1. See Pratt, Imperial Eyes, 1-4.

2. Said, Culture and Imperialism, 6.

3. Hulme, “Subversive Archipelagos," 3.

4. John M. Mackenzie’s editorship of the multivolume series, Studies in Imperialism, is responsible for much of the wealth of historical material now available on the impact of empire on domestic British culture. See for example his Imperialism and Popular Culture and Propaganda and Empire. Other relevant monographs include Sharpe, Allegories of Empire ; Azim, Colonial Rise of the Novel ; Hall, White, Male and Middle Class ; Ware, Beyond the Pale ; Burton, Burdens of History ; Coombes, Reinventing Africa ; Sinha, Colonial Masculinity ; and McClintock, Imperial Leather.

5. For a trenchant rejection of empire’s constitutive impact on home, see Mackenzie, Orientalism . For a less toxic but equally powerful refusal, see Marshall, “No Fatal Impact?" 8-10. For a more moderate articulation, see his “Imperial Britain" and his edited collection, Cambridge Illustrated History.

6. The phrase “cultures of movement" is Barnor Hesse’s. See his “Black to Front and Black Again," 162-82. A recent exception to this trend is Gerzina, Black London.

7. See Gandhi, Autobiography ; and James D. Hunt, Gandhi in London.

8. Stanley, “British Feminist Histories," 3.

9. See Catherine Hall, “Rethinking Imperial Histories," 3-29; Gerzina, Black London ; Tabili, “We Ask for British Justice" ; and Anna Marie Smith, New Right Discourse on Race and Sexuality.

10. Visram, Ayahs.

11. See John Osmond in Walter, “Irishness, Gender and Place," 43. For an attempt to work out what it meant to be Jewish in nineteenth- and twentieth-century London at the level of the everyday, see Kushner, “Jew and Non-Jew in the East End of London," 32-52.

12. For a discussion of a different context in which the pedagogic is ethnographic, see Romero, “Vanishing Americans," 385-404, reprinted in Moon and Davidson, Subjects and Citizens, 87-105. I am grateful to Darlene Hantzis for this reference.

13. See the Times (London), November 2, 1922, p. 5, where Sorabji is listed as a class II under “Constitutional Law (English and Colonial) and legal History," and Office of Indian and Oriental Collections, MSS EUR F 165/116. The first English woman to qualify for the bar in Britain was Eliza Orme. See Howsam, “ ‘Sound-Minded Women,’ “44-45. I am grateful to Jane Rendall for sharing this reference with me. Mitham Tata (née Lam) was also among the first crop of Indian women barristers according to her memoir, Autumn Leaves: Some Memories of Yesteryear (held privately and provided courtesy of Geraldine Forbes).

14. See Sinha, “Gender in the Critiques of Colonialism and Nationalism," 246-75.

15. This included the consummation of child marriages when the bride was under the age of twelve. According to Dagmar Engels, “[S]uch illegal sex was defined as rape and was punishable by a maximum of ten years imprisonment or transportation for life." See her “Age of Consent Act of 1891," 107; and Kosambi, “Girl-Brides and Socio-Legal Change," 1857-68. For the most recent and most skillful examination of Malabari’s campaign to date, see Sinha, Colonial Masculinity, especially chapter 4; Nair also deals briefly with age-of-consent debates in Women and Law , 71-79.

16. Ortner, “Resistance and the Problem of Ethnographic Refusal," 173.

17. Janaki Agnes Penelope Majumdar, “Family History," 7. Unpublished manuscript provided courtesy of Amar Singh.

18. Gerzina, Black London , 204. Hesse, “Black to Front and Black Again," 162-82, challenges what he considers to be the dominant narrative of the history of black Britain. See also Fryer, Staying Power ; Visram, Ayahs ; and Holmes, John Bull’s Island , 1-85.

19. I am borrowing the term “critical geography" here from Morrison, Playing in the Dark , especially chapter 1. For Victorian London as an imperial city, see Port, Imperial London ; for the call to remap British history, see Marks, “History, the Nation and the Empire," 111-19; Stanley, “British Feminist Histories," 3-7; Antoinette Burton, “ ‘Rules of Thumb,’ “483-500. For an assessment of empire’s impact on Europe more generally, see Stoler, Race and the Education of Desire .

20. See Bill Schwarz, introduction to The Expansion of England , 1-8. For a discussion of how cultures express their will through the mapping of urban space, see Harvey, Condition of Postmodernity . The persistent disaggregation of Home and Away seems as tenacious as the “dialectical polarity" of separate spheres. See Vickery, “Golden Age to Separate Spheres?" 383-414.

21. Fryer, Black People in the British Empire , 7.

22. See Mackenzie, Orientalism . The quote is from Benita Parry, “Overlapping Territories and Intertwined Histories," 24.

23. I am grateful to Catherine Hall for pressing this point in conversation; see her White, Male and Middle Class , 1, and her essay, “Histories, Empires."

24. See MacDonald, Language of Empire , esp. chapter 2, entitled “Island Stories," as well as Glendenning, “School History Textbooks," 33; Said, Culture and Imperialism , 209; and Holmes, Immigrants and Minorities in British Society . See also Ware, “Island Racism," 65-86.

25. Gilroy, Black Atlantic , 7.

26. Quote is from Kureishi, London Kills Me , x; see also Fryer, Black People in the British Empire , especially xi-xv and 73-77.

27. Olaudah Equiano was a slave from Benin who purchased his freedom in 1766 and wrote his life story (The Interesting Narrative of the Life of Olaudah Equiano ) in 1789; Mary Seacole was a Jamaican nurse who served in the Crimean War and wrote an account of it (The Wonderful Adventures of Mrs. Seacole in Many Lands ); see Edwards and Dabydeen, Black Writers in Britain, 1760-1890 . For newspaper coverage of the Major government’s response to their inclusion in British history texts, see “The ‘Betrayal’ of Britain’s History," Daily Telegraph (London), September 19, 1995; “Heroic Virtues" and “History Fit for (Politically Correct) Heroes," The Sunday Telegraph (London), September 24, 1995. I am grateful to Audrey Matkins for these references.

28. Dabydeen, “On Note Being Milton," 12. Kobena Mercer, for his part, calls Britain “a green and not-always-so-pleasant Third World Albion." See his Welcome to the Jungle , 8.

29. In 1888 Sir John Strachey assured Cambridge undergraduates, “[T]here is not, and never was an India, or even any country of India . . . no nation, no ‘people of India’ of which we hear so much . . . [T]hat the men of the Punjab, Bengal, the North-west Provinces, and Madras, should ever feel that they belong to one great Indian nation, is impossible," Quoted in Sumit Sarkar, Modern India 1885-1947 , 2.

30. Sorabji, India Calling , ix. Harish Trivedi suggests that Rabindranath Tagore felt the same way. See Colonial Transactions , 56.

31. For an example of the latter see Killingray, Africans in Britain .

32. Gilroy, Black Atlantic , 10.

33. This was true both inside Maharashtra as well as outside it. See Kosambi, “Meeting of the Twain," 1-22. As Madhu Kishwar has noted, as early as the mid-1890s, the names of Pandita Ramabai, Cornelia Sorabji, and Rukhmabai were well-known among educated Punjabis and especially in the Arya Samaj, which was dedicated to the education of women and girls. See her “Daughters of Aryavarta," 103.

34. Lindeborg, “ ‘Asiatic’ and the Boundaries of Victorian Englishness," 401; see also Catherine Hall, “Rethinking Imperial Histories."

35. Sinha, Colonial Masculinity , 9.

36. See Kaviraj, “Imaginary Institution of India," 33; and Sangari, “Relating Histories," 32-34.

37. See for example Bholanath Chandra’s Travels of a Hindoo (1869) as discussed in Grewal’s Home and Harem , 155-59.

38. See for example Baijnath, England and India ; and Pillai, London and Paris through Indian Spectacles .

39. I am indebted to Sumathi Ramaswamy for this point. For a discussion of the production of ethnographies in travel literature to the New World in the early modern period, see Schwartz’s introduction in Implicit Understanding , 3-5.

40. I am grateful to Laura Tabili for urging me to clarify this point.

41. I am aided in this conceptualization by Greg Dening’s “P 905. A512 x 100," 864; see also his Performances ; and Ross, “Grand Narrative in American Historical Writing," 676. For recent examples of this in British history see Vernon, Politics and the people ; Walkowitz, City of Dreadful Delight ; Joyce, Democratic Subjects ; and Mayhall, “Creating the ‘Suffragette Spirit,’ “ 319-44.

42. From the handlist, Oriental and India Office Collections, MSS. EUR. F. 165, p. 1. Thanks to Philippa Levine for securing me a photocopy of the handlist.

43. Pandita Ramabai yancha Englandcha Pravas (1883). See Kosambi, Pandita Ramabai’s Feminist and Christian Conversions .

44. See Adrienne Rich, “Notes towards a Politics of Location," where she compels feminists to ask “[W]here, when and under what conditions has the statement been true?" (214).

45. Indeed, with critics like James Clifford arguing that expatriate Indians have not and do not constitute a “true" diaspora, boundary keeping is at work even as diasporic movements are being historicized. See his “Diasporas," 302-38. For a counterargument, see Women of South Asian Descent Collective, Our Feet Walk the Sky .

46. Harvey, Condition of Postmodernity , 238.

47. Said, Culture and Imperialism , 7.

48. See Carr, “Crossing the First World/Third World Divides," 154.

49. Breckenridge, “Aesthetics and Politics of Colonial Collecting," 197. I am grateful to Barbara Ramusack for this reference.

50. See Boyce Davies’s discussion of how Latinos/Latinas have reconceptualized America in her Black Women, Writing, and Identity , 10; Appadurai, “Heart of Whiteness," 796; and Linebaugh, “All the Atlantic Mountains Shook" 87-121.

51. This is a paraphrase of Kobena Mercer’s “why the need for nation?" See Welcome to the Jungle , 5 and 31.

52. Sangari, “Relating Histories," 32.

53. See Catherine Hall, “Histories, Empires," 76. For an extended reflection on this theme see Chow, Writing Diaspora , 15 and ff. Vera Kutzinski argues that Cuban nationalism has historically been an exception. See her Sugar’s Secrets .

54. See Dirks’s introduction to Colonialism and Culture , 6.

55. Bannerji, Thinking Through , 23; and Robb, introduction to Concept of Race , 40. See also di Leonardo, “White Ethnicities, Identity Politics, and Baby Bear’s Chair," 165-91.

56. While this idea is a commonplace of feminist and postcolonial theories, it has been less enthusiastically embraced by historians of Western metropolitan cultures. For an interesting exception, see Joyce, Democratic Subject .

57. Loomba, “Dead Women Tell No Tales," 223.

58. Quote is from Ahmad. In Theory , 6; see also Walkowitz, City of Dreadful Delight , 9-10. These are borrowings from and transformations of Karl Marx’s claim that “men make their own history, but they do not make it just as they please; they do not make it under circumstances chosen by themselves, but under circumstances directly found, given and transmitted from the past." The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte (1852; New York: International Publishers, 1963).

59. See Niranjana, Sudhir, and Dhareshwar, Interrogating Modernity , 7.

60. I am borrowing here from Mankekar’s “Reflections on Diasporic Identities," 350. I am grateful to Madhavi Kale for sharing this reference with me.

61. Susan Stanford Friedman calls this “relational positionality," a strategy for reading that she offers as a counter to the polarities of “white versus other" in contemporary popular discourse. See her “Beyond White and Other," 1-49. I am grateful to Philippa Levine, Laura Tabili, and Susan Thorne for insisting on this point.

62. Sangari, “Politics of the Possible," 264.

63. See Kosambi, At the Intersection of Gender Reform and Religious Belief , 38-45. For a discussion of the complex and dangerous social locations of the Christian convert, though one that does not make gender a focus, see Viswanathan, “Coping with (Civil) Death," 183-210. For the most recent discussion of Ramabai’s engagements with Indian nationalists after her return to India, see Grewal, Home and Harem , 203-208.

64. See Cooper and Stoler, “Tensions of Empire," 610; and Tanika Sarkar, “Rhetoric against Age of Consent; Resisting Colonial Reason in the Death of a Child-Wife," 1869-78.

65. Loomba, “Dead Women Tell No Tales," 209-27; and Sinha, “Gender in the Critiques of Colonialism and Nationalism," 246-75.

66. Chow, Writing Diaspora , 26; and Mani, “Female Subject," 274 and ff. See also Alcoff, “Problem of Speaking for Others," 5-32; and Griffiths, “Myth of Authenticity," 70-71.

67. For a critique of the normative impulses of some identity politics, see Butler, “Imitation and Gender Subordination," 13-31. The quote is from Dening, “P 905.A512 x 100," 861. Patrick Joyce calls this maneuver an “anthropological intervention." See his Democratic Subjects , 14.

68. See Fraser, “Reply to Zylan," 531.

69. I am drawing here for the latter point on R. Radhakrishnan’s critiques of identity in his “Postcolonialism and the Boundaries of Identity," 759.

70. Brown, “Polyrhythms and Improvisation," 85-90; and Boyce Davies, Black Women, Writing, and Identity , 8.

71. Leslie Flemming treats Ramabai and Sorabji together on the grounds that they were converts, along with a third Indian Christian woman who was their contemporary, Krupabai Satthianadhan, See “Between Two Worlds," 81-107. See also Tuson, Queen’s Daughters ; Kosambi, “Indian Response to Christianity, Church and Colonialism," WS 61-71 and “Gender Reform and Competing State Controls over Women," 265-90; Sinha, Colonial Masculinity , chapter 4; and Burton, Burdens of History .

72. Vinay Lal, “Incident of the ‘Crawling Lane,’ “37.

73. See Stuart Hall, “Cultural Identity and Cinematic Representation," 68.

74. See Gouda, Dutch Culture Overseas , 6. For an elaboration of this point in another context, see Blunt, “Mapping Authorship and Authority," 53; and Fraser, “Reply," 532.

75. The term ‘identity project" is Amina Mama’s. See her Beyond the Masks , 156.

76. According to John R. Hinnells, Parsis in the nineteenth century believed that they were “the most British-like of all the races." See his “Parsi Zoroastrians in London," 258.

77. Sorabji, India Calling , 52.

78. See Cornwall and Lindisfarne, Dislocating Masculinity , 1-8.

79. Bhabha, Location of Culture , 2.

80. Thanks to Alison Fletcher for helping me to articulate this point.

81. Santha Rama Rau experienced this phenomenon on her return to India after living in Britain as a girl; see her chapter “On Learning to Be an Indian," in Home to India , 13-25.

82. See Grewal and Kaplan, Scattered Hegemonies , esp. chapter 1.

83. For a similar approach to historical “subjects," see Kutzinski, Sugar’s Secrets ; Bederman, Manliness and Civilization ; and Scott, “ Only Paradoxes to Offer ."

84. Code, Rhetorical Spaces , ix. Elsewhere Code labels these the speaker’s or knower’s “necessary and sufficient conditions" and calls for a “ new geography of the epistemic terrain." See her “Taking Subjectivity into Account," 15 and 39.Emphasis in the original. Faith L. Smith describes how Sandra Pouchet-Pacquet reads the differences between Mary Seacole’s and Mary Prince’s narratives as evidence of their various social locations. See Smith’s “Coming Home to the Real Thing," 901.

85. Walter, “Irishness, Gender and Place," 35; see also Blunt and Rose’s introduction to Women Writing and Space , 5.

86. See for example Kelly, “Diaspora and World War," 476, 482. Kelly calls on scholars to banish the “identity fetish" from their vocabularies (487).

87. The idea of gender as performance, from which I derive much of this analysis, is from Butler’s Gender Trouble . The quote is from Kutzinski, Sugar’s Secrets , xiii; see also Faith Smith, “Coming Home," 902.

88. This is Bill Schwarz, “Memories of Empire," quoting Stuart Hall in Bammer, Displacements , 157.

89. See Scott, “Evidence of Experience," 773-97.

90. De Certeau, Practice of Everyday Life , xxiv.

91. This is Caren Kaplan quoting Chandra Mohanty in “Reconfigurations of Geography and Historical Narrative," 26. For a similar sentiment see Adrienne Rich, Atlas of the Difficult World , 6.

92. Boyce Davies, Black Women, Writing, and Identity , 22. See also Blunt and Rose’s introduction to Women Writing and Space , 1.

93. I am borrowing from the insight of Eleni Varikas here, who suggests that late-twentieth-century feminist historians are working in diaspora, between social history on the one hand and “deconstruction" on the other. I am not embracing the dichotomous in-between that she maps, nor am I satisfied with the particular polarity she sets up; bur I have found her use of the concept helpful nonetheless. See “Gender, Experience and Subjectivity," 101. See also Kaplan, “Deterritorialization," 187-98.

94. Bhabha, Location of Culture , 9.

95. Painter, “Three Southern Women and Freud," 212; Cohen, Combing of History , 13. I am grateful to Joan Scott for pressing me on this point as well.

96. For an important example of the critique of the discursive turn in feminist theory, see Ebert’s Ludic Feminism and After .

97. O’Connell et al., “Editorial," 787-96; Mbilinyi, “Research Methodologies in Gender Issues," 35; Connolly et al., “Editorial," 1-4; and Boyce Davies, Black Women, Writing, and Identity .

98. Meaghan Morris, “Man in the Mirror," 257. Many thanks to Saloni Mathur for this reference.

99. Kaminsky, “Gender, Race, Raza ," 7-31. Thanks to Maria Lima for this reference. See also Brown, “Polyrhythms," 85-90.

100. Thorne, “ ‘Conversion of Englishmen,’ “ 238-62; and Kale, “Casting Labor in the Imperial Mold," provided courtesy of the author. For other examples of this claim at work, see Martinez-Alier, Marriage, Class and Colour in Nineteenth-Century Cuba , 82 and passim; and Frankenberg and Mani, “Crosscurrents, Crosstalk," 292-310.

101. See for example Tanika Sarkar, “Rhetoric against Age of Consent," 1869-78.

102. Feierman, “Africa in History," 50. For an interesting example of this in practice, see Demos, Unredeemed Captive .

103. Stoler, “ ‘Mixed-Bloods,’ "45.

1. Quoted in Holmes, John Bull’s Island , 31.

2. For a complex and shrewd analysis of the role of the British Museum in national-imperial culture, see Grewal, “The Guidebook and the Museum: Imperialism, Education and Nationalism in the British Museum," Bucknell Review 34 (1990); 195-217, recast in her recent Home and Harem as chapter 3.

3. Visram, Ayahs, 178.

4. Banerjea, Nation in Making , 12; Sanyal, General Biography , 17.

5. See Gandhi, Autobiography , 3-70.

6. Fryer, Staying Power , xi.

7. Shyllon, Black People in Britain, 1555-1833 , 3.

8. In Hugh Kearney’s British Isles , for example, the two chapters entitled “The Britannic Melting Pot" and “The Rise of Ethnic Politics" turn out to refer to the cultural mix and political aspirations of the Celtic fringe against “Englishness." Richard Price, who opens his 1996 essay on “Historiography, Narrative and the Nineteenth Century" with the claim that “the narrative stories of nineteenth-century British history have been pulled seriously out of joint," scarcely mentions empire (220-56).

9. Kim F. Hall, Things of Darkness , 133.

10. Ballard, Desh Pardesh , 8.

11. Williams, Capitalism and Slavery , 44, 142, 190; Walvin, Slavery and the Slave Trade , especially chapter 8; Hecht, “Continental and Colonial Servants," 37; McCalman, Radical Underworld , chapter 3; Gerzina, Black London .

12. See Fletcher, “ ‘God Shall Wipe All Tears from Their Eyes,’ " provided courtesy of the author. See also Mackrell, Hariru Wikitoria!

13. Stock, History , 382; see also Collins, Moonstone , esp. FN. 3, p. 526.

14. Bolt, Victorian Attitudes towards Race , ix. Emphasis added.

15. Lorimer, Colour, Class and the Victorians ; Paul Rich, Race and Empire in British Politics and “Black Diaspora in Britain," 151-73; File and Power, Black Settlers in Britain, 1555-1958 ; Walvin, Black and White . See also Scobie, Black Britannia ; Lotz and Pegg, Under the Imperial Carpet ; Tabili, “ We Ask for British Justice "; Killingray, Africans in Britain ; Gundara and Duffield, Essays on the History of Blacks ; and McClintock, Imperial Leather .

16. For primary texts, see for example Edwards and Dabydeen, Black Writers in Britain, 1760-1890 ; Alexander and Dewjee, Wonderful Adventures of Mrs. Seacole in Many Lands ; and Moira Ferguson, History of Mary Prince, a West Indian Slave .

17. Kathleen Wilson, “Citizenship, Empire and Modernity," 82.

18. George, London Life in the Eighteenth Century , 134.

19. Fryer, Staying Power , 235; Killingray, Africans in Britain , 2; Visram, Ayahs , 53; see also Gilroy, Black Atlantic ; and Braidwood, Black Poor and White Philanthropists .

20. Fryer, Staying Power , 236; Nicholson, Strangers to England , 80; Walvin, Black and White , 189-20; Stedman Jones, Outcast London . The 1921 Census for the county of London documented that there were slightly more than twenty thousand “presumptively black" inhabitants (including people from the Indian Empire, Ceylon, Egypt, West African colonies, and the West Indies). See Tabili, “Reconstructing Black Migration in the Imperial Metropolis, 1900-1939."

21. The same racialism applied to “blacks" in the British Empire could be turned on the Irish as well. Two essays that are particularly thoughtful about the historical relations between the Irish and “Indians" are Gibbon, “Race against Time," 95-177; and Muldoon, “Indian as Irishman," 267-89. Thanks to Angela Woollacott for urging me to emphasize this point. For a history of Jewish communities in Britain, see Feldman, Englishmen and Jews ; for the racialization of one of Victorian Britain’s most public Jewish men, see Wohl, “Dizzi-Ben-Dizzi," 375-411.

22. Winter, London’s Teeming Streets, 1830-1914 ; and Walkowitz, “Daughter of Empire."

23. See Henry Mayhew, London Labour and the London Poor ; Doré and Blanchard, London , 146; “A Walk Round the Colonies," Pall Mall Gazette , May 4, 1886, p. 1; Collins, Moonstone . For a recent study of the representation of empire in Victorian fiction, see David, Rule Britannia .

24. Deakin, Cohen, and MacNeal, Colour, Citizenship and British Society , 31.

25. Among such representations is George Sims’s Edwardian London , first published in three volumes in 1902 by Cassell and Co., Ltd., under the title Living London . I consulted volume 1 of the reprint. Individual “others" could interrupt the field of vision of the reader-consumer in brief but revealing contexts; see for example, Doré and Blanchard London . The term “scopic feast" is Coombes’s. See her “Inventing the ‘Postcolonial,’ " 43.

26. Henry Thompson, “Indian and Colonial London," 306-11. Thanks to Angela Woollacott for this reference.

27. Gilroy, Black Atlantic , 122.

28. Morrison, Playing in the Dark , 5, 9, and 14.

29. Frankenberg and Mani, “Crosscurrents, Crosstalk," 298.

30. See Said, Culture and Imperialism , xi-xxviii; and Bhabha, “Other Question," 71-87, esp. p. 72.

31. Women of South Asian Descent Collective, Our Feet Walk the Sky .

32. For an insightful discussion of the Aryan myth and its consequences for racism among South Asians, see Mazumdar, “Racist Responses to Racism," 47-55.

33. For an examination of the Indian lobby’s various radical connections, see Morrow, “Origins and Early Years of the British Committee of the Indian National Congress, 1885-1907"; and S. B. Cook, Imperial Affinities .

34. Duffield, “Dusé Mohammed Ali," 124-49.

35. Visram, Ayahs , 24-25, 56-57.

36. As John R. Hinnells points out, though they were political opponents (Bhownaggree was a critic of the Indian National Congress), the two collaborated nonetheless - as, for example, in the Parsi Association, founded in London in 1861. See his “Parsi Zoroastrians in London," 258-59.

37. Salter, Asiatic in England , 182. I am grateful to Philippa Levine for introducing me to this source. Perhaps this was what Henry James referred to when he wrote that “the edge of Westminster evokes as many associations of misery as of empire. The neighbourhood has been much purified of late, but it still contains a collection of specimens . . . of the low, black element." See his “London," in Henry James, Collected Travel Writings , 30 (original essay first published in 1888).

38. Salter, East in the West .

39. Biswanath Das, Autobiography of an Indian Princess , esp., chapters 9 and 10.

40. See above, notes 6 and 7. For an example of the persistence of this investigative tradition into the twentieth century, see J. Parry, “New Britons," 17-25; December 5, 1971, 14-18 and 21-22; and December 12, 1971, 38-41, 43-44—all of which peer into the urban and local spaces of Britain to observe “colonial immigrants" at work.

41. For reproductions of photographs and engravings of the exhibition, see Vadgama, India in Britain ; for an example of coverage by newspapers, see The Saturday Review for May 8, May 22, June 5, June 19, July 17, and July 24, 1886.

42. See Kale, “Casting Labor in the Imperial Mold," unpublished paper provided courtesy of the author.

43. Gupta, Indians Abroad , 27; and Rajkumar, Indians outside India .

44. Jain, Indian Communities Abroad , 1; Tinker, Banyan Tree , 8.

45. “The Ameer Abdurrahman," Times , May 7, 1884, p. 6.

46. Kim F. Hall, Things of Darkness , 11.

47. “Ram Mohun Roy," The Saturday Review , July 7, 1888, p. 21.

48. Ibid., 22.

49. He stayed with John and Joseph Hare, brothers of David Hare, whom Roy knew from Calcutta. He landed in Liverpool in April of 1831 and made his way to London from there; he also traveled to France on this trip, though he experienced some difficulty in obtaining the necessary papers to cross the channel. See Brajendra Nath Banerji, “Last Days of Rajah Rammohun Roy," The Modern Review , 381-83.

50. Carpenter, Last Days in England of the Rajah Rammohun Ray , 80. For an account of Hill’s career and reform interests, see Gorham, “Victorian Reform as a Family Business," 119-47. Thanks to Philippa Levine for bringing this reference to my attention.

51. See Brajendra Nath Banerji, “Sutherland’s Reminiscences of Rammohun Roy," 65.

52. Carpenter, Last Days , p. 81.

53. Brajendra Nath Banerji, “Sutherland’s Reminiscences of Rammohun Roy," 70. Many years later Edward Thompson, in an interesting parallel, insisted that Tagore’s “feminine contradictoriness’ was a crucial part of his character. See E. P. Thompson, Alien Homage , 49.

54. Carpenter, Last Days , 21.

55. Ibid., 61.

56. Ibid., 60.

57. See Brajendra Nath Banerji, “Rajah Rammohun Roy’s Mission to England," 391-97, 561-65; “Rammohun Roy’s Political Mission to England," 18-21, 160-65; “Rammohun Roy in the Service of the East India Company," 570-76; “Rammohun Roy’s Embassy to England," 49-61.

58. See Manton, Mary Carpenter and the Children of the Streets ; Barbara Ramusack, “Cultural Missionaries, Maternal Imperialists, Feminist Allies," 119-36; and Antoinette Burton, “Fearful Bodies into Disciplined Subjects," 545-74.

59. For a fuller discussion of the impact of India on female reform and feminist circles in Victorian Britain, see Burton, Burdens of History .

60. Brown, Origins of an Asian Democracy , 161-62.

61. See Borthwick, Keshub Chunder Sen , chapter 3.

62. Keshub Chunder Sen to Frances Power Cobbe, 10 September, 1869; Frances Power Cobbe Papers, Huntingdon Library Archives, Los Angeles, California. I am grateful to George Robb for this citation. See also Borthwick, Keshub Chunder Sen , 95-96.

63. P. c. Majumdar, Life and Teachings of Keshub Chunder Sen , 142.

64. Burton, Burdens of History . See also Burton, “Fearful Bodies into Disciplined Subjects," 545-74.

65. P. C. Majumdar, Life and Teachings , 144.

66. Ibid.

67. Cobbe, Life , vol. 2, 452.

68. Keshub Chunder Sen in England: Diaries, Sermons, Addresses and Epistles , 26.

69. Borthwick, Keshub Chunder Sen , 100; F. Max Muller, Biographical Essays , 72.

70. P. C. Majumdar, Life and Teachings , 143.

71. Quoted in Borthwick, Keshub Chunder Sen , 108 and 132.

72. Borthwick, Keshub Chunder Sen , 101.

73. Cobbe, Life , 451. For a similar reading by an English woman of an Indian man in Britain at about the same time, see Captain Edward C. West, Diary of the Late Rajah of Kolhapoor , 136-40.

74. Cobbe, Life , 451.

75. Keshub Chunder Sen in England , 37.

76. P. C. Majumdar, Life and Teaching , 144-45.

77. Borthwick, Keshub Chunder Sen , 120.

78. Ibid., 46-47.

79. Ibid., 142. Sen gave no public explanation for his decision and, as Borthwick recounts, was extremely concerned about its impact on his international reputation. See Keshub Chunder Sen , 182 and ff. She suggests that pressure from the British administration of Cooch Behar was a factor. In fact, Keshub objected to the fact that the Maharaja was a minor (15) and his daughter was not yet 14; that the marriage was not performed with Brahmo rites; and that Keshub was excluded from the ceremony because he had lost his caste. I am grateful to Geraldine Forbes for these details.

80. Keshub Chunder Sen in England , 462.

81. Borthwick, Keshub Chunder Sen , 174. See also the Times’s obituary on Sen, Jan 10, 1884, p. 7.

82. “Ram Mohun Roy," The Saturday Review , July 7, 1888, pp. 21-22.

83. Nowrojee and Merwanjee, Residence of Two Years and a Half in Great Britain , 28.

84. Ibid., 31.

85. Ibid., 299.

86. Ibid., 24.

87. See for example Koolee Meerza, Journal of a Residence in England , 258-62. I am grateful to David Pike for this reference. See also Ragaviah, Pictures , 44; Dasa, Reminiscences , 37; and Ram, My Trip , 10 and 28.

88. Meerza, Journal of a Residence , 260. See also Tarakoli-Targhi, “Orientalism’s Genesis Amnesia," 1-14.

89. See Malabari, Indian Eye , 33-34; and Mary Hobhouse, “Further Sketches by an Indian Pen," Indian Magazine and Review (March 1890): 145. The “Indian Pen" was M. Hasan Khan, who visited England in the spring and summer of 1888. Jhinda Ram recounted that the first person to “welcome" him when he got off the boat in Liverpool was a woman hailing him as follows: “ ‘Why don’t you take me with you!’ " It was “Horrible, horrible indeed," he recalled, “to get such a welcome when one goes to a country to seek enlightenment! I heeded her not, and proceeded on my way." My Trip , 8.

90. Sorabji, India Calling , 52.

91. This is an idea put forward by Michael Levenson in his National Endowment for the Humanities Summer Seminar, “The Culture of London, 1850-1925," 1995.

92. Levenson, “Culture of London, 1850-1925"; Mukharji, Visit , 105. For a fuller account of Indian men in London, see Burton, “Making a Spectacle of Empire," 96-117.

93. See for example Onwhyn, Mr. and Mrs. Brown’s Visit to London ; and Henry Sutherland Edwards, Official Account of the Chinese Commission .

94. Coombes, Reinventing Africa .

95. Desmond, India Museum; Empire of India: Special Catalog of Exhibits ; and Cundall, Reminiscences .

96. Rakhal Haldar Das, Diary , 57. According to David Kopf, Das was a Brahmo. See Brahmo Samaj and the Shaping of the Modern Indian Mind , 30.

97. See Donna Haraway, “Teddy Bear Patriarchy: Taxidermy in the Garden of Eden, New York City, 1908-36," in her Primate Visions , 28.

98. Ibid. For an echo of Das’s critical melancholia, see Boon, “Why Museums Make Me Sad," 255-77.

99. Ragaviah, Pictures , 68.

100. Dutt, Three Years in Europe , 123.

101. See Grewal’s Home and Harem , 91 and chapter 3.

102. Ram, My Trip , 34-38.

103. Not only was Ceylon disaggregated from India in both the Great Exhibition on 1851 and the Colonial and Indian exhibition of 1886, but more than one Indian traveler included the island in his grand tour. See Great Exhibition of the Works of Industry of All Nations , vol. 2, “British Possessions in Asia: India and Ceylon"), 857-938. The text breaks down the distinction further between the “East Indies" (857-937) and “Ceylon" (937-38); note the proportional difference in coverage (fifty pages versus two pages). See also Cundall, Reminiscences , “Plan" (n.p.), which shows Ceylon’s one court dwarfed by the plethora of Indian display sites. For examples of Indian men who constructed Ceylon as a tourist site, se Dasa, Reminiscences ; and Baijnath, England and India .

104. Mukharji, Visit , 100-107. For another virtually contemporary example of this taxonomic racism on the part of a Bengali, see Sinha, Colonial Masculinity , 92.

105. Ram, My Trip , 11.

106. Dutt, Three Years in Europe , iii.

107. See, for example, The Mahratta , February 28, 1886, p. 8.

108. Among the institutions devoted to “superintending" Indians in Britain in this period were the Asiatics’ Home, the Oriental Institute at Woking, the Northbrook Indian Club, and the National Indian Association.

109. Dutt, Three Years in Europe , 153.

110. Emphasis in the original.

111. Dutt, Three Years in Europe , 144-45.

112. Tagore, Reminiscences , 157-77.

113. See the Journal of the National Indian Association (Later the Indian Magazine and Review [IMR ]]) for 1871-1895.

114. Rakhal Haldar Das, Diary , 50.

115. Malabari, Indian Eye , 188.

116. Janaki Agnes Penelope Majumdar, “Family History," 46.

117. Tagore, Reminiscences , 159.

118. Ibid., 169-74.

119. Wasti, Memoirs and Other Writings , 22-23. Alexander Crummell, an African American arriving in Britain in the 1840s, agreed, recalling, “My black complexion is a great advantage and a real possession here, connected with other real qualities I am supposed to possess." See Wilson Jeremiah Jones, Alexander Crummell , 53. Thanks to Herman Bennett for this reference.

120. Rakhal Haldar Das, Diary , 88; Albion Rajkumar Banerji, Indian Pathfinder , 25.

121. Salter, East in the West , 19.

122. Duff, Queen Victoria’s Highland Journal , 360. See also Vadgama, India in Britain .

123. For a discussion of this phenomenon in general terms, see Grewal, Home and Harem , 139-41.

124. Gandhi, Autobiography , 30-34; Sanyal, General Biography , 20.

125. Janaki Agnes Penelope Majumdar, “Family History," 12.

126. Albion Rajkumar Banerji, Indian Pathfinder , 24.

127. Banerjea, Nation in Making , 16.

128. See Dutt, Romesh Chunder Dutt , 12-14. Monmohun Ghose’s father also died while he was in Britain, and because he had broken caste by crossing the “black waters," he could not perform the religious ceremonies connected with his father’s passing when he did return to India. Quoted in Radford, Indian Journal , 171-72.

129. Wasti, Memoirs , 22 and 24-29. For an account by another Muslim traveler, see Sayyid Ahmad Khan’s trip to England in 1869-70; see also Lelyveld, Aligarh’s First Generation , 104-18.

130. Albion Rajkumar Banerji, Indian Pathfinder , 22-23.

131. Ibid., 31.

132. Gandhi, Autobiography , 54-60. He publicly announced his marital status in a vegetarian magazine in 1891 (after more than two years in London), as part of an interview about why he had come to Britain and how he experienced life there. See Collected Works , 57. For a discussion that contextualizes Gandhi’s relationship to celibacy, see Alter, “Celibacy", 45-66.

133. Gosse, Ancient Ballads , 12-28; see also Harihar Das, Life and Letters of Toru Dutt ; and Grewal, Home and Harem , 163-65.

134. Janaki Agnes Penelope Majumdar, “Family History."

135. See Tharu and Lalita, Women Writing , vol. 1, 329.

136. For a brief account of Joshi’s time in the United States, see Rachel Bodley’s introduction to Pandita Ramabai’s High-Caste Hindu Woman , i-xxiv (Bodley was the dean of the Philadelphia College of Medicine for Women); and Dall, Life of Dr. Anandabai Joshee . I am grateful to Geraldine Forbes for the latter reference.

137. Shah, Letters and Correspondence of Pandita Ramabai ; Sorabji, India Calling .

138. She was the paternal aunt of Mridula Sarabhai. See Basu, “Nationalist Feminist," 3.

139. Gandhi, Autobiography , 31.

140. As did other metropolitan commentators at the time, Kipling saved his contempt for Western-educated Indian men whom he believed did not exhibit a sufficiently chivalrous attitude toward Rukhmabai: “Graduate reformers with an English Education—/ Lights of Aryavata take out heartiest applause, / For the spectacle you offer of an ‘educated’ nation / Working out its freedom under ‘educated’ laws . . . / You can lecture government, draught a resolution . . . / Never such an opening for touching elocution / As the text of Rukhmibai [sic ], jailed by Hindu law. / What? No word of protest? Not a sign of pity? / Not a hand to help the girl, but, in black and white / Writes the leading oracle of the leading city: / ‘We the Indian nation, we hold it served her right.’ " Rutherford, Early Verse by Rudyard Kipling , 373-74.

141. Rukhmabai trained at the LSMW; Ganguli, at Bengal Medical College and later at Edinburgh. For details of Rukhmabai’s medical career, see letter from S. Bhatia, president of the Association for Medical Women in India., April 17, 1967 (Wellcome Institute for the History of Medicine, SFA/MWF/c. 144); Report of the Cama Hospital’s Jubilee Fund (where she had been a house surgeon in 1895) (Wellcome Institute for the History of Medicine, SFA/MWF/ c. 146, 1936), pp. 14-17; Lutzker, Edith Pechey-Phipson, M.D ., 199-208; and Kosambi, “Meeting of the Twain", esp. 7-12. For Ganguli, see Karlekar, Voices from Within , 173-78. A Miss Jagannadhan also studied at the LSMW; see IMR (February 1891): 89.

142. See Maneesha Lal, “Politics of Gender and Medicine in Colonial India," 29-66; and Forbes, “Medical Careers and Health Care for Indian Women," 515-30.

143. Visram, Ayahs , 49.

144. Ibid., 49.

145. Ibid., 25.

146. Salter, East in the West , 150.

147. Ibid., v-vi.

148. Ibid., 24.

149. Visram, Ayahs , 24-25.

150. Stock, History , vol. 2, 383. For an analysis of Salter’s writings, see Lindeborg, “ ‘Asiatic,’ "381-404.

151. Times , May 15, 1883, p. 5.

152. Ibid.

153. Times , May 22, 1883, p. 10.

154. Times , May 16, 1883, p. 9.

155. Times , May 22, 1883, p. 10.

156. Times , May 15, 1883, p. 5.

157. Anstey, Baboo Hurry Bungsho Jabberjee, M.A . Babus were also a figure of ridicule in India because of their anglicized manners and alleged pretensions. See for example Mokshodayani Mukhopadhyay (sister of W. C. Bonnerjee), from “Bangalir Babu" (“the Bengali Babu"), in Tharu and Lalita, Women Writing , vol. 1, 21-221. For a discussion of miscegenation fears in Britain in the interwar years, see Tabili, “We Ask for British Justice," especially chapter 7.

158. Sir Gerald Fitzgerald, ADC, was one personal link between the two establishments. See Visram, Ayahs , 24 and 180 and the Times for May 15, 16 and 22, 1883.

159. Visram, Ayahs , 172 and 180.

160. See for example Sorabji to her parents, February 2, 1890, oriental and India Office Collections, MSS EUR F 165/2; and the Indian Magazine and Review (December 1892): 622, where she and Rukhmabai are reported as having attended the same NIA soiree.

161. Gandhi, Autobiography , 61-64.

162. Janaki Agnes Penelope Majumdar, “Family History," 59.

163. “Objects of the Association," Journal of the National Indian Association (October 1874): 240-42.

164. “Medical Women for India," JNIA (December 1882): 681-84. For a more detailed account of the NIA’s relationship to the emergent community of British women doctors, see Burton, “Contesting the Zenana," 368-97.

165. “Ourselves," IMR (January 1892): 2.

166. “Objects," JNIA , 240-41.

167. Keshub Chunder Sen in England , 160; Wasti, Memoirs , 31.

168. Cornelia Sorabji to her parents, Jan 17, 1892, OIOC, MSS EUR F 165/6.

169. See for Example S. Satthianadhan, “Indian Students and English Universities," JNIA (November 1880): 603-16.

170. ‘Piyarilal,’ “The Hindus in England," JNIA (June 1884): 281.

171. See for example Handbook of Information Relating to University and Professional Studies . For an exception to the male-oriented literature, see Lady Mary Hobhouse and Madeleine Shaw-Lefevre, “Colleges for Women in England," IMR (March 1891): 141-47; and Sorabji’s reaction to it, OIOC, MSS EUR F 165/4, April 5, 1891.

172. See “The Natives of India," The Times of India , Overland Weekly Edition, November 20, 1876, pp. 12-13. I am grateful to Dane Kennedy for providing me with the text of this article. For an example of how this kind of “commonplace" made its way into late-Victorian popular fiction, see Cumberland, Fatal Affinity .

173. “Publications of the Oriental University Institute, with a Short Account of the Adjoining Mosque and Museum," The Imperial, Asiatic Quarterly Review and Oriental and Colonial Record , n.s. 2 (July 1891), p. 222.

174. The phrase “hopeful travelers" is Manab Thakur’s and Roger Wilson’s; see their “Hopeful Travelers," 476-92.

175. “Superintendence of Indian Students in England," JNIA (September 1885): 407. For an extended discussion of clothing as both a technology of colonial rule and a site for “native" contestation, see Tarlo, Clothing Matters , 23-61; and Timothy Burke, Lifebuoy Men, Lux Women , esp. chapter 4.

176. See Bannerji, “Textile Prison," 27-45, reprinted in Ray, From the Seams of History: Essays on Indian Women , 67-106.

177. Janaki Agnes Penelope Majumdar, “Family History," 119.

178. See Cornelia Sorabji to her parents, OIOC, MSS EUR F 165/1, December 12, 1889 and MSS EUR F 165/2, January 26, 1890.

179. See for example Satthianadhan, “Indian Students," 601-16; and (anon.) “Struggles of a Hindu Student Who Comes to England," IMR (August 1891): 386-91. Gandhi also wrote home expressing concern about the cost of living in England See Collected Works , 23 and 55-56.

180. “The Superintendence Committee of the National Indian Association," IMR (April 1891): 203.

181. Mary Pinhey, “England as a Training Ground for Young India," IMR (May 1891): 228-29. Pinhey may have been the sister or wife of Justice Pinhey, who had presided over Rukhmabai’s trial in Bombay a few years earlier.

182. Ibid., 230.

183. Ibid.

184. For an account of the Ilbert Bill agitation, see Sinha, “ ‘Chathams, Pitts, and Gladstone in Petticoats,’ " 98-118.

185. Janaki Agnes Penelope Majumdar, “Family History," 21.

186. Radford, Indian Journal , 73-74.

187. Responses to Pinhey’s article can be found in the IMR (

188. Syed A. M. Shah, “A Visit to the Tower of London," IMR (April 1893): 209.

189. Visram, Ayahs , 177-78.

190. Banerjea, Nation in Making , 10-12; and Sanyal, General Biography , 35-38.

191. Banerjea, Nation in Making , 10.

192. Ibid., 11-16.

193. Ibid., 19.

194. Ibid.

195. Times , May 14, 1884, p. 4.

196. Visram, Ayahs , 78; Times , February 1, 1884, p. 10 and January 29, 1885, p. 7.

197. “Ram Mohun Roy," The Saturday Review , July 7, 1888, pp. 1-22.

198. “Mr. Bright on India," The Saturday Review, July 16, 1887, p. 67.

199. The Saturday Review for March 21, 1885, p. 386 and January 5, 1889, p. 12. The trope of “vapour and gas" was commonly used for describing Indian “babus’ " rhetoric in the 1880s; see Bamford, Turbans and Tales , chapter 2.

200. For suffrage women, see Burton, Burdens of History , chapters 5 and 6. Thanks to Laura Tabili for pressing this point.

201. “India Past and Present," The Saturday Review , February 15, 1890, p. 203.

202. “Report of the Indian National Congress," The Saturday Review , October 5, 1889, p. 382.

203. Sinha, Colonial Masculinity .

204. Quoted in Sanyal, General Biography , 39; for Naoroji, see his Admission of Educated Natives ; Rawal, Dadabhai Naoroji , 15-22; and Parekh, Essays , 26-45 and 75-96.

205. The Indian Appeal , 1 (September 1889): 1. It was edited from Oxford by its proprietor, Hira Lal Kumar.

206. The best discussion of the British Committee is Morrow, “Origins and Early Years."

207. This was an issue debated at some length in the pages of the Journal of the National Indian Association . See for example Ellen Etherington, “Education in the North-west of India’ JNIA (December 1875): 267-73; and Arabella Shore, “English Indifference toward India," JNIA (September 1882): 506-15.

208. Rutherford, Early Verse by Rudyard Kipling , 296.

209. Ibid., 293.

210. Quoted in Visram, Ayahs , 83.

211. Ibid., 171.

212. Ibid., 85.

213. See Desmond, India Museum .

214. See English Opinion on India , 1887-1894. This journal, subtitled “a monthly magazine containing extracts from English newspapers on Indian subjects," was founded in 1887 and published in Poona by Y.N. Ranade, in order “to place within the reach of our native readers what English papers, published in England, have to say relating to the most important Indian questions." See 1, no. 1 (February 1887): 2.

215. Visram, Ayahs , 108-109; see also James D. Hunt, Gandhi in London , especially pp. 127-32.

216. Geraldine Forbes has kindly allowed me to rely upon her unpublished paper, “Child-Marriage and Reform in India," which details the attention that the Times paid to the age-of-consent agitation in Indian in this period. In a review of Ramabai’s The High-Caste Hindu Woman, The Saturday Review opened with a lament that “the extravagances of professional agitators and charlatans" like “the chorus of Bengali Baboos who fill the air with noisy declamation" divert attention from “the more modest claims of classes whose grievances are real and serious, and whose calm and sensible efforts at amelioration appeal forcibly to our sympathy and respect." “The High-Caste Hindu Woman," The Saturday Review , February 23, 1889, p. 223.

217. Bhor, Some Impressions of England , 26.

218. Rajkumar, Indians outside India , 7.

219. Said, Culture and Imperialism , xx.

220. Stoler, “ ‘Mixed-Bloods,’ " 145.

221. Cooper and Stoler, “Tensions of Empire," 615.

222. Stoler, “Mixed-Bloods"; see also Stoler, Race and the Education of Desire , 97 and passim. An important exception to this is Sinha, Colonial Masculinity , and Blakely, Blacks in the Dutch World .

223. Salecl, “Fantasy Structure of Nationalist Discourse," 213-23.

1.Ramabai’s obituary is reprinted in her Testimony , 42-46; see also Shah, Letters and Correspondence of Pandita Ramabai , xi (all references to Shah are hereafter cited as PRLC ); and Adhav, Pandita Ramabai , n.p. (preface).

2. Tharu and Lalita, Women Writing , vol. 1, 243.

3. See Kosambi, At the Intersection of Gender Reform and Religious Belief , 5. I am grateful to Meera Kosambi for sharing her work and her insights with me.

4. Bapat argues that she contested “the Orientalist discourses set up by colonialists of all species and nationalists of all hues." See his “Pandita Ramabai," 229. See also Chatterjee, “Nationalist Resolution of the Women’s Question," 233-53; Tanika Sarkar, “Hindu Wife and Hindu Nation," 213-35; Sinha, “Reading Mother India," 6-44; Chowdhury-Sengupta, “Mother India and Mother Victoria," 20-37; and Anagol-McGinn, “Age of Consent Act (1891) Reconsidered," 100-118.

5. I am grateful to Meera Kosambi for pressing this point. For accounts of Ramabai in America, see Jayawardena, White Woman’s Other Burden , chapter 3; Bapat, “Pandita Ramabai," 224-52; and Grewal, Home and Harem , chapters 4 and 5, published as this manuscript was being revised.

6. Kosambi, At the Intersection , 8-9 and 68.

7. For objections raised against Ramabai’s proposed travel to England, see Kosambi, Pandita Ramabai’s Feminist and Christian Conversions , 146-47.

8. Radha Kumar, History of Doing .

9. Kosambi, Pandita Ramabai’s Feminist and Christian Conversions ; see also her “Indian Response," WS 61-71.

10. Notes of Conversations with Ramabai," The Cheltenham College Ladies Magazine 3, no. 10 (September 1884): 122-23; Adhav, Pandita Ramabai , 8. Eugene Stock called Father Goreh one of the most “zealous and faithful evangelists" among native converts in India. See History , vol. 2, 167.

11. Chakravarti, “Whatever Happened," 66. I am grateful to Uma Chakravarti for reading early versions of this chapter.

12. See Kosambi, Pandita Ramabai’s Feminist and Christian Conversions , 13.

13. Ramabai, Testimony , 7.

14. Ramabai, Testimony , 6. Also quoted in Kosambi, Pandita Ramabai , 19.

15. See Adhav, Pandita Ramabai , 5.

16. According to Tanika Sarkar, “Orthodox Hindus of these times believed that a literate woman was destined to be a window." “Book of Her Own," 36.

17. Ramabai, Testimony , 5.

18. Ibid., 9.

19. Ibid., 10; see also Kosambi, Pandita Ramabai , 31-35.

20. Ramabai, Testimony , 17, 20, 28.

21. Quoted in Adhav, Pandita Ramabai , 75.

22. PRLC , 17.

23. Kosambi, Pandita Ramabai , 26; PRLC , 17; Ramabai, Testimony , 10; and Adhav, Pandita Ramabai , 78-79.

24. Kosambi, “Meeting of the Twain," 2-4; see also Cornelia Sorabji’s account of her father’s persecution upon conversion in Therefore .

25. Ramabai, Testimony , 11-12.

26. Ibid., 12.

27. Tharu and Lalita, Women Writing , 244; see also Chakravarti, “Whatever Happened," 66; and Kosambi, Pandita Ramabai , 22.

28. Ramabai, Testimony , 13.

29. Ibid., 13-14.

30. Ibid., 15. Phule is also known as Jyotiba. See Tharu and Lalita, Women Writing , 211-12; and Omvedt, Cultural Revolt in a Colonial Society .

31. Ramabai, Testimony , 15.

32. PRLC , 17.

33. Ramabai, Testimony , 16; and PRLC , 18.

34. Ramabai, High-Caste Hindu Woman , 12-14. And chapter 3.

35. Chakravarti, “Whatever Happened," 66-67.

36. Kosambi, Pandita Ramabai , 45.

37. PRLC , 18; Adhav, Pandita Ramabai , 6. The significance of this ceremony should not be underestimated since, as Meera Kosambi has noted, marriage is the only religious sacrament to which a Hindu woman is entitled. See her introduction in Kosambi, Women’s Oppression in the Public Gaze , 5.

38. Ramabai, Testimony , 17.

39. David Arnold estimates that “in the last quarter of the nineteenth century, an average of 1.75 out of every 1,000 of the population of British India died of cholera annually," with a fairly significant peak in the late 1870s. See Colonizing the Body , 164 and table, 165.

40. Ramabai, Testimony , 18. For a discussion of the Prarthana Samaj in its local religious reform context, see Kenneth W. Jones, Socio-Religious Reform Movements in British India , 141-44.

41. O’Hanlon, Comparison , 15; Padma Anagol-McGinn points out that Ranade’s wife lamented his failure to support her when relatives abused her for attempts to become educated. See her “Age of Consent Act (1891) Reconsidered," 108.

42. “Ramabai Sanskrita," reprinted from the Times of India in The Cheltenham College Ladies’ Magazine 3, no. 10 (September 1884): 116. For Stree Dharma-Neeti’s reception in Maharashtra, see Kosambi, Pandita Ramabai , 125-35 and 138-42.

43. Chakravarti, “Social Pariahs and Domestic Drudges," 138.

44. O’Hanlon, Comparison , 17.

45. See Kosambi’s review of O’Hanlon’s translation of Shinde in The Indian Economic and Social History Review , 276-78. One of these Maharashtrian women was Anandabai Joshi. “When I think over the sufferings of women in India in all ages," she wrote, “I am impatient to see the Western light dawn as the harbinger of emancipation." See Dall, Life of Anandabai Joshee , 38.

46. See Chakravarti, “Whatever Happened," 73-74; Anagol-McGinn, “Age of Consent Act (1891) Reconsidered," 100-118; Charles Heimsath, “Origin and Enactment of the Indian Age of consent Bill, 1891," 502; and Chandra, “Whose Laws?" 187-211.

47. O’Hanlon, Comparison , 1. Her sentence was later commuted to transportation.

48. Dyer, Pandita Ramabai , Chapter 2; PRLC , xii.

49. Karve, Looking Back ; Athvale, Hindu Widow ; and Kumar, History of Doing , 43-44. Karve’s Hindu Sharada Sadan at Poona was begun as an alternative to Ramabai’s Sharada Sahan, which was then being boycotted. For details see Kosambi, Pandita Ramabai .

50. For a discussion of Saraswati, see David Kinsley, Kindu Goddesses , chapter 4.

51. “The Education Commission," JNIA (November 1882): 639-40.

52. Ibid.

53. Dorothea Beale, “The Marchioness of Dufferin’s Report," EWR April 15, 1889, pp. 145-52; “The Countess Dufferin Fund," EWR January 17, 1894, pp. 140-41. It was a claim that also guaranteed work for English women in India and elsewhere in the “East." See Nair, “Uncovering the Zenana," 8-24; and Jane Hunter, Gospel of Gentility .

54. LMR , Nov. 1882, 640-41.

55. PRLC , p. 18.

56. Ibid., xii. Calcutta Medical College was the first in Bengal to admit female students in 1883; women were admitted to Campbell Medical School as hospital assistants in 1887 and for a three-year course in 1888. See Forbes, “Medical Careers and Health Care for Indian Women," 519, and From Child Widow to Lady Doctor . Possibly Ramabai did not want to return to Madras because of trouble she had experienced there over her views on female education. See PRLC , 17-18. Rukhmabai, a child wife who had taken her husband to court, came to England in the late 1880s and eventually got her medical degree from Glasgow. See Women’s Penny Paper , May 18, 1889, p. 5; Englishwomen’s Review , January 15, 1889, p. 47; and Rukhmabai’s “Indian Child-Marriages," 263-69.

57. PRLC , 7, and Ramabai to Canon Butler, July 3, 1885, 73-74

58. PRLC , xii; Tharu and Lalita, Women Writing , 243.

59. Shah translates this as “The Duties of Woman," while Lalita and Tharu Translate it as “Morals for Women." As Meera Kosambi points out, the latter was the English title under which the book was first registered, in keeping with government regulations. See her translation in Pandita Ramabai , 54 and ff. Kosambi also questions how connected the book was with an intention to come to Britain, since it was advertised well before Ramabai had contact with the sisters of the CSMV (private correspondence).

60. Sister Geraldine to the dean of Lincoln, PRLC , July 1, 1885, 71-72.

61. PRLC , xx.

62. Kosambi, Pandita Ramabai , 146.

63. Tharu and Lalita, Women Writing , 243. Another such Indian woman was Rassundari Devi, who published her autobiography, Amar Jiban , in 1876. See Tanika Sarkar, “Book of Her Own," 55.

64. PRLC , xv-vi; Dyer, Pandita Ramabai , 35. Mano was also baptized at the same time; see Adhav, Pandita Ramabai , 106.

65. This in any event was Ramabai’s narrative of it in 1907. See Testimony , 19-20. See also PRLC , 11. Meera Kosambi suggests that “possibly there was some hidden dimension to her conversion, born out of personal loneliness and social isolation." At the Intersection , 73. Elsewhere Kosambi argues that “the awakening of a feminist consciousness seemed to have played a major role in Ramabai’s conversion." See Pandita Ramabai , 184.

66. I am grateful to Alison Fletcher for encouraging me to specify this point.

67. Tharu and Lalita, Women Writing , 245-46; PRLC , xxiii-iv; Kosambi, At the Intersection , 92. Ironically, as Kosambi notes, there was much in Ramabai’s early writings that echoed Tilak’s socially conservative views; see Pandita Ramabai , 117.

68. Tharu and Lalita, Women Writing , 246.

69. PRLC , 7. Sister Geraldine had been the sister-in-charge at St. Mary’s School, Poona, but she was “invalided home" in 1883. She had met Ramabai while in India. See Adhav, Pandita Ramabai , n.p. (dedication).

70. This remained the case even at the height of their disputes. Sister Geraldine to Ramabai, PRLC , June 21, 1885, 65.

71. Ramabai kept in fairly regular contact with the sisters at Wantage until 1898—the first year “that we received no tidings from her," according to Sister Geraldine. She visited England in 1898 but did not stop to visit either the CSMV women or Dorothea Beale. PRLC , 355.

72. Pandita Ramabai to Sister Geraldine, PRLC , October 1884, 27-28.

73. Ibid.

74. Ibid.

75. Ibid.

76. Ibid., 29.

77. Ibid.

78. Ramabai to Sister Geraldine, PRLC , 22 September night, 1885, 88-89.

79. Among them was Canon Westcott, whose Historic Faith Ramabai asked Sister Geraldine to read. Sister Geraldine to Ramabai, PRLC , Bath, October 1885, 101-2. Westcott was Regius Professor of Divinity at Cambridge and a New Testament scholar, whom Ramabai had met while in England (PRLC , 20). He rejected the more orthodox Protestant view that Hinduism and Islam were depraved, and “encouraged potential missionaries at Cambridge to listen for things of value from people in other cultures rather than merely preaching at them." It is not surprising that he appealed to Ramabai. Jeffrey Cox, “Independent Englishwomen, 166-84. My thanks to Jeff Cox for sharing a prepublication draft of his essay with me."

80. Ramabai to Sister Geraldine, PRLC , 22 September night, 1885, 88.

81. Ramabai, Testimony , 21.

82. Sister Geraldine to Ramabai, PRLC , Bath, October 1885, 103.

83. Adhav, Pandita Ramabai , 172.

84. Ibid., 176-77.

85. Sister Geraldine to Ramabai, PRLC , Bath, October 1885, 104.

86. Sister Geraldine, who had been in India, may have suspected the Unitarian women because they were known to be sympathetic to Brahmoism. See Kopf, Brahmo Samaj and the Shaping of the Modern Indian Mind .

87. Beale to Sister Geraldine, PRLC , April 22, 1885, 32.

88. See for example Beale to Sister Geraldine, PRLC , June 16, 1885, 62-63; and Raikes, Dorothea Beale of Cheltenham , 179-81 and 192-93.

89. Beale to Sister Geraldine, PRLC , June 16, 1885, 63.

90. Ibid., 62-63.

91. Ramabai to Sister Geraldine, PRLC , June (Monday), 1885, 70: “For if we were to become like or as equally perfect with the Father, we should undoubtedly be so many supreme Gods, as the Vedantists say."

92. Sister Geraldine to the Bishop of Lincoln, PRLC , July 1, 1885, 72.

93. Ramabai to Sister Geraldine, PRLC , June 24, 1885, 66; Beale to the Rev. Canon William Butler, July 1885, 77-8; Ramabai to Beale, June 185, 125-26.

94. Sister Geraldine to Ramabai, PRLC , June 21, 1885, 64-65.

95. Beale to Canon Butler, PRLC , July 1885, 77-78.

96. For a discussion of women’s communities in Britain in this period, see Vicinus, Independent Women . Chapter 3 is devoted to “church Communities: Sisterhoods and Deaconesses’ Houses."

97. Beale to Sister Geraldine, PRLC , August 27, 1885, 35.

98. Ramabai to Sister Geraldine, PRLC , May 8, 1885, 50.

99. Beale to the Bishop of Bombay in England, PRLC , May 22, 1884, 40.

100. Hobsbawm, The Age of Empire , 71.

101. Cox, “Independent Englishwomen."

102. See Stock, History , vol. 2, 74, and vol. 3, 460-64.

103.Biship of Lahore to Beale, PRLC , May 9, 1884, 38; Rt. Rev. Dr. Mylne, Bishop of Bombay, to Beale, May 21, 1884, 39. See also Kosambi, “Indian Response," WS-67.

104. Bishop of Lahore to Beale, PRLC , May 9, 1884, 38.

105. Rt. Rev. Dr. Mylne, Bishop of Bombay, to Beale, PRLC , May 21, 1884, 39.

106. Ibid.

107. Bishop of Lahore to Beale, PRLC , May 9, 1884, 38.

108. Rt. Rev. Dr. Mylne, Bishop of Bombay in England, to Beale, PRLC , May 26, 1884, 44.

109. Canon William Butler to Beale, PRLC , June 15, 1884, 45. For an interesting parallel discussion of the contradictions of nineteenth-century African American women lecturing in public, see Carby, Reconstructing Womanhood , 6 and 63.

110. Beale to the Bishop of Bombay in England, PRLC , May 22, 1884, 40-42.

111. Ibid.

112. Ramabai to Sister Geraldine, PRLC , May 8, 1885, 50.

113. Ramabai to Sister Geraldine, PRLC , May 12, 1885, 58-61.

114. Ibid., 60.

115. Ibid., 61.

116. Ibid., 60.

117. Ramabai to Beale, PRLC , May 8, 1885, 124.

118. Tyrrell, Woman’s World, Woman’s Empire , 102, 110.

119. PRLC , 8.

120. See “A School Treat in India," The Indian Female Evangelist 6, no. 39 (July 1881): 143-44; and chapter 3 on Sorabji, below.

121. Pandita Ramabai to Sister Geraldine, PRLC , March 9, 1885, 34.

122. According to Sister Geraldine, “[T]he Society of St. John the Evangelist came to our relief and invited . . . [him] to their Mission House. There he was instructed, and eventually baptised and confirmed, after which he went back to India, and attached himself to some Mission." PRLC , 20.

123. See Kosambi, Pandita Ramabai , 70-75.

124. Pandita Ramabai to Sister Geraldine, PRLC , May 12, 1885, 60.

125. Ibid., 59.

126. As Kosambi points out, widowhood was also equivalent to civil death in nineteenth-century India. See “Meeting of the Twain," 3.

127. Viswanathan, “Coping with (Civil) Death," 187.

128. Canon William Butler to Dorothea Beale, PRLC , July 5, 1885, 76. Emphasis in the original.

129. However, there is no evidence to suggest that the sisters at CSMV were trying to bypass or circumvent the proper ecclesiastical authorities.

130. Bishop of Lahore in England, to Beale, PRLC , May 25, 1884, 42-3.

131. Ibid.

132. Hunter is quoted in Rev. Canon William Butler to Beale, PRLC , June 15, 1884, 45.

133. Rev. Canon William Butler to Beale, PRLC , June 17, 1884, 45. Butler told Beale in the same letter (46) that he wanted to keep Ramabai in England until she was thirty (she was then 26).

134. Rt. Rev. Dr. Mylne, Bishop of Bombay in England, to Beale, PRLC , 26 May, 1884, 43.

135. Sister Geraldine to Beale, PRLC , May 6, 1885, 47.

136. Beale to the Rev. Canon William Butler, PRLC , July 1885, 78. According to Mary Fuller (1882-1965), who worked with Ramabai at Mukti Mission in Kedgaon, Ramabai became a Christian." Quoted in Adhav, Pandita Ramabai , 45.

137. Beale to the Rev. Canon William Butler, PRLC , July 1885, 78.

138. Beale to Ramabai, PRLC , July 5, 1885, 130.

139. Ramabai to Beale, PRLC , Friday [sic ], 1885, 135.

140. Beale to Sister Geraldine, PRLC , January 3, 1885, 31.

141. Ibid.; Beale to the Bishop of Bombay in England, May 22, 1884, 40-42.

142. Beale to Sister Geraldine, PRLC , January 3, 1885, 30-31. For a discussion of the Queen’s often unusual interest in India and Indians, see St. Aubyn, Queen Victoria , esp. chapter 9, “Indian Summer, 1887-1901."

143. Kamm, How Different from Us , 207.

144. Beale to Sister Geraldine, PRLC , April 1885, 33.

145. Beale to the Rev. Canon William Butler, PRLC , July 1885, 78.

146. Sister Geraldine to Rev. C. Gore, PRLC , 82. This was most likely the spring of 1885, though no date is attributed.

147. PRLC , 404.

148. Stock, History , vol. 3, 501.

149. For an elaboration of this imagery as it was constructed by Victorian feminists and female reformers, see Burton, Burdens of History .

150. Sister Geraldine to Beale, PRLC , December 18, 1883, 21-22.

151. Sister Geraldine to Beale, PRLC , May 10, 1885, 54.

152. PRLC , 4.

153. PRLC , 343.

154. PRLC , xxix.

155. PRLC , 4

156. Sister Geraldine to Rev. C. Gore, PRLC , July 3, 1885, 83-84.

157. PRLC , 398-99.

158. Sister Geraldine to Beale, PRLC , May 25, 1885, 62.

159. Sister Geraldine to Ramabai, PRLC , October 1885, 103-4.

160. Ramabai to Beale, PRLC , January 12, 1886, 166.

161. PRLC , 343.

162. Pandita Ramabai to Canon Butler, PRLC , July 3, 1885, 72.

163. Ramabai to Dorothea Beale, PRLC , September 1, 1885, 134

164. I am thinking here particularly of Lily in Shula Marks, Not Either an Experimental Doll .

165. She laid down similar conditions for Beale: “[Y]ou are sorry because I do not accept the Church doctrine without proving it; please say it quite openly, and I will tear to pieces the letter containing seventy-six pages, and which I have just finished writing, and never say to you one word about my difficulties." See Adhav, Pandita Ramabai , 155.

166. Sister Geraldine to Ramabai, PRLC , October 1885, 107.

167. Ibid., 106.

168. Emphasis mine.

169. I am grateful to Leila J. Rupp for the idea of sisterhood as process, which she develops in both “Constructing Internationalism," 1571-1600 and “Challenging Imperialism," 9-27.

170. Ramabai to Beale, PRLC , May 31, 1885, 155.

171. Ibid.

172. Ramabai to Sister Geraldine, PRLC , June 25, 1885, 68-69.

173. Ramabai to Sister Geraldine, PRLC , October 1884, 28.

174. Ibid.

175. Ramabai to Beale, PRLC , Friday [sic ], 1885, 135.

176. “Other people may call me an infidel if they like, but I trust in Him alone who is my God, Father and Guide, and [Who] will surely show me His ways." Ramabai to Dorothea Beale, PRLC , August 15, 1885, 134.

177. Ramabai to Beale, PRLC , no date except “St. Hilda’s: Sunday," 151.

178. Ramabai to Beale, PRLC , Friday [sic ], 1885, 135.

179. The letters on pages 150-54 are not dated.

180. This is where Manorama was boarded while Ramabai attended Cheltenham.

181. Ramabai to Sister Geraldine, PRLC , September 20, 1885, 84-86.

182. Ibid.

183. See Adhav, Pandita Ramabai , 147. This letter is from Sister Geraldine to Dorothea Beale, January 1886.

184. Ramabai to Sister Geraldine, PRLC , September 2, 1885, 89.

185. Sister Geraldine to Ramabai, PRLC , October 5, 1885, 93.

186. Ramabai to Sister Geraldine, PRLC , May 20, 1887, 199.

187. Mano was instrumental in helping her mother with her work in India in the 1890s and after. See Dyer, Pandita Ramabai ; and PRLC , 365-424, passim.

188. Kosambi, Pandita Ramabai , 97-104 (section entitled “The Nurturance and Upbringing of Children"); for Ramabai’s invitation to the United States, see 151-52.

189. I am grateful to Uma Chakravarti and Meera Kosambi both for helping me to clarify this point. As Sister Geraldine recounted in her introduction to the Shah volume (8), Ramabai had left Mano in the care of the sisters at Poona very briefly before she came to England in 1883. For Ramabai’s fund-raising efforts in the United States, see Jayawardena, White Woman’s Other Burden , chapter 3.

190. This is a variation of Tyrrell’s claim that Western temperance women “did battle for Christ and personal authority at the same time." Woman’s World, Woman’s Empire , 212.

191. Ramabai to Beale, “at sea," PRLC , February-March 1886, 169.

192. Ibid., 170.

193. See Adhav, Pandita Ramabai , 19 and 216.

194. Ramabai to Miss Noble, PRLC , July 6, 1886, 196.

195. Ramabai to Sister Geraldine, PRLC , May 12, 1885, 59.

196. See Visweswaran, Fictions of Feminist Ethnography ; and Ortner, “Resistance and the Problem of Ethnographic Refusal," 184-85.

197. Kosambi, At the Intersection , 47. See also Kosambi’s translation of Stree Dharma-Neeti (1882) (Pandita Ramabai ,59), which reads: “Self-reliance, that is, dependence on oneself, is the unparalleled way to progress."

198. See Rachel L. Bodley’s introduction to Ramabai, High-Caste Hindu Woman , i-xxiv; PRLC , 171-224; Dyer, Pandita Ramabai , chapter 3. Grewal’s Home and Harem begins to do some of this work in chapter 5; see also Bapat, “Pandita Ramabai," 224-52; and Kosambi, Pandita Ramabai .

1. Significantly, an English contemporary of Sorabji’s who knew her in Bombay described her as “only half Parsee; her father is Parsee and her mother Hindu." See Radford, Indian Journal , 184.

2. For discussion of a virtually contemporary instance of the quest for the “pure Asiatic," see Sinha, Colonial Masculinity , 86.

3. See Sinha, “Gender in the Critiques," esp. 249.

4. Cornelia Sorabji to her family, MSS EUR F /165/5, October 19, 1891. All subsequent references are to letters from Sorabji to the family in Poona, unless otherwise specified.

5. Tharu and Lalita, Woman Writing , vol. 1, 299; Brittain, Women at Oxford , 85.

6. Sorabji is certainly not alone in this. As Helen Lefkowitz Horowitz remarks in her biography of M. Carey Thomas, “[A]s a subject [she] cannot fulfill all feminist hopes." The Passion and the Power: The Life of M. Carey Thomas (New York: Alfred K. Knopf, 1994), xvi. For an account of Sorabji’s life, see Gooptu, “Cornelia Sorabji."

7. The term is Horowitz’s, as applied to the project of the biography of M. Carey Thomas, a contemporary of Sorabji’s with a similarly vexed relationship to feminism and the women’s movement. She also wanted to study medicine, though in the end she did not. Passion and the Power , xiv.

8. Here I am drawing on Faith L. Smith’s arguments about Afro-Trinidadians of a similar and later period. See her “Coming Home to the Real Thing," 906.

9. Her sister Susie enjoyed telling the following story: “[A] missionary once saw Susie and Cornelia playing the garden and asked the latter—‘Are you saved?’ ‘No!’ was the prompt reply, ‘but my sister Susie is.’ " Quoted in Sen Gupta, Pioneer Women of India , 75.

10. Cornelia’s nephew Richard Sorabji speculates that she might have been a Toda. Private conversation, oxford, June 21, 1995. Sumit Sarkar warns that the tem “tribe" is misleading, as it conveys a sense of complete isolation from Indian life when in fact tribal peoples “are very much a part of Indian society." Modern India , 44. Thanks to Geraldine Forbes for insisting on this point. According to Dane Kennedy, the Todas prompted the largest ethnographic corpus in nineteenth-century Britain, in part because they were constructed as the most “primitive and pristine" tribal group in the Raj. They were also represented as being the closes to Christians. See his “Guardians of Edenic Sanctuaries: Paharis, Lepchas, and Todas in the British Mind," South Asia 14, 2 (1991): 57-77 and his Magic Mountains , chapter 4, especially the illustration. 75.

11. See Sorabji, “Therefore," 41-45 and 23-39. There are a few of Lady Cornelia Ford’s letters to Cornelia and to her mother from the 1880s in the India Office Library, See MSS EUR F 165/203. Cornelia’s father’s autobiography, as dictated to her sister Mary, which recounts the trauma of his conversion, is to be found in MSS EUR F 165/205. Cornelia’s father’s conversion story was the stuff of legend in Bombay down to the 1880s. See Radford, Indian Journal , 184. Nora Scott was the wife of Mr. Justice John Scott, who was appointed to the High Court of Bombay in 1882.

12. See for example, “Poona: The Victoria High School," The Indian Female Evangelist (publication of the Indian Female Normal School and Instruction Society, or, Zenana, Bible and Medical Mission), 9, no. 67 (July 1888): 344-48. The IFNSIS Society was founded by Lady Kinnaird and was theoretically interdenominational. In 1880-81 the Church Missionary Society broke from the IFNSIS to form the Church of England Zenana Missionary Society. See Stock, History , vol. 3, 258.

13. Sorabji, India Calling , 7.

14. I am grateful to Richard Sorabji, Dick’s son, for confirmation of these details.

15. Sorabji, India Calling , 14.

16. Cornelia, Lena, Mary, Pheroze, Susie, Ailsa, and Zuleika (referred to as “Biggie" in Cornelia’s correspondence). I am grateful to Richard Sorabji for information on Zuleika. There was another boy, Framroze, who died in infancy. See Sorabji, Susie Sorabji , 6.

17. Quoted in the obituary for “Miss Susie Sorabji: A Great Indian Educationalist," Times , June 4, 1931.

18. Sorabji, India Calling , 13.

19. Ibid., 17.

20. Ibid., 3.

21. Ibid., 2, 4.

22. Ibid., 3.

23. Ibid. For a discussion of traditions for Parsi women, see Rose, “Traditional Role of Women," 1-103.

24. For another interpretation o Sorabji’s conversion and identity as a Christian Indian woman, see Flemming, “Between Two World," 81-107.

25. Sorabji, India Calling , 4.

26. Ibid., 8-9. For another example of how a young colonial female subject might embrace “English modes of living and thinking," see Gooneratne, “Family Histories as Post-Colonial Texts," 95.

27. Kulke, Parsis in India ; Dobbin, Urban Leadership in Western India .

28. Sorabji, India Calling , 4.

29. Ibid., 20.

30. Cornelia Sorabji to Lady Hobhouse, MSS EUR F 165/16, May 10, 1888. For an example of how women speaking in public were received at about the same time in Britain, see Lonsdale, “Platform Women," 409-15. According to an English woman who knew her in Bombay, Sorabji lectured and assisted at examinations, for which she was paid Rs. 100 a month. From Radford, Indian Journal , 185.

31. Hobhouse and Hammond, Lord Hobhouse , 107-9. See also Hobhouse, Letters from India , 1872-1877.

32. “Cornelia Sorabji," The Queen: The Lady’s Newspaper , August 24, 1889, pp. 247 (engraving of Sorabji in cap and gown) and 276 (feature story). Among the contributors were Miss Manning, Miss Shaw-Lefevre, Sir William Wedderburn, Florence Nightingale, the Marchioness of Ripon, and Lord and Lady Hobhouse. See leaflet, “Miss Cornelia Sorabji," MSS EUR R 165/17, item 250.

33. Ibid., 276. The Queen reported that Sorabji contributed £60 of this from her personal savings.

34. “Reception of Miss Manning at Bombay," Indian Magazine and Review (January 1889): 33.

35. For the association’s statements of purpose, see the Journal of the National Indian Association , October 1874, September 1877, and November 1880.

36. “The Future of the National Indian Association," JNIA (September 1877): 228.

37. Mrs. Etherington, “Education in the North-West of India," JNIA (December 1875): 268.

38. “Indian Students in England," JNIA (January 1885): 1-9.

39. “Superintendence of Indian Students in England," JNIA (September 1885): 406.

40. See for example S. Satthianadhan, “Indian Students and English Universities," JNIA (November 1880): 603-608; Ali Hamid, “The Cost of Living in London," JNIA (February 1882): 88-92; and “M. B.," “Suggestions to Indian Medical Students," IMR (November 1889): 567-69. The NIA also published a Handbook of Information Relating to University and Professional Studies for Indian Students in the United Kingdom , which was in its seventh edition in 1893.

41. [Lady Mary Hobhouse and Madeleine Shaw-Lefevre,] “Colleges for Women in England," IMR (March 1891): 141-47.

42. In 1886 a special committee was formed aimed specifically at the development and training of “native" missionaries. See Stock, History , vol. 3, 491-93; “On Native Antagonism to Christianity in India," Church Missionary Intelligencer 13 (May 1888): 281-96; “Are Missions a Great Failure?" Church Missionary Intelligencer 13 (November 1888): 681-99; “Our Native Catechists," Church Missionary Intelligencer 16 (may 1891): 324-28. For an interesting comparison with the CMS in Africa at about this time, see Andrew Porter, “Cambridge," 5-34 and “Evangelical Enthusiasm," 23-46. I am grateful to Susan Thorne and Doug Peers for these references.

43. For Franscina’s first annual report, see The Indian Female Evangelist 7, no. 47 (July 1883): 138-44; for an account of Cornelia’s graduation from the Deccan College, see The Indian Female Evangelist 9, no. 67 (July 1888): 346.

44. MSS EUR F 165/1, August 29, 1889. For another articulation of a woman’s sea-voyage broodings contemporary with Sorabji’s, see Hoy and MacCurtain, From Dublin to New Orleans , 62.

45. Shaw-Lefevre’s brother-in-law was Sir George Ryan, governor general of Ceylon. One former student remembered her as “an ardent Liberal, though never wishful to appear a partisan among the students." See Faithful, In the House of May Pilgrimage , 53.

46. For a history of the Dufferin Fund, see Maneesha Lal, “Politics of Gender and Medicine in Colonial India," 29-66; for a discussion of Indian women’s relationship to it, see Forbes, “Medical Careers and Health Care for Indian Women," 515-30 and From Child Window to lady Doctor .

47. Dyhouse, No Distinction of Sex? 18 Margaret Tuke, principal of Bedford College, complained that universities “were apt to be regarded, as far as women were concerned, as institutions for the training of teachers." Ibid.

48. MSS EUR F 165/1, September 26, 1889.

49. Sengupta, Pioneer Women , 15-19; Dall, Life of Mrs. Anandabai Joshee ; Karlekar, Voices from Within , 177; and Rachel Bodley’s introduction to Ramabai’s High-Caste Hindu Woman , I-vii.

50. MSS EUR F 165/1, October 10, 1889.

51. MSS EUR F 165/1, September 26, 1889.

52. Kosambi, “Gender Reform," 265-90. The Indian Female Evangelist reported in 1889 that Rukhmabai was living with friends in London “and is much perplexed as to what her course shall be. She came over to this country, in the hope that she might qualify as a lady doctor, and devote herself to the relief of her country women but she finds the study of medicine extremely difficult and is much disheartened." 9, no. 72 (October 1889): 185. A copy of Rukhmabai’s registration for the London School of Medicine for Women, signed by both herself and E. A. Manning, is in the Royal Free Hospital archives, London. See also Anagol-McGinn, “Age of Consent Act (1891) Reconsidered," 100-118; and Lutzker, Edith Pechey-Phipson, M.D ., esp. 199-209 (for details on Rukhmabai).

53. Visram, Ayahs , 92.

54. MSS EUR F 165/1, September 26, 1889.

55. Ibid.

56. MSS EUR F 165/1, October 1, 1889.

57. MSS EUR F 165/1, July 14 and 25, 1891.

58. MSS EUR F 165/1, October 1 and 8, 1889.

59. MSS EUR F 165/1, October 1, 1889.

60. MSS EUR F 165/1, October 8, 1889.

61. Ibid.

62. Ibid.

63. In her study of “black" British women of African and Afro-Caribbean descent, Mama calls this maneuver an expression of “competitive identity politics." See Beyond the Masks , 156.

64. Ellsworth, Liberators of the Female Mind , especially chapter 8; see also the Journal of the Women’s Education Union , January 1873-October 1877.

65. MSS EUR F 165/1, October 16, 1889.

66. The three from Balliol were Lords Curzon and Elgin and the Fifth Marquess of Lansdowne. Symonds, Oxford and Empire , 2 Reba Soffer argues that Benjamin Jowett, who came to Balliol on an scholarship in 1836 and died as master in 1893, was married to the college and that the imperial statesmen Balliol produced were “the progeny" of his union with it. See her, “Authority in the University," 194.

67. Symonds, Oxford and Empire , 1.

68. Ibid., 36. See also Soffer, Discipline and Power .

69. Symonds, 16 and 9.

70. Ibid., 185.

71. Ibid., 186.

72. Ibid. One example of Jowett’s ongoing involvement with Balliol graduates who became India men can be seen in Bennett, Ilberts in India . C. P. Ilbert was legal member of the Viceroy’s Council. For debates on the ICS exams during Sorabji’s residence in Oxford, see “Oxford and the Indian Civil Service," The Oxford Magazine (February 24, 1892): 187-88 and “Oxford and the Indian Civil Service," The Oxford Magazine (March 2, 1892): 207-208.

73. Symonds, 104-106.

74. Ibid., 109.

75. Baldick, Social Mission of English Criticism, 1848-1932 , 71. See also Viswanathan, Masks of Conquest .

76. Symonds, 110. One Somervillian recalled that Ruskin had visited the college in the 1800s “in rather an Uncle-y spirit" and asked some of the women at teatime: “Do any of you study nasty Philosophy?" Florence Rich to Helen Darbishire, August 31, 1938, Somerville College Library Archives.

77. Symonds, 257; Lotika Ghose, Manmohan Ghose , 18. Ghose was at Christ Church, which he dubbed “the most expensive place on earth."

78. Quoted in Symonds, Oxford and Empire , 107.

79. Ibid., 15-16.

80. Ibid., 253-56.

81. Courtney, Oxford Portrait Gallery , 209. See also Dyhouse, No Distinction of Sex ? Chapters 1 and 2.

82. Rogers, Degrees by Degrees , 3. She was a tutor for Somerville girls in the 1880s. See Mary Teresa Skues to Helen Darbishire, March 26, 1941, p. 4, Somerville College Library Archives.

83. Ibid., 21.

84. Quoted in Jan Morris, Oxford , 99.

85. Rogers, Degrees by Degrees , 9. “Higher education has done much for woman. It has not taught [her] how to understand cricket." The Oxford Magazine (May 28, 1890): 341.

86. Leonardi, Dangerous by Degrees , 17.

87. Brittain, Women at Oxford , 95.

88. Mehta, Up at Oxford , 185.

89. Brittain, Women at Oxford , 87.

90. Courtney, Oxford Portrait Gallery , 228.

91. Rogers, Degrees by Degrees , 152. According to the College Log Book, “for the first few years two Cows and a Pig formed part of the establishment but these were later replaced by a Pony and Donkey which might be seen disporting themselves in the field, adding to the picturesque and homely look of the place." By the time the West Buildings were erected in 1885, however, “the rural character of Someville finally disappeared." Somerville College Log Book, 1879-1907 , Somerville College Library Archives, pp. 14 and 16.

92. MSS EUR F 165/3, July 3, 1890.

93. MSS EUR F 165/1, December 1(?), 1889.

94. MSS EUR F 165/2, March 4, 1890. For more on the princesses, see Alexander and Anand, Queen Victoria’s Maharajah .

95. MSS EUR F 165/2, April 30, 1890.

96. See below, pp. 146-46.

97. For an account of other English university women’s reactions at the time, see Dyhouse, No Distinction of Sex ? Chapter 3.

98. The college acquired a boat the year that Cornelia arrived, which was called, “in commemoration of Indian students in the College, the ‘Urmila,’ the Sanskrit name for the sacred Lotus Flower, one letter of each word being inscribed on each of the six skulls in English and in Gujerati character." See Somerville College Log Book 1879-1907 , Somerville College Library Archives, p. 54.

99. MSS EUR F 165/1, November 14(?), 1889. See also her “Benjamin Jowett," 297-305. In a handwritten recollection dated November 7, 1893, shortly after Jowert’s death, Sorabji recalled that she was first introduced to Jowett by the Warden, Miss Maitland, and “I fell in love with the dear old gentleman at once." MSS EUR F 165/194.

100. MSS EUR F 165/194.

101. “ Oxford you must remember—is as we pride ourselves, ‘ The University of Life ,’ while Cambridge is ‘ The University of Work ,’ and generally poorer work than ours." MSS EUR F 165/4, March 26, 1891.

102. MSS EUR F 165/1, November 10, 1889.

103. MSS EUR F 165/1, October 16, 1889.

104. MSS EUR F 165/1, October 31, and November 3, 1889.

105. The Nizam later sponsored Sarojini Naidu on a scholarship to Britain when she was fifteen (1894). See Meena Alexander “Sarojini Naidu," 68. Sorabji was not the only woman to receive conflicting advice about which educational course to pursue; see also Oakly, My Adventures in Education . 58-59.

106. MSS EUR F 165/2, March 4, 1890.

107. MSS EUR F 165/2, March 9, 1890. Emphases in the original.

108. See for example Mukharji, Visit to Europe , 105, quoted above in chapter 2. Also of relevance is Mazumdar, “Race and Racism," 25-38, esp. the anecdote about Bharati Mukherjee, 31; and Robb, introduction to Concept of Race , 7, 9, 28-35.

109. MSS EUR F 165/3, September 3, 1890.

110. MSS EUR F 165/3, September 3, 1890

111. MSS EUR F 165/5, July 25, 1891; and 165/7, August 4,1892.

112. W. W. Hunter, Bombay 1885-1890 , 156.

113. I am grateful to Judith Walkowitz for this latter observation.

114. MSS EUR F 165/2, February 25, 1890. She stuck with it because she thought “it would greatly benefit the cause of women generally, for a woman, even once, to have been entrusted with directing . . . men’s intellects." Cornelia Sorabji to Lady Hobhouse, MSS EUR F 165/16, May 10, 1888.

115. See below. For a discussion of the relationship between utility and pleasure in Victorian women’s work, see Antoinette Burton, “Fearful Bodies into Disciplined Subjects," 545-74.

116. Dyhouse, No Distinction of Sex ? 23-24.

117. Brittain, Women at Oxford , 92; Dyhouse, No Distinction of Sex ? Chapter 2. “Kind Sir Willian chaperones me to my All Souls Lectures— Hindu Law and The Contract Act —I chaperone myself to Oriel, i.e., Bentham." MSS EUR F 165/2, May 8, 1890. At the age of 90, Emma Catherine Childs (née Pollard) recalled that when she was at Somerville in the late 1880s, “a list of ladies was kept who were glad for a small fee to sit placidly—often knitting, to the annoyance of the lecturer . . .—listening, and more often, probably playing the part of the deaf adder." Somerville College Library Archives. Florence Rich, who was at Somerville just before Sorabji’s time there, recalled that “Somervillians were not allowed to visit the men’s Colleges unless accompanied by the Head or the Vice, and we could not go to dances during term time." Florence Rich to Helen Darbishire, August 31, 1938, Somerville College Library Archives. See also Lodge, Terms and Vacations , 49.

118. MSS EUR F 165/2, May 10, 1890 (quotation from section dated internally May 15).

119. MSS EUR F 165/3, September 4, 1890.

120. “Ladies in Libraries," The Saturday Review , August 14, 1886, 213. The invasion of the Reading Room by women from “the bohemian set" had also been the subject of complaint earlier in the 1880s; see Walkowitz, City of Dreadful Delight , 69. See also Anand, Conversations in Bloomsbury , which details the author’s experiences in the British Library and environs in the 1920s and 1930s.

121. MSS EUR F 165/3, September 14,1890. Oxford women, despite Sorabji’s remark about Girton, were not known for their fashion sense in the nineteenth century either. See Courtney, Oxford Portrait Gallery , 218-19.

122. See Kosambi, Pandita Ramabai’s Feminist and Christian Conversions , 121-22; and Bannerji, “Textile Prison," 27-45, reprinted in Bharati Ray, From the seams of History , 67-106.

123. Grewal, Home and Harem , 129.

124. Sorabji, India Calling , 52.

125. See Grosz, “Bodies-Cities," 242. I am grateful to Paul Walker Clarke for this reference.

126. MSS EUR F 165/3, September 14, 1890.

127. For two interesting parallel phenomena, see Faith L. Smith, “Coming Home to the Real Thing," 908; and E. P. Thompson on Tagore in Alien Homage , 9

128. This according to Sorabji, MSS EUR F 165/2, April 18, 1890. Hurford, who had also tutored Ramabai in English in Poona before her trip to England, was appointed the lady superintendent; see Thacker’s Indian Directory , 1061. See also Radford, Indian Journal , 119.

129. See for example MSS EUR F 165/1, November 14(?), 1889; 165/2, March 9, and April 29, 1890; 165/3, October 12, 1890; and 165/4, April 2, 1891.

130. During Sorabji’s time in Britain Elsie had already appeared as evidence of the success of the mission cause among Parsis. “Elsie is a dear little missionary already—and how she loves a meeting!" See “Elsie’s Vow; or, I Promise," Indian Female Evangelist 10, no. 75 (July 1890): 345-47 (and photo).

131.      Pheroze did a number of singing performances in and around London while Sorabji was in London. There is also evidence that by the later 1890s she was attached to a teacher training college. See the Countess of Warwick, Progress in Women’s Education , 273-76.

132. MSS EUR F 165/2, May 10, 1890.

133. MSS EUR F 165/4, February 1, 1891.

134. MSS EUR F 165/2, April 2, 1890.

135. I am grateful to Susan Thorne for this observation.

136. Cornelia Sorabji to Lady Hobhouse, MSS EUR F 165/16, March 31, 1890.

137. MSS EUR F 165/(?), April 5, 1891.

138. She was referring here to Manning’s friend Isabel Brander, an inspectress of government schools then visiting London from Madras. See MSS EUR F 165/3, December 3, 1890, and April 11, 1891. This was not an uncommon sentiment among Indian nationalists contemporary with Sorabji. Surendranath Banerjea, for example, was quite explicit in his conviction that Indians were excluded from civil service appointments because “our color is our disqualification." Quoted in Ghosh, “ ‘English in Taste,’ " 193. Thanks to Alison Fletcher for this reference.

139. MSS EUR F 165/1, January 20, 1890.

140. MSS EUR F 165/4, February 8, 1891.

141. The Maria Grey Training College foundered in the 1870s—by 1881 it had only 32 students—and Manning may have been as concerned about numbers as she was about securing an Indian woman. For details see Ellsworth, Liberators of the Female Mind , 220-21.

142. MSS EUR F 165/4, May 25, 1891.

143. MSS EUR F 165/6, January 17, 1892.

144. Russell, Wish of Distinction , chapter 2.

145. MSS EUR F 165/3, September 7, 1890.

146. MSS EUR F 165/4, January 7, 1891.

147. MSS EUR F 165/3 (no date, first letter in 165/3).

148. MSS EUR F 165/5, August 9, 1891.

149. MSS EUR F 165/1, December 12, 1889. See also Meera Kosambi’s claim that Rukhmabai “dressed like a Hindu married woman until [her husband’s] death in 1904, after which she considered herself a widow." “Meeting of the Twain," 7. It is possible that Rukhmabai wore saris in shades of red and brown while in London (what Marathi widows wore, as opposed to the white of Bengali widows). I am grateful to Geraldine Forbes for suggesting this possibility. According to C. A. Bayly, these color codings were from Hindu traditions, stemming from the laws of Manu. See his “Origins of Swadeshi ," 291.

150. MSS EUR F 165/2, January 26, 1890. Cornelia’s nephew Richard remembers that during the Second World War, the four Sorabji sisters then living in London wore “brilliant" saris that stood out against the dark and gray metropolitan landscape, especially when no lights were allowed. Private conversation, Oxford, June 21, 1995. For a discussion of clothes and nineteenth century social reform in India, see Bannerji, “Textile Prison," 27-45.

151. Madame Blavatsky, From the Caves and Jungles of Hindustan (1892), quoted in Karkaria, Charm of Bombay , 338.

152. See OIOC Judicial and Political Papers 6/333/1968 for details of the 1892 memorial. I am grateful to both Sudipta Sen and Philippa Levine for aiding me in my search for these documents.

153. MSS EUR F 165/2, February 2, 1890.

154. Ibid.

155. Rukhmabai had support from the Walter McLarens for her medical course, but she had left a life where child care was expected of her in her natal family, despite the fact that her stepfather was a well-established university botanist with a large medical practice in Bombay. See Radford, Indian Journal , 40, 42-43, 87.

156. MSS EUR F 165/4, March 30, 1891.

157. MSS EUR F 165/3, September 24(?), 1890.

158. MSS EUR F 165/2, February 2, 1890. One of Sorabji’s Indian contemporaries thought the Rajah of Kolapore was “a jovial, honest, friendly fellow." See Radcliffe, Indian Journal , 80. Given the fact that Nora Scott met both Rukhmabai and the Rajah in Bombay, it may well be that Rukhmabai knew him before she saw him in London.

159. See for example Max Muller’s letter to the Times , reprinted as “Rukhmabai and Ramabai" in the Indian Magazine and Review (1887-1888): 530-40. I am grateful to Emary Aronson for providing me with this reference.

160. As Dane Kennedy notes, Todas were constructed by the Victorians as the “aristocrats" of India’s tribal peoples, with the nobility of their women primary among their “superior" qualities. See Kennedy, Magic Hills , 71-75.

161. MSS EUR F 165/3, July 2, 1890.

162. See Jowett to Sorabji, MSS EUR F 165/18, September 21, 1892, and August 6, 1893. Although she spent more time by far with Max Muller, she appears nowhere in his collected letters or memoirs, where his encounters in England with Ramabai, Rukhmabai, and Behramji Malabari dominate. See Mrs. M. Muller, Life and Letters of the Right Honorable Max Muller , vol. 2; Max Muller, Auld Lang Syne .

163. MSS EUR F 165/6, February 14, 1892.

164. MSS EUR F 165/4, January 18, 1891. An Oxford don with a tremendous legal reputation, Dicey admitted that, like most barristers, he could not have survived by practicing law alone. “The Bar was never anything but a loss to me," he said; “I should have long ago starved had I depended upon my briefs for food," Quoted in Collini, Public Moralists , 45.

165. MSS EUR F 165/5, November 28, 1891.

166. MSS EUR F 165/(?), April 2, 1890.

167. MSS EUR F 165/1, March 4, 1889; and 165/8, January 7, 1893.

168. Lady Hobhouse to Cornelia Sorabji, MSS EUR F 165/54, September 26, 1891(?).

169. Mrs. Chapman, Sketches of Some Distinguished Indian Women ; MSS EUR F 165/4, April 11, 1891, and June 18, 1891.

170. MSS EUR F 165/4, April 5, 1891.

171. MSS EUR F 165/3, October 24, 1890.

172. Later in her life, she kept a running count of women in India holding legal qualifications; see the appendix to India Calling , where she actually put her statistics into table form, with herself as the baseline (301). The first African American woman to enter an American university law school got her J.D. in 1930. See Etter-Lewis, My Soul Is My Own , 23.

173. MSS EUR F 165/4, March 21, 1891.

174. MSS EUR F 165/4, April 12, 1891.

175. MSS EUR F 165/3, December 23, 1890. This was probably Mary Bhore, who was in residence at Somerville between 1898 and 1900, but who does not appear to have done exams there. She later became “directress of female education" in Baroda and head of the Female Training College at Poona. Somerville College Calendars (Oxford: Baxter’s Press, n.d.), 27; Somerville College Register 1879-1959 (Oxford: oxford University Press, 1961), 24; and Bhor, Some Impressions of England .

176. I am grateful to Seth Koven for this point.

177. According to Stefan Collini, when the Nineteenth Century was begun in 1877, “it deliberately set out to capture big names with big fees." Contributors in Sorabji’s day might expect as much as £50 an article (Collini, 40). She was not paid by the magazine’s editor, James Knowles, for “Stray Thoughts by an Indian Girl," though he did commission at least one other piece from her for which he paid her a sum considerably less than the going rate.

178. MSS EUR F 165/5, September 23, 1891.

179. MSS EUR F 165/4, March 26, 1891.

180. Rukhmabai, “Indian Child Marriages," 263-69.

181. MSS EUR F 165/5, November 22, 1891.

182. MSS EUR F 165/6, February 21, 1892.

183. MSS EUR F 165/6, May 26, 1892.

184. MSS EUR F 165/6, June 15, 1892.

185. She chose chemistry, where other girls had gone before, but recalled: “[S]o I gave up my great love." Florence Rich to Helen Darbishire, Somerville College Archives, August 31, 1939. For a discussion of other contemporary women’s entrances into science and medical courses, see Dyhouse, No Distinction of Sex ?

186. Private conversation with Richard Sorabji, June 21, 1995. In his words the family “loved wit—[and it was often] not very well thought out, but graphic."

187. This was on the occasion of the Berkshire Conference of Women Historians, June 9, 1996, Chapel Hill North Carolina, where Forbes chaired a session in which I presented “Dress and the Colonial Female Subject: Cornelia Sorabji at Oxford."

188. For an interesting parallel, see Meena Alexander on Sarojini Naidu’s use of sati, “Sarojini Naidu," 69.

189. Chowdhury-Sengupta, “Return of the Sati," 41-44.

190. For a discussion of the circulation of images of Indian women in Victorian culture, see Nair, “Uncovering the Zenana," 8-34; and Burton, Burdens of History .

191. I am indebted to Peterson’s “What to Wear?" See Schwartz, Implicit Understanding , 403-21.

192. See Soffer, Discipline and Power , 157. According to Mary Stocks, Eleanor Rathbone (also a Somervillian) thought her Greats exam was a terrible ordeal; her right hand cramped, making her writing so poor that her examiners refused to decipher it. She eventually had to dictate the exam to a typist. In the end she got a second. See Eleanor Rathbone , 47. Florence Rich remembered her viva as an “ordeal" as well. When she and her friend Miss Seward entered the schools for the exam, a porter angrily called out, “What do you ladies want here?" Florence Rich to Helen Darbishire, Somerville College Library Archives, August 31, 1938. According to Eleanor Lodge, “I never did get a first class and whatever people say as to how little that matters in after life I cannot agree with them. My second class has always remained as a source of acute discomfort and self-distrust." Terms and Vacations , 55.

193. MSS EUR F 165/6, June 23, 1892.

194. Cornelia Sorabji to Lady Hobhouse, MSS EUR F 165/16, June 22, 1892. One of her tutors, Thomas Raleigh, wrote to Miss Maitland just before this, reassuring her of how challenging Sorabji’s course was. “I mention this," he wrote “ . . . because I know that Miss Sorabji was bent on doing credit to the Hall, and . . . proving that her time at Oxford has been turned to good account." Thomas Raleigh to Miss Maitland, MSS EUR F 165/116, item 4, June 18, 1892.

195. MSS EUR F 165/6, July 15, 1892.

196. MSS EUR F 165/6, June 23, 1892.

197. See Joyce, Democratic Subjects , 39. For an extended discussion of the dilemmas facing American women wage earners in Sorabji’s time, see Meyerowitz, Women Adrift .

198. MSS EUR F 165/7, August 4, 1892; October 27, 1892; November 11, 1892 (respectively). West was the vice-chancellor of the University of Bombay during the early part of Lord Reay’s administration and a frequent presider at the VHS’s prize distribution days. See Hunter, Bombay , 141.

199. MSS EUR F 165/6, July 8, 1892.

200. Sorabji, “Law of Women’s Property"; MSS EUR F 165/17.

201. MSS EUR F 165/7, September 29, 1892; and 165/8, January 18, 1893.

202. Alice Sorabji to the Sorabjis in Poons, MSS EUR F 165/207, June 1, 1905.

203. MSS EUR F 165/7, August 31, 1892.

204. Soffer, “Authority in the University," 192.

205. MSS EUR F 165/6, July 8, 1892.

206. MSS EUR F 165/7, September 29, 1892.

207. Sorabji, “Social Relations," 1.

208. MSS EUR F 165/7, December 13, 1892.

209. Loomba, Gender, Race and Renaissance Drama , 94.

1. Malabari, Indian Eye , 188.

2. For contemporary examples of men of color being “hailed" on the streets of the modern urban West, see Nirad C. Chaudhuri, Passage to England , 118; Stuart Hall, “Signification, Representation, Ideology," 108; Phillips, European Tribe , passim; Cornel West, Race Matters , ix-xi; and Appadurai, “Heart of Whiteness," 801-2.

3. Winter, London’s Teeming Streets, 1830-1914, 9-10. He traces this sentiment back to the Putney debates of 1648, where General Ireton declared that among the basic birthrights of English men was “the freedom of the highways." An 1851 commentator put it this way: “[A]ll who consign themselves to the chances of the pavement are equal " (emphasis in the original).

4. I am grateful here to Lara Kriegel, who first suggested to me that The Indian Eye functioned as a kind of conduct guide. Ania Loomba’s succinct comment is also appropriate: “Colonialism is manifestly the history of the intersection of various and color-coded patriarchies." See her “Color of Patriarchy," 33. For a discussion of a different but related kind of patriarchal bargain, see Laura Tabili’s analysis of Indian nationalists’ expectations of citizenship in exchange for support of the British Empire in World War I, “ We Ask for British Justice ", 19.

5. Lake, “Politics of Respectability," 116-31; Hall, White, Male and Middle Class ; Sinha, Colonial Masculinity ; and Bederman, Manliness and Civilization . See also Adams, Dandies and Desert Saints .

6. Sinha, Colonial Masculinity ; and Chowdhury-Sengupta, “Effeminate and the Masculine," 284-303. See also Sinha, “Gender and Imperialism," 217-31 and “Age of Consent Act," 99-127. Laura Tabili’s 1994 book, “We Ask for British Justice," argues that by the twentieth century, “British imperial identity was increasingly constituted around class-specific and gendered images of a predatory masculinity that was also race-specific—‘imperial manhood,’ " (10).

7. Malabari was certainly not alone among Indians in producing “racial prejudices" about the working class; the Bengali bhadralok adopted much the same attitude toward the indigenous proletariat in nineteenth-century India, with Sasipada Bannerjee a notable exception. See Chakrabarty, Rethinking Working-Class History , 146-48.

8. I am borrowing here from Jukes, Shout in the Street , xiv. I am grateful to Joe McLaughlin for this reference.

9. Bhabha, “Interrogating Identity," 184 and ff.

10. See Cornwall and Lindisfarne, Dislocating Masculinity , 1-8.

11. For relevant discussions of the everyday as a site of historical value, see Sumit Sarkar, “Popular Culture, Community, Power," 309-23; Raychaudhuri, Europe Reconsidered ; and Langebauer, “City, the Everyday and Boredom," 80-120.

12. Mrs. Postans (Marianne Young), Western India in 1838 , vol. 2, 205.

13. Edwards, Rise of Bombay , 299.

14. Douglas, Book of Bombay 18.

15. I am thinking here particularly of Inderpal Grewal’s Home and Harem , 143-55; and Sinha, Colonial Masculinity , Chapter 4. Unfortunately, T. M. Lurhmann’s The Good Parsi appeared only as this book was going to press; it addresses many of the questions of Parsi cultural location articulated by both Sorabji and Malabari.

16. Kulke, Parsis in India , 136. For a discussion of Parsis before the nineteenth century, see White, Competition and Collaboration .

17. Dobbin, Urban Leadership in Western India , 63.

18. Karaka, History of the Parsis , vol. 1, xx.

19. See Viswanathan, Masks of Conquest , 37; and Tanika Sarkar, “Hindu Wife and the Hindu Nation," 214-35.

20. She was seven and he, eleven See Masani, Dadhabai Naoroji , 30.

21. See Chatterjee, “Nationalist Resolution of the Women’s Question," 233-54.

22. Karaka, History of the Parsis , 191.

23. Naoroji, “European and Asiatic Races," 21. See also his Manners and Customs of the Parsees (Bombay: Union Press, 1864), a paper read before the Liverpool Philomatic Society, March 1861.

24. Chatterjee, Nation and Its Fragments , 223.

25. Thanks to Philippa Levine for encouraging me to pursue this point. Quote is from Duara, Rescuing History from the Nation , 7.

26. Haynes, Rhetoric and Ritual in Colonial India , 79.

27. Arnold, Colonizing the Body , 272.Kathryn Hansen also observes that Parsi theaters were most imitative of English-style playhouses in nineteenth-century Bombay and Calcutta. See her “Birth of Hindi Dramain Banaras, 1868-1885," 75 and 77.

28. Kulke, Parsis , 186-87.

29. Tanika Sarkar, “Rhetoric against Age of Consent," 1870.

30. See Karkaria, India , especially chapter 5.

31. The notes were published as Infant Marriage and Enforced Widowhood in India: Being a Collection of Opinions for and against Received by B. M. Malabari from Representative Hindu Gentlemen and Officials and Other Authorities (Bombay: Voice of India Printing Press, 1887). See also Gidumal, Life , 1-5.

32. Dobbin, Urban Leadership , Chapter 10, esp. 247; see also Kosambi, “Gender Reform," 265-90.

33. See Gorham, “ ‘Maiden Tribute,’ "353-79; and Walkowitz, City of Dreadful Delight , chapters 3 and 4.

34. Bayly, Imperial Meridian , 111; Marks, “History, the Nation and the Empire," 111-19; Stanley, “British Feminist Histories," 3-7; Burton, “ ‘Rules of Thumb,’ "483-500; and Stoler, Race and the Education of Desire .

35. Valverde discusses the impact of Stead’s “Maiden Tribute of Modern Babylon Campaigh" in Toronto, in The Age of Light, Soap and Water , 90-92. See also Weeks, Sex, Politics and Society ; Hearn, Men in the Public Eye ; and Mort, Dangerous Sexualities .

36. Bederman, Manliness and Civilization , 11

37. Gidumal, Life , 214; Gorham “Maiden Tribute," 353-79; and Anagol-McGinn, “Age of Consent Act (1891) Reconsidered," 110-118.

38. Gidumal, B. Malabari: A Biographical Sketch , 6.

39. For evidence of their influence on him, see B. M. Malabari, “Three Hours with Miss Carpenter in Bombay," Indian Magazine and Review 91 (July 1878): 300-304; and Gidumal, Life , 199-200 and 201-04.

40. Mani, “Contentious Traditions," 88-126.

41. See Kopf, Brahmo Samaj and the Shaping of the Modern Indian Mind ; and Engels, “Age of Consent Act of 1891," 107-34.

42. Gidumal, Life , 137 and 143.

43. Ibid., 131. Sudhir Chandra points out that there was some debate over Malabari’s use of the term “un-English" itself. See Chandra’s “Whose Laws?" 202 (F. 25).

44. Ibid., 200.

45. Ibid., 1-5.

46. See Burton, “White Woman’s Burden," 137-57, and Burdens of History.

47. Gidumal, Life , 206.

48. Gidumal, Life , 201.

49. Ibid.

50. Gidumal, Life , 205 and 199.

51. Quoted in Radha Kumar, History of Doing , 16-17. See also Tanika Sarkar, “Book of Her Own," 37. I am grateful to Mrinalini Sinha for urging me to seek out historical evidence that this practice predated Malabari’s “speaking as" an Indian woman.

52. Walkowitz, City of Dreadful Delight , 96.

53. Loomba is quoted in Sinha, “ ‘Chathams, Pitts and Gladstone in Petticoats,’ " 105.

54. This is his term. See Gidumal, Life , 228 (subtext). For a discussion of Malabari’s activities in London around the committee he formed, see Sinha, Colonial Masculinity , chapter 4.

55. Malabari, Indian Eye , 2.

56. Ibid., 144.

57. At least one other Indian visitor knew Dr. Bhabha. See Nadkarni, Journal , 10 and 57.

58. See for example, Ran, My Trip , 75-76; and Nadkarni, Journal , 26.

59. Ram, My Trip , 81. V.S. Naipaul admitted in The Enigma of Arrival that “the London I knew or imaginatively possessed was the London I had got from Dickens." Conversely, Jeremy Seabrook writing on Bombay in the twentieth century, could only see that Indian city as Mayhew’s London. See Jukes, Shout in the Street , 10 and 39. For another take on England as the imaginary property of the colonial subject, see Gooneratne. “Family Histories as Post-Colonial Texts." 96.

60. The phrase “rhetoric of walking" is Michel de Certeau’s. See Practice of Everyday Life , 100.

61. Booth, In Darkest England and the Way Out ; and Margaret Harkness, In Darkest London , especially 3; Nord, “Social Explorer as Anthropologist," 122-34. George Sims’s How the Poor Live (1883) suggests that the literature o the 1890s was the acceleration of a well-established Victorian trend; see Jukes, Shout in the Street , 22. See also Keating, Into Unknown England 1866-1913 ; Arata, “Occidental Tourist," 621-45; and McLaughlin, Writing the Urban Jungle . I am also grateful to Michael Levenson and my colleagues in NEH summer seminar, “The Culture of London, 1850-1925," for enabling me to appreciate this point.

62. See Baijnath, England and India , 30; and Pandian, England to an Indian Eye . For a fuller discussion of Indian male travelers in the metropole, see Antoinette Burton, “Making a Spectacle of Empire," 96-117.

63. Malabari, Indian Eye , 94, 1, 87, respectively.

64. Nord, “City as Theater," 186.

65. The Anglo-Indian photojournalist Olive Christian Malvery ventriloquized the Cockney visually rather than verbally in her investigative reports for the early twentieth-century London periodical press. See Walkowitz, “Daughter of Empire."

66. Malabari, Indian Eye , 70.

67. See for example Shaw, Travels in England .

68. Baijnath, England and India , 22; Satthianadhan, Holiday Trip to Europe and America , 99. For a contemporary contrast, see Phillips, European Tribe : “In the rain Paris looks suspiciously like London. This is one of the reasons I dislike France. It reminds me of Britain" (56).

69. Pandian, England to an Indian Eye , 91.

70. Pollin, “Transport Lines and Social Divisions," 29-61.

71. Malabari, Indian Eye , 27.

72. Ibid., 32.

73. See Pollock, “Dangers of Proximity," esp. 11. Alejo Carpentier uses a bus scene to stage another kind of colonial encounter in an interior space in The lost Steps (1953). For an analysis of this text, see Kutzinski, Sugar’s Secrets , 2-4.

74. Quoted in Chakrabarty, “Difference-Deferral of (a) Colonial Modernity," 1.

75. I am grateful here to Kutzinski, Sugar’s Secrets , 32.

76. I am drawing heavily here from Nord’s Walking the Victorian Streets , 2-3.

77. Malabari, Indian Eye , 33-34.

78. See Sugar’s Secrets, 41. For my arguments about humor and seriousness, I am also drawing on Paul Edwards’s helpful essay, “Unreconciled Strivings and Ironic Strategies," 32; and Henry Louis Gates Jr.’s Figures in Black , 85. I am grateful to Harry Marks for encouraging me to consider Malabari’s irony in the first place.

79. Murray’s 1875 Handbook to London at It Is warned about the “heat and crowding’ of the omnibus and about the difficulty, if not the unsuitability, of climbing upon the “knife-board," or roof, for women (36). For a fuller description, see Clunn, Face of London , 6.

80. I am grateful to Judith Walkowitz for this suggestion.

81. The expression is de Certeau’s. See his Practice of Everyday Life , 111.

82. Jhinda Ram knew the fleshpots, however: he named the Royal Aquarium as a site for profligate women, in My Trip , 49. See also Baijnath, England and India , 26; and Nadkarni, Journal , 7.

83. Mary Hobhouse, “London Sketches by an Indian Pen," Indian Magazine and Review (February 1890): 61-73 and “Further Sketches by an Indian Pen" (March 1890): 139-58. The incident described above is related in the second installment by M. Hasan Khan, who visited England in the spring and summer of 1888.

84. Hobhouse, “Further Sketches," 145.

85. Visram, Ayahs , 81-82 and 169-89.

86. M. Dorothy George was one of the earliest historians of London to note the presence of Afro-Caribbean and South Asian peoples. See her London Life in the Eighteenth Century , 134-44. See also Visram, Ayahs , esp. chapter 4 and appendices; Salter, Asiatic in England ; Augustus Mayhew, Paved with Gold , 1-4; Duffield and Gundara, Essays on the History of Blacks in Britain .

87. See Kutzinski, Sugar’s Secrets , 3 and 32.

88. Ram, My Trip , 77.

89. Malabari, Indian Eye, 31.

90. See Sedgwick, Between Men , especially chapters 1 and 10; and Brown, “Polyrhythms and Improvisation," 85-90. Thanks to Robert Reid-Pharr for helping me to make this connection.

91. Ram, My Trip , 76.

92. Karkaria, Charm of Bombay , 292 and 297.

93. Ibid., 319.

94. Dwivedi and Mehrotta, Bombay . Thanks to Rob Gregg for the reference and to Barbara Ramusack for the gift.

95. Dasa, Reminiscences , 237; Thorner, “Bombay," xv; and Kosambi, “British Bombay and Marathi Mumbai", 3-24.

96. Anadibai Joshi, Speech by a Hindu Lady , 7-8, quoted in Anagol, “Sexual Harassment in India," 228. See also Dall, Life of Dr Anandabai Joshee , 40. Kadambini Ganguli suffered similar humiliations in Bengal, suggesting that the woman doctor was among the most threatening public women of all. Karlekar, Voices from Within , 177-79.

97. Anagol, “Sexual Harassment," 225.

98. I am grateful to Judith Walkowitz for pressing this point.

99. Elizabeth Wilson, “Invisible Flaneur," 93.

100. Pollock, “Vicarious Excitements," 38; Elizabeth Wilson, “Invisible Flaneur," 90-93; and for the American context, see Ryan, Women in Public .

101. Nord, Walking the Victorian Streets .

102. As an American, Jack London apparently didn’t feel much at home either as he did his investigative slumming in London disguised as a stoker—dressed, in his words, “in the clothes of the other and unimaginable men." See his “People of the Abyss" (1903) in Keating, Into Darkest England , 226-38.

103. Nord, Walking the Victorian Streets , 145 and 240.

104. Gandhi, Autobiography ; Rakhal Haldar Das, English Diary of an Indian Student, 1861-62 ; Meredith Borthwick, The Life and Teachings of Keshub Chunder Sen (Calcutta: Minerva Associates, 1977); Tagore, My Reminisences .

105. Or of “black men" in spaces where contact with white women might be unregulated. For three examples, see Fanon, Black Skin, White Masks , 72; Anant, “Three Faces of an Indian," 87-88; and Kureishi, “London and Karachi," 270-288

106. David Morgan, Discovering Men , 202. Significantly perhaps, Morgan makes this observation in connection with the challenges to masculinity posed by the women’s suffrage movement.

107. Malabari, Indian Eye , 87.

108. Quoted in Mohanram, “Postcolonial Maori Sovereignty," 64. I am grateful to Devoney Looser for pointing me toward this reference. According to W. E. B. Du Bois, “[T]he black man is a person who must ride ‘Jim Crow’ in Georgia." Quoted in Appiah, In My Father’s House , 40.

109. Dasa, Reminiscences , 1-5.

110. Malabari, Indian Eye , 12.

111. Restaurants and theaters are two other such spaces.

112. Baedeker, London and Its Environs , 12-13; Hamid Ali, “The Cost of Living in London," Indian Magazine and Review 134 (February 1882): 88-92.

113. See for example The Indian Spectator , December 17, 1893, p. 1004.

114. Malabari, Indian Eye , 152.

115. Baijnath, England and India , 29. See also Mrs. E. T. Cook, Highways and Byways of London , 295. I am grateful to Heidi Holder for this latter reference.

116. See Ragaviah, Pictures of England , 58.

117. Malabari, Indian Eye , 155. See also Walker, “Men and Masculinity in the Salvation Army, 1865-1890," 92-112.

118. See Davidoff, “Class and Gender in Victorian England," 17-71; Pollock, “Dangers of Proximity;" and McClintock, Imperial Leather , part II.

119. Malabari, Indian Eye , 156.

120. Ibid., 154. I am grateful to Angela Woollacott for suggesting this particular reading to me.

121. Malabari, Indian Eye , 59.

122. Satthianadhan, Holiday , 98.

123. Mukharji, Visit to Europe , 87.

124. Malabari, Indian Eye , 75-76.

125. See Baijnath, England and India , 40; Pandian, England to an Indian Eye , 16-17; and Dutt, Three Years in Europe, 28.

126. See Kopf, Brahmo Samaj , 13-15.

127. Malabari, Indian Eye , 76.

128. Ibid., 74

129. See for example, “The Hindoo Marriage Law," Englishwomen’s Review , April 15, 1887, p. 182; Behramji Malabari’s Appeal from the Daughters of India ; and Sinha , Colonial Masculinity .

130. Malabari, Indian Eye , 73.

131. Ibid., 159. Significantly perhaps, one of Malabari’s biographers believed that Malabari had inherited his concern for Hindu women from his own mother, a Parsi woman with “an almost incredible attachment for Hindus." Karkaria, India , 123.

132. Burton, Burdens of History . To borrow from Chakrabarty’s analysis of the working class in nineteenth-century Bengal, the nature of Malabari’s defiance may also be said to have mirrored the nature of the colonial authority to which he was responding. See Rethinking Working-Class History , 185.

133. Malabari, Indian Eye, esp ., 59-66.

134. ibid., 121-22. T. B. Pandian recounted a similar resistance on the part of English officials when he tried to meet with some on a trip to London in 1893. See his Slaves of the Soul in Southern India (Madras, 1899), 193. The official in question was G. W. E. Russell, undersecretary of state for India. See also John Bright’s brief account of one of his visits with Lalmohun Ghose (1879) in Walling, Diaries of John Bright , 424.

135. Malabari, Indian Eye , 60-62.

136. See Lake, “Politics of Respectability," 117.

137. Satthianadhan, Four Years in an English University , 21.

138. Malabari, Indian Eye , 60.

139. Chakrabarty, “Difference-Deferral," 5.

140. See for example The Mahratta , August 17, 1890, p. 4 and August 24, 1890, p. 5.

141. See Prakash’s introduction to his After Colonialism , 3.

142. I intend this as a critical reading of recent tendencies to speak of “trans" national practices and “globalized" cultural formations. See Grewal and Kaplan, Scattered Hegemonies . Robert Carr’s essay in the volume, Crossing the First World/Third World Divides , 153-72, offers an important and useful critical appraisal of these tendencies in his reading of how I, Rigoberta Menchu has been put to use in Western-feminist classrooms; see also Gyan Prakash in his introduction to After Colonialism .

143. Malabari, Indian Eye , 192.

144. Hay, “Making of a Late-Victorian Hindu," 74-98; Moira Ferguson, History of Mary Prince ; Alexander and Dewjee, Wonderful Adventures of Mrs. Seacole in Many Lands ; C. L. R. James, Beyond a Boundary ; Equiano, Interesting Narrative of the Life of Olaudah Equiano, Written by Himself ; Murphy, “Olaudah Equiano, Accidental Tourist," 551-68; Western, Passage to England ; Foner, Life and Writings of Frederick Douglass , 62-75; and David H. Burton, Anglo-American Plutarch , chapter 4; and Gilroy, Black Atlantic .

145. Bederman, Manliness and Civilization , chapter 5. I am grateful to Herman Bennett and Susan Thorne for urging me to engage this point.

146. See Sinha, Colonial Masculinity , chapter 1.

147. Anne McClintock, Imperial Leather , 16.

148. See Mitchell, Colonising Egypt , chapter 1.

149. See Wallace, Walking, Literature and English Culture , esp. chapter 4, “Walking as Ideology"; and Grewal’s Home and Harem , esp. 171-77.

150. Nord, Walking the Victorian Streets , 238.

151. Pandian, England to an Indian Eye ; and Pillai, London and Paris through Indian Spectacles .

152. For a discussion of postcolonial history as a quest to provincialize Europe, see Chakrabarty, “Postcoloniality and the Artifice of History," 20.

153. Mukharji, Visit to Europe , xi. See also Nagendra Nath Ghose, Indian Views of England .

1. For a fuller discussion of relating the global to the everyday, see Holt’s “Marking," 1-20.

2. See Clifford, “Traveling Cultures," 116.

3. Gagnier, Subjectivities , 6.

4. I am grateful to Mrinalini Sinha for making this connection at our Berkshire Conference of Women Historians Panel, June 9, 1996.

5. Fraser, “Reply to Zylan," 532.

6. Mohanram, “Postcolonial Maori Sovereignty," 63. See also Radhakrishnan. “Is the Ethnic ‘Authentic’ in the Diaspora?" 219-33.

7. Bhabha, “Of Mimicry and Man," 128.

8. This is from Powell’s speech at Eastbourne, November 16, 1968, quoted in Gilroy, “There Ain’t No Black in the Union Jack," 46. See also Waters, ‘The Pink and the Black," 210-21.

9. See de Certeau, Practice of Everyday Life , xii and 99-100, and Robertson et al., Travelers’ Tales , 2.

10. I am grateful here to Saskia Sassen’s observation that “throughout history people have moved and through these movements [have] constituted places." See “Whose City Is It?" 219. See also Clifford, “Notes on Travel and Theory," 179.

11. Here I am self-consciously echoing Dipesh Chakrabarty’s call for “the provincialization of Europe" as one method of challenging orientalism in history-writing. See his “Postcoloniality and the Artifice of History," 1-26, and Prakash’s discussion of this tack in “Subaltern Studies as Postcolonial Criticism," 1484.

12. Dirks, Colonialism and Culture ; Thomas, Colonialism’s Culture .