

73. Calvin, Institutes 3.2.15-17; cf. Bouwsma, Calvin , 184-85.

74. Calvin, Institutes 3.2.18.

75. Ibid. 3.2.18

76. Calvin, Commentary upon the Epistle of Saint Paul to the Romans , trans. Christopher Rosdell (1583). ed. Henry Beveridge (Edinburgh: Calvin Translation Society, 1844), 181-90.

77. Montaigne, The Complete Essays , 2.1, p. 239. The Calvinist interpretation of Romans 7 sparked intense controversy during this period. Arminians (and anti-Calvinists generally) denied that the Pauline agon between flesh and

spirit applied to the regenerate precisely because they wished to affirm, contra Calvin, that grace does allow the elect to achieve a stable and unified selfhood.

78. Calvin, Harmony 3:233.

79. Heinsius, The Mirrour , 84. The same division of the self into flesh (Turk) and priest (Venetian) lurks behind Othello's presentation of his own suicide/sacrifice: ''in Aleppo once, / Where a malignant and a turban'd Turk / Beat a Venetian and traduc'd the state, / I took by the throat the circumcised dog, / And smote him thus" ( Othello , ed. Tucker Brooke and Lawrence Mason, The Yale Shakespeare [New Haven: Yale University Press, 1947], 5.2.352-56).

80. Hall, Works 5:384-85.

81. Calvin, Harmony 3:202; Chamberlaine, The Passion of Christ , A6(r), B8(r), C2(r); see also Ailesbury, The Passion Sermon , 32; Heinsius, The Mirrour , 95.

82. John Owen, The Duty of Pastors and People Distinguished (London, 1644), 24. See also Donne's "The Crosse": "Then are you your own physicke, or need none, / When Still'd, or purg'd by tribulation. / For when that Crosse ungrudg'd, unto you stickes, / Then are you to your selfe, a Crucifixe" (in The Complete English Poems of John Donne , ed. by C. A. Patrides [London: Dent, 1985], ll. 29-32).

83. Michael Schoenfeldt, Prayer and Power: George Herbert and Renaissance Courtship (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991), 130.

84. Chamberlaine, The Passion of Christ , C2(r).

85. Quoted in Bouwsma, Calvin , 183. It is helpful to compare these evoca-tions of self-crucifixion to the more traditional imagery of contemporary Roman Catholic devotion; Lorenzo Scupoli's Spiritual Combat (1589) thus recommends that the reader "consider yourself as on the field of battle, facing the enemy and bound by the iron-clad law—ether fight or die. Imagine the enemy before you, that particular vice or disorderly passion that you are trying to conquer.... At the same time, picture at your right Jesus Christ, your Invincible Leader, accompanied by the Blessed Virgin, St. Joseph, whole companies of angels and saints.... At your left is Lucifer and his troops, ready to support the passion or vice you are fighting" (quoted in Martz, The Poetry of Meditation , 126). In such combat, aggression is directed against an alien intruder (vice, passion, Lucifer) rather than the self; the symbols represent the scene as a heroic combat rather than a form of torture; the conflict takes place in an "impersonal" arena, populated by objective, supernatural presences, rather than in the private, interior solitude of the chimerical self.

86. Michael Walzer, The Revolution of the Saints: A Study in the Origins of Radical Politics (New York: Atheneum, 1974), 24-25. See also W. Haller's remark that "the Puritan saga did not cherish the memory of Christ ... on the cross.... The mystic passion was the crucifixion of the new man by the old and the true propitiation the sacrifice of the old to the new" ( The Rise of Puritanism [New York: Columbia University Press, 1938], 151).

87. Hall, Works 5:36.

88. Calvin, Harmony 3:234, 319; cf. Hall, Works 2:634, 660; 5:36-38; Ailesbury, The Passion Sermon , 15-16; Heinsius, The Mirrour , 54.

89. See Lynda Boose's observation that "the father-son relationship is repeatedly mythologized as a potentially patricidal struggle for authority.... If the narrative includes a third person, it is a woman (usually the mother), who objectifies this mutual desire. Her presence, however, essentially only intensifies, and does not prevent or redraw, the collision-course formula" ("The Father's House and the Daughter in It: The Structures of Western Culture's Daughter-Father Relationship," in Daughters and Fathers , ed. Lynda Boose and Betty Flowers [Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1989], 32). On the father-son agon in Shakespeare, see Barber, "The Family," 189.

90. Heigham, The Life of our Blessed Lord ... Gathered out of ... Saint Bonaventure , 600-601.

91. Jacob, A Treatise , 80, 33; Calvin, Institutes 2.16.8-12, and Psychopannychia; Or, a Refutation of the Error that the Soul Sleeps in the Interval Between Death and the Judgment, in Tracts and Treatises in Defense of the Reformed Faith , trans. Henry Beveridge, ed. Thomas Torrance 3 vols. (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 1958), 3:480-81; Hall, Works 2:635.

92. Hall, Works 2:664.

93. Chamberlaine, The Passion of Christ , B3(v).

94. Hall, Works 5:391; cf. Calvin, Harmony 3:225-26.

95. Calvin, Harmony 3:304.

96. Ibid. 3:242, 269, 295, 307-8, 310, 321; Wilson, Christs Farewell , D5(r)-D6(v).

97. Hall, Works 5:42.

98. Heinsius, The Mirrour , 74.

99. Hall, Works 5:39-40, 2:664; Calvin, Harmony 3:318.

100. Jacob, A Treatise , 42.

101. Heinsius, The Mirrour , 75; Ailesbury, The Passion Sermon , 18.

102. Hall, Works 5:47; cf. Calvin, Harmony 3:296.

103. Heinsius, The Mirrour , 73, 75.

104. Hall, Works 5:25, 38; cf. Jacob, A Treatise , 45; Chamberlaine, The Passion of Christ , A4(v).

105. Heinsius, The Mirrour , 65.

106. See Gustav Aulén, Christus Victor. An Historical Study of the Three Main Types of the Idea of the Atonement , trans. A. G. Herbert, intro. J. Pel-ikan (London: SPCK, 1970), 101-22.

107. Hall, Works 2:653.

108. George Sandys, The Poetical Works of George Sandys , 2 vols., ed. Richard Hooper (London, 1872), 2:409.

109. Hall, Works 5:42.

110. Wilson, Christs Farewell , C3(v)-C3(r). See also the comment by the

Puritan Christopher Love: "If preaching of Terrour be legal preaching, then the Law was more preacht in the new Testament that ever it was under the old.... the Gospell is more backt with terrour, and with the doctrines of hell and damnation, than ever the law was" (quoted in Delumeau, Sin and Fear , 502).

111. Calvin, Harmony 3:289; cf. Hall, Works 2:655; Heinsius, The Mirrour , 79.

112. Calvin, Harmony 3:293; cf. Wilson, Christs Farewell , B3(v), E5.

113. So, he continues, Christians should pray for their persecutors in the cheerful confidence that God will destroy them anyway ( Harmony 3:300-1).

114. Hall, Works 5:37; cf. Calvin, Harmony 3:328; Ailesbury, The Passion Sermon , 21.

115. Calvin, Harmony 3:288. Richard Helgerson's discussion of Foxe presents interesting parallels: "Misled by its reputation ... we expect the violence in Foxe's Book of Martyrs to go all one way. And certainly there is much to support that expectation. The persecutions and martyrdoms of those whom Foxe considers members of the true church of Christ are the book's most persistent subject. But God's punishment of persecutors makes a strong countertheme. Not every persecutor suffers, at least not in this world, but a great many do"—often in particularly grisly ways ( Forms of Nationhood , 255).

116. Peter Brown thus describes the ideal monk of fourth-century Egyptian asceticism as "a man who had gained a heart that was all of one piece, a heart as unriven by the knotted grain of private, unshared meanings and of private, covert intentions as was the solid, milk-white heart of the date-palm" ( The Body and Society: Men, Women, and Sexual Renunciation in Early Christianity [New York: Columbia University Press, 1988], 227).

117. Bouwsma, Calvin , 179-80; cf. Bercovitch, Puritan Origins , 18-21.

118. Breton, "The Countesse of Penbrook's Passion," stanza 54; Thomas Nashe, Christs Teares over Jerusalem , in The Works of Thomas Nashe , ed. Ronald B. McKerrow and E. P. Wilson, 5 vols. (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1958), 2:58; Shakespeare, King Lear , ed. Tucker Brooke and William Phelps, The Yale Shakespeare (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1917), 3.4.73. By contrast, Crashaw's "soft self-wounding Pelican! / Whose brest weepes Balm for wounded man" (ll. 45-46) emblematizes Christ's compassion and human suffering ("The Hymn of Sainte Thomas in Adoration of the Blessed Sacrament," in Major Poets of the Earlier Seventeenth Century , ed. Barbara Lewalski and Andrew Sabol [Indianapolis: Odyssey, 1973], 689).

119. Thomas Wilson, Arte of Rhetorique (1553), ed. Thomas J. Derrick, Renaissance Imagination 1 (New York: Garland, 1982), 87.

120. Walsall, The Life and Death , D2(r).

121. Calvin, Harmony 3:234; Institutes 2.16.12.

122. Shakespeare, Lear 5.3.40.

123. See Barber, " The Family ," 191.

124. Sir Philip Sidney, Astrophel and Stella 106, in Silver Poets of the Sixteenth Century , ed. Gerald Bullett (London: Dent, 1947).

125. Charles Nicholl, A Cup of News: The Life of Thomas Nashe (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1984), 166-67; Jonathan Crewe, Unredeemed Rhetoric: Thomas Nashe and the Scandal of Authorship (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1982), 59, 62.

126. Nashe, Christs Teares , 52. Further references to this work will be given in the text.

127. Shakespeare, Othello 5.2.5.

128. See Spenser's description of Lecherie in The Faerie Queene 1.4.24 ( The Complete Poetical Works of Edmund Spenser , ed. R. E. Neil Dodge [Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1908]).

129. Cf. Crewe, Unredeemed Rhetoric , 56-57.

130. Shakespeare, Othello 5.2.21-22. The parallels between Christs Teares and Othello , which Crewe also remarks ( Unredeemed Rhetoric , 56), may not be fortuitous. J. J. M. Tobin has shown that Shakespeare's major tragedies repeatedly echo Christs Teares ; see his "Nashe and Othello ," Notes and Queries 31 (1984): 202-3; "Macbeth and Christs Teares over Jerusalem," Aligarh Journal of English Studies 7 (1982): 72-78; and " Hamlet and Christ's Tears over Jerusalem," Aligarh Journal of English Studies 6 (1981): 158-67. Addition evidence for this parallel appears in Ailesbury's The Passion Sermon , which quotes Bernard of Clairvaux to the effect that the crucified Christ, "like his Spouse the Church, is blacke" (29).

131. Delumeau, Sin and Fear , 96.

132. Norbert Elias, Power and Civility , vol. 2 of The Civilizing Process , trans. Edmund Jephcott, 2 vols. (New York: Pantheon Books, Random House, 1982),230.

133. Delumeau, Sin and Fear , 298.

134. Richard C. McCoy, Sir Philip Sidney: Rebellion in Arcadia (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1979), 161.

135. Ibid., 207.

136. Similarly, in The Rites of Knighthood: The Literature and Politics of Elizabethan Chivalry , The New Historicism: Studies in Cultural Poetics (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989), Richard McCoy notes that Daniel's The Civil Wars "is supposed to be a simple tale of crime and punishment and redemption, but redemption is indefinitely deferred, and crime and punishment 'as in a circle' are endlessly repeated" (108).

137. Bouwsma, "Anxiety," 167-73. Cf. Hugh Trevor-Roper, Religion, the Reformation, and Social Change (London: Macmillan, 1967), 58-61.

138. I am looking only at English texts, but I suspect similar claims could be made about Continental Calvinist literature, for example, D'Aubigne's Tragiques and Vondel's Fall of Jerusalem .

139. A Larum for London (1602), ed. W. W. Gregg, Malone Society Reprints (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1913), ll. 74-84.

140. Thomas Deloney, Canaans Calamitie, Jerusalems Misery (1618), in The Works of Thomas Deloney , ed. Francis Oscar Mann (Oxford: Clarendon, 1912), 419-23.

141. A Larum , l. 90; Deloney, Canaans Calamitie , 419.

142. A Larum , ll. 8-10.

143. Ibid., ll. 86-88.

144. Ibid., ll. 833-34. The representation is strongly politically inflected; the good men in the play—Egmont and the English—are republican heroes, set in opposition to the barbaric, aristocratic men raping the civic lady; one is reminded of Shakespeare's Lucrece . The Protestant patriotism of the English and Dutch characters, like Brutus's Stoic republicanism, point toward a new civilizational order and new ideal of male responsibility.

145. Deloney, Canaans Calamitie , ll. 241, 247, 374, 377.

1. Donne, "Holy Sonnet 4," in The Complete English Poems , 436.

2. In both New Testament and Classical Greek, katharsis (including the whole family of katha - terms) has a broad semantic range, covering medical purging (enemas, bloodletting, etc.), ablution, bathing, moral purity, stylistic correctness, and (in general) freedom from defilement, as well as sacrificial purification; the first and last senses, however, seem primary.

3. On the Aristotelian katharsis , see Gerald F. Else, Aristotle's Poetics: The Argument (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1967), 225-27; "Catharsis," in Dictionary of the History of Ideas: Studies of Selected Pivotal Ideas , ed. Philip Wiener, 5 vols. (New York: Scribner's, 1973), 1:264-70. Else's definition of katharsis as ritual purification from blood guilt (424) preserves the sense of expiation but at the same time obscures the fact that such purifications generally involved the shedding of blood: one expiates the pollution attendant on homicide by making sacrifice.

4. Grotius, De satisfactione 4:326-38.

5. In chapter 17—the only other reference to katharsis in the Poetics —Aristotle does use the term to mean ritual purification, but he is speaking specifically about Euripides' Electra , not tragedy in general.

6. Although Else argues that Aristotle never claimed that the katharsis of pity and fear was the tragic telos, he also notes that virtually all prior commentators on the Poetics (including all Renaissance commentators) understood it in this sense ( The Argument , 439).

7. Walter Burkert, "Greek Tragedy and Sacrificial Ritual," Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 7 (1966): 87-121; Robert N. Watson, "Tragedy," in

The Cambridge Companion to English Renaissance Drama , ed. A. R. Braunmuller and Michael Hattaway (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), 307, 310.

8. "Postclassical" since Christus patiens , a cento of Euripides, has often been ascribed to Saint Gregory Nazianzen, although the attribution now seems doubtful.

9. The dates represent the first translation into either Latin or a modern language. While Helene P. Foley lists Medea and Electra among Euripides' sacrifical tragedies, at least according to modern classifications they seem closer to revenge tragedies, although the distinction may be anachronistic (e.g., Orestes' killing of Aegistus and Clytemnestra both avenges their murder of his father and purifies the state) ( Ritual Irony: Poetry and Sacrifice in Euripides [Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1985], 21).

10. Quoted in George Steiner, Antigones (New York: Oxford University Press, 1984), 45.

11. Guillaume Bude, I. Tusanus, and R. Constantinus, Lexicon sive dictionarium Graecolatinum , 2 vols. (n.p., 1562), 2:904.

12. Stephanus [Henry Estienne], Thesaurus Graecae linguae , rev. ed., 10 vols. (London, 1816-1828), 5:4671-72.

13. Poole, Synopsis criticorum 5:1324.

14. Calvin, Commentaries on the Epistle of Paul the Apostle to the Hebrews , trans. John Owen (Edinburgh: Calvin Translation Society, 1853), 213.

15. Stephanus, Thesaurus 5:4671; cf. Bude, Lexicon 2:903.

16. Quoted in Stanislas Lyonnet, Sin, Redemption, and Sacrifice: A Biblical and Patristic Study , ed. Leopold Sabourin, trans. Fidelis Buck, Analecta Biblica (Rome: Biblical Institute Press, 1970), 234-35. Calvin likewise describes Christ as an 'asham/katharma ( Institutes 2.16.6; Commentary upon the Epistle of Saint Paul to the Romans , 199).

17. Stephanus, Thesaurus 8:9932; cf. Bude, Lexicon 2:1890.

18. Poole, Synopsis criticorum 1: 568-70; cf. Biblia Sacra (1617) 2:1045-50; Lyonnet, Sin , 241-42.

19. Poole, Synopsis criticorum 1:568; see Burkert, Homo Necans: The Anthropology of Ancient Greek Sacrificial Ritual and Myth , trans. Peter Bing (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1983), 16.

20. Stephanus, Thesaurus 5:4674; Bude, Lexicon 2:904.

21. Similarly, purgatio in Latin can mean both menstruation and expiatory sacrifice.

22. Bude, Lexicon 2:904; Stephanus, Thesaurus 5:4672.

23. At least on one occasion, an actual killing took place on stage. In his Poeticarum institutionum libri tres (in Opera in sex tomos divisa [Amsterdam, 1701] 3:91), Vossius recounts how Domitian ordered a criminal crucified and dismembered by a bear as part of a tragedy—not precisely a sacrifice, but for

Renaissance readers (I think) crucifixion would invariably carry sacrificial overtones.

24. Burkert, ''Greek Tragedy," 88, 93. For the sacrificial origins of tragedy, see also Bennett Simon, Tragic Drama and the Family: Psychoanalytic Studies from Aeschylus to Beckett (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1988), 22-24; Foley, Ritual Irony , 52-54. For the Renaissance etymologies of tragedy, see Julius Caesar Scaliger, Poetices libri septem (1561), intro. August Buck (Stuttgart: Friedrich Frommann Verlag, 1964), 11; Stephanus, Thesaurus 7:9197; Vossius, Poeticarum institutionum , 71, 83, and Etymologicon linguae Latinae , in Opera 1:609-10.

25. Stephanus, Thesaurus 7:9197.

26. Vossius, Poeticarum institutionum , 71, 83, 157.

27. For the importance of Polybius in seventeenth-century English political thought, see Trevor-Roper, Catholics, Anglicans, and Puritans , 210-11.

28. Modern dictionaries of Classical Greek do not give these as possible meanings for ektragodeo/tragodia . These are the definitions in the Renaissance Greek lexica. Stephanus thus has "rursum Bud. poni ait et pro Admirationem ciere, Ita narrare ut in admirationem evadere rem velimus: velut ap. Polyb. (6, 56, 8) loquentem de religionibus Romanorum quam vocat.... inquit, In admirationem et terrorem vertitur, et mirifice commemoratur ab iis, qui ea tractarunt, quae ad cultum et cerimonias deorum attenent. Quomodo Idem vocat Admirationem ac terrorem religionis injectae populo ab auguribus et pontificibus" (7:9201). Cf. Bude, Lexicon 2:1803.

Edward Grimeston's The History of Polybius (London, 1633) mistranslates the passage, perhaps in order to conceal its Machiavellian intimations. Neither Grimeston's English version nor Casaubon's Latin trot to his Polybii ... historiarum libri qui supersunt (Paris 1609) preserves any trace of Polybius's "tragic" terminology, but Wolfgang Musculus's Polybii Megalopolitani historiarum libri (Lyon, 1554) gives the following translation: "Et arbitror apud universos mortales esse probrosum, quod hoc in factis Romanorum continetur. Loquor autem de superstitione. Usque adeo nanque haec pars tragice apud eos depraedicatur ... ut augeri nequeat.... Quoniam autem plebs universa huius & illegitimis desideriis admodum obnoxia, irae inconsideratae, furori ac violentiae, reliquum est, metu incerto et huiusmodi tragoedia retinendam esse multitudinem" (529).

29. Polybius, The Histories , trans. W. R. Paton, Loeb Classical Library (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1979), 6.56.6-13, 6.58.1-13.

30. See Greenblatt, Marvelous Possessions , 79-82, and J. V. Cunningham, "Wonder," in The Collected Essays of J. V. Cunningham (Chicago: Swallow Press, 1976), 53-96. Most of Cunningham's examples treat wonder either as an effect of poetry in general or, with respect to tragic wonder, as closer to surprise rather than awe. Bude's and Stephanus's interpretation of the Polybian

ektragodein/tragodein is thus particularly important for establishing the philological connection between tragedy and religious wonder.

31. Robert Herrick, " Good Friday : Rex Tragicus, or Christ going to His Crosse," in Major Poets of the Earlier Seventeenth Century , ed. Barbara Lewalski and Andrew Sabol (Indianapolis: Odyssey, 1973), 1048-49; Don Cameron Allen, "Herrick's 'Rex Tragicus,'" in Studies in Honor of Dewitt T. Starnes (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1967), 215-26; Thomas Moisan, "Robert Herrick's 'Rex Tragicus' and the 'Troublesome Times,'" Viator 21 (1990): 349-84. None of Allen's examples, however, calls the Passion a tragedy; Moisan does little better with one reference from a 1621 sermon by Barton Holyday (355).

32. For the dating of the play, see I. D. McFarlane, Buchanan (London: Duckworth, 1981), 93-94.

33. Montaigne, The Complete Essays , 1.26, p. 131.

34. Philip Ford, George Buchanan: Prince of Poets (Aberdeen: Aberdeen University Press, 1982), vii; P. G. Walsh, "Buchanan and Classical Drama," in Acta Conventus Neo-Latini Sanctandraeni , ed. I. D. McFarlane, (Binghamton: Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies, 1986), 99.

35. On Buchanan's acquaintance with the Poetics , see Walsh, "Classical Drama," 103; by 1536 three Greek editions and one Latin translation were in print. On Scaliger and Buchanan, see McFarlane, Buchanan , 89.

36. McFarlane, Buchanan , 499-510; Wilbur Sypherd, Jephthah and His Daughter: A Study in Comparative Literature (Newark: University of Deleware Press, 1948), 131-39.

37. Quoted in Walsh, "Classical Drama," 103. Francis Meres praises the play in similar terms (McFarlane, Buchanan , 201).

38. Sir Philip Sidney, An Apology for Poetry , ed. Forrest Robinson (New York: Macmillan, 1970), 80.

39. Mueller, Children of Oedipus , 154, 193-96; Murry Rosten suggests that Milton translated Buchanan's Baptistes , published in 1642 by order of Parliament as Tyrannical-Government Anatomized or a Discourse concerning Evil-Councillors ( Biblical Drama in England: From the Middle Ages to the Present Day [London: Faber and Faber, 1968], 81).

40. The libretto was by Thomas Morell, but Morell, in turn, based his version on Buchanan. Buchanan's tragedy may also lie behind the lost Jephthah play of Dekker and Munday (Louise George Clubb, " The Virgin Martyr and the Tragedia Sacra ," Renaissance Drama 7 [1964]: 117) and another lost play on the same subject by Duplessis-Mornay (Sypherd, Jephthah , 26-27). Chronology will not allow it to have influenced the almost exactly contemporary Jephthah by John Christopherson; this play, which dates from around 1544 and which, like Buchanan's tragedy, was based on Euripides' Iphegenia , is the earliest English tragedy, as well as probably the only English tragedy written in Greek (ed. and trans. Francis Howard Forges, intro. Wilbur Sypherd

[Newark: University of Delaware Press, 1928]). It was not, however, published until 1928, and while it has some striking passages, it generally seems less coherent and focused than Buchanan's play.

41. Boose, "The Father's House," 20.

42. Debora K. Shuger, Habits of Thought in the English Renaissance: Religion, Politics, and the Dominant Culture , The New Historicism: Studies in Cultural Poetics (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990), 224-27.

43. Daniel Heinsius, On Plot in Tragedy (1611), trans. Paul Sellin and John McManmon, ed. Paul Sellin (Northridge, Calif.: San Fernando Valley State College Foundation, 1971), 134. Several Renaissance scholars argued that Euripides' Iphegenia was actually Jephthah's daughter, that the Greek myth narrates the distorted echo of biblical history; see Louis Cappel's commentary in Critici sacri 2:660; Vossius, De theologia gentili (1641), 3 vols., The Renaissance and the Gods 28 (New York: Garland, 1976), 1:xii-xiii.

44. Compare Burkert's observation that ritual forms (and their dramatization) are not necessarily about their origins; e.g., ritual sacrifices may have originated as part of a hunting ceremony but by the Hellenic era need no longer have had anything to do with hunting per se ( Homo Necans , 23). Many recent studies of sacrifice exhibit a questionable tendency to assume that origin fixes signification once and for all; Freud and Girard come to mind at once.

45. Biblia Sacra (1617) 2:231.

46. Ibid. 2:230. Augustine, Justin Martyr, Chrysostom, and (later) Peter Martyr held both that Jephthah is a type of Christ and that he was morally wrong to sacrifice his daughter. Tertullian, Ambrose, Gregory of Nazianzen, Theodoret, Procopius, and Peter Comestor mentioned only Jephthah's culpability. Among the Fathers, only Ambrose defended Jephthah's action, arguing that, like Abraham, he was inspired by the Holy Spirit; see ibid. 2:224-30; Poole, Synopsis criticorum 1:1154-55.

47. Most of the leading humanist exegetes denied that Jephthah in fact killed his daughter; see Critici sacri 2:644-66; Selden, De jure naturali , 530-36; and Thomas Hayne, The general view of the Holy Scriptures , 2d ed. (London, 1640), 213.

48. George Buchanan, Jephthah , in The Sacred Dramas of George Buchanan , trans. Archibald Brown (Edinburgh: James Thin, 1906), 5-6. I will quote from Brown's beautiful free translation rather than P. G. Walsh's flatter but more literal version in George Buchanan: Tragedies , ed. P. Sharrat and P. G. Walsh, trans. P. G. Walsh (Edinburgh: Scottish Academic Press, 1983); I give the Latin in the notes. In the original, this passage reads: "Porro ne Iephthes quoque / se metiatur exitu huius proelii / et intumescat insolens rebus bonis, / damno obruetur protinus domestico, / cedentque fracti contumaces spiritus. / .... heu, quanta moles imminet tibi mali, / miserande! quantis obruere luctibus!" (ll. 51-55, 60-61).

49. Buchanan, Jephthah , 28: "Regnator orbis, unus et verus deus, / solumque numen propitium pollens potens, / idem severus ultor et clemens pater, / tuis tremendus et severus hostibus, / tuis amicis lenis et salutifer, / irae timendae sed tamen placabilis, / amore fervens idem et inritabilis" (ll. 431-36).

50. Cf. Mueller, Children of Oedipus , 159.

51. Buchanan, Jephthah , 31: "foederis memor tui, / placidus propitiusque accipe haec servi tui / exigua quamvis vota, grato pectore / tamen profecta" (ll. 480-83).

52. The passage, however, implies (although only implies) that Jephthah here reiterates a vow he made earlier.

53. Buchanan, Jephthah , 31: "Quod primum ad aedes sospiti occurret meas, tuas id aras imbuet grata hostia / suo cruore" (ll. 484-86).

54. Donald Stone, Jr., French Humanist Tragedy: A Reassessment (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1974), 111.

55. Stone, French Humanist Tragedy , 110; Paul Riceour, The Symbolism of Evil , trans. Emerson Buchanan, Religious Perspectives 17 (New York: Harper and Row, 1967), 212.

56. Cf. Walsh, "Classical Drama," 101, for the Senecan echoes in these passages on mutability of fortune.

57. Buchanan, Jephthah , 52-54: "Haec nimirum est addita nostrae / vitae sors, ut tristia laetis / vicibus subeant / .... si quid laeti inluxit, / velut arentes inter stipulas / flammae evanida lux fugitivae / celeri velox avolat aural, / dein perpetuis nexa catenis / longi subeunt agmina luctus" (ll. 818-20, 836-41).

58. On Mustapha , see Shuger, Habits of Thought , 210-17, 247-48.

59. Thomas Dekker, The Virgin Martyr , in The Dramatic Works of Thomas Dekker , ed. Fredson Bowers, 4 vols. (Cambridge: At the University Press, 1958), 3.1.80-82.

60. Ibid. 3.1.94-7.

61. Buchanan, Jephthah , 70: "Nunc me, insolenti saeviens ludibrio, / sortis furentis impotens immanitas / felicitatis de supremo culmine / deiecit, uno cuncta vertens impetu" (ll. 1133-36).

62. Mueller, Children of Oedipus , 156, paraphrasing Walter Benjamin, Ursprung des deutschen Trauerspiels (Frankfurt, 1969), 75.

63. Buchanan, Jephthah , 67-68: "Sed veluti sub luce maligna / per secretos nemorum anfractus / lubricus error mille viarum / dubio occursu ludit euntes, / inter varios semita flexus / nulla placet neque displicet ulla; / sic iter homines praeterpropter / dubia incerti mente vagamur" (ll. 1082-89).

64. There is an earlier debate between Jephthah and Symmachus, an old family friend, but since Symmachus does not yet know about Jephthah's vow, their discussion only obliquely touches on the theological crux of the play.

65. Buchanan, Jephthah , 54-55: "Aut tu, cruorem virginalem innoxium/ potura tellus, hisce patulos in specus / sinuque vasto me vora; dum non nocens /

perire possim, quolibet me obrue loco. / vel ipsum adire non recuso Tartarum, / modo parricida Tartarum non incolam'' (ll. 845-50). Buchanan's curious use of " parricida " for a father who kills his child probably derives from Livy's parallel usage in telling the story of Virginius (3.50.5).

66. Ibid., 55: "Tu miser sis an secus, / tua repostum est in manu" (ll. 859-60).

67. Ibid., 59: "Proinde voti quicquid illud est / .... divina vox est una simplex veritas / sibique constans" (ll. 933, 938-39).

68. Ibid., 57: "Nostro non litatur victimis / deo cruentis bubulove sanguine, / polluta nullo corda sed contagio / et mens recocta veritate simplice / illi offerenda et casta conscientia" (ll. 895-99).

69. Sharratt and Walsh, eds., George Buchanan , 47.

70. Lucretius, Of the Nature of Things , trans. William Ellery Leonard (New York: Dutton, 1957), 1.99-100: "But sinless woman, sinfully foredone, / A parent felled her on her bridal day, / Making his child a sacrificial beast / To give the ships auspicious winds for Troy: / Such are the crimes to which religion leads." For a different reading of this allusion, see Peter Sharratt, "Euripides latinus: Buchanan's Use of His Sources," in Acta Conventus Neo-Latini Bononiensis , ed. R. J. Schoeck (Binghamton: Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies, 1985), 617.

71. Buchanan, Jephthah , 56: "Nec scelere nostras inquinare dexteras / sat est; nefandum facinus adscribere iuvat / caelo. cruentis victimis confingimus / gaudere numen" (ll. 886-89).

72. Ibid., 61: "Nemo neglegentius / retus vetustos servat, et mysteria / facit minoris" (ll. 965-66).

73. Ibid., 76: "Ingrata nunc me vita mihi superstitem / luctus reservat semper ut videam novos" (1238-39).

74. Ibid., 73: "Plus iure matri parte cederet sua, / matri, salutis quae sit auctor, quae patri / iam sponte natam perdituro subtrahit" (ll. 1172-74).

75. Ibid., 74: "et / compensat aura sanctimoniae scelus" (ll. 1189-90).

76. Ibid., 15: "tua qui nefando / polluit ritu sacra" (ll. 197-98); 71: "liberorum carnifex / parens, scelesta sacra ritu barbaro, / arae cruentae victimis nefariis" (ll. 1143-44).

77. Unlike Euripides and Christopherson, Buchanan does not make the husband brutally contemptuous of his pleading wife; he is rather anguished at the prospect of hurting her.

78. Buchanan, Jephthah , 55-56: "Primum amare liberos / natura nostris inseruit affectibus / ... nam patris hanc aeterna providentia / caelestis animis indidit mortalium / .... quoque nomen artius / imprimeret istud mentibus, dici pater / et esse voluit; nec modo exemplo sui, / sed et ferarum et alitum atque piscium / patriae probavit caritatis vinculum" (ll. 866-67, 873-74, 878-82).

79. For Freud's influential contrast between female/private and male/public, see Civilization and Its Discontents , in Standard Edition of the Complete Psychological Works of Sigmund Freud , trans. and ed. James Strachey, 24 vols. (London: Hogarth, 1964), 21:103-4.

80. Quoted in Steiner, Antigones , 24.

81. Isidore of Seville, Quaestiones in Vetus Testamentum , in Patrologia Latina ed. J. P. Migne, 221 vols. (Paris, 1844-1900), 83:388-89; cited in J. H. McGregor, "The Sense of Tragedy in George Buchanan's Jephthes ," Humanistica Lovaniensia: Journal of Neo-Latin Studies 31 (1982): 134 (my translation).

82. Buchanan, Jephthah , 72: "[Storge] Quid? polliceri quod tuum non est potes? / [Jephthah] Mea nata not est? [Storge] Est, sed etiam ut sit mea" (ll. 1165-66).

83. Ibid., 73: "plus iure matri parte cederet sua, / matri, salutis quae sit auctor" (ll. 1172-73).

84. Ibid., 8: "Tum pavidi ovilis fida custodia canis / lupos abegit, atque ad infirmum pecus, / trepidi timoris exanime adhuc memoria, / denuo reversus e sinu timidam meo / agnam revulsam dente laniavit truci" (ll. 98-102).

85. On paternal infanticide in the Bible, see David Barkan's rather speculative The Duality of Human Existence: An Essay on Psychology and Religion (Chicago: Rand McNally, 1966), 205-6, and Disease, Pain, and Sacrifice: Toward a Psychology of Suffering (Boston: Beacon, 1968), 104-24.

86. Buchanan, Jephthah , 36: "heu misera, quidnam patri / mutavit animum pristinum erga liberos? / hoc nemo nuper fuerat indulgentior / nec liberorum quisquam amantior parens" (ll. 550-53).

87. Ibid., 32: "O mihi secundum deum / genitor verende, sine frui amplexu tuo" (496-97); 75: "Miserere, genitor / ... [te rogo] per si quid unquam merita sum de te bene, si quando parvis comprimens te brachiis / onus pependi dulce de collo tuo" (ll. 1215-19).

88. Ibid., 79-80.

89. Heinsius, On Plot , 132.

90. Bal, Death and Dissymmetry , 63.

91. Boose, "The Father's House," 36, 46-47.

92. Biblia Sacra (1617) 2:232; Donne, Bianthanatos , 97.

93. Boose, "The Father's House," 62.

94. Curiously, Renaissance biblical plays about chastity tend to be about male chastity (e.g., the Joseph dramas), while plays with female protagonists celebrate their martial, political, and/or sacrificial heroism rather than their sexual purity; one thus notes the popularity of plays about Deborah, Judith, Esther, and virgin martyrs (Rosten, Biblical Drama , 55-57). To read Buchanan's theological tragedy as a story of incest and exogamy demeans Iphis in the same way that recent critics claim the Renaissance patriarchy demeaned women in general: namely, such a reading "contains" female subjectivity

"through sexualizing women's language" (Mary Ellen Lamb, Gender and Authorship in the Sidney Circle [Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1990], 5.

95. Mueller, Children of Oedipus , 196, 211.

96. Buchanan, Jephthah , 77: "quod non volentem dura te necessitas / istuc coegit" (ll. 1261-62). Were this all, one would have to agree with Boose that Iphis, like Antigone, exemplifies the "daughter's self-sacrificing complicity with the father's needs" ("The Father's House," 41) or with Bal's remark that "in later rewritings'' of the Jepthah story the daughter becomes "qualified only as a virgin, a victim, obedient and submissive'' ( Death and Dissymmetry , 43). But the play does not end here, and the remainder presents a much more complex portrait of the daughter. One needs only to contrast this play with Christopherson's Jephthah to see how little Buchanan is concerned with filial obedience.

97. Buchanan, Jephthah , 79: "Quin potius illi iusta supplicia luant. / nos, si necesse est, immerentes sanguine / aras piemus, totque caedes hostium pensemus una sponte gratique hostia" (ll. 1293-96).

98. On the association of the sacred and the household ( oikos ) with women in Greek drama, see Foley, Ritual Irony , 91; S. C. Humphreys, The Family, Women, and Death: Comparative Studies (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1983), 20.

99. Buchanan, Jephthah , 81-82: "quod tibi vitae fors detraxit / fama adiciet posturna laudi.... te posteritas sera loquetur. / te qui primi flumina Nili / bibit, et curru qui Sarmatico / solidum non timet ire per Istrum, / concinet olim / non formidine mortis inerti / pavidam, patriae donasse alacrem / natura tibi quos dedit annos" (ll. 1338-49).

100. Ibid., 85-86: "Sic virgo / ... commorat omnes, versaque in se lumina / vulgi stupentis traxerat miraculo, / et triste cunctis attulit silentium" (ll. 1400-5).

101. Ibid., 80-81: "Nec ulla Iephthae me redarguet dies / non stirpe dignam" (ll. 1319-20).

102. Ibid., 86 (l. 1413); this invocation echoes the opening of the great Ambrosian hymn " Aeterne rerum conditor ."

103. Quoted in Steiner, Antigones , 57.

104. Quoted in Mueller, Children of Oedipus , 162 (my translation).

105. Buchanan, Jephthah , 86: "'Aeterne rerum genitor atque hominum parens, / tandem propitius gentis errori tuae / ignosce, et istam victimam lenis cape. / quod si furoris exigis piaculum, / quaecumque nostra contumax superbia / supplicia meruit, te parentern deserens, / utinam luatur hoc cruore'" (ll. 1413-19). For corroborating my impression that medieval exegesis does not cite Old Testament women as types of Christ, I am indebted to H. A. Kelly, Del Kolve, and Retha Warnicke.

106. Critici sacri 2:659, 664.

107. This is Walsh's translation ( George Buchanan , 91); Brown's version—"O my father / Break not my heart with words of tenderness, / Nor meditate delay" ( Jephthah , 80)—misses the peremptory tone of the Latin "omitte, genitor, has moras innectere, / meumque dictis mollibus frangere animum" (ll. 1314-15).

108. Buchanan, Jephthah , 72, 79.

109. For example, Achilles, Sarpedon, Christ, Sidney, and so on. See John Wilkins, "The State and the Individual: Euripides' Plays of Voluntary Self-Sacrifice," in Euripides, Women, and Sexuality , ed. Anton Powell (London: Routledge, 1990), 179. For the opposing view that Renaissance representations of female heroism simply reinforce the patriarchal ideal of the silent, obedient woman, see Lamb, Gender and Authorship , 12, 119-20.

110. Poole, Synopsis criticorum 1:1154.

111. Critici sacri 2:665.

112. Friedrich Nietzsche, The Birth of Tragedy and The Genealogy of Morals , trans. Francis Golffing (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1956), 24, 66-67.

113. Thus, both Iphis and Christ are at once obedient children and yet potentially transgressive, both submitting to their fathers and displacing them. Yet the representations of "daddy's boy" in the Calvinist passions seem more ambivalent and troubling than Buchanan's female version.

114. Cf. Burkert's discussion of the hunting scenes on archaic vases, where the victim is always depicted as male while the predator seems sexless; Burkert goes on to suggest that, in antiquity, sacrificial killing was seen as a sort of parricide (the same word Buchanan uses for killing one's daughter), so that the victim, rather than being feminized, becomes a father symbol, while the killer is portrayed as emasculated ( Homo Necans , 75).

115. Other Renaissance commentaries on this episode seem anxious to downplay the religious content of the daughter's choice, praising rather her obedience to her father, so that the daughter's submission to paternal authority corresponds to the father's to divine—or in Milton's words, "he for God only, she for God in him." See, for example, Christopherson, Jephthah , 157; Hall, Works 1:256. On transgressive women in Renaissance drama, see Peter Stallybrass, "Patriarchal Territories: The Body Enclosed," in Rewriting the Renaissance: The Discourses of Sexual Difference in Early Modern Europe , ed. Margaret Ferguson, Maureen Quilligan, and Nancy Vickers (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1986), 142. While Stallybrass refers specifically to ''grotesque," "unruly'' women, their obedient, self-sacrificing counterparts (e.g., Iphis, Lucrece, Desdemona, Alcestis, Cordelia) also seem, in Greenblatt's words, to enact "a peculiarly intense submission whose downright violence undermines everything it was meant to shore up" ( Renaissance Self-Fashioning from More to Shakespeare [Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1980], 254).

116. Buchanan, Jephthah , 87-88: "Ut vocis autem pervium patuit iter, / non ille gemitus, esse nec qualis solet / fremitus doloris atque lamentatio, / sed contionis gratulantis murmure / confusa turba, teque praedicantium, / adversa sortis inter asprae vulnera / et blandientis laeta dona, feminam / unam beatam maxime et miserrimam. / nam plaga quamvis alte ad ossa sederit, / magni doloris magnum habes solacium" (ll. 1435-44).

117. Ibid., 88: "Quo fortiore nata tulit animo necem, / hoc angit animum tristior meum dolor" (ll. 1449-50). The Blessed Virgin displays the same unmitigated sorrow in several earlier passion tragedies; cf. Raymond Lebègue, La tragédie religieuse en France: Les débuts (1514-1573) , Bibliothèque littéraire de la Renaissance (Paris: Librairie Ancienne Honoré Champion, 1929), 131-32, 137; Gregory of Nazianzen, Christus patiens, tragoedia , ed. J. P. Migne, in Patrologia graeca , 161 vols. (Paris: 1857-1912), 38:207-210, 237-38.

118. This last displacement runs counter to Boose's claim that in Western texts daughters separate from their fathers but never (unlike sons) displace them ("The Father's House," 33).

119. Although sacrificial women predominate in Greek tragedy, this gendering is not invariable. Thus, Euripides' Bacchae has a mother sacrificing her son; in the Phoenissae a son kills himself to deliver his city. The New Testament, Beza's Abraham sacrifiant , and Greville's Mustapha center on the father's sacrifice of his male child.

120. On male "womb envy" and paternal appropriation of female generativity, see Christine Froula, "When Eve Reads Milton: Undoing the Canonical Economy," Critical Inquiry 10 (1983): 330-33.

121. Barber, " The Family ," 197ff.

122. Brown, The Body and Society , 155-57, 187-88.

123. Clubb, " The Virgin Martyr ," 106-10.

124. Christopherson, Jephthah , 133. Cf. the competition between human and divine lover in Donne's Holy Sonnet, "Since she whome I lovd." One thinks also of the stories of Saint Francis fleeing naked from his paternal house and Saint Thomas ambushed and dragged home on his father's orders as he attempted to enter a monastery.

125. Boose, "The Father's House," 46.

126. Donald Kelley, The Beginning of Ideology: Consciousness and Society in the French Reformation (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981), 77-78.

127. Ibid., 80-81. Conversely, absolutist thinkers like Bodin, Hobbes, and Filmer tend, in rather different ways, to grant the father sacerdotal functions and thus to deprive religious institutions of any independent authority; see Bossy, Christianity in the West , 156.

128. Burkert, Homo Necans , 3.

129. Bossy, Christianity in the West , 23-24.

130. Boose, "The Father's House," 68-69.

131. Quoted in Steiner, Antigones , 31; George Herbert, "Affliction [IV]," in Major Poets of the Earlier Seventeenth Century , ed. Barbara Lewalski and Andrew Sabol (Indianapolis: Odyssey, 1973), 271.

132. Buchanan, Jephthah , 83: "At vos, vestri dedecus aevi, / animam patriae reddere segnes, / vos aeternis tenebrarum umbris / teget oblivio longa sepultos, / et generis pudor et telluris / pondus inutile, quos et praesens / spernit et altera nesciet aetas" (1354-60).

133. Quoted in Wilkins, "The State," 180. Cf. Burkert, Homo Necans , 47-48, 64-67, on virgin sacrifices before and after battle.

134. See John Winkler, The Constraints of Desire: The Anthropology of Sex and Gender in Ancient Greece (New York: Routledge, 1990), 90, and Froma Zeitlin, "Playing the Other: Theater, Theatricality, and the Feminine in Greek Drama," Representations 11 (1985): 80, on the theater's tendency to use "the feminine for the purposes of imagining a fuller model for the masculine self."

135. Buchanan, Jephthah , 84: "Cum staret aras ante tristes victima / iam destinata virgo, purpureum decus / per alba fudit ora virgineus pudor, coetus viriles intuerier insolens, / ut si quis Indum purpura violet ebur, rosave niveis misceat cum liliis" (ll. 1372-77).

136. Ibid., 85: "Ut iam ruentis aequor in Tartessium / Phoebi recedens esse gratior solet / splendor (ll. 1396-98).

137. "Indum sanguineo veluti violaverit ostro / si quis ebur, aut mixta rubent ubi lilia multa / alba rosa; tales virgo dabat ore colores" ( Aeneid 12.67-69).

138. Buchanan, Jephthah , 84-85: "Sed se per ora cure pudore fuderat / perspicua certae iuncta vis fiduciae, / interque flentes sola fletibus carens / vultu remisso constitit firma ac sui / secura fati. quas tenebat lacrimas propinqua morti virgo, populus non tenet. / ... florem juventae deflet ille, et siderum / similes ocellos, aemulamque auro comam, / supraque sexum pectoris constantiam. / et forte solito gratiorem afflaverat / natura honorem, ceu supremo munere / dignata funus nobilis viraginis. / ut iam ruentis aequor in Tartessium / Phoebi recedens esse gratior solet / splendor, rosaeque vere supremo halitus / colorque cupidos detinet oculos magis, / sic virgo fati stans supremo in limine, / parata morti, nec recusans molliter / turpive torpens exitus formidine" (ll. 1378-83, 1390-1402).

139. Nietzsche, The Birth of Tragedy , 102.

140. See Zeitlin, "Playing the Other," for female characters in Greek drama as figures of drama itself.

141. Elizabeth Cropper, "The Beauty of Woman: Problems in the Rhetoric of Renaissance Portraiture," in Rewriting the Renaissance: The Discourses of Sexual Difference in Early Modern Europe , ed. Margaret Ferguson, Maureen Quilligan, and Nancy Vickers (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1986), 175-76. As Cropper notes, the primary source for this identification was

Lucian's dialogue Essays in Portraiture . The identification of Iphis with the beautiful text raises a methodological issue. The claim entails that her representation does not function primarily either to control or to enable female political and sexual energies and hence is not amenable to the sociological literalism informing much recent work on Renaissance literature, where textual gendering is assumed to comment on sexual politics. One needs to distinguish gender as a cultural semiotic from gender as a social ideology—a distinction obscured by the fact that feminist criticism originated in Victorian studies, where the "woman question" profoundly affects literary representation. In Renaissance scholarship, however, the conflation of symbolic with social forms has less historical warrant, since Renaissance texts—unlike Victorian novels—do not exclusively treat social experience. The distinction between the two is never absolute, since symbols occur within a social field and social behaviors are informed by cultural symbols; nevertheless, Donne's "Spit in my face ye Jews" is not about real Jews any more than ''Goldilocks'' is about real bears. Cf. Leah Marcus, Childhood and Cultural Despair. A Theme and Variations in Seventeenth-Century Literature (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1978), on the child in seventeenth-century poetry as a symbol of royalist nostalgia; and Greenblatt's "Marlowe, Marx, and Anti-Semitism," in his Learning to Curse , 40-58, on the Jew as a figure of Christian hypocrisy. For criticism of readings that treat women as symbols of something else (and presumably more important), see Dympna Callaghan, Woman and Gender in Renaissance Tragedy (New York: Harvester Wheatsheaf, 1989), 34.

142. Poole, Synopsis criticorum 1:1150.

143. Such ambiguities are part of a larger cultural tension between Neoplatonism and puritanism, between viewing pagan myths as "mystic symbols for sacred experience" and as the "filthy relics of a discredited creed, to be vituperated, ostracized, and wiped from the imaginations of men" (Jonas Barish, The Antitheatrical Prejudice [Berkeley: University of California Press, 1981], 108).

144. See Baxter Hathaway, Marvels and Commonplaces: Renaissance Literary Criticism (New York: Random House, 1968), 133-35; John Milton, Eikonoklastes , in Complete Prose Works of John Milton , ed. Merritt Hughes, 8 vols. (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1962), 3:362-66. The relevant excerpts from the Canons and Decrees of the Council of Trent can be found in Elizabeth Holt, ed., A Documentary History of Art , 2 vols. (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1958), 2:64-65.

145. Hathaway, Marvels , 133-34.

146. Barish, Antitheatrical Prejudice , 199.

147. Quoted in Lily Bess Campbell, Divine Poetry and Drama in Sixteenth-Century England (Cambridge: At the University Press, 1961), 246; Campbell cites similar sentiments from Gosson and Stubbes, although the former specifically excludes Buchanan from this indictment, since (according to Gosson) his

plays were meant to be read, not acted (244-45). See also Vossius, Poeticarum institutionum 3:72; Baxter Hathaway, The Age of Criticism: The Late Renaissance in Italy (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1962), 153.

148. Campbell's Divine Poetry can come up with only a dozen or so English biblical plays between 1576 and 1603 that were intended for public performance (240-42); see also Rosten, Biblical Drama , 115-20.

149. Greenblatt, "Invisible Bullets: Renaissance Authority and Its Subversions, Henry IV and Henry V ," in Political Shakespeare: New Essays in Cultural Materialism , ed. Jonathan Dollimore and Alan Sinfield (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1985), 29.

150. During his trial before the Portuguese Inquisition, Buchanan claimed that the play treated the Latomus/Bucer debate over vows. Modern critics, however, have been fairly unanimous in regarding this explanation with suspicion; cf. Sharratt and Walsh, eds., George Buchanan , 618; McFarlane, Buchanan , 197-99. Mueller concludes that "if we thus try to line up the opposition between Jephtha and the priest with that of Catholics and Protestants, we are left with Jephtha arguing a Catholic position in the manner of a Protestant against a fat prelate who takes his cues from Calvin's Institutes . This is not very promising" ( Children of Oedipus , 166).

151. McFarlane, Buchanan , 94, 100.

152. Theodore Beza, A Tragedie of Abrahams Sacrifice [Abraham sacrifiant] , trans. Arthur Golding, ed. Malcolm Wallace (Toronto: University of Toronto Library, 1906), ll. 675-78, 695-96.

153. Ibid., ll. 780-81.

154. Barish, Antitheatrical Prejudice , 162-63; Moisan, "Herrick's 'Rex Tragicus,'" 362.

155. Socinianism, one recalls, is preeminently an ethical religion and nowhere more so than in its aversion to sacrifice.

156. Bossy, Christianity in the West , 113.

157. Moisan, "Herrick's 'Rex Tragicus,'" 350.

158. A priest, of course, differs from a minister because priests perform sacrifices.

159. Stephen Greenblatt, "Shakespeare and the Exorcists," in his Shakespearean Negotiations: The Circulation of Social Energy in Renaissance England , The New Historicism: Studies in Cultural Poetics (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988), 125-27. Cappel, one recalls, treats the annual lament over Jephthah's daughter as a type of the Eucharist.

160. The function of this aesthetic recuperation, however, does not seem to be the concealment of cultural violence (i.e., violence against women), if only because Renaissance fathers were not prone to murder their daughters. The play grapples with the violence of the sacred, not with child abuse. To privilege a priori social meaning over theological exhibits the ethnocentric condescension one often notes among anthropologists: namely, that the "myths" of unfamiliar

cultures must, however seemingly metaphysical, "really" encode the mundane structures of tribal or domestic experience, as though such peoples were incapable of less prosaic concerns.

161. Nietzsche, The Birth of Tragedy , 42.

162. Erasmus, Disputatiuncula 5:1279, 1285, 1289-90. On the erotic content of Michaelangelo's Pieta and its theological context, see Leo Steinberg, "The Metaphors of Love and Birth in Michelangelo's Pietas ," in Studies in Erotic Art , ed. Theodore Bowie and Cornelia Christenson (New York: Basic Books, 1970), 231-85. See also Crashaw's "The Flaming Heart": "For in love's feild was never found / A nobler weapon then a WOUND. / Love's passives are his activ'st part. / The wounded is the wounding heart" (ll. 71-74). See also his song beginning ''Lord, when the sense of thy sweet grace'' (in Major Poets of the Earlier Seventeenth Century , ed. Barbara Lewalski and Andrew Sabol [Indianapolis: Odyssey, 1973], 719-20).

163. I have discussed the Renaissance recovery of Longinus's fusion of religious and aesthetic/rhetorical emotion in Sacred Rhetoric: The Christian Grand Style in the English Renaissance (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1988), 38-41, 155-92, 254-56.

164. Quoted in Steiner, Antigones , 4.

165. Robin Horton, "African Traditional Thought and Western Science," in Rationality , ed. Bryan R. Wilson (Evanston: Harper and Row, 1970), 161.

166. Aquinas, Summa Theologica , in Aquinas: Selected Political Writings , ed. A. P. D'Entrèves (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1954), 2.1.91.4, p. 117. See also Gregory the Great's further distinction between "the motive suppressed in the depths of the heart" and "what the surface of thought presents to the muser's mind" ( The Book of Pastoral Rule and Selected Epistles , trans. James Barmby, Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, 2d ser., 12 [Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 1979], 6).

167. See David Aers, "Reflections on Current Histories of the Subject," Literature and History 2 (1991): 20-34; Watson, "Tragedy," 303. As a rule of thumb, one can assume that any culture that has private confession and/or confessional literature (as opposed to liturgy and/or saga) also acknowledges a distinction between subjectivity and public role. I am not, however, convinced by Lee Patterson's claim that Chaucer's characters—particularly the Wife of Bath and the Pardoner—evince subversive, oedipal subjectivities ( Chaucer and the Subject of History [Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1991], 314-15, 411).

168. One sees this movement thematized in works where religious and literary motives brush up against one another. Thus, Jephthah's self-consciousness about its own transgressive appropriations of the sacred recurs in seventeenth-century religious verse, particularly in Herbert's anxiety that his "lovely enchanting language," borrowed from the Greek Anthology and secular love poetry in order to create the introspective and passionate self of his devotional

poetry—the language that recuperates confession as lyric—tends to turn that self into a literary performance ("weav[ing] my self into the sense," in Herbert's words); as in Buchanan's play, the act of making literature out of ritual purgations threatens to dissolve the spiritual into the aesthetic (see Herbert's "Jordon [II]," "The Forerunners" in Major Poets , 284, 365-66).

169. Voegelin, The World of the Polis , 247.

1. Donne, "The Relique," in The Complete English Poems , 112. According to the informer Richard Baines, Marlowe had asserted that "the woman of Samaria & her sister were whores & that Christ knew them dishonestly"; this allegation seems to conflate two New Testament figures: the woman of Samaria (John 4), whose sister is never mentioned, and Mary of Magdala, a prostitute and the sister of Martha. For Baines's testimony, see Millar Maclure, ed., Marlowe: The Critical Heritage 1588-1896 (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1979), 37.

2. Quoted in Winkler, Constraints , 93; fragments of Celsus's treatise survive as quotations in Origen's reply, the Contra Celsum , trans. Henry Chadwick (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1953).

3. For example, Lewis Wager's The Life and Repentaunce of Marie Magdalene (London, 1567); Thomas Robinson, The Life and Death of Mary Magdalene , ed. H. Oskar Sommer, Early English Text Society 78 (London: Kegan Paul, 1899); and Herbert's "Marie Magdalene." Many Roman Catholic texts as well focus on Mary's conversion and penitence; see, e.g., Pierre Janelle, Robert Southwell: The Writer (New York: Sheed and Ward, 1935), 189-90.

4. The Life of Saint Mary Magdalene and of Her Sister Saint Martha [formerly attributed to Rabanus Maurus], trans. and ed. David Mycoff, Cistercian Studies 108 (Kalamazoo: Cistercian Publications, 1989), 55.

5. Steinberg, "Love and Birth," 277; see also Margaret R. Miles, Carnal Knowing: Female Nakedness and Religious Meaning in the Christian West (Boston: Beacon, 1989), 124-25.

6. John Donne, The Sermons of John Donne , ed. George Potter and Evelyn Simpson, 10 vols. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1953-1962), 9:11.417-18; 2:14.480-85; 10:11.668-70.

7. Edmund Gosse, The Life and Letters of John Donne, Dean of St. Paul's , 2 vols. (1899; rpt. Gloucester, Mass.: Peter Smith, 1959), 2:360.

8. This account of Christ's appearance to Mary differs from the synoptic Gospels, where Mary Magdalene visits the tomb accompanied by one or more other women; cf. Matthew 28:1-10; Luke 24:1-11. The sequence of events recorded in Mark 16:1-11 is confusing, but it seems closer to John's version, where Christ first appears to Mary Magdalene separately.

9. Other manuscripts ascribe the sermon to Saint Bonaventure, Saint

Anselm, Geoffroy of Vendome, and Saint Bernard (Janelle, Southwell , 184; Victor Saxer, Le culte de Marie Madeleine en Occident, des origines à la fin du moyen âge , pref. Henri Marrou, 2 vols., Cahiers d'archeologie et d'historie [Paris: Librairie Clavreuil, 1959], 2:347n). It is also included in the 1508 Venice edition of the sermons of Zeno of Verona.

10. Geoffrey Chaucer, The Legend of Good Women , Text G, l. 418, in The Works of Geoffrey Chaucer , ed. F. N. Robinson, 2d ed. (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1957), 493.

11. Ten of these appear in editions of Origen and one in the sermons of Zeno of Verona; the one or perhaps two London versions include just the Magdalene sermon. It is also quoted extensively in Cornelius à Lapide's The Great Commentary —the standard Tridentine compendium of biblical exegesis.

12. Complete bibliographic information can be found in John P. McCall, "Chaucer and the Pseudo Origen De Maria Magdalena : A Preliminary Study," Speculum 46 (1971): 491-97.

13. General surveys of Magdalene material can be found in Saxer, Le culte ; Marjorie M. Malvern, Venus in Sackcloth: The Magdalen's Origins and Metamorphosis (Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 1975); Helen Meredith Garth, Saint Mary Magdalene in Medieval Literature , Johns Hopkins University Studies in Historical and Political Science (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1950); and John James McDermott," Mary Magdalene in English Literature from 1500 to 1650," Ph.D. diss., University of California, Los Angeles, 1964.

14. See Bertha Skeat's preface to Chaucer [pseudonym], The Lamentatyon of Mary Magdaleyne (Cambridge: Fabb and Tyler, 1897), 7.

15. Lawrence Lipking, Abandoned Women and Poetic Tradition (Chicago, 1988), 35; Heinrich Dorrie, "L'épître héroïque dans les littératures modernes," Revue de littérature comparée 40 (1966): 48-64.

16. On the fusion of Ovid and Canticles in the Middle Ages, see Nicholas James Perella, The Kiss Sacred and Profane: An Interpretative History of Kiss Symbolism and Related Religio-Erotic Themes (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1969), 115.

17. Andrewes, Sermons , 198.

18. Robert Southwell, Mary Magdalens Funeral Teares (1591) (Delmar, N.Y.: Scholars' Facsimiles, 1975), 8; cf. Gervase Markham, Marie Magdalens Lamentations (London, 1601), C4(r). Compare with Ovid's "I have stretched myself prostrate on my sorrowful bed, then springing tears, not slumber, is the service of mine eyes.... Oft I am distraught with woe; I lose sense of where I am and what my fate" ( Heroides and Amores , trans. Grant Showerman, 2d ed., Loeb Classical Library [Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1986], 8.109-12).

19. Markham, Lamentations , G3(r); Southwell, Funeral Teares , 64.

20. Pseudo-Chaucer, Lamentatyon , ll. 216, 674, 693; cf. The Complaynte of the Louer of Cryst Mary Magdaleyn (London, c. 1620), 8, 18-19.

21. Origen [pseudonym], Omelia origenis de beata Maria Magdalena (London, c. 1504), n.p.

22. Markham, Lamentations , B2(v), C3(r).

23. Origen [pseudonym], An Homilie of Marye Magdalene, declaring her fervent loue and zele towards CHRIST: written by that famous clerke ORIGENE (London, 1565), B6(r). Compare with Ovid's "What am I to do? Whither shall I take myself.... where am I to go? ... By these tears I pray you—tears moved by what you have done—turn about your ship, reverse your sail, glide swiftly back to me!" ( Heroides 10.59, 64, 147-51).

24. Markham, Lamentations , B2(r); Southwell, Funeral Teares , 17-18; pseudo-Chaucer, Lamentatyon , ll. 622-37.

25. Southwell, Funeral Teares , 54. This startling image of Christ lying in a lady's lap recurs in Southwell's "At Home in Heaven," which explains how the "ghostly beautie" of the soul "lull'd our heavenly Sampson fast asleepe, / And laid him in our feeble natures lap" (in Saint Peters Complaint, newly augmented with other Poems [London, 1605], 61). Southwell's metaphor seems to envision the hypostatic union as sexual intercourse, the same phrase having an overtly bawdy sense in Hamlet 3.2.111-17.

26. Markham, Lamentations G(v); cf. Southwell, Funeral Teares , 61.

27. Pseudo-Origen, An Homilie , B4(r)-B5(v).

28. Bernard of Clairvaux, On the Song of Songs II , trans. Kilian Walsh, intro. Jean Leclercq, 4 vols., Cistercian Fathers Series 7 (Kalamazoo, Mich.: Cistercian Publications, 1976), 3:80, sermon 27.7.

29. Bernard, Song of Songs , 3:95-96, sermon 28.9-10. For Mary Magdalene as a type of the church, see Steinberg, "Love and Birth," 247; Malvern, Venus in Sackcloth , 58.

30. John Calvin, Commentary on the Gospel According to John , trans. William Pringle, 2 vols. (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 1956), 2:254.

31. Suspecting her plan forcibly to recover Christ's body, the narrator warns her, "O Mary unlesse thy love have better warrant then common sence, I can hardly see how such designementes can be approved." She replies, "Approoved (saith shee) I would to God the execution were as easie as the proofe, and I should not so long bewaile my unfortunate losse" (Southwell, Funeral Teares , 39). Since Christ comes to Mary and not to the narrator, the latter's position is rendered ipso facto wrong.

32. Ioan P. Culiano, Eros and Magic in the Renaissance , trans. Margaret Cook (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987), 4-5, 39-40; Shuger, Sacred Rhetoric , 202-7. Cartesian epistemology differs from the Aristotelian/ scholastic tradition precisely because it breaks the ancient connection between knowledge and imaging.

33. Pseudo-Origen, An Homilie , A4(r); cf. Southwell, Funeral Teares , 3; Markham, Lamentations , C3(v), C4(v); pseudo-Chaucer, Lamentatyon , ll. 428-29. See also Augustine, Lectures or Tractates on the Gospel According to St. John , 2 vols., in The Works of Aurelius Augustine, Bishop of Hippo , ed. Marcus Dods, (Edinburgh: T. and T. Clark, 1874): "seeing that in the case even of such a Master, when His living presence was withdrawn from their eyes, His remembrance also had ceased to remain" (2:522).

34. Pseudo-Origen, An Homilie , C2(v); Markham, Lamentations , C4(r); Southwell, Funeral Teares , 6; Cornelius à Lapide, The Great Commentary , trans. Thomas Mossman, 3d ed., 6 vols. (London, 1889-1896), 6:261.

35. Culiano, Eros and Magic , 31-32.

36. Southwell, Funeral Teares , 13.

37. Pseudo-Origen, An Homilie , C5(r)-C6(v); cf. à Lapide, The Great Commentary (1889-1896) 6:262.

38. Bossy, Christianity in the West , 99-101.

39. Calvin, Commentary on John 2:252-60. But Calvin's criticism of Mary's disbelief closely resembles Bernard, Song of Songs 3:95, sermon 28.8.

40. Calvin, Commentary on John 2:259.

41. Southwell, Funeral Teares , 43.

42. Pseudo-Chaucer, Lamentatyon , ll. 295-98.

43. Andrewes, Sermons , 205.

44. Peter Brown, The Making of Late Antiquity (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1978), 45.

45. For two examples among many, see Thomas Laqueur, "Orgasm, Generation, and the Politics of Reproductive Biology," Representations 14 (1986): 1-41; Bynum, "The Body of Christ."

46. Winkler, Constraints , 17.

47. Perella, The Kiss , 85. For the purposes of this argument, it does not much matter whether the theological origins of courtly love be traced to Christian, gnostic, or Arabic mysticism, the latter two positions being held by Denis de Rougement ( Love in the Western World , trans. Montgomery Belgion, rev. ed. [New York: Harper, 1974], 44-52) and Culiano ( Eros and Magic , 16-18) respectively. According to all three analyses, the representation of spiritual experience structures secular eroticism.

48. "Eloisa to Abelard," in The Poems of Alexander Pope , ed. John Butt (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1963), l. 150.

49. Ibid., ll. 231-34.

50. Ibid., ll. 271-76.

51. Ibid., l. 25.

52. Culiano, Eros and Magic , 4; cf. Michel Foucault, The Foucault Reader , ed. Paul Rabinow (New York: Pantheon Books, Random House, 1984), 340.

53. Shakespeare's sonnets to the young man are thus, by and large, about

eros/love/longing; his dark lady sonnets, in contrast, concern sexuality, guilt, and carnality.

54. Robert Burton, The Anatomy of Melancholy , ed. Holbrook Jackson (New York: Vintage Books, Random House, 1977), 2.86.

55. Culiano, Eros and Magic , 30; Southwell, Funeral Teares , 12.

56. Burton, Anatomy 2.58, 65.

57. Sir Thomas Wyatt, in Silver Poets of the Sixteenth Century , ed. Gerald Bullett (London: Dent, 1947), 25, 37.

58. Cf. Spenser's Faerie Queene , 3.2.39, in The Complete Poetical Works . The identification of the bodily tout court with a person's sexual organs seems problematically implicit in some feminist attempts to link gender and writing, which assume that gendered selfhood originates in and is modeled on the secretions and turnescences of the genitals.

59. Burton, Anatomy 2.314-15.

60. Ibid. 2.325-40.

61. Ibid. 2.343, 397. The same basic analysis reappears in Meric Casaubon's digressive hodgepodge, A Treatise Concerning Enthusiasme of 1655, which diagnoses its subject as a form of melancholy or "depravation of the Understanding, as well as of the Imagination," caused perhaps by the devil or ambition ([Gainesville, Fla.: Scholars' Facsimiles, 1970], 52, 114-17, 130).

62. Henry More, Enthusiasmus triumphatus , intro. M. V. DePorte, Augustan Reprint Society 118 (Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1966), 12. Note that the path of this "new wine" traces that of semen (thought to originate in the brain and descend down the spinal column) in reverse.

63. Ibid., 17.

64. Ibid., 28, 37. The discovery of genital eroticism seems related to the simultaneous substitution of sexual wrongdoing for ambition and pride as the paradigmatic sin; as desire is traced to its sexual origin, Lovelace replaces Faustus and Iago.

65. Pope, The Rape of the Lock , in The Poems of Alexander Pope , 4.54.

66. Sidney, Astrophel and Stella 72, 199.

67. Already in the more liberal strains of sixteenth- and seventeenth-century theology one notes a discomfort with erotic spirituality; thus, Castellio and Grotius, who both develop the Erasmian/humanist stress on ethical responsibility, interpret Canticles as a poem about human, sexual love, Grotius providing copious analogies with the Classical erotic elegy (see Critici sacri 3:252-53; John Calvin, Letters of John Calvin , ed. Jules Bonnet, 4 vols. [Philadelphia: Presbyterian Board of Publication, 1858], 1:408-9). Stanley Stewart has, however, shown the continued vitality of medieval bridal mysticism among English Protestants through the mid-seventeenth century in his The Enclosed Garden: The Tradition and the Image in Seventeenth-Century Poetry (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1966).

68. Jonathan Swift, A Tale of a Tub to Which Is Added The Battle of the Books and The Mechanical Operation of the Spirit , ed. A. C. Guthkelch and D. Nichol Smith, 2d ed. (Oxford: Clarendon, 1958), 287.

69. Ibid., 164-65.

70. Ibid., 281.

71. Ibid., 288.

72. Ibid., 288. Gavin Langmuir reports that, in a library copy of The Idea of the Holy , a student has scribbled next to Rudolph Otto's description of the mysterium tremendum : "Sounds like intercourse" ( History, Religion, and Antisemitism , 78).

73. Lipking, Abandoned Women , xvii.

74. Pseudo-Origen, An Homilie , B2(r), 136; cf. Andrewes, Sermons , 205.

75. Southwell, Funeral Teares , 41-42.

76. Pseudo-Origen, An Homilie , 136(r); pseudo-Origen, Omelia , n.p.; pseudo-Chaucer, Lamentatyon , ll. 608-9.

77. Pseudo-Origen, An Homilie , B4(v); in the Latin, "cur derelinquisti me salus mea" ( Omelia , n.p.)—an obvious echo of Matthew 27:46.

78. Pseudo-Chaucer, Lamentatyon , ll. 708-14; cf. Complaynte , 24.

79. Pseudo-Chaucer, Lamentatyon , l. 521.

80. Ibid., ll. 531-32; Southwell, Funeral Teares , 11; pseudo-Origen An Homilie , A8(r)-B(r).

81. Hans Blumenberg, The Legitimacy of the Modern Age , trans. Robert M. Wallace, Studies in Contemporary German Social Thought (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1983), 133-35. Note the curious similarity to Chaucer's treatment of the Griselda story, where the original allegory—in which Walter figures God and Griselda stands for humankind (or Christian obedience)—is suddenly rejected because by justifying Griselda at the expense of Walter it implicitly contrasts the humble, virtuous soul to a cruel and tormenting (male) deity.

82. Pseudo-Chaucer, Lamentatyon , ll. 561-62.

83. Pseudo-Origen, An Homilie , A7(r).

84. Southwell, Funeral Teares , 8-9.

85. Walter W. Skeat, ed., Chaucerian and Other Pieces (Oxford: Clarendon, 1897), xi. Bertha Skeat comes to the same conclusion, noting that the poem's "strong personal feeling, restricted within a narrow range" indicates female authorship, since "it is a characteristic of women to give general statements a personal application" ( Lamentatyon , 32-33).

86. Pseudo-Origen, An Homilie , C6(r); Southwell, Funeral Teares , 67; cf. Markham, Lamentations , H2(v). Conversely, Nicholas Breton's The Blessed Weeper both muffles the erotic resonances of the medieval Magdalene narratives and explicitly addresses itself to a female audience, concluding, "Yet by her speech it seemed it was she, / That wisht all women might such weepers be" (in The Works in Verse and Prose , vol. 1); similarly, Vaughan's "St. Mary

Magdalen" adjures: "Learn, Ladies , here the faithful cure / Makes beauty lasting, fresh and pure" (in Major Poets of the Earlier Seventeenth Century , ed. Barbara Lewalski and Andrew Sabol [Indianapolis: Odyssey, 1973], ll. 45-46, p. 561). Premodern texts by or for women usually make their gendering explicit.

87. Brown, The Body and Society , 153.

88. Southwell, Funeral Teares , 22.

89. See Lipking, Abandoned Women , xviii-xix.

90. This sense of desolation is movingly articulated by Southwell's Mary: "Alas O my onely desire, why hast thou left me wavering in these uncertainties, and in how wilde a maze wander my doubtfull and perplexed thoughts?" ( Funeral Teares , 16).

91. Andrewes, Sermons , 196, 211; cf. à Lapide, The Great Commentary 6:259.

92. Southwell, Funeral Teares , 57.

93. Gregory the Great, XL homiliarum in Evangelia libri duo , ed. J. P. Migne, in Patrologia latina , 221 vols. (Paris, 1844-1900), 76:1189-90. In his sermon on Mary Magdalene, Andrewes thus remarks: "It is not enough for love, to looke in once. Thus we use, this is our manner when we seeke a thing seriously, where we have sought already, there to seeke againe, thinking wee did it not well, but, if we now looke againe, better, we shall surely find it, then. Amor quaerens ubi quaesivit . Love, that never thinkes, it hath looked enough" ( Sermons , 198); see also à Lapide, The Great Commentary (1889-96), 6:257.

94. Juan Luis Vives, De anima et vita (1538; rpt. Turin: Bottega d'Erasmo, 1959), 178.

95. Southwell, Funeral Teares , 61.

96. Foucault Reader , 371.

97. Southwell, Funeral Teares , 55-56.

98. Pseudo-Origen, An Homilie , CS(v); Omelia , n.p.

99. See Gregory the Great: "humor viscerum ad virilia labitur, quae profecto cum molestia dedecoris intumescunt" ( The Book of Pastoral Rule , 9). In explaining the phrase " viscera miseracordiae ," Andrewes additionally notes that these are "the bowels or vessels near the womb, near the loins ... the bowels of a father or mother" ( The Works of Lancelot Andrewes , 11 vols., Library of Anglo-Catholic Theology [Oxford, 1841-1872], 4:272); the passage suggests that, for Andrewes, the adult sexual organs—the "vessels'' near the womb and loins—are the organs of a nurturing instinct; they are associated with the care of children rather than sexual drive. Here again, Renaissance usage seems to dissolve the modern category of ''sex" into something else—exactly the opposite of the modern tendency to view everything else as somehow sexual.

100. Perella thus cites a striking passage from a seventeenth—century French theologian: "In the ecstasy of human love, who is unaware that we eat

and devour each other, that we long to become part of each other in every way, and, as the poet said, to carry off even with our teeth the thing we love in order to possess it, feed upon it, become one with it, live on it? That which is frenzy, that which is impotence in corporeal love is truth, is wisdom in the love of Jesus: 'Take, eat, this is my body': devour, swallow up not a part, not a piece but the whole" ( The Kiss , 3).

101. Foucault Reader , 355-62.

102. Saint Augustine, The Confessions of Saint Augustine , trans. Rex Warner (New York: New American Library, 1963), 13.9.

103. Foucault Reader , 352.

104. Shuger, Habits of Thought , 89.

105. Beginning with Gabriel Harvey, critics of Nashe's Christs Teares have argued for its debt to Southwell's Marie Magdalens Funeral Teares (McDermott, "Mary Magdalene," 144). If this is so, then Nashe's homily exemplifies the Calvinist transformation of female erotic spirituality into the mythos of male violence.

106. Foucault Reader , 372.

107. The lower figures represent two of the theological virtues—hope and charity—but the figure on the right symbolizes justice—a moral virtue—rather than the third theological virtue, faith. It is therefore tempting to identify the unnamed female in the upper left corner with the missing theological virtue, as though, by a sort of iconographic slippage, faith moves from the allegorical space of the lower portion of the façade into a historical arena comprising state, church, and soul.

108. The Works of that Learned and Judicious Divine, Mr. Richard Hooker , ed. John Keble, 7th ed., 3 vols. (1888; rpt. New York: Burt Franklin, 1970), 1:275-76, 338-39; cf. Shuger, Habits of Thought , 139-41.

109. Hooker, Works 3:341, 390; cf. Shuger, Habits of Thought , 39-40, 257, 262.

110. Malvern, Venus in Sackcloth , 160.

111. Lisa Jardine, Still Harping on Daughters: Women and Drama in the Age of Shakespeare (Sussex: Harvester, 1983), 77. For medieval parallels between the Virgin Mary and Mary Magdalene, see Saxer, Le culte 2:343.

1. After World War I, this condemnation also covers the patriotic sacrifices idealized by Classical authors.

2. Michel Foucault, Madness and Civilization: A History of Insanity in the Age of Reason , trans. Richard Howard (New York: Vintage Books, Random House, 1988), 81. See also his analysis of the late Gothic Speculum humanae salvationis , in which "the Passion of Christ ... is surrounded by all the glories of torture and its innumerable dreams; Tubal the blacksmith and Isaiah's

wheel take their places around the Cross, forming beyond all the lessons of the sacrifice the fantastic tableau of savagery, of tormented bodies, and of suffering." The symbols of Christ's sacrifice twisted into nightmare images of madness and unreason register, for Foucault, the first glimmerings of "the dawn of madness" (18-19).

3. Michel Foucault, Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison , trans. Alan Sheridan (New York: Vintage Books, Random House, 1979), 191-94.

4. Recent debates over NEA funding and the Mapplethorpe exhibit suggest the extent to which elite culture views perversity, alienation, and abnormality as touchstones of authentic art. Cf. Foucault, Madness , 285-89.

5. Elias, Power and Civility , 274.

6. Ibid., 294-98.

7. In The Interpretation of Dreams , Freud similarly comments on "the secular advance of repression in the emotional life of mankind" (in Complete Psychological Works 4:264).

8. Foucault, Madness , 197.