1. Exceptions to this generalization exist, of course. The most prominent was probably Wu Guanzhong, who had studied in Paris between 1947 and 1950. After a thirty-year career in which his opinions were largely ignored, he emerged as an influential artist in the 1980s. See the catalogue of his solo exhibitions, Wu Guanzhong: A Contemporary Chinese Artist , ed. Lucy Lim (San Francisco: Chinese Culture Foundation, 1989); and Anne Farrer, Wu Guanzhong: A Twentieth-Century Chinese Painter (London: British Museum, 1992).

2. One study of Western art in China is Mayching Kao's dissertation, ''China's Response to the West in Art, 1898-1937'' (Stanford University, 1972).

3. Franz Schurmann described this phenomenon in Ideology and Organization in Communist China (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1968), esp. pp. 109-110.

4. Introduction to Perry Link, ed., Roses and Thorns: The Second Blooming of the Hundred Flowers in Chinese Fiction, 1979-1980 , pp. 1-41. Link's ''Introduction: On the Mechanics of the Control of Literature in China," in Stubborn Weeds: Popular and Controversial Chinese Literature After the Cultural Revolution , ed. Perry Link (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1983), pp. 1-30, is a superb introduction to this question.

5. I have seen issues of Renmin meishu from 1950, Meishu has been published from 1954 to the present, with a ten-year hiatus between 1966 and 1976. In the 1980s, CAA members also received an "internal circulation" publication, Meishujia tongxun (Artists' circular), which printed particularly important articles as guides to official art policy.

1. For an account of these losses, see Frederic Wakeman, Jr., The Fall of Imperial China (New York: Free Press, 1975), pp. 131-224.

2. Cai Yuanpei, one of Liu's supporters, believed that Liu's academy was the first; see his "Sanshiwu nian lai zhongguo zhi xinwenhua" (China's New Culture over Thirty-five Years), reprinted from Zuijin sanshiwu nian zhi zhongguo jiaoyu (Chinese education over the past thirty-five years) (N.p.: Commercial Press, 1931), in Cai Yuanpei yuyan ji wenxue lunzhu (Cai Yuanpei's writings on linguistics and literature), ed. Gao Pingshu (Shijiazhuang: Hebei People's Art Press, 1985), p. 257. Kao, "China's Response," p. 63, and Michael Sullivan, The Meeting of Eastern and Western Art (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1989), p. 174, write that Western art was taught as a department of the Jiangsu-Jiangxi Normal School in Nanjing as early as 1906.

3. Liu Haisu, "Shanghai meishu zhuanke xuexiao ershiwu zhounian bianyan" (Preface for Shanghai Art Academy's twenty-fifth anniversary), reprinted from Shishi xinbao (Current affairs), Nov. 23, 1936, in Liu Haisu yishu wenxuan (Liu Haisu's collected writings on art), ed. Zhu Jinlou and Yuan Zhihuang (Shanghai: Shanghai People's Art Press, 1987), p. 172.

4. In mainland China, the convenient but value-laden term "liberation" is used to describe the Communist assumption of power in 1949. I have adopted the term in conformity with that usage.

5. Michael Sullivan has asked similar questions in his article "Art and Reality in Twentieth-Century Chinese Painting," in Twentieth-Century Chinese Painting , ed. Mayching M. Kao (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1988), pp. 1-20.

6. The struggle between modernism and tradition in Chinese art of the first half of the twentieth century, while beyond the scope of this book, had a strong influence on the post-1949 period. Excellent studies of the art of the Republican period include Ralph Croizier, Art and Revolution in Modern China: The Lingnan (Cantonese) School of Painting, 1906-1951 (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1988); Kao, "China's Response"; Sullivan, Meeting of Eastern and Western Art , pp. 174-185; idem, Chinese Art in the Twentieth Century (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1959); and Chu-tsing Li, Trends in Modern Chinese Painting (The C.A. Drenowatz Collection ), Artibus Asiae Supplementum 36 (Ascona, Switz.: Artibus Asiae Publishers, 1979), pp. 11-55.

7. Cai Yuanpei, "Sanshiwu nian lai zhongguo zhi xinwenhua," p. 261.

8. Croizier, Art and Revolution , p. 109.

9. Interview with A.

10. "Jiang Feng nianbiao" (A chronology of Jiang Feng) [hereafter JFNB], in Jiang Feng meishu lunji , ed. Hong Bo et al. (Beijing: People's Art Press, 1983) [hereafter JFMSLJ ], p. 315. Note that, while it is desirable to avoid cluttering the text with Chinese terms, romanized names are supplied for organizations that will be unfamiliar to most readers and for terms that have more than one possible translation.

11. JFNB, p. 315. Jiang Feng, writing in 1979, dates his meeting with expelled students to 1930; see "Lu Xun xiansheng yu 'yiba yishe'" (Lu Xun and the Eighteen Art Society), reprinted from Meishu [hereafter MS ], 1979, nos. 1 and 2, in JFMSLJ , p. 129 (also reprinted in Li Hua, Li Shusheng, and Ma Ke, eds., Zhongguo xinxing banhua yundong wushi nian [Fifty years of the new Chinese print movement] [Shenyang: Liaoning meishu chubanshe, 1981], pp. 187-198). The same source, p. 128, refers to the Hangzhou academy as "Hangzhou guoli xihu yishu yuan." Hu Yichuan recollects that expulsions for political reasons occurred in 1929 and again in 1932; see "Huiyi Lu Xun yu 'yiba yishe''' (Recalling Lu Xun and the Eighteen Society), reprinted from Meishu xuebao (Guangzhou Institute of Arts), 1980, no. 1, in Yiba yishe jinian ji (Collection to commemorate the Eighteen Society), ed. Wu Bunai and Wang Guanquan (Beijing: Renmin meishu chubanshe, 1981), pp. 23, 25 (also reprinted in Li, Li, and Ma [eds.], Zhongguo xinxing banhua yundong wushi nian , pp. 171-181).

12. The name of the society refers to the year of its founding, the eighteenth year of the republic, and, according to one interview source, to its original eighteen members.

13. Interview with B. The Eighteen Art Society was a leftist splinter of the school-sponsored group; see Hu Yichuan, "Huiyi Lu Xun yu 'yiba yishe,'" in Wu and Wang (eds.), Yiba yishe jinian ji , p. 21.

14. Hu Yichuan, "Huiyi Lu Xun yu 'yiba yishe,'" in Wu and Wang (eds.), Yiba yishe jinian ji , p. 23.

15. JFNB, p. 316; Hu Yichuan, "Huiyi Lu Xun yu 'yiba yishe,'" in Wu and Wang (eds.), Yiba yishe jinian ji , p. 23.

16. Interview with B.

17. The Chinese term in JFNB, p. 316, is wenzong , an abbreviation for Zhongguo zuoyi wenhua zong tongmeng . See Jiang Feng, "Lu Xun xiansheng yu 'yiba yishe,'" in JFMSLJ , p. 130.

18. JFNB, p. 316; Lou Shiyi, "Songbie Jiang Feng" (Saying farewell to Jiang Feng), reprinted from Wenhuibao , Oct. 20, 1982, in JFMSLJ , pp. 342-343.

19. JFNB, p. 316; Jiang Feng, "Lu Xun xiansheng yu 'yiba yishe,'" in JFMSLJ , pp. 130-135. For the relationship between Feng and Lu Xun, see Merle Goldman, Literary Dissent in Communist China (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1967), pp. xi, 9-11.

20. Ding Ling, "Dao Jiang Feng" (Mourning Jiang Feng), reprinted from Renmain ribao (People's daily) [hereafter RMRB ], Dec. 27, 1982, in JFMSLJ , p. 364.

21. Lou Shiyi, "Songbie Jiang Feng," p. 342.

22. Jiang Feng, "Lu Xun xiansheng yu 'yiba yishe,'" in JFMSLJ , pp. 131-134.

23. JFNB, p. 316. The prints, entitled Portrait and Labor , are reproduced in JFMSLJ , pls. 1-2.

24. Hu Yichuan, "Huiyi Lu Xun yu 'yiba yishe,'" in Wu and Wang (eds.), Yiba yishe jinian ji , p. 25. Also, interview with B; and "Hu Yichuan meishu huodong nianbiao" (Chronology of Hu Yichuan's art activities), in Hu Yichuan youhua fengjingxuan (Selected landscapes in oils by Hu Yichuan) (Guangzhou: Lingnan meishu chubanshe, 1983).

25. JFNB, p. 317.

26. Jiang Feng, "Lu Xun xiansheng yu 'yiba yishe,'" as corrected in Li, Li, and Ma (eds.), Zhongguo xinxing banhua yundong wushi nian , p. 194. Sun Lung-kee translates it as the Spring Field Painting Club; see "Out of the Wilderness: Chinese Intellectual Odysseys from the 'May Fourth' to the 'Thirties'" (Ph.D. diss., Stanford University, 1985), p. 295. Jiang Feng's original text ( MS 1979, no. 2, p. 38) and the version reprinted in JFMSLJ , p. 135, refer to it as Chundi meishu yanjiu suo (Spring Earth Art Research Center), as well as by the shorter name.

27. According to an autobiographical sketch, Ai Qing enrolled at the National Hangzhou Art Academy for a term when he was eighteen; the academy's director, Lin Fengmian, urged him to go abroad to study. See "'Wulao' yi Lin Fengmian xiansheng" ("Five elders" remember Lin Fengmian), Zhongguo meishubao, 1989 , no. 48, p. 1.

28. Translations of some poetry and theory by Ai Qing may be found in Hualing Nieh, ed., Literature of the Hundred Flowers , vol. 2: Poetry and Fiction (New York: Columbia University Press, 1981), pp. 57-75.

29. Jiang Feng, "Lu Xun xiansheng yu 'yiba yishe,'" in JFMSLJ , p. 136; JFNB, pp. 317-318. According to Jiang Feng, Communist monetary contributions had been promised the club by the party organizer Tian Han, but when they failed to arrive Lu Xun began supporting the group.

30. One student turned out to be a spy. Others arrested were Yu Hal, Li Xiushi, Li Yang, and Huang Shanding. See Jiang Feng, "Lu Xun xiansheng yu 'yiba yishe,'" in JFMSLJ , p. 136.

31. Ibid., pp. 136-137. Jiang notes that Lu Xun's diary for December 31, 1932, records receipt of a letter from "Jie Fu, Jia, et al." Jie Fu and Jia were pseudonyms for Jiang Feng and Ai Qing, respectively.

32. Huang Shanding, "Yipian zhongcheng—chentong daonian laozhanyou Jiang Feng" (A life of loyalty—mourning my old comrade-in-arms Jiang Feng), in JFMSLJ , p. 401.

33. JFNB, pp. 318-320.

34. Goldman, Literary Dissent , pp. 9-17.

35. Ibid., pp. 11-14.

36. JFNB, p. 319.

37. Reproduced in JFMSLJ, shang , pls. 11-12. Such designs were popular in books of the 1930s. See Scott Minick and Jiao Ping, Chinese Graphic Design in the Twentieth Century (New York: Van Nostrand Reinhold, 1990), pp. 54-65.

38. Reproduced in Lu Xun bianyin huaji jicun (Art albums edited and published by Lu Xun), vol. 3 (Shanghai: People's Art Press, 1981), figs. 107, 105, 125.

39. These events are described in Jonathan D. Spence, The Search for Modern China (New York: W. W. Norton, 1990), pp. 403-410.

40. JFNB, p. 320.

41. Jiang Feng, "Lu Xun xiansheng yu Zhongguo de xinxing muke yundong" (Lu Xun and China's revolutionary woodcut movement), reprinted from Qiyue [July], 1939, no. 2, in JFMSLJ , p. 1.

42. Goldman, Literary Dissent , pp. 15-16.

43. Yah Han, "Yi Taihangshan kangri genjudi de nianhua he muke huodong" (Recollections of the new year's pictures and woodcut movement in the Taihangshan anti-Japanese base), reprinted from MS 1957, no. 3, in Li, Li, and Ma (eds.), Zhongguo xinxing banhua yundong wushi nian , pp. 308-309; and Hu Yichuan, "Huiyi Luyi muke gongzuotuan zai dihou" (Recollections of the Lu Xun Academy's woodcut work team behind enemy lines), in ibid., pp. 296-297. Yan's article is summarized in Ellen Johnston Laing, The Winking Owl: Art in the People's Republic of China (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1988), p. 14.

44. Hellmut Lehmann-Haupt, Art Under a Dictatorship (New York: Oxford University Press, 1954), has described the ways in which religious iconography, such as that of Christmas, was similarly manipulated for political purposes by the Nazis and the Soviets.

45. Bo Songnian, Zhongguo nianhua shi (A history of Chinese new year's pictures) (Shenyang: Liaoning Art Press, 1986), p. 177, dates the first such prints to the lunar new year (late winter) of 1939 and attributes them to Jiang Feng and Wo Zha. Yan Han, "Yi Taihangshan," pp. 308-309, describes events leading up to the lunar new year of 1940.

Wo Zha (1905-1094; né Cheng Zhenxing) entered Shanghai New China Arts School ( Shanghai xinhua yishu zhuanke xuexiao ) in 1926 but graduated from the Shanghai Art Academy ( Shanghai meishu zhuanke xuexiao ) in 1935. He was a member of various left-wing groups, including the Eighteen Art Society, the Taokong huahui (Taokong Painting Club), and the Tiema banhuahui (Iron Horse Print Club). He went to Yan'an in October 1937 and served for a time as art department head at the Lu Xun Academy. See Zhongguo meishu cidian (Dictionary of Chinese fine arts) (Shanghai: Shanghai cishu chubanshe, 1987), p. 234.

Chen Tiegeng (1908-1969; also named Kebo and Yaotang) entered the National Hangzhou Arts Academy in 1927 but went to Shanghai in 1930 to work as a propagandist and printmaker. He participated in Lu Xun's printmaking class and belonged to the Eighteen Art Society and the League of Left-Wing Artists. He went to Yan'an in 1938 and was charged with establishing a branch campus of the Lu Xun Academy in the Taihang Mountain Communist base area. See Zhongguo meishu cidian , p. 234.

Luo Gongliu (b. 1916) enrolled in the Zhongshan University Middle School in Guangzhou in 1931. He was admitted as a scholarship student to the National Hangzhou Arts College in 1936 but went to Yan'an in 1938. See Yang Mingsheng, ed., Zhongguo xiandai huajia zhuan (Biographies of modern Chinese painters) (Zhengzhou: Henan Art Press, 1983), xia , pp. 592-600; and Zhongguo yishujia cidian, xiandai (Dictionary of Chinese artists, modern) (Changsha: Hunan People's Art Press, 1981), 2:520-521.

Yan Han (b. 1916; né Liu Yanhan) entered the National Hangzhou Arts Academy in 1935. He joined the Communist party in Yan'an in 1938. See Zbongguo yishujia cidian 1:508-510.

46. JFNB, p. 320.

47. JFNB, pp. 320-321.

48. Hu Yichuan, "Huiyi Luyi muke gongzuotuan zai dihou," pp. 296-297; Yan Han, "Yi Taihangshan," pp. 308-309.

49. Unlike some other Yan'an artists, Jiang Feng apparently saved very few of his prints. The judgment that he made fewer prints after he became an administrator in Yan'an is based on prints collected in JFMSLJ . Prints not included in that collection have been brought to my attention by Jiang Wen, his son, and it is possible that searches of preliberation newspapers and other publications might lead to another view of his Yan'an activity.

50. For a translation and discussion of Mao's text, see Bonnie S. McDougall, Mao Zedong's "Talks at the Yan'an Conference on Literature and Art": A Translation of the 1943 Text with Commentary , Michigan Papers in Chinese Studies, no. 39 (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Center for Chinese Studies, 1980).

51. Gu Yuan, "Bumie de huoyan—mianhuai Jiang Feng tongzhi" (An unextinguishable flame—cherish the memory of Comrade Jiang Feng), reprinted from RMRB , Oct. 25, 1982, in JFMSLJ, shang , p. 349; and Luo Gongliu, "Renmin yishu jiaoyu jia Jiang Feng tongzhi yongsheng" (May the people's art educator Comrade Jiang Feng live forever), reprinted from Gongren ribao , Oct. 8, 1982, in ibid., p. 340.

52. Kang Sheng is reputed to have been particularly ruthless in attacking former convicts (conversations with Joseph Esherick and Xin Han).

53. Yah Han, "Jiang Feng tongzhi de banxue chengjiu" (Jiang Feng's achievements in educational administration), reprinted from Meishu yanjiu , 1983, no. 1, in JFMSLJ, shang , p. 375.

54. JFNB, p. 321.

55. Interviews with C and D. See Spence, Search for Modern China , pp. 484-498, for background on this stage of the civil war. Over one hundred thousand soldiers from the Eighth Route Army made the arduous journey.

56. Li Song, ed., Xu Beihong nianpu, 1895-1953 (A chronology of Xu Beihong) (Beijing: People's Art Press, 1985), p. 105; interview with BL. Zhang Xiaofei directed the new academy's art section.

57. Jiang Feng, "Huihua shang liyong jiu xingshi wenti" (The problem of using old forms in painting), reprinted from Jin-Cha-Ji ribao (Jin-Cha-Ji daily), Feb. 6, 1946, in JFMSLJ , pp. 8-11.

58. Goldman, Literary Dissent , p. 15.

59. Ibid., pp. 15-16.

60. A slightly atypical picture of the yuefenpai type is reproduced in Minick and Jiao, Chinese Graphic Design , p. 84.

61. Interview with D.

62. "Zhongyang meishu xueyuan jianyuan sanshiwunian jishi" (Record of the thirty-five years since establishment of the Central Academy of Fine Arts), Meishu yanjiu (Art research), 1985, no. 1, p. 4. Additional information is taken from an anonymous mimeographed manuscript, "Zhongyang meishu xueyuan jianshi" (A brief history of the Central Academy of Fine Arts), reportedly compiled by the art historian Li Shusheng under the direction of school authorities.

63. JFNB, p. 322.

64. Hong Bo, "Huainian geming meishu shiye de kaituozhe Jiang Feng tongzhi" (Remembering a pioneer of revolutionary art, Comrade Jiang Feng), in JFMSLJ , p. 428.

65. "Zhongyang meishu xueyuan jianshi," p. 5. Other works considered important at the time included Feng Zhen's anti-American gouache painting Children's Game of 1948; reproduced in Bo Songnian, Zhongguo nianhua shi , p. 20.

66. In 1952, the Suzhou Art Academy, Shanghai Art Academy, and the Shandong University art department were combined into a new institution called the East China Arts Academy (see chapter 2). Based in Wuxi, the new school was directed by Liu Haisu. Yan Wenliang was transferred to the East China branch of the Central Academy of Fine Arts in Hangzhou, where he served as a vice-director. See Qian Bocheng, "Yan Wenliang xiansheng nianpu [Chronology of Yan Wenliang]," in Yan Wenliang , ed. Lin Wenxia (Shanghai: Xuelin Press, 1982), pp. 179-180.

67. This summary is based on William J. Duiker, Ts'ai Yuan-p'ei: Educator of Modern China (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1977), pp. 44-52; and Xiao Feng, "Guanghui de yeji shanlan de weilai—wei xiaoqing liushi zhounian erzuo" (Brilliant achievements, a glittering future—written for the school's sixtieth anniversary), Xinmeishu , vol. 31 [ sic ], 1988, no. 1, pp. 4-5. Duiker refers to Cai's article of February 1912, "Duiyu jiaoyu fangzhen zhi yijian" (My views on the aims of education), in Jiaoyu zazhi , as his source on the five-part curriculum. One of many reprinted versions of this article may be found in Cai Yuanpei meixue wenxuan (Selected texts by Cai Yuanpei on aesthetics), ed. Wenyi meixue congshu Editorial Committee (Beijing: Beijing University, 1983), pp. 1-7, where the source is given as Lingshi zhengfu gongbao (Occasional government papers), no. 13 (Feb. 11, 1912). Duiker notes that when the program was adopted by the government, aesthetic education was retained but the internationalist world-outlook education omitted, which presumably left only four parts to the curriculum. Xiao Feng, whose documentation is incomplete, discusses Cai's proposal as consisting of only four parts—moral, intellectual, physical, and aesthetic—and cites an unidentified article in Xin qingnian (New youth), 1917, as his source.

The most thorough studies of pre-1937 Chinese art education are those by Mayching Kao, including "China's Response" and "The Beginning of the Western-Style Painting Movement in Relationship to Reforms in Education in Early TwentiethCentury China," New Asia Academic Bulletin ( Xinya xueshu jikan , University of Hong Kong) 4 (1983): 373-397. Basing her discussion on Cai's "Duiyu jiaoyu fangzhen de yijian," she, like Duiker, discusses Cai's educational aims as being fivefold.

68. "Yi meiyu dai zongjiao" (The theory of replacing religion by aesthetic education), a speech Cai gave to the Shenzhou Scholarly Society in Beijing, April 8, 1917, reprinted in Cai Yuanpei xiansheng yiwen leichao (An anthology of essays by Cai Yuanpei) (Taibei: Fuxing shuju, 1961), pp. 229-233; and in Cai Yuanpei meiyu lunji (Cai Yuanpei's collected essays on aesthetic education) (Changsha: Hunan jiaoyu chubanshe, 1987), pp. 43-47. The latter cites Xin qingnian , vol. 3, no. 6 (Aug. 1917), as its source.

69. Xiao, "Guanghui de yeji shanlan de weilai," p. 5.

70. Kao, "China's Response," p. 118.

71. Kao (ibid.) states that Lin concluded his tenure in 1939. Wang Gong, Zhao Xi, and Zhao Youci, "Zhongyang meishu xueyuan lishi, fulu" (A short history of the Central Academy of Fine Arts), Meishu yanjiu , 1988, no. 4, P. 96, are not specific as to the date; they attribute his demotion to the 1938 decision by the Nationalist Ministry of Education to abolish the post of director when the exiled Hangzhou and Beiping academies were merged.

72. Ellen J. Laing credits Lin Fengmian with a "staunch refusal to bend to the art demands [of the Communist government, which] branded him as a maverick and left him after 1952 without official support," in "Zhongguo de yuegui yishu yu fandui yishu" (''Deviant" and ''dissident" art in the People's Republic of China), Jiuzhou yuekan (Chinese culture quarterly) 2, no. 2 (Jan. 1988): 142; p. 6 in unpublished English version.

73. Kao mentioned biographical details about Xu; see "China's Response," pp. 81, 102-104, 155-156. Chinese-language literature on Xu Beihong is voluminous. Much of that available before 1975 was examined by Chu-tsing Li, Trends , pp. 91-98, in his evaluation of the artist. Among the more recent publications are Li Song (ed.), Xu Beihong nianpu ; Ai Zhongxin, Xu Beihong yanjiu (Research on Xu Beihong) (Shanghai: Shanghai People's Art Press, 1984); a biography by his wife, Liao Jingwen, Xu Beihong yisheng (Beijing: China Youth Press, 1982) (also published in English translation as Xu Beihong: Life of a Master Painter [Beijing: Foreign Languages Press, 1987]); an exhibition catalogue, Xu Beihong de yishu (The art of Xu Beihong) (Hong Kong: Urban Council, 1988); and Wang Zhen, Xu Beihong yanjiu (Research on Xu Beihong) (Nanjing: Jiangsu Art Press, 1991).

74. Chu-tsing Li, Trends , p. 98.

75. Li Keran, who was close to both Lin Fengmian and Xu Beihong, characterized the latter as the art world's Bo Le, in reference to an ancient story about a man who could recognize a horse's potential even when it was not obvious to ordinary observers. See "'Wulao' yi Lin Fengmian xiansheng," p. 1.

76. Liao, Xu Beihong (1982), p. 95/(1987), p. 86; Kao, "China's Response," p. 134.

77. Liao, Xu Beihong (1982), pp. 81-82/(1987), pp. 74-76.

78. Michael Sullivan notes, "This curious work was much admired by Mao Zedong" ( Meeting of Eastern and Western Art , p. 176).

79. Tian is mentioned in a letter by Xu Beihong recorded in Li Song (ed.), Xu Beihong nianpu , p. 71.

80. Liao, Xu Beihong (1982), p. 328/(1987), p. 281. The letters were addressed to his student Wu Zuoren, whom he invited to serve as dean, and the underground communist oil painter Feng Fasi, whom he invited to serve as oil painting professor.

81. Jiang's moving pacifistic statement was, according to several slightly younger colleagues, commissioned by a Japanese administrator as a piece of antiresistance propaganda. According to this account, a now-lost section of the picture included American bombers as one source of the terror. This alleged collaboration marred his reputation in the early years after the war, but has been ignored by his recent biographers. The painting, whatever its inception, describes the suffering of the Chinese people in a war they did not initiate.

82. Other new faculty members were Li Hua, Ye Qianyu, Li Ruinian, Ai Zhongxin, Li Keran, Li Kuchan, Li Hu, Zhou Lingzhao, Dong Xiwen, Wang Linyi, Hua Tianyou, Dai Ze, Wei Qimei, and Liang Yulong. Qi Baishi and Huang Binhong held largely honorary appointments. See Liao, Xu Beihong (1982), pp. 328-329/(1987), p. 283.

83. Liao describes the affair as an "anti-Xu Beihong scheme" provoked by his progressive political activities; ibid. (1982), pp. 334-337/(1987), pp. 287-289.

84. Liao recalls that Tian Han visited Xu in 1948 to tell him that Mao and Zhou hoped he would not leave Beijing but would work for the party; ibid. (1982), p. 357/ (1987), p. 306.

85. Interview with E.

86. Li Song (ed.), Xu Beihong nianpu , p. 107. According to a chart of the new government published in RMRB , Sept. 30, 1949, p. 2, the Government Administration Council was one of four high-level bureaucratic structures. Most important for our purposes, it was the one that administered art and education.

87. Liao, Xu Beihong (1982), p. 380/(1987), pp. 324-325. Ai Zhongxin records a meeting between Xu Beihong and Zhou Enlai in 1946; see "Xu Beihong de xueyuan jiaoyang he youhua yishu" (Xu Beihong's academic training and the art of oil painting), in Zhongguo youhua (Chinese oil painting), ser. no. 46 (1992, no. 1): 3

1. Spence, Search for Modern China , p. 508.

2. The following information is from Wang, Zhao, and Zhao, "Zhongyang meishu xueyuan lishi, fulu," pp. 98-99, unless otherwise noted.

3. Ibid.; Liao, Xu Beihong (1987), pp. 324-325.

4. For the text of Mao's note to Xu, dated November 29, 1949, see Li Song (ed.), Xu Beibong nianpu , p. 106; and the Red Guard broadside Meisbu fenglei (Art storm), no. 3 (Aug. 1967), reproduced in Red Guard Publications ( Hongweibing ziliao ) (Washington, D.C.: Center for Chinese Research Materials, Association of Research Libraries, n.d.), 15:4862. Mao's calligraphy is reproduced in Meishu fenglei and in "Zhongyang meishu xueyuan jianyuan sanshiwunian jishi," p. 5. Mao's calligraphy remains part of the school's logo today.

5. The school adopted an official English name, Central Institute of Fine Arts, in the early 1980s, but most English writers still refer to it as the Central Academy of Fine Arts. Although perfect consistency is impossible, I prefer to use the term "academy" to refer to teaching institutions and the term "institute" to refer to organizations that focus primarily on research or creative activity.

6. Guo Moruo, Zhou Yang, Shen Yanbing, Qian Junrui, Tian Han, and Ouyang Yuqian were speakers; see "Zhongyang meishu xueyuan jianyuan sanshiwunian jishi," p. 4.

7. Ibid. and interview with D, who recalls that Mao greeted every group whose banner was legible.

8. JFNB, p. 322; Liushinian wenyi dashiji, 1919-1979 (Sixty-year record of major events in literature and art), ed. Disici wendaihui choubeizhu qicaozu (Drafting Group of the Preparation Group for the Fourth Congress of Literary and Art Workers) (Beijing: Wenhuabu wenxue yishu yanjiuyuan lilun zhengce yanjiushi [Theory and Policy Research Center of the Ministry of Culture's Literature and Art Research Institute], October 1979) [hereafter Liushinian ], p. 123. Yang Mingsheng (ed.), Zhongguo xiandai huajia zhuan, shang , p. 218, xia , p. 611.

9. Liushinian , p. 123.

10. JFNB, p. 322.

11. Zhou Enlai xuanji (Selected works of Zhou Enlai), vol. 1 (Beijing: People's Publishing House, 1980), pp. 351-357.

12. Jiang Feng, "Jiefangqu de meishu gongzuo" (Art work in the liberated zones), reprinted from Zhonghua quanguo wenxue yishu gongzuozhe daibiao dahui jinian wenji (Collected texts in commemoration of the All-China Congress of Literary and Art Workers), 1950, in JFMSLJ , pp. 16-22.

13. Other artists mentioned were Zhu Dan, Li Qun, Sha Fei, Yin Shoushi, Shi Zhan, and Chen Shuliang.

14. Liushinian , p. 124.

15. This information was reported by Cai Ruohong at a meeting in his honor in the spring of 1990 and was recited to me by several witnesses soon after. The existence of such documents has been independently confirmed by senior arts administrators who did not attend the meeting at which Cai spoke.

16. Meishu zuopin xuanji (Selected artworks), ed. Zhonghua quanguo wenxue yishu gongzuozhe daibiao dahui xuanchuanchu (Propaganda Department of the Chinese National Literary and Arts Workers Congress) (Beijing, 1949).

17. Li Song, "Zhongguohua fazhan de daolu" (The Road of Chinese Painting's Development), MS 1984, no. 10, p. 8.

18. Introduction to Meishu zuopin xuanji , n.p.

19. Dong Xiwen's design and other handbills, including designs by Li Hua, are in the collection of Hou Yimin, one of the student organizers.

20. Yan Han's published recollections would establish the priority of the traveling woodcut teams' production of new nianhua over that of artists working at Yan'an, including Jiang Feng. Bo Songnian believes that the two groups made new nianhua at about the same time, in 1939; see Zhongguo nianhua shi , pp. 177-178. In any case, Jiang Feng's administrative efforts at Yan'an were important. See Yan Han, "Yi Taihangshan"; Hu Yichuan, "Huiyi Luyi muke gongzuo tuan zai dihou"; and Yan Han, "Jiang Feng tongzhi de banxue chengjiu,'' p. 375.

21. Ding Ling, "Dao Jiang Feng," p. 365.

22. JFNB, p. 323.

23. Interviews with BA and F.

24. See Jiang Feng's "Lu Xun xiansheng yu 'yiba yishe,'" in JFMSLJ , pp. 134-135, for a tale of Tian Han's hypocrisy and stinginess.

25. Jiang Feng, "Huihua shang liyong jiu xingshi wenti," p. 10.

26. Wang, Zhao, and Zhao, "Zhongyang meishu xueyuan lishi, fulu," p. 99. Hu Yichuan was discussed earlier for his activities as a radical student in Hangzhou and Shanghai and for his leadership of woodcut activities behind the Communist lines after 1938. The Hangzhou-trained Luo Gongliu had worked on Hu Yichuan's woodcut team during the anti-Japanese war; after the Japanese surrender he worked as a propagandist with Jiang Feng and others in Hebei. The sculptor Wang Zhaowen had, like most of the others, worked with Jiang Feng in Yan'an and Hebei. As we have already mentioned, Zhang Ding, a woodcut artist who had made the long trek by foot from Yan'an to Manchuria in 1945, moved to Beijing to edit propaganda publications after liberation.

27. Zhu Jinlou, "Zai Huadong wenhuabu zhuban benyuan xinnianhua guanchahui shang de baogao" (Report presented at the viewing of our college's new nianhua sponsored by the East China Department of Culture), Meishu zuotan , no. 1 (Nov. 18, 1950): 5. I am grateful to the late Professor Zhu for providing me with this material.

28. Arnold Chang, in his Painting in the People's Republic of China: The Politics of Style (Boulder: Westview Press, 1980), discussed the opposing principles of popularization and raising of standards as ideological foundations for Chinese painting. See especially his conclusion, pp. 73-76.

29. Mo Pu,"'Huazhong Luyi' meishuxi de huiyi" (Recalling the art department of the Central China Lu Xun Academy), in Xinsijun meishu gongzuo huiyilu (Recollections of New Fourth Army art work), ed. Yang Han (Shanghai: Shanghai People's Art Press, 1982), p. 15. Mo Pu and his colleagues established the Central China branch of the Lu Xun Academy in late 1940 under orders from Chen Yi and Liu Shaoqi, but the institution was short-lived because of an unfavorable military situation.

30. Mo Pu, "Yi Sha Jitong (Chen Zhengxi) tongzhi—yige guozao bei cuizhe de qingnian huajia" (Remembering Comrade Sha Jitong [Chen Zhengxi]—a prematurely broken young artist), MS 1983, no. 2, pp. 22-23; and "Nanyi mibu de shunshi—dao Jiang Feng" (An irreplaceable loss—mourning Jiang Feng), reprinted from Wenyibao , 1982, no. 11, in JFMSLJ , p. 334.

31. Conversations with G, 1981 and 1982, and personal observation. The issue may be more complex than this description suggests. Yuan was considered a member of Jiang Feng's group in the highly factionalized art world of the early 1980s. He, like Jiang Feng, had been condemned as a rightist in 1957 and 1958. His return from Manchuria to the capital was made possible by a mural commission, but he was subsequently attacked because his mural depicted a few female figures in the nude. Some of these events will be described in chapter 7. See also Joan Lebold Cohen, The New Chinese Painting, 1949-1986 (New York: Abrams, 1987), pp. 39-41, for discussion of the controversy. It was believed by Yuan and by others in Jiang Feng's group at the time that the attack was factionally motivated and that Yuan was being used as a surrogate for an attack on Jiang Feng. That Jiang Feng criticized him just as his mural was being partially covered with plasterboard was an extreme demonstration that as a public figure Jiang Feng's artistic principles came before factional attachments or personal feelings. He compensated for his public rigidity with flexibility and even kindness on the personal level.

32. Xingxing is a politically laden term that is difficult to translate. It is sometimes translated literally as "Star Star." The duplicative acts as a diminutive, and thus means little stars, distant stars, or even tiny points of light. The name of the group thus contrasts its amateur artists with famous professional artists. More important for this generation would be its immediately recognizable reference to the title of a 1930 article written by Mao Zedong, "Xingxing zhihuo, keyi liaoyuan" (A tiny spark can set the steppes ablaze), reprinted in Mao Zedong xuanji (The collected works of Mao Zedong), vol. 1 (Beijing: n.p., 1952), pp. 101-111. This phrase was frequently cited during the Cultural Revolution, and many Red Guard groups took the name Prairie Fire (an alternative translation of "steppes ablaze") in reference to it.

33. These events will be discussed further in chapter 7. Wang Keping's sculpture Idol , which satirized Mao and the Cultural Revolution, was hidden from Jiang Feng at the preview of their next show, in 1980. Not surprisingly, Jiang Feng was angry when he found out. Interview with VV. Also see Cohen, New Chinese Painting , pp. 59-63. The context of the event is, again, complex. The exhibition emerged from the Democracy Wall Movement, which was supported by Hu Yaobang and, briefly, by Deng Xiaoping as a means to overthrow the Maoist faction. See Ruan Ming, ''Why It Happened," in Liu Binyan, Ruan Ming, and Xu Gang, " Tell the World": What Happened in China and Why (New York: Pantheon Books, 1989), pp. 78-85. Jiang Feng was victimized by Mao, as we shall see, so he was undoubtedly on the pro-Deng side of the struggle.

34. Huang Shanding, in JFMSLJ , p. 400.

35. Jiang Feng, "Lu Xun xiansheng yu 'yiba yishe,'" in Li, Li, and Ma (eds.), Zhongguo xinxing banhua yundong wushi nian , pp. 188-189; and in JFMSLJ , p. 230.

36. Kao, "Beginning," pp. 392-383.

37. Interview with H.

38. Now in the Chinese National Art Gallery collection, it is reproduced in Tao Yongbai, ed., Zhongguo youhua, 1700-1985 (Oil painting in China) (Nanjing: Jiangsu Art Press, 1988), no. 47.

39. Mo Pu, "Nanyi mibu," in JFMSLJ , p. 334.

40. Interview with L.

41. Pang Xunqin, "Ta dailaile Yan'an zuofeng" (He brought with him the Yan'an work style), reprinted from Meishujia tongxun (Artists' circular), 1982, no. 4, in JFMSLJ , pp. 373-374.

42. Jiang Feng, "Guoli Hangzhou yizhuan tongxue chuangzuoshang de wenti" (Creation problems of students at National Hangzhou Art Academy), reprinted from Renrnin meishu (People's art) [hereafter RMMS ], no. 5 (Oct. 1950), in JFMSLJ , pp. 23-28.

43. Interviews with H and I; and Yishu yaolan — Zhejiang meishu xueyuan liushinian (The cradle of art—sixty years at the Zhejiang Academy of Fine Arts) (Hangzhou: Zhejiang meishu xueyuan, 1988), p. 25. Ni Yide was a Japanese-trained oil painter who had worked in avant-garde styles in the 1930s. By 1949, however, he had subjected himself to Communist party discipline. He later worked as a critic and editor. Liu Wei, a female administrator, does not appear in standard biographies of artists, although she is listed as a faculty member of the academy and served in important party posts in the 1950s. See Yishu yaolan , pp. 302, 28.

44. Yishu yaolan , p. 28.

45. Xiao Feng, "Guanghui de yeji shanlan de weilai," p. 5.

46. Wang, Zhao, and Zhao, "Zhongyang meishu xueyuan lishi, fulu," p. 99.

47. Interview with I.

48. Lin Fengmian rarely dated his work. The example reproduced here was probably painted after 1949, but an earlier work may be found in Zaoqi lüfa huajia huiguzhan zhuanji, Zhongguo-Bali (China-Paris: seven Chinese painters who studied in France, 1918-1960) (Taibei: Taipei Fine Arts Museum, 1988), p. 80, fig. 15.

49. Qiu Sha, "Shenchen de dahai—ji Lin Fengmian xiansheng" (A deep, dark sea—records on Lin Fengmian), Xin meishu , ser. no. 31 (1988, no. 1): 53.

50. Stylistic characterizations come from interviews with former students. Other teachers were Ni Yide, Li Chaoshi, and Lu Xiaguang. See Wang, Zhao, and Zhao, "Zhongyang meishu xueyuan lishi, fulu," p. 96.

51. Interview with k

52. Xiao Feng, "Guanghui de yeji shanlan de weilai," p. 5.

53. Interview with k

54. Ibid.

55. The date of his application to leave is unclear. His French wife left China in 1956. Zhou Enlai, whom he met in Europe, and Ai Qing, who studied with him before going to France, are said to have assisted him after he left the academy. Interviews with I and J.

56. Interview with K.

57. Qiu Sha, "Shenchen de dahai," p. 54.

58. Some of Lu Xun's writings on the subject of lianhuanhua are collected in Lu Xun lun lianhuanhua (Lu Xun on serial pictures), ed. Jiang Weipu (Beijing: People's Art Press, 1956; 2d ed. 1982).

59. Jiang's many articles about Western art are collected in JFMSLJ, xia .

60. Zhou Enlai, "Political Report to the National Congress of Workers in Literature and Art" (July 6, 1949), in Selected Works of Zhou Enlai , vol. 1 (Beijing: Foreign Languages Press, 1981), p. 392.

61. Li Keran, "Jiang Feng weifan dang dui minzu chuantong de zhengce" (Jiang Feng violated the party's policy toward the national tradition), MS 1957, no. 9, p. 19. Jiang's opinion was allegedly pronounced in the 1949 art delegates' meeting, and reportedly disheartened guohua painters. It does not appear in the published text of his 1949 speech.

62. Kao, "China's Response," pp. 21-22.

63. Beijing waiyu xueyuan yingyuxi (English Department of the Beijing Foreign Languages Institute), ed., Hanying cidian (Chinese-English dictionary) (Hong Kong: Commercial Press, 1979), p. 257.

64. Kao, "Beginning," p. 373.

65. See chapter 3 for Ai Qing's derogatory use of the term. For a discussion of the National Essence Movement, see Laurence A. Schneider, "National Essence and the New Intelligentsia," in The Limits of Change: Essays on Conservative Alternatives in Republican China , ed. Charlotte Furth (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1976), pp. 57-89.

66. In 1957, Zhou Enlai proposed that the Beijing Guohua Institute be renamed the Beijing Chinese Painting ( Zbongguobua ) Institute, which was done.

67. The Nanjing guohua painter Xu Lei exhibited one such work in the February 1989 "China/Avant-garde Exhibition"; he mounted ink rubbings of a section of the street as a set of hanging scrolls.

68. Zhu Jinlou, "Guanyu zhongyang meishu xueyuan huadong fenyuan de jiaoxue zhongzhong" (Various things on the teaching at the East China campus of the Central Academy of Fine Arts), a speech given on April 27, 1951, at the East China Department of Culture, Meishu zuotan , no. 4 (June 1951): 2.

69. Pan Tianshou, "Sheishuo zhongguohua biran taotai" (Who says Chinese painting must die out?), Meishu yanjiu , 1957, no. 4, p. 22.

70. Oral report by Huang Binhong, prepared for publication by Wang Bomin, "Gudai renwuhua de goule fangfa" (The outline methods of ancient figure paintings), Meishu zuotan , no. 8 (Feb. 15, 1953): 9-10.

71. The painting department was divided into specialties devoted to color-and-ink painting, oil painting, and printmaking in 1954, but the formal split into three departments came only the following year. See Yishu yaolan , pp. 28, 295. The former director of the color-and-ink painting department has confirmed the date of the division as 1954; an account published in 1957, which dates the split to 1952, appears to be in error. See Deng Ye, "Jiang Feng fandang jituan zai huadong meishu fenyuan ganle xie shenme" (What the Jiang Feng antiparty clique did at the East China branch campus), MS 1957, no. 9, pp. 16-18. I accepted Deng Ye's erroneous version in my article "Traditional Painting in New China," Journal of Asian Studies 49, no. 3 (Aug. 1990): 569.

72. Between 1935 and 1937, Zhu edited a left-wing magazine, for which he produced striking cover designs. See Minick and Jiao, Chinese Graphic Design , pp. 80-81, 157.

73. Interview with Y.

74. Li Keran, "Jiang Feng weifan," p. 19.

75. Jiang Feng, "Jianjue jinxing sixiang gaizao, chedi suqing meishu jiaoyu zhong de zichanjieji yingxiang—dui zhongyang meishu xueyuan cunzai de wenti de yige lijie" (Resolutely carry out thought reform, thoroughly eliminate bourgeois influence in art education—one understanding of problems remaining at the Central Academy of Fine Arts), reprinted from Wenyibao , 1952, no. 2, in JFMSLJ , p. 46.

76. Interview with U.

77. Information about the plan is from interviews with H and J.

78. Kao, "China's Response," p. 72. Kao's translation is from Shanghai meishu zhuanke xuexiao ershiwu zhounian jinian yilan (Survey of the Shanghai Art Academy in commemoration of the twenty-fifth anniversary) (Shanghai, 1936).

79. Chu-tsing Li, Trends , p. 3.

80. Ibid., p. 33.

81. Liu Haisu, "Shanghai meishu zhuanke xuexiao ershiwu zhounian bianyan," pp. 172-173.

82. Yah Wenliang , p. 179.

83. It is possible that some administrators intended it to be permanent. Spence ( Search for Modern China , p. 518) describes the hostility of Rao Shushi, head of the Shanghai Municipal Committee, to the softness of Shanghai's urban population. Rao suggested dispersal of the population to China's interior, along with a transfer of schools and factories. Lü Meng, one of the top Communist arts administrators in Shanghai at the time, considers the transfer, in which he participated, a mistake.

84. Yan Wenliang , p. 180.

85. Yishu yaolan , p. 28.

86. Among them may be counted Mo Pu, Jin Ye, Deng Ye, and others. According to Yishu yaolan , pp. 25-2-6, forty-seven of the academy's original faculty were retained. As in Beijing, Zhou Enlai is credited with particular concern for the staffing of the academy. It is possible that the appointment of two French-trained artists, Liu Kaiqu and Pang Xunqin, to high positions was a result of his attention. Twenty-five new faculty members, most of whom came from the liberated zones, were added after the military takeover of the academy.

87. Wang, Zhao, and Zhao, "Zhongyang meishu xueyuan lishi, fulu," p. 98.

88. Interview with M.

89. According to Chu-tsing Li ( Trends , p. 98), Xu Beihong was largely incapacitated by a stroke in this year.

90. Interview with BA.

91. Interview with N.

92. "Zhongyang meishu xueyuan jianyuan sanshiwunian jishi," p. 4.

93. Others, whose works we are unable to reproduce, include Gu Qun and Feng Zhen.

94. Interviews with O and P.

95. Hong Bo, "Huainian geming meishu shiye de kaituozhe," pp. 432-433.

96. The list is mentioned in RMRB , Sept. 5, 1952, p. 3.

97. Zhu Jinlou, "Zai Huadong wenhuabu," p. 5; and idem, "Guanyu nianhua chuangzuoshang de 'danxian pingtu' wenti" (On the problem of "single outline and flat color" in new year's picture creation), Meishu zuotan , no. 3 (Feb. 28, 1951): 8.

98. Zhu Jinlou, "Guanyu nianhua," p. 8.

99. Huang Binhong's study of outline techniques in classical figure painting was clearly a response to such impulses.

100. The carefully modeled visages painted by the late-Ming portraitist Zeng Jing come immediately to mind. See Cahill, The Compelling Image: Nature and Style in Seventeenth-Century Chinese Painting (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1982), p. 119.

101. Interview with Q.

102. RMRB , Sept. 5, 1952, p. 3.

103. German Nedoshivin (Heiermen Niduxuewen), "Xianshi zhuyi shi jinbu yishu de chuangzuo fangfa" (Realism is the creative method of the progressive artist) (translated from the Russian), RMMS , no. 4 (Aug. 1950): 11-13.

104. Meishu zuotan , no. 2 (Dec. 1950): 9-10.

105. Meishu zuotan , no. 3 (Feb. 1951): 1-7.

106. Interviews with M and O. The name given here, Zhongyang geming bowuguan , appears in a 1958 exhibition catalogue, Shehui zhuyi guojia zaoxing yishu zhanlanhui: zhonghua renmin gongheguo zhanpin mulu (Exhibition of Plastic Arts from Socialist Countries: list of exhibited works from the People's Republic of China) (n.p., 1958), no. 88. It is possible that it was called by a different name in earlier years. The museum was a forerunner of the current Museum of Chinese Revolutionary History, which was officially opened in 1961 in a building built in 1959. Some paintings from the 1951-1952 group have been on display at the current museum, though many were created specifically for the new building in 1959.

107. See China Reconstructs , no. 5 (Sept.-Oct. 1952): frontispiece, for a standard oil portrait of Mao Zedong. CAFA graduates report painting large portraits, similar to the one at Tiananmen.

108. Ni Yide, "Tantan hua lingxiuxiang" (A chat on painting portraits of leaders), Meishu zuotan , no. 1 (Nov. 18, 1950): 3.

109. See, for example, "Huihuaxi jiaoxue dagang—Sulian gaodeng meishu xuexiao jiaoxue dagang" (Painting department curriculum—Soviet high-level art schools curriculum), Meishu zuotan , no. 7 (Oct. 15, 1952): 13-18; and "Yinian de zongjie—ping yijiuwuyi nian quansu meishu zhanlan hui" (A year's conclusion—critiques of the All-Soviet Art Exhibition), ibid., pp. 19-23.

110. Interview with M.

111. Liushinian , p. 140.

112. Jian An, "Yijiu wuling nian nianhua gongzuo de jixiang tongji" (Some statistics about 1950 nianhua work), RMMS , vol. 1, no. 2 (Apr. 1, 1950): 52.

113. Zhu Jinlou, "Shanghai xinnianhuazhan yu qunzhong yijian" (The Shanghai New Nianhua Exhibition and the opinions of the masses), RMMS , vol. 1, no. 2 (Apr. 1, 1950): 39.

114. Selected illustrations of the republican period are reproduced in Bai Chunxi, Liang Zhi, and Jin Guang, "Zhongguo lianhuanhua fazhan tushi, xu" (Illustrated history of the development of Chinese serial pictures, cont.), in Lianhuanhua yishu , ser. no. 12 (1989, no. 4): 77-128. A few more may be found in A Ying, Zhongguo lianhuan tuhua shihua (A history of China's serial pictures) (Beijing: People's Art Press, 1984), figs. 25-28.

115. Jiang Weipu, "Zhongguo xin lianhuanhua yishu de sishinian" (Forty years of China's new serial picture art), in Lianhuanhua yishu , ser. no. 11 (1989, no. 3): 5.

116. Ibid., p. 6.

117. Xia Yan, "Cong xindili huainian women de hao shizhang" (Missing our good mayor from the bottom of our heart), in Huiyi Chen Yi (Beijing: People's Publishing House, 1980), pp. 188-192.

118. Interviews in Shanghai with R, S, T, and U.

119. Zhongguo xiandai meishujia mingjian , vol. 1 (N.p., n.d. [Chinese Artists Association, 1984?]), p. 82.

120. The director of the consortium was an AWA official, Shen Tongheng. His name is not mentioned in Shanghai lianhuanhua administration after the consortium was reorganized in 1951 and 1952.

121. Interview with S.

122. Interviews with S and T.

123. Interviews with S.

124. Interview with R.

125. Interviews with T and V.

126. Interview with S.

127. Interviews with T and V.

128. Lu Yanshao published two long lianhuanhua in the mid-1950s; see Li Lu, "Wushi niandai zhongqianqi Shanghai lianhuanhua gongzuo zayi" (Miscellaneous recollections of Shanghai serial picture work in the early and mid-1950s), in Lianhuanhua yishu , ser. no. 12 (1989, no. 4): 55. Cheng Shifa's lianhuanhua include several Lu Xun short stories, including "Kong Yiji" and "The Life of Ah Q," and the Ming novel The Scholars .

129. Interview with V.

130. Interviews with T and V. The director of this section was the printmaker Yang Keyang. Best known of his staff artists were Zhang Leping, Yu Yunjie, Zhao Yan-nian, Cai Zhenhua, and Li Binghong.

131. Li Lu, "Wushi niandai," pp. 39-41.

132. Ibid., pp. 42, 45.

133. Interviews with R and T.

134. Interview with T.

135. Preliberation standards ranged between a few cents and fifty cents per page, according to R. Postliberation rates were several dollars per page, according to T. This anecdotal information is difficult to convert into meaningful statistics about differences in buying power.

136. Interview with T, whose family suffered greatly from having only one wage earner during the Cultural Revolution period.

137. Li Lu, "Wushi niandai," p. 43.

138. Ibid., p. 42.

139. Jiang Weipu, "Zhongguo xin lianhuanhua yishu de sishinian," p. 7.

140. Jiang Feng, "Sinian lai meishu gongzuo de zhuangkuang he quanguo meixie jinhou de renwu" (The situation of art work during the past four years and the current and future duties of the All-China Artists Association), MS 1954, no. 1, p. 6. A similar organization was simultaneously established in Beijing.

141. Interview with W.

142. A traditionally trained painter, W, recollects that he was able to sell paintings in the early 1950s. Lin Fengmian was believed by Shanghai artists to have had a good overseas market.

143. Among important local art leaders were Lai Shaoqi, Lü Meng, and Shen Roujian.

144. China Reconstructs , July-August 1952, p. 32.

145. Mi Gu, "Peng Boshan choushi caimohua de xinchengjiu" (Peng Boshan views the new achievements in color-and-ink painting with hostility), MS 1955, no. 6, pp. 10-11.

146. Interview with W.

147. Yu Feian, "Guohuajia de laodong zhi duoshao qian" (How much money is a guohua artist's labor worth?), RMRB , Sept. 24, 1956.

148. Interview with his student, BC.

149. This opinion is often repeated. Mo Pu, for example, attributes the success of the work, in part, to the energy and attention of Jiang Feng; see "Nanyi mibu de shun-shi," pp. 334-335.

150. Zhang Shaoxia and Li Xiaoshan, Zhongguo xiandai huihuashi (A history of modern Chinese painting) (Nanjing: Jiangsu meishu chubanshe, 1986), p. 207.

151. Ding, in a 1990 interview, could not remember the date or the reason for the viewing, which he did not consider noteworthy at the time. In view of the painting's publicity blizzard of late September 1953, it may have occurred in September. Its publication coincided with the Second Congress of Literary and Art Workers, as well as with preparations for National Day on October 1.

152. On Wang Dongxing, see Spence, Search for Modern China , p. 651.

153. The photograph is reprinted in "Zhongyang meishu xueyuan jianyuan sanshiwunian jishi," p. 6. This source states that Zhou Yang was present, a claim that is not supported by the photograph and is disputed by Ding Jingwen.

154. In 1965 Jiang Qing responded to the question "Does the chairman view painting exhibitions?" in the negative. She is quoted by a Red Guard chronicle as saying, "The chairman has very little time. The chairman frequently looks at reproduction albums, even more than I do. He has many reproduction albums"; see Meishu fenglei , no. 3 (1967): 26.

155. RMRB , Sept. 27, 1953. It also appears as a color frontispiece to Wenyibao , ser. no. 95 (1953, no. 18), published Sept. 30, 1953.

156. "My Family," China Pictorial , 1953, no. 12, p. 34.

157. Only the prominent ear of the third figure in visible. Chen Yun, head of the Finance and Economics Committee, is a possible identification. The clearly visible fourth figure has a long white beard and protruding eyes. Several such elderly men were prominent in government line-ups of the time, but published photographs do not enable us to distinguish between them. The two most likely identifications are Shen Junru and Chen Shutong, both of whom, like Guo Moruo, became vice-chairmen of the Political Consultative Committee. Photographs of them are published in RMRB , Oct. 10, 1949.

158. Hiroshige (1797-1858), Kinryuzan Temple at Asakusa (1856), in the "One Hundred Famous Views of Edo" series. For one reproduction, see Richard Lane, Images from the Floating World: The Japanese Print, Including an Illustrated Dictionary of Ukiyo-e (New York: Dorset Press, 1978), p. 250, no. 307.

159. Suggestion of Han Xin.

160. Howard Boorman, ed., Biographical Dictionary of Republican China (New York: Columbia University Press, 1967), pp. 233-235.

161. China Pictorial , 1955, no. 5, back cover.

162. ''Art of the Socialist Countries," Peking Review , Dec. 9, 1958, p. 21; Zhonghua renmin gongheguo zhanpin mulu , no. 88.

163. The painting was exhibited in a retrospective show by CAFA faculty at the Chinese National Art Gallery in the summer of 1992, presumably because of its historical importance rather than aesthetic or ideological value.

164. Interview with P.

165. Jiang Feng, "Meishu gongzuo de zhongda fazhan," reprinted in JFMSLJ , p. 92.

166. Liao, Xu Beihong (1987), p. 307.

167. Interview with Ai Qing, Beijing, 1990.

168. Seep. 34.

169. The painting is Prawns , reproduced in China Pictorial , 1953, no. z, p. 16; reprinted in Andrews, "Traditional Painting in New China," fig. 7. Beginning in his seventies, Qi added two or three years to his age; see Kaiyü Hsü and Fangyü Wang, Kan Qi Baishi hua (Ch'i Pai-shih's paintings) (Taipei: Art Publishers, 1979), p. 11n.1. Prawns is not dated, but is signed as a work of his eighty-ninth year, which was probably his eighty-sixth year in Western reckoning, or 1949.

170. Part of Mao's collection has been published in Mao Zedong guju cang shuhuajia zengpin ji (The Mao Zedong residential collection of gift works by calligraphers and painters) (Beijing: People's Art Press, 1983). Qi Baishi was born in the same town as Mao, which may have increased the chairman's interest in him.

171. Joan Lebold Cohen ( New Chinese Painting , p. 19) has suggested that the stresses of thought reform led to his stroke and premature death. Chu-tsing Li ( Trends , p. 98) mentions that the stroke followed Xu's participation in land reform.

172. Yan Wenliang, Meishu yong toushi xue (Use of perspective in art) (Shanghai: Shanghai People's Art Press, 1957).

173. The following account is based on interviews with X, one of the young painters who admired Yan's painting.

174. Qian Bocheng, "Yan Wenliang xiansheng nianpu," pp. 183-184.

175. Ibid., p. 185.

176. Letter from Hou Yimin to author, Dec. 1, 1986.

177. They include The Miner Becomes Manager of the Mine and The Fortunate Generation .

178. This information is taken from the following sources: Gong Chanxing, "Huajia Dong Xiwen nianbiao" (Chronology of the painter Dong Xiwen), Zhongguo meishu , 1979, no. 2, pp. 16-17; Zhongguo xiandai meishujia mingjian , p. 68; Yang Mingsheng (ed.), Zhongguo xiandai huajia zhuan, xia , pp. 534-543; and Zhongguo meishuguan cangpinji (Collection of the Chinese National Art Gallery), vol. 1 (Beijing: People's Art Press, 1988), p. 29. The first two sources disagree on the chronological sequence of his education.

179. A classmate who later became an abstract expressionist painter abroad considered Dong a comparatively conservative artist. Interview with BD.

180. It is likely that the renewed enthusiasm for mural painting in the post-Mao era, in many cases championed by Dong Xiwen's students, was not entirely based on ideological devotion to China's national folk art. Between 1980 and 1985 mural painting, for some artists, provided an ideologically acceptable way to explore modern Western aesthetic ideas. The works of Yuan Yunsheng, Ding Shaoguang, and Jiang Tiefeng are good examples. See chapter 7.

181. Liao, Xu Beihong (1982), p. 336/(1987), p. 288.

182. This account is based primarily on the biography in Yang Mingsheng (ed.), Zhongguo xiandai huajia zhuan, shang , pp. 352-355, and interviews. A thoughtful account of Li's work may be found in Arnold Chang, Painting in the People's Republic , pp. 57-63. Josef Hejzlar's brief account in Chinese Watercolors (London: Octopus Books, 1978), pp. 58-60, is useful as well. A number of Li's paintings from the late 1940s and early 1950s are reproduced in Lubor Hájek, Adolph Hoffmeister, and Eva Rychterová, Contemporary Chinese Painting , trans. Jean Layton (London: Spring Books, 1961), pp. 130-153. A number of books have been published since the artist's death, for example Li Keran shuhua quanji, shanshui juan (Complete collection of painting and calligraphy by Li Keran, landscape volume) (Tianjin: Tianjin People's Art Press, 1991).

183. One, a male figure study, has a faintly cubist flavor. The other, Expulsion from Eden , depicts a female nude with rather tubular legs and a snake, against a simplified landscape background. Reproduced in Yiba yishe jinian ji , pp. 94, 96.

184. I know of no color reproductions of this early work, which makes evaluating its relationship to contemporary European painting difficult.

185. Interview with E.

186. Reproduced in Shehui zhuyi guojia zaoxing yishu zhanlanhui , no. 223.

187. Yah Han, "Yi Taihangshan," pp. 308-314.

188. Ibid., pp. 309-310.

189. Interviews with XZ.

190. For Gu Yuan's contributions to this new style see Shirley Sun, Modern Chinese Woodcuts (San Francisco: Chinese Culture Foundation, 1979); Laing, Winking Owl , p. 15.

191. Two of these unsigned prints, in the collection of Colgate University, were exhibited in a 1979 Chinese Culture Foundation exhibition as anonymous. See Shirley Sun, Modern Chinese Woodcuts , no. 40. They have been widely reproduced in China as Yan Han's work. See Meishu congkan , no. 6 (Feb. 1979): 98. Yan has confirmed the attribution.

192. Interview with E.

193. Biographical materials from Shi Lu huihua shufa (Shi Lu painting and calligraphy), ed. Ping Ye (Beijing: People's Art Press, 1986), pp. iii-iv; Zhongguo yishujia cidian 3:460; Yang Mingsheng (ed.), Zhongguo xiandai huajia zhuan, xia , pp. 707-715; and Shi Lu huiguzhan (Shi Lu: retrospective) (Hong Kong: Hong Kong Institute for Promotion of Chinese Culture/Chinese Artists Association, 1987), n.p.

194. Wang Zhaowen, "Zaizai tansuo" (Yet again, explore), in Shi Lu huihua shufa (Selected works of Shi Lu), ed. Ping Ye (Beijing: People's Art Press, 1983), n.p.

195. Shi Lu, "Nianhua chuangzuo jiantao—Shaan-Gan-Ning bianqu wenxie meishu gongzuo weiyuanhui yijiuwuling nian xinnianhua gongzuo zongjie zhi yi" (Investigation of Nianhua—a summary of 1950 modern new year's picture work at the Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia Border Region Literary and Art Association's Art Work Committee), RMMS , vol. 1, no. 2 (Apr. 1, 1950): 30-31.

196. The other, Zhao Wangyun, will be discussed in chapter 5.

197. My view is based on the catalogue, which was carefully edited to reflect the goals of the art bureaucracy. An eyewitness account, which describes seventeen good-sized rooms filled with art, is considerably more favorable. See Derk Bodde, Peking Diary, 1948-1949: A Year of Revolution (New York: Fawcett, 1967), pp. 232-233. The exhibition was held at the Beiping National Arts College.

1. See, for example, Schurmann, Ideology and Organization in Communist China , pp. 239-242.

2. Jiang Feng had articulated this view in his 1946 talk, as we mentioned in our introduction. Articles reflecting similar points of view appeared throughout the fifties. See, for example, a translation of a Russian article by German Nedoshivin, ''Xianshi zhuyi shi jinbu yishu de chuangzuo fangfa," pp. 11-13.

3. Ai Qing, "Tan Zhongguohua" (On Chinese painting), Wenyibao , no. 92 (1953, no. 15): 7-9.

4. Literally, "old drama revolution." This particular cultural policy, which apparently mandated new lyrics for old plays and operas, has not, to my knowledge, been studied, although a good introduction to postliberation drama may be found in Bonnie S. McDougall, ed., Popular Chinese Literature and Performing Arts in the People's Republic of China, 1949-1979 (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1984).

5. Ai Qing uses the traditional Chinese term shanshui for landscapes until this point, when he switches to a term usually used to describe Western landscape paintings.

6. Jiang Feng, "Lu Xun xiansheng yu Zhongguo de xinxing muke yundong," p. 4.

7. For a description of the practice by the late Ming literati painter Dong Qichang, see James F. Cahill, The Distant Mountains: Chinese Painting of the Late Ming Dynasty, 1570-1644 (New York and Tokyo: Weatherhill, 1982), pp. 120-123.

8. Merle Goldman has observed the same individualistic attitude in Ai Qing's views of literature, which exempt the particularly talented (including himself) from constraints necessary for ordinary people. He was criticized for this view in the 1940s; see Literary Dissent , pp. 29-30.

9. "Zhongguo wenxue yishu gongzuozhe dierci daibiao dahui tongguo liangxiang jueyi" (The Second Congress of Literary and Art Workers passes two resolutions), in Wenyibao , ser. no. 96 (1953, no. 19): 39.

10. Zhou Yang, "Wei chuangzao gengduo de youxiu de wenxue yishu zuopin er fendou—yijiuwusan nian jiu yue ershisi ri zai zhongguo wenxue yishu gongzuozhe dierci daibiao dahui shang de baogao" (Struggle to create even more excellent works of literature and art—report on September 24, 1953, at the Second National Congress of Literary and Arts Workers), Wenyibao , no. 96 (1953, no. 19): 12.

11. Ibid.

12. R.N. Carew Hunt, "Communist Jargon," in Readings in Russian Civilization , ed. Thomas Riha (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1965), 680-681. The term "socialist realism" first appeared in an editorial in the Soviet Literary Gazette of May 29, 1932. Hunt's definition comes from the Large Soviet Encyclopedia . Laing discusses the styles of Chinese socialist realist painting in Winking Owl , pp. 2off.

13. Laing recognized their importance in Winking Owl , p. 20.

14. Zhou Yang, "Wei chuangzao gengduo de youxiu de wenxue yishu zuopin er fendou," p. 14; emphasis added.

15. Hunt, "Communist Jargon," p. 680.

16. Zhou Yang, "Wei chuangzao gengduo de youxiu de wenxue yishu zuopin er fendou," p. 12.

17. Ibid., p. 11.

18. C. Vaughn James, Soviet Socialist Realism: Origins and Theory (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1973), p. 93.

19. Zhou Yang, "Wei chuangzao gengduo de youxiu de wenxue yishu zuopin er fendou," p. 16; emphasis added.

20. Ibid.

21. See Goldman, Literary Dissent , for elaboration of the disputes. Yan Han, who presumably has not read Goldman, and who was close to Jiang Feng, believes that an important element in cultural conflicts of the 1950s was a systematic purge of Lu Xun's disciples by the opposing faction.

22. In a 1990 interview, Ai Qing recalled that both he and his friend Jiang Feng liked guohua , but that his own enthusiasm may have exceeded that of Jiang Feng. Nevertheless, the kind of art that administrators collected or hung as decorations in their homes and the art they advocated as public policy did not necessarily correspond.

23. Jiang's speech was published in Wenyibao , no. 96 (1953, no. 19): 36-39; reprinted in the first issue of MS 1954, no. 1, pp. 5-8; and reprinted again in JFMSLJ , pp. 62-70.

24. Hu Ruosi's The People of Xinjiang Donating a Horse to Marshall Zhu De is reproduced in RMRB , Sept. 20, 1953; Li Xiongcai's Forest in Shinian zhongguo huihua xuanji, 1949-1959 (A decade of Chinese painting) (Beijing: People's Art Press, 1961), no. 43; and Jiang Yan's Examining Mama in Laing, Winking Owl , fig. 27.

25. Wang Zhaowen, "Mian xiang shenghuo" (Turn toward life), RMRB , Sept. 20, 1953, p. 3.

26. Schurmann, Ideology and Organization in Communist China , p. 318.

27. Some of these events are discussed in Goldman, Literary Dissent , pp. 87-105. Hua Junwu's speech of November 24, 1951, "Eradicate Nonproletarian Thought from Art Work," was considered a notable contribution to the Beijing rectification. See Zhongguo xiandai meishujia mingjian , p. 9.

28. MS 1954, no. 2, p. 10.

29. For a discussion of this phenomenon in guohua development, see Arnold Chang, Painting in the People's Republic .

30. RMRB , Sept. 27, 1953.

31. Liushinian , p. 148.

32. MS 1954, no. 2, p. 10.

33. Cai Ruohong, "Kaipi meishu chuangzuo de guangkuo daolu" (Open up the wide road of artistic creation), MS 1954, no. 1, pp. 9-12.

34. Jiang Feng, "Sinian lai," sec. 2, in JFMSLJ , pp. 66-67.

35. Jiang Feng, "Meishu gongzuo de zhongda fazhan" (The great development of art work), MS 1954, no. 10, p. 5.

36. Ibid.

37. Reproduced in MS 1954, no. 10, pp. 26-27.

38. Interview with AP.

39. Li Lu, "Wushi niandai zhongqianqi Shanghai lianhuanhua gongzuo zayi," p. 45. Comments are attributed to Kuang Yaming in Shanghai and Hu Qiaomu in Beijing.

40. A nationwide campaign to criticize the film Life of Wu Xun had a chilling effect on Shanghai publishers. Private firms that had published comic book versions of the popular movie were criticized by the staff of Beijing's Serial Pictures . See Li Lu, "Wushi niandai zhongqianqi Shanghai lianhuanhua gongzuo zayi," p. 51.

41. Jiang Weipu, "Zhongguo xin lianhuanhua yishu de sishinian," p. 8.

42. Li Lu, "Wushi niandai zhongqianqi Shanghai lianhuanhua gongzuo zayi," p. 48.

43. Ibid., p. 50. MS 1954, no. 11, refers to the editorial as that of July 15, 1954, but I have not found it.

44. Li Lu, ''Wushi niandai zhongqianqi Shanghai lianhuanhua gongzuo zayi," pp. 48, 51.

45. Ibid., p. 50.

46. Jiang Weipu, "Zhongguo xin lianhuanhua yishu de sishinian," p. 7.

47. Out of 766 titles published in 1955, 83 were antique-costume stories; see Li Lu, "Wushi niandai zhongqianqi Shanghai lianhuanhua gongzuo zayi," p. 51.

48. Ibid.

49. See Liushinian , pp. 155-156; and Spence, Search for Modern China , p. 566.

50. The back cover of Lianhuanhua yishu , no. 12 (1989, no. 4), reproduces such works by Liu and Wu.

51. Many drawings were published, despite this drawback. One by Gu Bingxin even won a prize in the 1963 competition; see Quanguo lianhuanhua huojiang zuopin xuan, 1963-1981 (Selections from prize-winning serial pictures) (Shenyang: Liaoning meishu chubanshe, 1986), n.p.

52. Wang, Zhao, and Zhao, "Zhongyang meishu xueyuan lishi, fulu," p. 100.

53. JFMSLJ , p. 375; Wang, Zhao, and Zhao, "Zhongyang meishu xueyuan lishi, fulu," p. 100.

54. Yishu yaolan , p. 28.

55. Wang, Zhao, and Zhao, "Zhongyang meishu xueyuan lishi, fulu," p. 100.

56. Interview with Ding Jingwen, Beijing, 1990.

57. MS 1955, no. 6, p. 20.

58. Interview with AA.

59. Wang, Zhao, and Zhao, "Zhongyang meishu xueyuan lishi, fulu," p. 100.

60. Ibid.

61. Between 1985 and 1989, the center published a weekly art newspaper, Zhongguo meishubao (Fine arts in China).

62. Wang, Zhao, and Zhao, "Zhongyang meishu xueyuan lishi, fulu," p. 100.

63. Interview with Z.

64. Yishu yaolan , p. 31.

65. Ibid., p. 30. Needless to say, contemporary historians of both Eastern European and Chinese art find this view of Chistiakov to be drastically oversimplified.

66. Wang, Zhao, and Zhao, "Zhongyang meishu xueyuan lishi, fulu," p. 101; MS 1956, no. 12, p. 7. The national art colleges were increased from six to seven with the creation of the Central Academy of Arts and Crafts.

67. The affair was mentioned by Zhang Ding in his testimony, in "Jiang Feng shi meishujie de zonghuo toumu" (Jiang Feng is the art world's chief arsonist), MS 1957, no. 8, p. 11; see also Li Keran, "Jiang Feng weifan dang dui minzu chuantong de zhengce," p. 19. The theorist criticized most vigorously for this approach was Li Zongjin.

68. Sometimes translated as the Central Academy of Industrial Arts or Central Academy of Handicrafts.

69. Interviews with P and BB.

70. It was entitled Save Good Seeds, Make Good Grain ; see RMRB , Aug. 19, 1953, p. 3.

71. MS 1954, no. 2, p. 20.

72. Two other important teachers at Hangzhou were Li Zhenjian and Song Zhongyuan.

73. It is reproduced as one of the monuments of the decade in the 1959 anthology Shinian zhongguo huihua xuanji , no. 21.

74. Interview with Zhu Jinlou, Hangzhou, 1986.

75. Zhu Jinlou, p. 52.

76. Interview with Fang Zengxian, Shanghai, 1986.

77. Yao is no longer bitter; he subsequently received strong support from Jiang Feng, but has gone on to work in oils.

78. Yishu yaolan , p. 31. My "Traditional Painting in New China," p. 567, erroneously put this exhibition in Warsaw.

79. Ogonek , 1957.

80. A good example is Weng Rulan; see chapter 6.

81. MS 1954, no. 4, p. 49; Yishu yaolan , p. 29.

82. Interview with L.

83. This criticism was directed against artists who sought fame for their oil paintings rather than serving the people through popular art; see Jiang eng, "Jianjue jinxing sixiang gaizao," p. 46.

84. Jiang Feng, "Geya de fanqinlüe huihua" (Goya's anti-invasion paintings), MS 1954, no. 3, pp. 43-44; Li Hua, "Deluokeluowa he ta de Xi'a dao de tusha" (Delacroix and his Massacre on the Isle of Scios), MS 1954, no. 3, pp. 45-46.

85. Yishu yaolan , p. 31.

86. Ibid. I have not seen issues of Meishu ziliao from this period.

87. German Nedoshivin (Nietuoxiwen), "Lun huihuazhong de dianxing wenti" (On the problem of the typical in painting), MS 1954, no. 1, p. 41.

88. Interview with YA.

89. Yishu yaolao , p. 29.

90. Jiang Feng, "Cong Sulian de meishu jianshe kan duiren de guanhuai" (Concern for the people seen in Soviet art construction), reprinted from MS 1957, no. 8, in JFMSLJ , pp. 80-88.

91. Sulian zaoxing yishu zhanlanpin mulu (Soviet Plastic Arts Exhibition catalogue) (Beijing, 1954), pp. 6-7.

92. Ai Zhongxin, "Sulian de youhua yishu" (Soviet oil painting), MS 1954, no. 11, p. 7.

93. John Clark and I independently compiled lists of artists trained by Soviet instructors. I am grateful to him for making his material available to me as I revised this chapter. See his Materials on Painting and Other Fine Arts in the PRC , ms.

94. "Huanying Sulian youhua zhuanjia K.M. Maksimov" (Welcome the Soviet oil painting expert K. M. Maksimov), MS 1955, no. 3, p. 39.

95. According to Zhongguo xiandai meishujia mingjian , p. 179, Qin served as a creation cadre with the Tianjin Municipal Military Literature and Arts Department and later as a director of the Tianjin branch of the CAA.

96. MS 1957, no. 6, pp. 33, 49; no. 7, p. 19; no. 8, pp. 47, 37.

97. Yuan Hao, MS 1957, no. 8, pp. 42-43; Ren Mengzhang, ibid., no. 6, pp. 19-20; Qin Zheng, ibid., pp. 16-18.

98. Youhua zuopin xuan (Selected oil paintings) (Beijing: People's Art Press, 1958). The works of rightists were excluded from the publication.

99. MS 1954, no. 5, pp. 19-21.

100. Reproduced in MS 1955, no. 2, pp. 28-29.

101. The face of the central figure in the composition was cut out during the Cultural Revolution and was subsequently replaced by the artist.

102. Ren Mengzhang, "Sulian zhuanjia zheiyang zhidao wo jinxing biye chuangzuo" (The Soviet expert guided me in this way to execute my graduation creation), MS 1957, no. 6, p. 20.

103. Interview with BE.

104. Qin Zheng, "Nanku de licheng—chuangzuo suigan" (A difficult process—some feelings on creation), MS 1957, no. 6, p. 6.

105. Young Underground Workers , reproduced in MS 1957, no. 7, front cover.

106. MS 1957, no. 8, p. 42. For a reproduction, see ibid., p. 26.

107. Ren Mengzhang, "Sulian zhuanjia," p. 19.

108. Marian Mazzone has argued convincingly in "China's Nationalization of Oil Painting in the 1950s: Searching Beyond the Soviet Paradigm" (seminar paper, Ohio State University, March 1992) that nineteenth-century Russian realism, especially that of the Peredvizhniki , or Wanderers; was as important as Soviet socialist realism to the development of Chinese oil painting in the 1950s and 1960s. The Soviet view of the Wanderers as selfless nationalists of the working class, a concept rejected by Western art historians, was particularly compatible with Maoist ideology. My rather broad use of the term "socialist realism" is similar to that of Chinese writers of the period, who do not seem to have made particularly refined art historical definitions.

109. The picture, reproduced in MS 1955, no. 2, pp. 28-29, was a panorama four meters long and slightly less than one meter high.

110. Interestingly, Maksimov himself was impressed by the spontaneity of Chinese xieyi painting, particularly the work of Qi Baishi, and is said to have changed his style after his return to the Soviet Union. See I.I. Kuptsov, Konstantin Mefod'evich Maksimov (Leningrad: Khudozhnik RSFSR, 1984), p. 37. I am indebted to Marian Mazzone for bringing this book to my attention, and to Gao Minglu for summarizing this passage.

111. RMRB , Aug. 16, 1953, p. 3.

112. Liushinian , p. 147; Laing, Winking Owl , p. 22.

113. Quanguo guohua zhanlanhui zuopin mulu (List of works in the National Guohua Exhibition) (Beijing: Art Workers Association, 1953).

114. MS 1954, no. 2, inside back cover.

115. Reproduced in MS 1955, no. 1, pp. 28-29; and Laing, Winking Owl , fig. 30.

116. See, for example, "Yinianlai Meishu bianji gongzuo de zhuyao quedian he cuowu" (The chief weaknesses and errors in the first year of Meishu editorial work), MS 1954, no. 12, pp. 5-6.

117. "Dierjie quanguo meishu zhanlan hui jijiang kaimu" (The Second National Art Exhibition prepares to open), MS 1955, no. 1, p. 6.

118. Dierjie quanguo meishu zhanlanhui (The Second National Art Exhibition) (exhibition brochure) (Beijing: Ministry of Culture, 1955), n.p.

119. Laing, Winking Owl , pp. 22-23.

120. MS 1955, no. 4, pp. 28-29.

121. MS 1955, no. 5, p. 27; Shinian zhongguo huihua xuanji , no. 38.

122. MS 1955, no. 1, p. 24; Shinian zhongguo huihua xuanji , no. 59.

123. MS 1955, no. 6, p. 24.

124. Listed in Dierjie quanguo meishu zhanlanhui , n.p. It was reproduced in RMRB , Sept. 20, 1953, p. 5.

125. MS 1955, no. 7, p. 34.

126. Hongxing zhitou chunyi nao (Spring noises on a blossoming branch), reproduced in MS 1955, no. 4, p. 27.

127. Dierjie quanguo meishu zhanlanhui , n.p.

128. MS 1955, no. 7, p. 31.

129. News item, MS 1954, no. 4, p. 18.

130. See the biographies of Shi Lu and Zhao Wangyun in Zhongguo yishujia cidian 3:461, 506.

131. News item, MS 1954, no. 4, p. 18.

132. MS 1954, no. 3, p. 19. Jerome Silbergeld (with Gong Jisui) has traced the evolution of the artists association in Sichuan in his Contradictions: Artistic Life, the Socialist State, and the Chinese Painter Li Huasheng (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1993), p. 223n. 36. According to his material, the Southwest Artists Association, newly founded in 1953, became the Chongqing branch of the CAA in 1954. In 1958 it was disbanded and replaced by four provincial associations, including the Sichuan Artists Association.

133. Reproduced in MS 1956, no. 6, pp. 32, front cover, 15, and 29.

134. Jiaoyubu dierci quanguo meishu zhanlanhui zhuanji (Catalogue of the Ministry of Education's Second National Art Exhibition), vol. 2: Xiandai shuhuaji (Collection of modern calligraphy and painting) (Shanghai: Commercial Press, n.d.), no. 141.

135. Reproduced in MS 1956, no. 7, front cover; and in Andrews, "Traditional Painting in New China," fig. 6.

136. Dierjie quanguo guohua zhanlanhui , n.p.

137. Laing, Winking Owl , pp. 24-25.

138. Hu Peiheng, MS 1956, no. 7, pp. 9-10; and Laing, Winking Owl , p. 25.

139. "Fazhan guohua yishu" (Develop the art of guohua ) (editorial), RMRB , Oct. 30, 1956.

140. Interview with BF.

141. "Painting in a New Way," China Reconstructs , May 1955, pp. 15-17. Several of the ink sketches were reproduced in MS 1954, no. 10, pp. 26-27.

142. Interview with Zhang Ding, Beijing, June 2, 1990.

143. Preface by the artists to the exhibition flyer "Li Keran, Zhang Ding, Luo Ming shuimo xieshenghua zhanlanhui" (Li Keran, Zhang Ding, and Luo Ming ink sketch exhibition), Sept. 1954.

144. Jiang Feng, "Meishu gongzuo de zhongda fazhan," p. 6.

145. Guangdong sheng meigongshi (Guangdong Provincial Art Work Studio), "Guangzhou meishujie dui meixie lingdao he 'Meishu' yuekan de yijian" (The opinions of the Guangzhou art world on the CAA leadership and Art monthly), MS 1955, no. 1, p. 8.

146. "Xu Yansun shi guohuajie de youpai batou" (Xu Yansun is the gang leader of the rightists in the guohua world), MS 1957, no. 8, p. 16.

147. Interview with O. On to Urumchi , painted in 1954, is in the collection of the Chinese National Art Gallery. See Zhongguo meishuguan bufen meishu zuopin chenlie mulu, 1942-1978 (List of exhibitions: a portion of the Chinese National Art Gallery's artworks) (n.p., n.d.), p. 5, no. 4.

148. Meishu shukan jieshao (Digest of art books and periodicals), no. 9: nianhua teji (special issue on new year's pictures) (Beijing: People's Art Press, 1955), pp. 15, 18, 19. Also see Laing, Winking Owl , p. 22.

149. Interview with Huang Zhou, Beijing, 1990.

150. See MS 1956, no. 2, pp. 30-31.

151. See MS 1956, no. 4, p. 36.

152. A good example is his An Old Wall in India, MS 1956, no. 4, p. 36.

153. The cooperative was run by Zhang Shouchen, who was later declared a rightist because of this activity.

154. Yu Feian, "Guohuajia de laodong zhi duoshao qian."

155. RMRB , Oct. 3, 1956, p. 4.

156. "Fazhan guohua yishu."

157. An account in MS 1957, no. 6, p. 15, dates the State Council decision to June 1, 1956.

158. The Beijing institute was administered by the Ministry of Culture, and the Shanghai institute by the Shanghai Municipal People's Committee. See MS 1957, no. 6, p. 15.

159. Jiangsu sheng guohua zhanlanhui (Jiangsu Provincial Guohua Exhibition) (exhibition brochure), Dec. 28, 1958-Jan. 11, 1959.

160. Zhou Yang, "Guanyu meishu gongzuo de yixie yijian" (Some opinions about art work), MS 1955, no. 7, p. 18.

161. This term referred to people who liked only Western art and wished to eradicate guohua .

162. MS 1955, no. 7, pp. 19-24.

1. Jiang Feng, "Jianjue jinxing sixiang gaizao," pp. 45-49.

2. Guangdong sheng meigongshi, "Guangzhou meishujie dui meixie lingdao," p. 9.

3. MS 1956, no. 1, p. 61. In 1957, Jiang Feng was accused of alternately castigating and using Cai Liang for his own purposes; see Ai Zhongxin, "Zheyang de yige 'haoren'" (Such a "good man"), MS 1957, no. 9, p. 45. What these purposes might have been is not specified. Cai Liang had difficulties with job placement after graduation, but was eventually taken on by the Xi'an branch of the CAA. His colleagues in Xi'an are unable or disinclined to explain this event.

4. Goldman, Literary Dissent , pp. 114-115, 129-157.

5. Ibid., pp. 129-130.

6. Ibid., pp. 141, 145.

7. The most influential cartoons were reprinted in MS 1957, no. 6, p. 13; and no. 7, pp. 41-45.

8. Hu Yichuan, "Buhuo quansheng juebu shoubing" (Never withdraw troops short of total victory), MS 1955, no. 8, p. 13.

9. Li Qun, "Pipan Wen Zhaotong cuowu de yishu sixiang" (Condemn Wen Zhaotong's erroneous artistic thought), MS 1955, no. 11, pp. 8-12.

10. Mi Gu, "Peng Boshan choushi caimohua de xinchengjiu," p. 10.

11. Goldman, Literary Dissent , p. 139.

12. Mi Gu, "Peng Boshan choushi caimohua de xinchengjiu," pp. 10-11.

13. Zhang Ding, "Guanyu guohua chuangzuo jicheng youliang chuantong wenti" (On the question of national painting creation inheriting the excellent tradition), MS 1955, no. 6, pp. 17-19.

14. "Jianyi ba Hu Feng cong wenyijie duiwuzhong qingxi chuqu" (We recommend cleaning Hu Feng out of the literary and art world), MS 1955, no. 6, p. 6.

15. Goldman, Literary Dissent , p. 159.

16. Roderick MacFarquhar, The Origins of the Cultural Revolution , vol. 1: Contradictions Among the People, 1956-1957 (London: Oxford University Press, 1974), p. 52. This passage also appears in the Red Guard art periodical Meishu fenglei (Art storm), no. 3 (August 1967): 8.

17. MacFarquhar, Origins of the Cultural Revolution 1:52.

18. Goldman, "Mao's Obsession with the Political Role of Literature and the Intellectuals," in The Secret Speeches of Chairman Mao: From the Hundred Flowers to the Great Leap Forward, ed. Roderick MacFarquhar, Timothy Cheek, and Eugene Wu (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1989), p. 44.

19. Shuji^{[ *]} Takashina, "Eastern and Western Dynamics in the Development of Western-Style Oil Painting During the Meiji Era," in Shuji^{[ *]} Takashina and J. Thomas Rimer, with Gerald D. Bolas, Paris in Japan: The Japanese Encounter with European Painting (Tokyo: Japan Foundation/St. Louis: Washington University, 1987), pp. 21-31·

20. Xia Baoyuan, an artist who studied with Yan Wenliang in the 1960s, believed that his teacher's coloristic methods were very scientific. Interview, Shanghai, 1986.

21. Editor's preface to "Lun yinxiang zhuyi" (Discussion of impressionism), by V.V. Stasov [Sitasuofu] (translated from the Russian), MS 1957, no. 2, p. 37.

22. Ibid., pp. 37-39.

23. "Yinxiang zhuyi" (Impressionism), MS 1957, no. 2, pp. 41-42.

24. JFMSLJ, xia , pp. 97-303.

25. "Jiang Feng shi meishujie de zonghuo toumu," p. 11. It is probable that ZhouYang's comments were drafted as part of the Anti-Hu Feng campaign.

26. Zhu Jinlou, unpublished ms., 1978; and interview with YB.

27. Interview with YA.

28. Yishu yaolan , p. 28.

29. Interview with YB; and Zhu Jinlou, unpublished ms.

30. Interview with YA.

31. Cai Ruohong, "Guanyu 'guohua' chuangzuo de fazhan wenti" (On the problem of the development of guohua creation), MS 1955, no. 6, p. 14.

32. Interview with YA; and "Jiang Feng shi meishujie," p. 14.

33. Yin Cheng, "'Zhengqian chifan' yu hua fengjing" ("Feeding a family" and painting landscapes), MS 1957, no. 9, pp. 47-48.

34. "Fazhan guohua yishu."

35. "Jiang Feng shi meishujie," p. 11.

36. The rather complicated background to this campaign is discussed in MacFarquhar, Origins of the Cultural Revolution 1:184-217.

37. In a 1988 interview, Yan Han denied that Jiang Feng was personally involved in planning the event. Jiang attended only after being informed by Yan that it would occur. Interview conducted by Han Xin, October 1988.

38. MS 1957, no. 8, p. 6; Deng Ye, "Jiang Feng fandang jituan zai huadong meishu fenyuan," p. 48.

39. Goldman, Literary Dissent , p. 197.

40. "Jiang Feng shi meishujie," p. 11.

41. Interview with BG.

42.Zhu Jinlou, unpublished ms.

43. Wang, Zhao, and Zhao, "Zhongyang meishu xueyuan lishi, fulu," p. 102.

44. "Jiang Feng shi meishujie," p. 11.

45. Ibid., p. 12.

46. Ibid.

47. Ibid.

48. Ibid., p. 12.

49. Ibid., p. 11.

50. MacFarquhar, Origins of the Cultural Revolution 1:179, 193.

51. Ibid., pp. 192-217.

52. Deng Ye, ''Jiang Feng fandang jituan zai huadong meishu fenyuan," p. 17.

53. Han Xin interview with Yan Han, 1988.

54. Deng Ye, "Jiang Feng fandang jituan zai huadong meishu fenyuan," pp. 16-17.

55. Ibid., p. 16.

56. Pan Tianshou, "Sheishuo zhongguohua biran taotai."

57. "Jiang Feng shi meishujie," p. 11.

58. Li Keran, "Jiang Feng weifang dang dui minzu chuantong de zhengce," p. 19.

59. Ibid., p. 20; Ye Qianyu, "Jiekai Jiang Feng fandang jituan de xueshu waiyi" (Opening the academic cloak of the Jiang Feng antiparty group), MS 1957, no. 9, p. 35.

60. Ye Qianyu, "Jiekai Jiang Feng fandang jituan de xueshu waiyi," p. 35.

61. Ibid., p. 41; Li Keran, "Jiang Feng weifang dang dui minzu chuantong de zhengce,"p. 19.

62. Li Keran, "Jiang Feng weifang dang dui minzu chuantong de zhengce," p. 19.

63. Jiang Zhaohe, "Jiang Feng dui Zhongguohua xuwu zhuyi de guandian" (Jiang Feng's nihilistic point of view toward Chinese painting), MS 1957, no. 9, p. 36.

64. Ye Qianyu, "Jiekai Jiang Feng fandang jituan de xueshu waiyi," p. 35.

65. Ai Zhongxin, "Zheyang de yige 'haoren,'" p. 45.

66. Hua Junwu, "Jiang Feng fandang de fabao zhiyi—zongpai daji" (One of Jiang Feng's antiparty secret weapons—factional attack), MS 1957, no. 9, p. 9.

67. Li Yu, "Ye tan 'Pa cong he lai'" (More on "Whence comes fear"), MS 1957, no. 9, p. 12.

68. This comment was probably added for the benefit of the interviewer, a victim of the 1974 Black Painting Exhibition in Shanghai. See chapter 6.

69. Han Xin interview with Yan Han, 1988.

70. "Talk at the Supreme State Conference" (Oct. 13, 1957), in Union Research Institute, Unselected Works of Mao Zedong , 1957 (Hong Kong: Union Press, 1976), pp. 353-389. The speech also appears in Mao Zedong xuanji , vol. 5 (Beijing: n.p., 1977), p. 488.

71. Others were Gao Zhuang, Feng Fasi, and Wang Bingzhao. See Wang, Zhao, and Zhao, "Zhongyang meishu xueyuan lishi, fulu," p. 102.

72. Many such men were members of the Democratic Alliance.

73. See Link (ed.), Roses and Thorns , pp. 11-14.

74. Wang, Zhao, and Zhao, "Zhongyang meishu xueyuan lishi, fulu," p. 102.

75. Naranarayan Das, China's Hundred Weeds: A Study of the Anti-Rightist Campaign in China [1957-1958 ] (Calcutta: K.P. Bagchi, 1979), p. 90.

76. MS 1957, no. 9, pp. 10, 44.

77. "Jiangsusheng wenyijie jiefa pipan youpai fenzi Liu Haisu" (The literary and art circles of Jiangsu province expose and condemn the rightist Liu Haisu), MS 1957, no. 11, pp. 40-41.

78. Zhu Jinlou, unpublished ms.

79. Interview with W.

80. Mao Zedong guju cang shuhuajia zengpin ji , nos. 14-42, 46-47.

81. MS 1957, no. 8, p. 16. Other attacks on Xu may be found in Ge Man, "Lun Xu Yansun zhi xin" (On the mind of Xu Yansun), MS 1957, no. 9, p. 12; and Lu Ding, "Xu Aman dabu mihun zhen" (Xu Yansun schemes a great maze), MS 1957, no. 9, pp. 12-13.

82. Lu Ning, "'Hunshui' wei 'moyu'" (Muddying the water to catch a fish), MS 1957, no. 9, p. 13.

83. Interview with AE.

84. Interview with YC. Pang's alleged crimes were described in MS 1957, no. 8, p. 8.

1. Interview with JJ. The exhibition of Lin Fengmian's works took place in 1963. See Laing, Winking Owl , pp. 51-52.

2. Parris Chang, Power and Policy in China , 2d ed. (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1978), p. 104.

3. Ibid., pp. 107-108, 110-121.

4. Ibid., pp. 122-130.

5. Ibid., pp. 125-129, 147-148.

6. Ibid., pp. 145-146.

7. Ibid., p. 108.

8. Among other representatives were listed Wang Geyi (1896-1988?) and Feng Zikai (1898-1975), both from the Shanghai Chinese Painting Institute, and Zhang Jinghu (1892-1967), a folk artist at the Beijing Crafts Research Institute who specialized in making figures out of colored dough.

9. "Xiangying Zhou Enlai zongli de haozhao, wei tigao yishu ziliang er nuli" (Respond to Premier Zhou Enlai's call, work to raise artistic standards), by Members of the Political Consultative Committee Wang Geyi, Wang Zhaowen, Feng Zikai, Ye Qianyu, Zhang Jinghu, Fu Baoshi, and Jiang Zhaohe, MS 1959, no. 5, p. 3.

10. Zhou Enlai, "Zai wenyi gongzuo zuotanhui he gushipian chuangzuo huiyi shang de jianghua" (Speeches at the Literature and Art Conference and Fictional Film Creation Meeting, June 19, 1961), reprinted from Wenyibao , 1979, no. 2, in Zhou Enlai yu wenyi (Zhou Enlai and literature and art), vol. 1 (Beijing: Zhongguo shehui kexue chubanshe, 1980), p. 10.

11. Zhou Enlai, "Guanyu wenhua yishu gongzuo liangtiaotui zoulu de wenti" (On the question of cultural and arts work walking with two legs) (May 3, 1959), in Zhou Enlai yu wenyi , pp. 5-6.

12. Preparation for the national exhibition, scheduled for October 1, 1959, was announced at a CAA meeting on February 14. See MS 1958, no. 3, p. 41.

13. For discussion of some aspects of this exhibition, see Laing, Winking Owl , pp. 40-41.

14. Zhou Enlai, "Zai wenyi gongzuo zuotanhui," pp. 9-31. Arnold Chang discusses this speech at length in Painting in the People's Republic , pp. 17-21.

15. Some of Zhou's points appear also in the Eight Articles on Literature and Art, which were then in draft form; see Byung-joon Ahn, Chinese Politics and the Cultural Revolution: Dynamics of Policy Processes (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1976), pp. 60-61.

16. Zhou Enlai, ''Zai wenyi gongzuo zuotanhui," p. 15.

17. An aborted attempt to rebut critics of the Ling'nan school and revive it appeared in the August 1957 issue of Meishu . With the acceleration of the Anti-Rightist campaign, the school sank back into obscurity. See Huang Duwei, "Cong Hua'nan meizhan kan Ling'nan huapai" (A look at the Lingnan school in the South China Art Exhibition), MS 1957, no. 8, p. 44. A prominent historian of the school recalls that Kang Sheng called Guan Shanyue to Beijing in 1962 to discuss the need to reestablish the school, but subsequent events proved Kang's gesture to be insincere; interview with BH.

18. Zhou, "Zai wenyi gongzuo zuotanhui," p. 21.

19. Ahn, Chinese Politics and the Cultural Revolution , p. 62; Liushinian , p. 201.

20. Ahn, Chinese Politics and the Cultural Revolution , pp. 53-55.

21. Ibid., p. 61.

22. Ibid.; Liushinian , p. 201.

23. Ahn, Chinese Politics and the Cultural Revolution , p. 61.

24. JFNB, pp. 324-325; and interview with YA.

25. "Jiang Feng fandang jituan de liangge gugan—Yang Jiao, Zhang Shaofei" (Two mainstays of the Jiang Feng antiparty clique—Yang Jiao and Zhang Shaofei), MS 1957, no. 10, pp. 37-38. Zhang's best-known work is Read a Thousand Characters , a 1944 literacy poster in the new nianhua style. See Zhongguo xinxing banhua wushinian xuanji, 1931-1981 (Selections of modern prints of China in the fifty years from 1931 to 1981) (Shanghai: Shanghai People's Art Press, 1981), shang , no. 105.

26. "Yao cong zhege shili zhong xiqu jiaoxun" (We must learn a lesson from this case), MS 1958, no. 1, pp. 8-10.

27. Interviews with AA, V, and P.

28. "Yige you yiyi de jiaoxue zhanlan" (A meaningful education exhibition), MS 1958, no. 5, pp. 9-10.

29. Ibid. Interview with JJ. We will discuss Xu Kuang later in the chapter. Sun Kexiang, later known as Sun Ke, became editor of Zhongguohua in the 1980s.

30. "Ba xin jiaogei dang, ba yishu jiaogei renmin hongtou zhuanshen" (Give your heart to the party, your art to the people, be completely red and thoroughly expert), MS 1958, no. 5, pp. 11-12.

31. Wang, Zhao, and Zhao, "Zhongyang meishu xueyuan lishi, fulu," p. 102.

32. "Ba hongqi cha zai jiaoxueshang, ba xuexiao ban dao gongsheli" (Plant the red flags in education, move schools to the commune), MS 1958, no. 10, p. 14.

33. The following information is taken from a brochure about the Guangzhou Academy of Fine Arts entitled Guangzhou meishu xueyuan (n.p., n.d.).

34. At its founding in 1946, the academy was named Northeast Lu Xun Academy of Literature and Arts ( Dongbei Lu Xun wenyi xueyuan ), a name that suggests it was a branch of the Yan'an school, but in 1953 it was renamed the Northeast Art Academy ( Dongbei meizhuan ).

35. Wang, Zhao, and Zhao, "Zhongyang meishu xueyuan lishi, fulu," p. 102. Most of the artists and researchers were reassigned to the Beijing Chinese Painting Institute or to the CAFA art history department, leaving only a skeletal staff. Interview with Z.

36. Wang, Zhao, and Zhao, "Zhongyang meishu xueyuan lishi, fulu," p. 102.

37. "Beijing meishujia huoyue zai shisanling shuiku gongdi" (Beijing artists are active at the Ming Tombs Reservoir worksite), MS 1958, no. 6, p. 3.

38. Qi Su, "Meishujia he meishupin zai shisanling shuiku gongdi" (Artists and art workers at the Ming Tombs Reservoir worksite), MS 1958, no. 6, pp. 4-5.

39. MS 1958, no. 9, frontispiece.

40. "Zhongyang meishu xueyuan jianshi," p. 22.

41. Ibid.

42. Ai Zhongxin, "Jiaoxue zhaji—zhongyang meishu xueyuan youhuaxi zai Shijingshan Moshikoucun shidian jiaoxue zhong de yixie tihui" (Notes on teaching—the CAFA oil painting department test site at Moshikou village, Shijingshan), Meishu yanjiu , 1960, no. 1, pp. 3-7.

43. Interview with HH.

44. "Meishu jiaoyu lai yige dayuejin" (Art education gets a great leap forward), MS 1958, no. 3, p. 7.

45. Interview with IH, who claimed that all the students were worker, peasant, and soldier children; and EA, who was admitted by recommendation from the middle school. It has not been possible to obtain official enrollment figures to verify statistics supplied by Zhou, but they are plausible. Biographical information supplied by artists in Xi'an indicates that such policies may also have been in effect at regional art colleges.

46. "Zhongyang meishu xueyuan jianshi," p. 22.

47. Announcement in Meishu yanjiu , 1959, no. 2, p. 109.

48. Interview with IH.

49. Several students who went to Yunnan inform us that they went voluntarily, convinced that it was a beautiful place to live and work, but when they arrived were not given the jobs they had been promised. Artists who were sent to the northeast or northwest, by contrast, considered their assignments a form of persecution.

50. Many other organizations that produced propaganda were similarly hard hit. Liu Binyan claims that People's Daily , for example, had an extremely high proportion of rightists (lecture, Ann Arbor, 1990).

51. Interviews with HH and ML. MN recalls that party members were particularly affected by such movements, but that nonparty members passed their time more peacefully.

52. "Lu Xun meishu xueyuan zai buduan yuejin" (The Lu Xun Academy of Arts ceaselessly leaps forward), MS 1960, no. 7, pp. 45-47.

53. Sun Cixi, " Dangdai yingxiong de gousi he goutu" (The idea and composition of Contemporary heroes), MS 1960 (Oct.-Nov.): 38-41.

54. It also appeared on the cover of China Reconstructs , August 1960.

55. Sulian meishujia zuopin zhanlanhui—youhua, diaosu, banhua (Exhibition of Soviet artists' works—oils, sculpture, prints) (Beijing: Zhonghua renmin gongheguo duiwai wenhua lianluo weiyuanhui, n.d. [1957]), n.p.

56. Earlier portraits of Mao were known to the young artists. The most notable of these was Luo Gongliu's 1951 Speaking at the Rectification Movement Meeting , which was painted for the Museum of Revolutionary History. For a reproduction, see Gaoju Maozhuxi de weida qizhi shengli qianjin, meishu zuopin xuan (Victoriously advance raising high the great banner of Chairman Mao, selected artworks) (Beijing: People's Art Press, 1977), n.p. Luo's image was one of the first in which Mao is pictured in profile with his arm outstretched. Ellen Laing has associated this convention, which was widely emulated by subsequent Chinese artists, with the iconography of Lenin; see Winking Owl , pp. 65-66.

57. Zhu Jinlou informed us that plans to implement such a program had been discussed at Hangzhou in 1956, but were interrupted by the Anti-Rightist campaign; interview, Hangzhou, 1990.

58. This system was not adopted by the academies in Guangzhou or Sichuan; interview with UU.

59. Other studios in Shanghai were run by Meng Guang and Ren Weiyin, a professor who returned to Shanghai from the Lu Xun Academy in Shenyang; interviews with MO, MQ, and AL.

60. Chinese students at the Repin Art Academy were assigned to studios in their third year. Of the three painters who matriculated in 1954, for example, Quan Shanshi and Xiao Feng were assigned to one professor's studio, Lin Gang to another.

61. This studio was set up under direction of the Japanese-trained Wang Shikuo, who withdrew in order to complete his monumental drawing Bloody Clothes for the Museum of Revolutionary History.

62. The following analysis is taken from Ahn, Chinese Politics and the Cultural Revolution , pp. 62-64.

63. ''Zhongyang meishu xueyuan jianshi," p. 25. One of Xu's few surviving works, painted in 1926, is reproduced in Tao Yongbai (ed.), Zhongguo youhua , pl. 11.

64. Ai Zhongxin, "Huajia Dong Xiwen de chuangzuo daolu he yishu suyang" (The creativity and artistic accomplishments of the painter Dong Xiwen), Meishu yanjiu , 1979, no. 1, p. 58.

65. The date has not been published, but all printmaking students we interviewed reported entering their studios in this year.

66. One version of his forty-eight knife strokes is reproduced in Chen Yingde, Haiwai kan dalu yishu (A look at mainland art from overseas) (Taibei: Yishujia chubanshe, 1987), pp. 247-248.

67. Interviews with HH and JJ.

68. Her classmate ML described the drawing program in similar terms.

69. Interview with EA.

70. Yang Mingsheng (ed.), Zhongguo xiandai huajia zhuan, shang , p. 165. A number of different versions of Li Kuchan's unhappy career are in circulation. One, recounted by the artist to Joan Lebold Cohen and recorded in New Chinese Painting , p. 20, attributes his job placement to a visiting American. Others blame his problems on Jiang Feng's policies toward guohua . Jiang Feng's defenders believe that some of the harsh treatment Li is said to have suffered was a normal part of his responsibilities as a faculty member, including taking his turn to buy movie tickets for the students.

71. Interview with JJ.

72. Interviews with HH and AA.

73. The students included Wang Huaiqing, Huang Guanyu, Hu Yongkai, Fu Jingshan, and Zhang Hongtu. Teachers were young, and included Lu Chen, Sun Zixi, Du Jian, Zhao Youping, and Wang Dejun.

74. Interviews with KK and LL.

75. In a 1986 interview, Huang Yongyu identified a student who entered the academy in 1959 and was assigned to his studio in 1961 as his best student.

76. Cai Ruohong, "Fangxiang yiding daolu biguang" (The direction is determined but the road should be broad), MS 1962, no. 2, p. 43.

77. Other participants were CAFA artists Ma Changli, Li Huaji, Liang Yulong, and Ge Weimo; Xin Mang, a cadre from the creation studio at the People's Art Press; Liu Qing from the army; Gu Zhujun from Tianjin; Li Renjie from Sichuan; Xiang Ergong from Guangdong; Wei Lianfu from Manchuria; Tuo Musi from Inner Mongolia; Wu Yongnian; Dong Gang; and Fu Zhigui from Xi'an; and Yun Qicang from Hubei.

78. Interviews with D, DA, and DB.

79. Zhang was featured as Tintin's friend Chang in Hergé's classics The Blue Lotus (Boston: Little, Brown, 1984) and Tintin in Tibet (Boston: Little, Brown, 1975). Zhang, who was Hergé's classmate and friend at art school in Brussels, helped research and execute the two volumes, which are filled with local color and autobiographical details. Le Lotus bleu was first published in a Belgian magazine in 1934-1935. Both works have been reissued in English translation.

80. Zhang Chongren, interview, Paris, 1990.

81. "Tan shuicai hua" (On watercolor painting), MS 1962, no. 5, pp. 61-69.

82. Other guohua teachers were Tang Yun, Yu Zhicai, and Ying Yeping.

83. "Meixie xiang fenhui he meishujia tichu changyi" (The artists association brings forth a proposal for branch associations and artists), MS 1958, no. 4, p. 5. Zhou Enlai's 1959 warnings against the practice indicate that, in actuality, the old and the weak were required by zealous bureaucrats to engage in excessively strenuous work. See Zhou Enlai yu wenyi , pp. 7-8.

84. MS 1958, no. 8, p. 40.

85. China Reconstructs 7 , no. 11 (Nov. 1958): 17.

86. MS 1958, no. 8, p. 40.

87. Ibid.

88. "Jiajia shige huhu hua" (Every home a poem, every household a painting), MS 1958, no. 9, p. 28.

89. This important phenomenon was discussed by Ellen Laing in Winking Owl , pp. 31-32, and in "Chinese Peasant Painting, 1958-1976: Amateur and Professional," Art International 27, no. 1 (Jan.-Mar. 1984): 1-12.

90. Peking Review , Sept. 23, 1958, p. 18.

91. One such album, exhibited in October 1990, is in the Nanjing Museum.

92. MS 1958, no. 4, p. 5.

93. MS 1959, no. 11, p. 51.

94. For mention of the ill effect of this policy on industry and agriculture, see Parris Chang, Power and Policy in China , p. 106.

95. "Shoudu zhongguohua jie juxing dayuejin chuangzuo zhanlan" (The capital's Chinese painting circles hold a Great Leap Forward creation exhibition), MS 1959, no. 1, p. 11.

96. "Meixie Shanghai fenhui zhiding 1958 nian guihua" (CAA Shanghai branch sets 1958 plan), MS 1958, no. 4, p. 22.

97. "Shanghai meishujia zai yuejin" (Shanghai artists are leaping forward), MS 1958, no. 4, p. 16.

98. MS 1958, no. 4, p. 23. There was a proliferation of organizations referred to as "preparatory committees" during this period. Most of them seem to have operated as full-fledged cultural institutions, even though formal approval of their existence had not yet been bestowed by the central authorities.

99. "Da yue jin" (The Great Leap Forward), MS 1958, no. 5, p. 19.

100. MS 1958, no. 8, p. 40.

101. MS 1958, no. 5, p. 19.

102. Ibid.

103. Hua Junwu, "Qinianlai de huiwu gongzuo (1953-1960)" (Seven years of association work), MS 1960, nos. 8-9, p. 12.

104. Ibid. New branches were formally established in Shandong ( MS 1959, no. 8, p. 50) and Heilongjiang ( MS 1959, no. 1, p. 35). By 1960, branches existed in Jiangxi ( MS 1959, no. 12, p. 14), Xinjiang ( MS 1960, no. 1, p. 41), Qinghai, Guangdong, and Guangxi (ibid., p. 43), Hubei ( MS 1960, no. 2, p. 35), and Anhui ( MS 1960, no. 3, p. 9). Areas with well-publicized art activities but no mention of local branches are Gansu and Liaoning ( MS 1960, no. 1, pp. 41-42).

105. Among such examples are Zhang Fagen, an oil painter who rose from an editorial position to become vice-chairman of the Anhui branch of the CAA (interview); and Shi Lu, who became chief of the Xibei huabao (Northwest Pictorial) publishing house in about 1951 and in 1954 was selected as vice-chairman of the Xi'an branch. Li Shaoyan, who worked at Xinhua ribao (New China daily) in Sichuan became chairman of the Sichuan branch.

106. Hua Junwu, "Qinianlai de huiwu gongzuo," p. 12.

107. Meishu fenglei , no. 3 (1967): 27.

108. Laing, Winking Owl , pp. 31-32; interview with MP.

109. Xi Xiaopeng, "Chonglou guangxia weiwei daguan" (Splendid buildings make a grand sight), MS 1959, no. 12, pp. 39-44. Planning for the museum displays alone took more than seven months. Based on different Chinese sources, Wu Hung included the Chinese National Art Gallery in his List of Ten Great Buildings, "Official Space to Public Space: The Chinese Art Gallery," Columbus, Ohio, October 9, 1993-According to Wu, no official list exists; presumably, more than ten new buildings were planned at the time.

110. The first exhibition at the new Chinese National Art Gallery opened on May 23, 1962, to commemorate the twentieth anniversary of the Yah'an Talks. See "Quanguo meishujie relie jinian Mao Zedong tongzhi 'Zai Yan'an wenyi zuotanhuishang de jianghua' fabiao 20 zhounian" (National art circles ardently commemorate the twentieth anniversary of publication of Comrade Mao Zedong's "Yan'an Talks on Literature and Arts"), MS 1962, no. 4, p. 4.

111. Laing, Winking Owl , p. 92n.9.

112. Xi Xiaopeng, "Chonglou guangxia," p. 39. Much of the vast area of the palace compound consisted of unroofed courtyards, so was presumably excluded from this calculation.

113. Interviews with M, O, BI, and BJ.

114. Xi Xiaopeng, "Chonglou guangxia," p. 39.

115. Hua Junwu, "Qinianlai de huiwu gongzuo," p. 13.

116. Discussion of the commission appears in Fu Baoshi and Guan Shanyue, "Wanfang gewusheng zhong tantan women chuangzuo 'Jiangshan ruci duojiao' de diandi tihui" (Discussions, amid the sounds of song and dance everywhere, of realizations made while creating This Land So Rich in Beauty), MS 1959, no. 10, p. 14; and Guan Zhendong, "Qingman guanshan—Guan Shanyue zhuan" (Feeling fills the passes and mountains—a biography of Guan Shanyue), RMRB , overseas edition, Aug. 2-3, 1989. Fu and Guan record the project as lasting about two months. Guan Zhendong claims that the revised version was made in about two weeks. On such statistical questions we will defer to Fu and Guan's nearly contemporary account.

117. MS 1959, no. 12, p. 40.

118. The poem, written in 1936, appears in many collections, including the bilingual Mao Zedong Poems (Beijing: Commercial Press, 1976), pp. 46-49.

119. If the painting did not appear so labored, it might be equally possible that their claim was false modesty, since public deference to party authority was advisable. A Shanghai painter claims that during the late Cultural Revolution period it became standard practice for artists to make obvious and easily correctable formal mistakes so that the party officials would not come up with more difficult compositional or political suggestions for revisions. Interview with X.

120. Mao Zedong Poems , pp. 46-49.

121. Fu Baoshi huaji (Nanjing: Jiangsu meishu chubanshe, 1985), pl. 57. Guan's painting has been studied by Arnold Chang, Painting in the People's Republic , pp. 51-57; and by Ellen Laing, Winking Owl , chap. 4 passim, and pp. 77-78.

122. Guan Zhendong, "Qingman guanshan," Aug. 2, 1989.

123. Ibid., Aug. 3, 1989.

124. The album, owned by the Nanjing Museum, was exhibited at the museum in October 1990.

125. The work was exhibited in the Second National Art Exhibition of 1955; see Dierjie quanguo meishu zhanlanhui , no. 210.

126. James Cahill makes a similar but more elaborate argument for Western influence in seventeenth-century painting in Compelling Image . For the Japanese influence on Guan and fellow artists of the Lingnan school, see Croizier, Art and Revolution .

127. Unfortunately, signs of previous repairs and the buckling of the painting evident in the fall of 1990 testify to the fact that, tough as it is, Chinese paper is less suitable than canvas to the stresses of prolonged public exposure.

128. Cohen, New Chinese Painting , pp. 25-26, refers to this trend.

129. Julia K. Murray's research has shown that early Southern Song emperors commissioned many illustrations to literary texts that might support their claims to dynastic legitimacy. For one example of Murray's work, see "Ts'ao Hsün and Two Southern Song History Scrolls," Ars Orientalis 15 (1985): 1-29. Many depictions of auspicious natural phenomena, intended as comments on the virtuous rule of the current emperor, have been produced since Han times. For a study of an early phase in this development, see Wu Hung, The Wu Family Shrine: The Ideology of Early Chinese Pictorial Art (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1989).

130. See Laing, Winking Owl , p. 36, for further material about the painting's symbolism.

131. A well-known artistic example is the recorded portrait of the official Xie Kun, who was depicted by the portraitist Gu Kaizhi in a landscape setting. The most useful study of this tradition is by Shou-chien Shih, "The Mind Landscape of Hsieh Yu-yü," in Images of the Mind: Selections from the Edward L. Elliott Collections of Chinese Calligraphy and Painting at the Art Museum, Princeton University , ed. Wen C. Fong (Princeton: The Art Museum, Princeton University, 1984), pp. 237-254. For a literary text referring to Xie Kun, see Liu I-ch'ing, A New Account of Tales of the World , trans. Richard Mather (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1976), pp. 253-254.

132. See, for example, Barbara Novak, Nature and Culture: American Landscape and Painting, 1825-1875 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1980).

133. His painting for the Great Hall of the People was entitled Watering Horses at the Yan River ; see Shi Lu huiguzhan , "Nianbiao" (Chronology), n.p.

134. One can indeed see the influence of Shitao, the seventeenth-century individualist, in Fighting in Northern Shaanxi . It is most notable in the brushwork of the mountain contours, but may have affected the overall composition as well. Nevertheless, such influence is quite faint, and it is not a very significant element in the work as a whole.

135. Biographical material from Yang Mingsheng (ed.), Zhongguo xiandai huajia zhuan, xia , pp. 464-471.

136. Spence, Search for Modern China , p. 599.

137. Interview with Jin Shangyi. The work was destroyed during the Cultural Revolution. According to an incomplete list in the Red Guard periodical Meisbu fenglei , no. 1 (1967): 10, the exhibition planning committee included Qian Junrui, Deng Tuo, and Qi Yanming.

138. Meishu fenglei , no. 1 (1967): 10-12.

139. The painting was exhibited at the Museum of Revolutionary History during the fall of 1990.

140. For Ellen Laing's excellent discussion of the political significance of the Red Guard attack on this painting in 1967, see Winking Owl , pp. 38-39.

141. Meishu fenglei , no. 1 (1967): 10-14.

142. Qualitative considerations lead us to reject the claim by Yang Mingsheng that Luo's training at the National Hangzhou Arts Academy was irrelevent to his development. Moreover, Yang's implication that Luo had never painted in oils before executing Tunnel Warfare is incredible. Luo's 1951 Mao Zedong Presenting the Rectification Report , exhibited at the Museum of Revolutionary History in the fall of 1990, displays great technical skill. For Yang Mingsheng's view, see Zhongguo xiandai hua-jia zhuan, xia , p. 593.

143. Reproduced in James Cahill, Distant Mountains , pls. 41-44; and in Osvald Siren, Chinese Painting: Leading Masters and Principles , 7 vols. (New York: Ronald Press, 1956-1958), vol. 6, pls. 67-72.

144. Interviews with BJ, BI, and BK.

145. The information in this section is taken largely from Jiang Weipu, "Zhong-guo xin lianhuanhua yishu de sishinian," pp. 9-14; Wu Zhaoxiu, "Yiwei didi daodao de lianhuanhuajia" (A true serial picture artist), in Lianhuanhua yishu , ser. no. 11 (1989, no. 3): 55-69; Quanguo lianhuanhua huojiang zuopinxuan ; and interviews with AP, S, and R.

146. Attributed to Zhang Zeduan, this highly detailed handscroll is in the Palace Museum Collection, Beijing. See Zhongguo lidai huihua, Gugong bowuyuan canghuaji (Beijing: People's Art Press, 1981), 2:60-61.

147. "Jiangsu sheng zhongguohua zhanlanhui zaijing zhanchu" (The Jiangsu province Chinese painting exhibition is displayed in the capital), MS 1959, no. 1, p. 9.

148. D.W. Fokkema, Literary Doctrine in China and Soviet Influence , 1956-1960 (The Hague: Mouton, 1965), pp. 196-202. Fokkema argues that Zhou Yang obscured the Soviet underpinnings of the "union of revolutionary realism and revolutionary romanticism" in order to urge a more Chinese approach to literature. While such an approach was politically appropriate during a period when China deviated from Soviet economic models, one of its primary side effects was a more positive evaluation of classical Chinese poetry.

149. The date of the exhibition is from Fu Baoshi huaji, nianpu , n.p.

150. Ouyang Huilin, "Jiangsu zhongguohua de 'Baihua qifang, tuichen chuxin' (Jiangsu Chinese painting's "Hundred flowers bloom at once, weed out the old to bring forth the new"), MS 1959, no. 1, p. 2.

151. Fu Baoshi, "Zhengzhi guale shuai, bimo jiou butong—cong Jiangsu sheng zhongguohua zhanlanhui tanqi" (With politics in command, brush and ink are different—comments inspired by the Jiangsu province Chinese painting exhibition), MS 1959, no. 1, pp. 4-5.

152. For discussion of such projects at the courts of the Kangxi and Qianlong emperors, see Maxwell Hearn, "Document and Portrait: the Southern Tour Paintings of Kangxi and Qianlong," Phoebus (Tucson) 6, no. 1 (1988): special issue entitled "Chinese Painting Under the Qianlong Emperor."

153. Qian Songyan huaxuan (Selected paintings of Qian Songyan) (Beijing: People's Art Press, 1984), no. 1.

154. Jiangsu sheng guohua zhanlanhui .

155. Fu Baoshi, "Zhengzhi guale shuai, bimo jiou butong," p. 5.

156. Fokkema, Literary Doctrine , p. 199.

157. Fu Baoshi, "Zhengzhi guale shuai, bimo jiou butong," p. 5.

158. Fu Baoshi huaji , 1958, as referred to in Fu Baoshi huaji (1985), nianpu , n.p.

159. Interview with MR.

160. Speech by Yu Jigao, Jiangsu Painting Institute, October 21, 1990, and interview with Wu Linsen, Nanjing, 1990.

161. Fu Baoshi huaji (1985), nianpu .

162. MS 1960, no. 5, p. 55.

163. Interview with MR.

164. Fu Baoshi buaji (1985), nianpu .

165. Among Fu Baoshi's early art historical writings on Ming and Qing painting are S hitao nianpu gao (Draft chronology of Shitao, 1936), Shitao congkao (Study on Shitao, 1937), Datizi tihua shiba jiaobu (Collated and annotated inscriptions on paintings by Shitao, 1937), Shitao hualun zhi yanjiu (Research on Shitao's painting theory, 1937), Shitao shengzu kao (A study of Shitao's dates, 1937), and Zhongguo Mingmo minzu yiren zhuan (Biographies of late-Ming nationalist artists, 1939). List from Fu Baoshi huaji (1985), nianpu .

166. See Cahill, Compelling Image , pp. 146-183. See also Cahill's sources (p. 236n.9), including the pioneering article on the Nanjing school by Aschwinn Lippe, "Kung Hsien and the Nanking School," Oriental Art , n.s., 2, no. 1 (1956): 3-11; 4, no. 4 (1958): 3-14; and William Ding Yee Wu, "Kung Hsien (ca. 1619-1689)" (Ph.D. diss., Princeton University, 1979). For Gong Xian's political concerns, which were an additional aspect of his appeal to Fu Baoshi, see Liu Gangji, Gong Xian (Shanghai: Shanghai People's Art Press, 1962); and Jerome Silbergeld, "Political Symbolism in the Landscape Painting and Poetry of Kung Hsien (c. 1620-1689)" (Ph.D. diss., Stanford University, 1974).

167. Fu Baoshi huaji (1985), nianpu .

168. Xiao Ping, Ya Ming's biographer, records that the Jiangsu Provincial Painting Institute was founded in 1957, with Ya Ming as vice-director. In fact, the institute was not formally established until several years later. Nevertheless, it is safe to assume that Ya Ming played a key role in administering the as yet unofficial but very active organization, probably functioning for all practical purposes as its vice-director. See Ya Ming Hua Ji (Nanjing: Jinling shuhua she, 1982).

169. Reproduced in MS 1959, no. 1, p. 23; and in Shinian zhongguo huihua xuanji , pl. 95; and discussed in Andrews, "Traditional Painting in New China," pp. 570-571.

170. The museum accession number, 12.886, indicates that the painting was acquired in 1912.

171. MS 1956, no. 2, p. 15.

172. The painting's full title is Yingxi huolang tu (Playing Children and Peddler). It is reproduced, with discussion by Sherman E. Lee, in Eight Dynasties of Chinese Painting: Collections of the Nelson Gallery-Atkins Museum, Kansas City, and The Cleveland Museum of Art , ed. Sherman Lee and Wai-kam Ho (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1980), no. 35. For a good study of Li Song, see Ellen Johnston Laing, "Li Sung and Some Aspects of Southern Sung Figure Painting," Artibus Asiae 37, nos. 1-2 (1975): 5-38.

173. For a list of known paintings by Li Song, see James Cahill, An Index of Early Chinese Painters and Paintings: Tang, Sung, Yuan (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1980), pp. 119-120.

174. Modern Paintings in the Chinese Style , supplement to China Reconstructs , September 1960.

175. Siren, Chinese Painting , vol. 3, pls. 11-15.

176. ''Yanzhe wuchan jieji de yishu daolu yongmeng qianjin" (March boldly forward on the road of proletarian class arts), MS 1960, no. 7, pp. 41-44.

177. MS 1960, no. 7, pp. 45-54.

178. MS 1961, no. 4, p. 63.

179. Speech delivered on June 19, 1961; in Zhou Enlai yu wenyi , p. 15.

180. "'Shanhe xinmao' guanzhong yijian zhailu" (Excerpts from opinions of viewers to "New Look of Mountains and Rivers"), MS 1961, no. 4, p. 64.

181. The term is xinqing shuchang , to have ease of mind; ibid., and Zhou Enlai yu wenyi , p. 5 (text of a speech delivered to arts leaders on May 3, 1959).

182. Ellen Laing considers the poetic quality to be one of the most important critical concepts of the period; see Winking Owl , pp. 40-47.

183. Yu Feng, "Kan 'Shanhe xinmao' huazhan suiji" (Notes on viewing the exhibition "New Look of Mountains and Rivers"), MS 1961, no. 4, p. 63; and "'Shanhe xinmao' guanzhong yijian zhailu," ibid., p. 64.

184. Ellen Laing has discussed examples of Yan'an prints of the mid-1940s, such as those of Gu Yuan: "through simplifying the technique, reducing the number of lines used, and clarifying the composition, Gu Yuan devises a picture of great impact and directness of method" ( Winking Owl , p. 15).

185. Li describes Ren as the chief secretary of the Leftist Alliance in 1930s Shanghai.

186. Ya Ming has similarly described the Nanjing leadership as good and as having somewhat deflected the impact of the Anti-Rightist campaign on Nanjing guohua painters.

187. The officers seem to have been printmakers as well. Li Shaoyan served as vice-chairman and, later, as chairman. Niu Wen was, for a time, head of the branch secretariat and vice-chairman. Wu Fan and Li Huanmin both served as vice-chairmen. See biographies in Zhongguo xinxing banhua wushinian, xia , pp. 24, 30, 34.

188. He stated that artists were actively encouraged by the leaders to make art, which was considered a revolutionary activity in itself. Through a concentration on talent, mutual help, and competition, local art was improved. Moreover, money was never a problem. Interview with MS.

189. "Zai hongzhuan jiehe de daolu shang qianjin" (Advancing on the road to the unity of red and expert), MS 1960, no. 7, pp. 53-54.

190. Twelve artists from the print group attended the meeting, and several others were model workers at the local level.

191. "Zai hongzhuan jiehe de daolu shang qianjin."

192. One suspects that this statistic reflects Great Leap Forward amateurs, who may not have been important to the group's long-term development.

193. The volume that I have seen is actually titled Sichuan banhua xuan , ed. Sichuan shinian wenxue yishu xuanji bianji weiyuan hui (Editorial Committee for Selections from Ten Years of Sichuan Literature and Art) (Chongqing: Sichuan People's Press, 1960).

194. "Zai hongzhuan jiehe de daolushang qianjin."

195. Some additional material on Li Shaoyan's career may be found in Silbergeld, Contradictions , pp. 24, 25, 64. Other Sichuan printmakers appear as part of Silbergeld's study of Sichuan guohua .

196. Li's brother had studied at the Shanghai Art Academy, but his subsequent unemployment convinced the younger man to learn a more practical profession.

197. Biographical details from interview, 1986; and from Zhongguo xinxing banhua wushinian, xia , p. 34.

198. One knowledgeable source claims that he was director of the provincial propaganda department; interview with K.

199. The Southwestern Artists Association was founded in 1953 and the Sichuan Artists Association in 1954; interview with MS. Jerome Silbergeld, whose source appears more complete, describes a period between 1954 and 1958 when the association was called Chongqing Branch of the CAA, before it relocated to Chengdu and became the Sichuan Artists Association; see Contradictions , p. 223n.36.

200. They include Song Guangxun, who worked there from 1951 to 1954. Wu Fan also worked as an editor. Harriet Mills first brought the importance of the publishing houses as training grounds for Communist art administrators to my attention.

201. This style appears to have been widespread in the late forties and early fifties.

202. See Sichuan banhua xuan , ed. Chinese Artists Association, Sichuan Branch, and Sichuan Art Press (Chengdu: Sichuan Art Press, 1981), nos. 5, 11, 22, 37, 61, 96.

203. Ibid., no. 27. This work has been published in Zhongguo xinxing banhua, xia , no. 274, as a work of 1960.

204. He was a member of the art work team of North China United University, as were classmates at CAFA, such as Wen Lipeng and Zhang Tongxia.

205. Interviews with MS, MT, and MU; Zhongguo xinxing banhua wushinian, xia , p. 34.

206. Li Shaoyan showed me a battered copy of Sulian banhua ji (Soviet prints), a reprint of Lu Xun's compilation published by Chenguan (Dawn) Publishing in Shanghai in 1949. The Lu Xun book was clearly very influential in the late forties and early fifties.

207. Wu Fan banhuaxuan (Selected prints of Wu Fan) (Chengdu: Sichuan Art Press, 1985), n.p.

208. See ibid. for reproductions.

209. Also reproduced and discussed in Laing, Winking Owl , pl. 5 and p. 17; and Silbergeld, Contradictions , pp. 172-173.

210. Laing, Winking Owl , p. 17.

211. Beidaihuang banhua sanshinian (Thirty years of Beidahuang prints) (Harbin: Heilongjiang People's Press, 1988), p. 4. This source quotes an April 8 Politburo document describing the goals of the relocation program.

212. Ding Lihuai, "Guangyao de yishu daolu" (A brilliant artistic path), reprinted from RMRB , Nov. 11, 1960, in Beidaihuang banhua sanshinian , p. 49. The author was a party committee secretary for the Peony River Agricultural Reclamation Bureau at the time he wrote.

213. Beidahuang banhua sanshinian , p. 4.

214. Among the rightists who were sent to Beidahuang were the writers Ding Ling and Ai Qing. Rightist artists included the former director and vice-director of the Northeast Academy of Art, Yang Jiao and Zhang Xiaofei; military artists Zhang Qinruo and Xu Jiecheng; a pioneer of Soviet-style propaganda painting, Hu Kao; a staff printmaker for Beijing People's Publishing House, Zhang Lu; the traditional painter Huang Miaozi; the cartoonist Ding Cong, originally deputy editor of China Pictorial ; and Yin Shoushi, originally chief secretary of the Beijing Chinese Painting Institute. See Zhang Zuoliang, ''Heitu tieli kedao—beidahuang banhua sanshinian manyi" (Black soil, iron plow, woodcut knife—informal recollections of thirty years of Beidahuang prints), in Beidahuang banhua sanshinian , pp. 61-62; and Chao Mei, "Beidahuang banhua chuqi de chuangzuo huodong" (Creation activities in the early period of Beidahuang prints), reprinted from Wenshi ziliao (Materials on cultural history), in Beidahuang banhua sanshinian , pp. 76-77.

215. Zheng Kangxing, who was involved in establishing these cultural policies, attributes the success of the group to contributions of specific administrators. The initial inquiries were initiated by Wang Yuyin, the Agricultural Reclamation Bureau party committee vice-secretary and political department chief. Permission was granted by personnel and propaganda officials of the Agricultural Reclamation Ministry in Beijing. Policies were put into effect under the direction of Ding Lihuai, then culture and education secretary for the Agricultural Reclamation Bureau's party committee. Zheng himself was vice-director of the party committee propaganda department for the Peony River Agricultural Reclamation Bureau. See Zheng Kangxin, "Zhuhe Beidahuang banhua sanshinian" (Best wishes after thirty years of Beidahuang prints), in Beidahuang banhua sanshinian , pp. 54-55.

216. Zhongguo xiandai meisbujia mingjian , p. 289.

217. Chao Mei banhua (Prints by Chao Mei), preface by Gu Yuan (Harbin: Heilongjiang People's Press, 1982), n.p.; and Zhang Zuoliang, "Heitu tieli kedao," p. 63.

218. Art activity in other media was also taking place, but it never received the recognition accorded the printmakers. Photographs taken of the artists in their studio in 1959 show walls covered with socialist realist oil paintings; see Beidahuang banhua sanshinian , pp. 8-9. Moreover, artists who arrived in Beidahuang included some well-known artists in other media, such as the guohua painter Yin Shoushi, who had served as chief secretary of the Beijing Chinese Painting Institute. Hao Boyi, Zhang Zuoliang's protégé, worked in oils during his early years in Heilongjiang. See Zhang Zuoliang, "Heitu tieli kedao," pp. 61, 64.

219. Chao Mei, "'Beidahuang' chuangkanhao fengmian jishi" (Records of the cover of Beidahuang Pictorial's inaugural issue), reprinted from Beidahuang Pictorial , 1984, no. 2, in Beidahuang banhua sanshinian , pp. 92-96.

220. Unless otherwise noted, the chronology below is taken from Beidahuang banhua sanshinian , pp. 4-13.

221. Zheng Kangxing, "Zhuhe Beidahuang banhua sanshinian," p. 54.

222. Banhua , ser. no. 16 (Apr. 24, 1959, no. 2): 24.

223. Banhua , ser. no. 18 (Aug. 24, 1959, no. 4): 37.

224. Shinianlai banhua xuanji (Selected prints of the past decade) (Shanghai: People's Art Press, 1959), no. 159.

225. They included Zhang Lu, Hao Boyi, Yin Shoushi, Xu Jiecheng, Zhang Qinruo, Du Hongnian, and Xu Leng.

226. "Xinxin xiangrong de dongbei sansheng meishu chuangzuo" (Flourishing artistic creation in the three northeastern provinces), MS 1959, no. 9, p. 33.

227. Zhang Zuoliang, "Heitu tieli kedao," p. 70.

228. Zheng Kangxing, "Zhuhe Beidahuang banhua sanshinian," p. 52.

229. Zheng Kangxing describes borrowing money to pay the cultural workers salaries in ibid, p. 55.

230. Opinions from the symposium were published in Guangming ribao on December 13, 1960, along with Wang Zhaowen's speech, entitled "Zhengfu huangyuan" (Control the wilderness).

231. The exhibition, which opened August 30, 1961, was entitled "Prints from the Peony River Reclamation District."

232. Beidahuang banhuaxuan (Selected prints from Beidahuang) (Beijing: People's Art Press, 1962).

233. One source estimates that by 1978, 25 to 35 percent of the population of Inner Mongolia, Xinjiang, Heilongjiang, and Qinghai provinces comprised recent migrants and their children; see Frederica M. Bunge and Rinn-sup Shinn, China: A Country Study (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1981), p. 62.

234. Banhua , ser. no. 16 (Apr. 24, 1959, no. 2): 3.

235. Russian and Soviet Painting: An Exhibition from the Museums of the USSR Presented at the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, and the Fine Arts Museums of San Francisco (New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art/Rizzoli International, 1977), p. 127.

236. A young woman from Sichuan reportedly made her decision to go to Heilongjiang upon reading the first issue of Beidahuang Pictorial .

237. Preface to Shi Lu zuopin xuanji (Selected works of Shi Lu), ed. Ping Ye (Beijing: People's Art Press, 1983), sec. 3.

238. The Xi'an branch of the CAA was the forerunner of the current Shaanxi branch of the CAA.

239. This biography is taken from Ling Hubiao, "Zhao Wangyun shengping jiliie" (Brief biography of Zhao Wangyun), Duoyun , no. 13 (1987): 151-158; and idem, "Zhao Wangyun nianbiao" (Chronology of Zhao Wangyun), in Meishu tongxun , special issue entitled ''Zhao Wangyun xiansheng jinian wenji'' (Anthology to commemorate Zhao Wangyun) (Shaanxi: CAA Shaanxi Branch, 1987), pp. 52-59, unless otherwise noted.

240. Zhao Wangyun, Zhao Wangyun saishang xiesheng ji (Sketches from the border) (n.p., 1934); James E. Sheridan, Chinese Warlord: The Career of Feng Yü-hsiang (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1966), pp. 273-274, records that Zhao and Feng collaborated on at least two such books. Sheridan (p. 361) mentions one I have not seen: Zhao Wangyun nongcun xiesheng ji (Tianjin, 1934).

241. Ling Hubiao, "Zhao Wangyan nianbiao," p. 53.

242. His work unit was part of the Cultural Section of the Northwest Military Administrative Committee.

243. Provincial cultural bureaus were extremely important. They transmitted orders from the Ministry of Culture in Beijing as well as from their provincial governments.

244. Twenty-four pictures were published in Zhao Wangyun Shi Lu Aiji Xieshenghua xuanji (Sketches of Egypt by Zhao Wangyun and Shi Lu) (Xi'an: Chang'an Art Press, 1957).

245. For a chronology of his career, see Shi Guo's contribution in Shi Lu Huiguzhan , n.p.

246. Even Wang Zhaowen later described this work as "immature"; see "Tansuo zaitansuo" (Explore and explore), MS 1963, no. 6, pp. 8-12. This essay also serves as the preface to Shi Lu zuopin xuanji , which, though originally printed in 1964, was never distributed because of political questions.

247. Ling Hubiao, in the volume he edited, Shi Lu xuehualu (Shi Lu's record on studying painting) (Xi'an: Shaanxi People's Art Press, 1985), p. 75, states that Shi Lu was interested primarily in Western forms of art until after his trips to Egypt and India, an opinion that Shi Lu's extant works would confirm.

248. He was identified as chairman of the Xi'an branch of the CAA in MS 1958, no. 8, p. 40.

249. ''Jiaqiang wenyi xiuyang, tigao chuangzuo zhiliang—zuotanhui jiyao" (Strengthen literary and arts cultivation, raise creation standards—conference proceedings), MS 1959, no. 9, pp. 10-12.

250. Shi Lu, "Gaoju Mao Zedong wenyi sixiang de qizhi; pandeng wuchan jieji yishu de gaofeng" (Raise high the banner of Mao Zedong's thought on literature and art, climb the peak of proletarian art), MS 1960, no. 4, pp. 7-10.

251. This appears to target exposé literature, such as that by the rightists Liu Binyan and Wang Meng.

252. Fokkema, Literary Doctrine , 1965.

253. Reproduced in S hi Lu xuehualu , unnumbered plate.

254. "Xinyi xinqing—Xi'an meixie zhongguohua yanjiushi xizuozhan zuotanhui jilu" (New meaning, new feelings—proceedings of the conference about the Xi'an CAA Chinese Painting Research Center's exhibition of studies), MS 1961, no. 6, pp. 21-29.

255. Reproduced in MS 1961, no. 6, p. 33.

256. Jiaoyubu dierci quanguo meishu zhanlanhui zhuanji , vol. 2, no. 102.

257. Interview, Beijing, 1990. Also see "He Haixia nianbiao," Zhongguohua yanjiu , no. 5 (Sept. 1988): 64.

258. "He Haixia nianbiao," p. 64.

259. Shi Lu xuehualu , pp. 45-46.

260. "Xinyi xinqing," p. 27.

261. Wang Zhaowen, "Zaizai tansuo," sec. 4. Wang gives no source for this statement, but an article by Yan Lichuan, "Lun 'Ye, guai, luan, hei'—jian tan yishu pinglun wenti" (A discussion of ''Wild, weird, chaotic, and black''—and on problems in art criticism), MS 1963, no. 4, pp. 20-24, is one example.

262. Wang Zhaowen, "Zaizai tansuo," sec. 4.

263. A 1964 figure in this style is reproduced in Shi Lu huiguzhan , no. 8.

264. Interviews with MV and MW. Lawrence Wu is currently studying his art and insanity.

265. Interview with MX.

266. Quanguo meishu zhanlanhui—jinian Mao Zedong tongzhi zai Yan'an wenyi zuotanhui shang de jianghua fabiao ershi zhou nian , 1942-1962 (National Art Exhibition—in commemoration of the twentieth anniversary of the publication of Comrade Mao Zedong's Yan'an Talks on Literature and Arts) (exhibition checklist) (Beijing: Ministry of Culture/CAA, 1962).

267. MS 1962, no. 4, p. 56.

268. See Laing's discussion of this exhibition, Winking Owl , pp. 51-52; and "Lin Fengmian huazhan guanzhong yijian zhailu" (Excerpts from the opinions of viewers to the Lin Fengmian exhibition), MS 1963, no. 4, pp. 37-38.

269. Dong Xiwen, "Huahui de secai wenti" (The problem of color in painting), MS 1962, no. 2, pp. 21-27.

270. Wu Guanzhong, "Tan Fengjinghua" (On landscape painting), MS 1962, no. 2, pp. 27-28.

271. Li Shu [pen name of Li Shusheng], "Woguo zuizao de jiwei youhua jia" (Our nation's earliest oil painters), MS 1962, no. 4, pp. 68-69.

272. The following biography is largely taken from Sun Meilan, "Li Keran nianbiao" (Chronology of Li Keran), Duoyun , no. 7 (Nov. 1984): 123-126. See Chu-tsing Li, Trends , pp. 136-141, for another discussion of his work.

273. They are (as cited in Sun Meilan, "Li Keran nianbiao," p. 25) "Tan yishu shijian zhong de kugong" (On the hard work of artistic practice), RMRB , Apr. 1960; and "Shanshui hua de yijing'' (The conceptual realm of landscape painting), RMRB , June 1960.

274. A number of his paintings were reproduced in MS 1959, no. 9.

275. An example is Ferry at Yangshuo , reproduced in MS 1959, no. 5, p. 53.

276. MS 1959, no. 9, p. 26.

277. Du Zhesen, "Li Keran he ta de yishu fengge" (Li Keran and his artistic style), Meishu yanjiu , 1990, no. 1, p. 7.

278. Interviews with NA, W, and MM.

279. The following biographical discussion is based on the research of Dai Xiaojing, "Yanyu gongyang taoxie jiangshan: Wu Hufan zhuanlüe" (Nurtured by clouds, painting fine streams and mountains), Duoyun , no. 10 (May 1986): 138-160.

280. Huang was his maternal first cousin.

281. MS 1956, no. 6, p. 36.

282. The work was displayed in a retrospective exhibition of Wu's painting held in Shanghai in the fall of 1981.

283. Interview with Cheng Shifa, Shanghai, 1990.

284. Interview with MM.

285. See Christoph Harbsmeier, The Cartoonist Feng Zikai: Social Realism with a Buddhist Face (Oslo: Universitetsforlaget, 1984).

286. Interview with MM.

287. The date given here was supplied by a participant in the program. A published account refers to an effort conducted in "1961 and after"; see Wu Xiu, "Beijing huayuan sanshinian" (Thirty years of the Beijing Painting Institute), Zhongguohua yanjiu , no. 5 (Sept. 1988): 94. Academically trained graduates of CAFA, CAAC, and Beijing Arts College ( Beijing yishu xueyuan , an institution that was disbanded soon after) made up the younger staff members of the Beijing Painting Institute.

288. Interview with EA.

289. Wu Xiu, "Beijing huayuan sanshinian," p. 94.

290. Spence, Search for Modern China , pp. 590-596.

291. Ahn, Chinese Politics and the Cultural Revolution , pp. 173-177.

292. Yan Lichuan, "Lun 'Ye, guai, luan, hei,'" pp. 20-24.

293. I have not matched these two titles with known works, although further research might identify them with reproductions listed in Ellen Johnston Laing, An Index to Reproductions of Paintings by Twentieth-Century Chinese Artists , Asian Studies Program, publication no. 6 (Eugene: University of Oregon, June 1984).

294. "Lin Fengmian huazhan guanzhong yijian zhailu."

295. Interview with JJ.

296. Wang, Zhao, and Zhao, "Zhongyang meishu xueyuan lishi, fulu," p. 103.

297. This school originated in the art department of Beijing Normal University. The department was transferred to the newly established Beijing Normal College of Arts in 1956. Six years later, in 1961, the school name was simplified to Beijing Arts College. See Zhang Anzhi huaji (A collection of paintings by Zhang Anzhi) (Beijing: Guoji wenhua chubanshe, 1991), pp. 112-115; and, with a slightly different rendering of the school names, Anne Farrer, with Michael Sullivan and Mayching Kao, Wu Guanzhong: A Twentieth-Century Chinese Painter (London: British Museum, 1992), pp. 41-43.

298. Ahn, Chinese Politics and the Cultural Revolution , p. 161.

299. Ibid., p. 173.

300. Ibid., p. 161.

301. Interview with NC. The works were exhibited in 1964.

302. Wang, Zhao, and Zhao, "Zhongyang meishu xueyuan lishi, fulu," p. 103.

303. Although former students described CAFA as an "experimental site," it is difficult to see how CAFA activities differ from rectification campaigns conducted in other cultural units in Beijing, some of which were run by the same officials who organized the CAFA rectification. See Ahn, Chinese Politics and the Cultural Revolution , pp. 173-181. The difference, if one existed, might be the way in which students were urged to attack the leaders. Student activism, of course, foreshadows the Cultural Revolution, but was an important part of the Anti-Rightist campaign and earlier rectification movements.

304. Meishu fenglei , no. 3 (1967): 25-26.

305. Ahn, Chinese Politics and the Cultural Revolution , p. 214.

306. Interviews with JJ and AN.

307. Interview with BB and OO.

308. Meishu fenglei , no. 3 (1967): 26.

309. Information from H.

310. Meishu fenglei , no. 3 (1967): 26.

311. Ibid.

312. Ahn, Chinese Politics and the Cultural Revolution , p. 177, citing RMRB , June 4, 1967, and Guangming ribao , June 2, 1967.

313. Meishu fenglei , no. 3 (1967): 28.

314. Wang, Zhao, and Zhao, "Zhongyang meishu xueyuan lishi, fulu," p. 103.

315. Interview with HH.

1. Some Western historians, such as Maurice Meisner, use the term "Cultural Revolution" to refer to the period between 1966 and 1969 only; see Mao's China: A History of the People's Republic (New York: Free Press, 1977), pp. 311-339. We follow the convention used by historians in China, as exemplified by Gao Gao and Yan Jiaqi, Wenhua dageming shinianshi (A history of the decade of the Cultural Revolution) (Tianjin: Tianjin People's Press, 1986), that it refers to the last ten years of Mao Zedong's life. An English version of Gao and Yan's book, Yen Chia-chi and Kao Kao, The Ten-Year History of the Chinese Cultural Revolution , was published in Taiwan in 1988 by the Institute of Current China Studies and is cited in some of the references to follow.

2. Interview with I, who reports having helped his teacher destroy the paintings. The washboard method of destroying paintings was used by other terrified artists who feared that burning them would attract attention. See Guan Liang huiyi lu (Guan Liang's reminiscences), ed. Lu Guanfa (Shanghai: Shanghai shuhua chubanshe, 1984), pp. 116-117.

3. Zhang Shaoxia and Li Xiaoshan, Zhongguo xiandai huihuashi , p. 287.

4. Land reform teams used techniques such as hanging landladies by their thumbs and summary executions of landlords as part of their "thought reform." Interviews with H and WW.

5. An outline history of this period appears in Meisner, Mao's China , pp. 360-383.

6. Laing, Winking Owl , pp. 58-61, summarizes doctrinal questions we will not discuss here.

7. Hong Yung Lee has argued that the Cultural Revolution can "be best described as Mao's attempt to resolve the basic contradictions between the egalitarian view of Marxism and the elitist tendencies of Leninist organizational principles"; see The Politics of the Chinese Cultural Revolution: A Case Study (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1978), p. 3.

8. Meishu fenglei , no. 3 (1967): 28-29. It is rumored that this very thorough chronology was compiled by professional art historians from CAFA. Some analysts, including Gao Gao and Yan Jiaqi, date the beginning of the Cultural Revolution to an attack published by Yao Wenyuan on November 10, 1965, against the play The Dismissal of Hai Rui . This event was reportedly masterminded by Jiang Qing and Zhang Chunqiao against proponents of mild liberalization. See Yen and Kao, Ten-Year History , pp. 2-11.

9. For reproductions of this work see Laing, Winking Owl , fig. 60.

10. For discussion of the two conflicting documents see Ahn, Chinese Politics and the Cultural Revolution , pp. 198-202.

11. Meishu fenglei , no. 3 (1967): 29; Yen and Kao, Ten-Year History , p. 17.

12. Ahn, Chinese Politics and the Cultural Revolution , pp. 210-211, 313-316.

13. Meishu fenglei , no. 3 (1967): 29.

14. Ibid.

15. Yen and Kao, Ten-Year History , p. 20.

16. Meisbu fenglei , no. 3 (1967): 29.

17. Ahn, Chinese Politics and the Cultural Revolution , p. 215; Meisner, Mao's China , p. 312.

18. Ahn, Chinese Politics and the Cultural Revolution , p. 219.

19. Ibid., pp. 219-220.

20. Meisner, Mao's China , p. 313.

21. Ibid., p. 314. This event was commemorated by many Red Guard paintings. One such anonymous guohua , executed in a style derived from that of Jiang Zhaohe or Li Qi (see figs. 50 and 66), was probably painted by an art student at CAFA or one of the major art academies. See China Reconstructs , 1968, no. 2, front cover.

22. Ahn, Chinese Politics and the Cultural Revolution , p. 207.

23. RMRB , Sept. 12, 1966 as summarized in CNRP , no. 139, p. 2.

24. Meishu fenglei , no. 3 (1967): 27.

25. Interview with the artist, Beijing, 1990.

26.Laing, Winking Owl , pp. 63-64, cites attacks on Qi Baishi, Huang Binhong, Jiang Feng, Shao Yu, Wo Zha, Huang Miaozi, Ye Qianyu, Zhang Ding, Hu Kao, Zhang Guangyu, Zhang Zhengyu, Yu Feng, Ding Cong, Wu Zuoren, Guo Weiqu, Pan Tianshou, and Chen Banding.

27. RMRB , Jan. 11, 1967, as summarized in CNRP , no. 154, pp. 4-5. For further discussion of the charges against Huang, Cai, and Hua, see Laing, Winking Owl , pp. 63-64.

28. Other key images of the movement were model operas, developed under Jiang Qing's supervision, and propaganda photographs. See Jiang Qing's own photographs, published under her pseudonym, Jun Ling, in China Pictorial , 1971, nos. 7-8, pp. 3, 22-23, 41.

29. Interview with a member of the East Is Red painting team (XX). A color photograph of Jinggang Mountain Red Guard making a room-size poster appears in China Pictorial , 1967, no. 11, p. 16. Groups bearing this name were found at other institutions, including Qinghua University, Beijing Normal University, and the Beijing Conservatory of Music; see Lee, Politics of the Chinese Cultural Revolution , pp. 210-212, 215-217.

30. At least three of the students who participated have become successful painters in China and abroad; interview with LL.

31. Interview with QQ.

32. An excellent discussion of the debate, with emphasis on the pro-bloodlines faction, may be found in Gao Gao and Yan Jiaqi, Wenhua dageming shinianshi , pp. 101-106. Lee, Politics of the Chinese Cultural Revolution , pp. 68-84, analyzes the complex political undercurrents to the debate on class origin.

33. Laozi yingxiong zi haohan; laozi fandong zi hundan ; translation modified from Lee, Politics of the Chinese Cultural Revolution , p. 72.

34. Gao and Yan, Wenhua dageming shinianshi , p. 103.

35. Interview with HH. Both CAFA and the Central Academy of Music are located in central Beijing, not far from Tiananmen Square, and make convenient staging areas for mass mobilizations.

36. Interview with HH.

37. Sing Tao Daily , Nov. 16, 1966, as summarized in CNRP , no. 147, pp. 6-7.

38. Meisner, Mao's China , p. 316; Ahn, Chinese Politics and the Cultural Revolution , p. 228.

39. Laing, Winking Owl , p. 65, lists several 1967 exhibitions in Beijing and Shanghai, including "Long Live the Victory of Chairman Mao's Revolutionary Line," "The January Revolution," "Long Live Mao Zedong's Thought," "The Red Sun,'' and a Red Guard exhibition at People's Art Press.

40. Information supplied by H.

41. Interview with AA.

42. Interviews with HH, AA, and OO. Drawing the nude human figure, another important part of the curriculum, had already been banned as part of the Socialist Education Movement of 1965. The records on this are somewhat confused. Strong efforts to ban the practice were made in July 1965, on the grounds that it isolated students from the workers, peasants, and soldiers. The Meishu fenglei account (no. 3 [1967]: 28) states that the controversy was presented to Mao, who deemed the practice acceptable in spite of its drawbacks. Wang, Wang, and Zhao, "Zhongyang meishu xueyuan lishi, fulu," p. 104, report that it was banned in 1965. The question became moot once the schools were closed.

43. Those who did not join the movement, referred to as the xiaoyaopai (carefree faction), passed their days idly with their hobbies, in specialized self-study, or engaged in other private amusements after their schools closed. Many children were left unsupervised after their parents were taken away.

44. For photographs of some such groups, see China Reconstructs , 1967, no. 2, p. 7.

45. Interview with KK.

46. Interview with WX.

47. Lee, Politics of the Chinese Cultural Revolution , p. 165.

48. Although they undoubtedly survive in private hands, Red Guard periodicals from other Beijing arts groups have not yet come to light. The two competing factions at the Central Academy of Arts and Crafts are reported to have each published its own newspaper.

49. See chapter 2, note 32, for the source of this name.

50. Meishu fenglei , no. 1 (1967): 1.

51. Ibid., p. 3.

52. Ibid., p. 5.

53. Ibid., pp. 18-19. The painting is reproduced in MS 1965, no. 2.

54. Meishu fenglei , no. 1 (1967): 12-13.

55. Ibid., p. 20. I have not seen Meishu zhanbao , if copies survive.

56. Ibid., pp. 20-21.

57. The group was referred to as Erliutang; ibid., p. 21. See also Laing, Winking Owl , p. 63.

58. The Wenshiguan system protected old scholars of exceptional talent. For discussion of artists who worked in the Wenshiguan, see Silbergeld, Contradictions , pp. 59-63; and Sullivan, Chinese Art in the Twentieth Century (forthcoming rev. ed.).

59. Meishu fenglei , no. 2 (1967): 5-8.

60. Ibid.,p. 24.

61. Ibid., p. 24.

62. For the formation of the new art group, see ibid., outside pages; for Zhou Yang, see no. 3, p. 33.

63. Meishu fenglei , no. 3 (1967): 33.

64. Interview with KK.

65. RMRB , Mar. 3, 5, 1967, reported that ten thousand Red Guard representatives assembled in the Great Hall of the People on February 22 to form a Peking University and College Red Guard Congress; summarized in CNRP . Zhou Enlai attended the event, which reportedly united three groups of revolutionary Red Guard; see "Congress of Red Guards Formed in Peking," South China Morning Post , Mar. 3, 1967, as reproduced in CNRP .

66. See Hong Yung Lee's excellent discussion of these battles, Politics of the Chinese Cultural Revolution , pp. 204-222.

67. Interview with KK.

68. Wang, Wang, and Zhao, "Zhongyang meishu xueyuan lishi, fulu," p. 103.

69. Lee, Politics of the Chinese Cultural Revolution , pp. 222-229.

70. The most gruesome example combines the political with the personal. According to a classmate, one CAFA graduate who worked at the National History Museum and his wife, a musician, joined different political factions. When the graduate became involved with another woman, his wife threatened to report his personal and political activities. He responded by murdering her and their baby and was subsequently executed himself.

71. South China Morning Post , May 16, 1967, as reported in CNRP , no. 170; Lee, Politics of the Chinese Cultural Revolution , p. 217.

72. Interviews with HH and QQ.

73. Interview with AA.

74. CNRP , no. 160, p. 5.

75. South China Morning Post , Feb. 24, 1967, as reproduced in CNRP , no. 159. The report is attributed to the Peking correspondent of the Sankei Shinbun .

76. The attribution to Weng Rulan was made by former colleagues and classmates and has been verified by the artist. It has been widely reproduced in the West. See Chi Hsin, Teng Hsiao-ping—a Political Biography (Hong Kong: Cosmos Books, 1978); Rius and Friends, Mao for Beginners (New York: Pantheon Books, 1980); and the front cover to China Spring , no. 21 (Mar. 1985).

77. The version reproduced here was given to Weng Rulan by Nathan Sivin, who received it free with a book purchase.

78. Interview with the artist, Philadelphia, 1987.

79. Her painting, Goodbye, Uncle Peasant , is reproduced in Zhong-Su shaonian ertong tuhua xuanji (Selected Chinese and Soviet youth and children's paintings) (Beijing: People's Art Press, 1956), p. 4.

80. Some students seem to have been admitted irregularly, because the former director, Ding Jingwen, reports that the standard curriculum for the Soviet program was seven years and for the Chinese version four years; interview, 1990. The two artists we mention here attended for six and five years, respectively.

81. It is possible that the curriculum changed between the two artists' tenures at CAFA, but its general outlines seem to have remained constant.

82. Interview with LL.

83. Stanley Karnow, Mao and China: Inside China's Cultural Revolution (New York: Penguin Books, 1984), p. 242; Union Research Institute, CCP Documents of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, 1966-1967 (Hong Kong: Union Press, n.d.), pp. 31-32.

84. Karnow, Mao and China , pp. 326-331, describes a Red Guard inquisition on April 10, 1966, at which she was forced to wear the infamous garments.

85. See Gao Gao and Yan Jiaqi's discussion of the origins and demise of the United Action Committee (Liandong), Wenhua dageming shinianshi , pp. 101-119.

86. Karnow, Mao and China , pp. 257-258.

87. Gao Gao and Yan Jiaqi, Wenhua dageming shinianshi , p. 119.

88. "Art that Serves Proletarian Politics," China Reconstructs , Feb. 1968, p. 25.

89. Ibid., pp. 18-20, 25. Also see Laing, Winking Owl , p. 65.

91. Interviews with CL and LL. Ellen Laing's version, based on published sources, generally agrees with eyewitness accounts; see Winking Owl , pp. 67-70.

92. Interviews with CL and BK. At least two English-language versions of an article by Liu Chunhua appeared in the fall of 1968: "Singing the Praises of Our Great Leader Is Our Greatest Happiness," Chinese Literature , 1968, no. 9, pp. 32-40; and "Painting Pictures of Chairman Mao Is Our Greatest Happiness," China Reconstructs 17, no. 10 (Oct. 1968): 2-6. In the former (p. 32), he lauds the painting of portraits: ''What workers, peasants, and soldiers and young Red Guards in their hundreds of millions keenly want is that brushes and paint should be used to delineate the noble image of our great leader Chairman Mao." He further makes an explicit comparison (p. 39) between Jiang Qing's model ballets and his oil painting, since both use a foreign art form to serve China.

93. A photograph of this peculiar spectacle, which took place at the Peking Foreign Languages Printing Press, was reproduced on the back cover of China Reconstructs 17, no. 10 (Oct. 1968). Liu's painting is reproduced on the front cover of the same issue.

94. Actually, its widespread reproduction on objects for daily life, such as mirror backs, and on billboards made it familiar to people with no interest in art.

95. A number of different reproductions of the painting have been mentioned to me in interviews, but I have not had access to most of them.

96. Long March has been destroyed, but it is reproduced in Jin Shangyi youhua xuan .

97. Interview with ND. Reproduced in China Pictorial , July 1967, front cover.

98. The clouds and mist in the background of the painting were a source of conflict among the exhibition organizers, some of whom felt that bright sunlight was more appropriate to the image of Mao Zedong. The highlit face and fist eventually sufficed. Interview with CM.

99. Zhang Shaoxia and Li Xiaoshan, Zhongguo xiandai huihuashi , p. 294.

100. Interviews with X and WW.

101. Interview with SS and X. One anecdote is alleged to have been overheard at a public telephone station but sounds suspiciously like a joke. A local functionary was instructed to take down the portrait of Chairman Mao. He reported to his superior in some agitation that the "portrait of Chairman Mao was invited but won't come down [ qing bu xialai ]"—that is, it was too firmly attached to be removed without damage. Zhang Shaoxia and Li Xiaoshan, Zhongguo xiandai huihuashi , p. 294, use the same terminology, however.

102. Interview with NE.

103. Meisner, Mao's China , p. 335.

104. My information about this show is sketchy. According to Shanghai artists, an exhibition of the same title was held in Shanghai. Although Ellen Laing, Winking Owl , pp. 64-65, has outlined some of the major exhibitions of the period, the limited documentation on this activity makes it difficult at present to understand fully its dynamics. Participants in important exhibitions who are willing to discuss them are often unable to recall when they occurred. Moreover, the factionalism of the period led to increasingly splintered activity. For example, most artists with personal knowledge of the Anyuan exhibition were associated with the Sky faction and are unfamiliar with many activities of the Earth faction. Surprisingly, former Red Guard artists often have no knowledge of exhibitions prominently published in English-language propaganda publications.

105. Wang, Zhao, and Zhao, "Zhongyang meishu xueyuan lishi, fulu," p. 103; "Zhongyang meishu xueyuan jianshi," p. 28.

106. Interviews with KK and RR.

107. Interview with LL. For this artist, the forbidden style was pointillism.

108. According to the artist in a 1990 interview, he later gave the set of twelve paintings to a friend. Ten leaves ended up for sale in a bookstore, where the album was purchased by an American scholar who informed us that he obtained the album in Hangzhou. The collector later consigned it to an auction at Sotheby's, where it was purchased by the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston. See Sotheby Parke Bernet, "Chinese Ceramics and Works of Art, Modern and Contemporary Chinese Paintings" (sale catalogue), New York, March 12, 13, 1981, lot no. 328, for a reproduction of the whole.

109. "Zhongyang meishu xueyuan jianshi," p. 28; Wang, Zhao, and Zhao, "Zhongyang meishu xueyuan lishi, fulu," p. 103; interview with OO; and information from H. In a paper entitled "Painting by Candlelight During the Cultural Revolution: An Examination of Cheng Shifa's Album Series at the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston,'' delivered at Cornell University on April 3, 1993, Shelley Drake Hawks argues persuasively that this and similar works contained hidden expressions of defiance and protest.

110. A key site was Mao's birthplace at Shaoshan, which was written up in China Reconstructs I7, no. 8 (Aug. 1968). A large oil painting is visible in a photograph of the exhibition hall.

111. Photographs and paintings of Bethune are reproduced in China Pictorial , 1967, no. 6, pp. 4-5, among other places.

112. The revolutionary heroes genre of literature was not a creation of the Cultural Revolution, but its artistic manifestation flowered during the mid-1960s. See Robert Rinden and Roxanne Witke's study of the Hongqi piaopiao collection, which was published between 1957 and 1961, in The Red Flag Waves: A Guide to the Hung-ch'i p'iao-p'iao Collection , China Research Monographs, no. 3 (Berkeley: University of California, Center for Chinese Studies, Aug. 1968).

113. Yishu yaolan , p. 36.

114. Interviews with AL, X, and NF.

115. Interview with AL.

116. Interview with AL.

117. These labor camps were set up in response to Mao Zedong's instructions issued on May 7, 1966. See Jack Chen, Inside the Cultural Revolution (New York: Macmillan, 1975). According to K.S. Karol, the first announcement of this institution appeared in the People's Daily on October 5, 1968, and immediately led to an exodus of cadres to the countryside; see The Second Chinese Revolution , trans. Mervyn Jones (New York: Hill &: Wang, 1974), pp. 338-339.

118. Interviews with X.

119. Liu Borong's gouache painting was entitled The Eleven Young Heroes of Huang Shah . He was asked to convert it into a large oil painting in 1972 for the national exhibition. A graduate of the Shanghai Art College, Xia Baoyuan, was enlisted to help. They painted two versions, one for Beijing and one for Shanghai. Interview with FF.

120. Interview with AL.

121. The three Shanghai graduates were Wei Jingshan, Shao Longhai, and Qiu Ruimin; the young professors were Quan Shanshi, Cheng Shouyi, Wu Guoting, and Lü Hongren.

122. Interviews with X, FF, and HZ.

123. This information comes from an official who served as her subordinate. She is more commonly believed to be a niece of Mao Zedong, as reported in Laing, Winking Owl , p. 73.

124. Interviews with AB and AC.

125. See above, p. 345. Participants in a meeting Zhang organized on May 19, 1968, with Jiang Qing and Yao Wenyuan criticized Pan Tianshou and the previous ZAFA administration. Current publications refer to a Gang of Four in the art world consisting of Wang Mantian, Zhang Yongsheng, Jiang Qing, and Yao Wenyuan. See Yishu yaolan , p. 36; and Laing, Winking Owl , p. 64n.38. Zhang was imprisoned after Jiang Qing's demise.

126. Interview with AI.

127. Liu was criticized by Jiang Qing; see Meishu fenglei , no. 3 (1967): 26.

128. Interview with AG.

129. Published in English as The New Generation, China Pictorial , 1972, no. 7, p. 35.

130. This "scientific" manner was emulated by artists in the late seventies who depicted the Four Modernizations.

131. Qin is the traditional name for Shaanxi, wen stands for wenhuaju (Cultural Bureau), and mei stands for meishu chuangzuozu (Art Creation Group). Laing, Winking Owl , p. 171, lists Qin Wenmei as an individual artist. Qin Wenmei, according to participants, did not have a large permanent staff of artists, but organized local talent as necessary for specific projects. Among the most notable participants were Zhan Beixin, a 1953 CAFA graduate trained by Maksimov, and Liu Wenxi, a guohua painter who had studied with Fang Zengxian in Hangzhou.

132. MS 1976, no. 1, pp. 24-25.

133. Interviews with EA and AQ.

134. Works from this exhibition are widely reproduced. Selections appear in Zhongguo huaxuan: yijiu qisan nian quanguo lianhuanhua zhongguohua zhanlan zuopin (Selected Chinese paintings: works from the 1973 National Serial Picture and Chinese Painting Exhibition) (Beijing: People's Art Press, 1974). For the works mentioned, see nos. 46, 44, and 42.

135. Interview, Xi'an, 1990.

136. This account is based on recollections of an official who organized the exhibition.

137. Interviews with X, AG, and AF.

138. The artist is Wang Lan, Shen's wife, subsequently a member of the printmaking faculty at the Lu Xun Academy of Art in Shenyang.

139. Liu Chunhua fared better. At the time of this writing, he is director of the Beijing Chinese Painting Institute, and now paints in the traditional media.

140. Shen Jiawei, "Suzao fanxiu qianshao de yingxiong xingxiang—youhua 'Wei women weida zuguo zhangang' chuangzuo guocheng" (Modeling the heroic image of the antirevisionist advance guard—the process of creating the oil painting Standing Guard for Our Great Motherland), Meishu ziliao , no. 9 (July 1975): 32-36. The editors of this magazine, published by Shanghai People's Art Press, were anonymous, but Shanghai artists believe that they were associated with the Zhejiang Academy of Fine Arts in Hangzhou.

141. Ibid., p. 34.

142. "Xuexi 'santuchu' chuangzuo yuanze—buduan tigao chuangzuo zhiliang" (Study the creative principle 'the three prominences'—ceaselessly raise creative standards), Meishu ziliao , no. 3 (Oct. 1973): 34-35. According to Laing, who first discussed in English the three prominences as applied to painting, the earliest articulation of the theory appeared in 1968; see Winking Owl , p. 72.

143. Wang, Zhao, and Zhao, "Zhongyang meishu xueyuan lishi, fulu," p. 103.

144. Ibid., p. 104.

145. Ellen Laing was the first English-language writer to discuss the Hotel School and Black Painting exhibitions, respectively; see Winking Owl , pp. 85-87. The Jiang Qing-Zhou Enlai conflict that Laing describes dominated Chinese literature on the subject as early as 1977. The term "Hotel School," however, seems to have been coined by Hong Kong or foreign writers.

146. "Pi heihua shi jia, cuan dang qie guo shi zhen" (To criticize black painting is false, to usurp the party and nation is true), by the Art Research Center of the Literary and Arts Research Institute, MS 1977, no. 2, p. 7.

147. Shen Roujian, "Zhou zongli yongyuanhuo zai yiwan renmin xinzhong" (Premier Zhou lives forever in the hearts of a billion people), MS 1977, no. 2, p. 16.

148. Ye Jian, "Yongxin xian'e de yichang naoju" (An intentionally evil drama), reprinted from Shaanxi ribao , June 10, 1978, in MS 1978, no. 5 p. 15.

149. Ibid., pp. 14-16, 35-36.

150. Interview with AH.

151. The movement against Zhou Enlai and his opening to the West also incorporated attacks on Western "bourgeois classical music," especially that of Beethoven and Schubert; see Spence, Search for Modern China , pp. 636-637. See also Richard C. Kraus, "Arts Policies of the Cultural Revolution: The Rise and Fall of Culture Minister Yu Huiyong,'' in William A. Joseph, Christine P. W. Wong, and David Zweig, New Perspectives on the Cultural Revolution (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1991), pp. 2 30-232 .

152. "Pi heihua shi jia," p. 7. Speculation on the authorship is based upon the article's by-line, Art Research Institute, where one of Gao's most active assistants worked.

153. Interview with AI.

154. The catalogue entitled Zhongguohua that I have seen was acquired by Han Xin during the black painting exhibition and was actually published by the China National Light Industrial Products Import and Export Corporation, Shanghai Arts and Crafts Branch, n.d.

155. Reproduced in Laing, Winking Owl , fig. 98, and discussed p. 85.

156. Shen Roujian, "Zhou zongli yongyuanhuo zai yiwan renmin xinzhong," p. 16.

157. Interview with AJ.

158. See Laing, Winking Owl , p. 86, for an excellent discussion of the painting's possible meaning.

159. Interview with AL.

160. "Pi heihua shi jia," p. 8.

161. Interview with AK.

162. See, for example, Shen Roujian, "Zhou zongli yongyuanhuo zai yiwan renmin xinzhong"; and Ye Jian, "Yongxin xian'e de yichang naoju."

163. "Pi heihua shi jia," p. 8.

164. Shen Roujian, "Zhou zongli yongyuanhuo zai yiwan renmin xinzhong," p. 16.

165. Ye Jian, "Yongxin xian'e de yichang naoju," p. 35.

166. See Laing, Winking Owl , pp. 85-87.

167. Spence, Search for Modern China , p. 643.

1.Spence, Search for Modern China , pp 646-648.

2. Ibid., p. 643.

3. Gao Jingde, "Jianchi meishu lingyu de wenyi geming; buxu wei heihua fan'an" (Resolutely maintain the literary and arts revolution in the art world; it is not permitted to reverse the black painting cases), MS 1976, no. 1, pp. 11-12.

4. MS 1976, no. 3, pp. 30-31, 46. Other artists included Wan Qingli, Lou Jiaben, Xu Xi, Lu Chen, Lei Dezu, and Ye Xin.

5. MS 1976, no. 4, pp. 40-42.

6. Interview with AH. Richard C. Kraus, in "Arts Policies of the Cultural Revolution," analyzed the career of Yu Huiyong, who became Minister of Culture in 1975. Among the many parallels between the worlds of art and music are Yu's promotion of national music during the Anti-Hu Feng campaign, pp. 221-222.

7. Zhang Shaoxia and Li Xiaoshan, Zhongguo xiandai huihuashi , p. 309.

8 Qingzhu zhongguo renmin jiefangjun jianjun wushi zhounian: Meishu zuopinzhanlan tulu (Pictorial catalogue of the Art Exhibition to Celebrate the Fiftieth Anniversary of the People's Liberation Army) (Beijing: n.p., 1977).

9. MS 1977, no. 1, front cover.

10. MS 1977, no. 2, front cover. Both works were exhibited in the February national exhibition, oil painting section; see Quanguo meishu zuopin zhanlan tulu (zhongguohua, youhua) 1977: Relie qingzhu Hua Guofeng tongzhi ren zhonggong zhongyang zhuxi, zhongyang junwei zhuxi, relie qingzhu fencui 'sirenbang' cuandang douquan yinmou de weida shengli (Catalogue of the National Art Exhibition [ guohua and oil painting]: ardently celebrate Comrade Hua Guofeng's appointment as central party chairman and chairman of the Central Military Committee and ardently celebrate the great victory of smashing the ''Gang of Four's" plot to usurp the party and take power) (Tianjin: Tianjin People's Art Press, 1978), cat. nos. 19 and 35.

11. Quanguo meishu zuopin zhanlan tulu ( zhong guohua, youhua ): Relie qingzhu Hua Guofeng , front cover, and oil painting sec., cat. no. 1.

12. The work, With You in Charge, I Am at Ease , was painted in 1977 by Zhan Beixin, Huang Naiyuan, Tai Tianjin, and Liu Wenxi. For a reproduction, see MS 1977, no. 1, p. 17.

13. Interviews with IY and IZ.

14. Qingzhu zhongguo renmin jiefangjun jianjun wushi zhounian .

15. Interviews with AL, AM, and X.

16. See Gao Minglu et al., Zhongguo dangdai meishushi, 1985-1986 (Contemporary Chinese art) (Shanghai: Shanghai People's Press, 1991), p. 26. Unfortunately, this interesting tome was published too late for it to make substantial contributions to this book. Gao Minglu has also outlined his group's ideas in "Zhongguo dangdai meishu sichao" (Trends in contemporary Chinese art), Xiongshi meishu , no. 216 (1989): 90-99.

17 For discussions of the quasi-official and unofficial exhibitions, see Chen Yingde, Haiwai kan dalu yishu , pp. 317-319. Such summaries of interview material are important because Meishu rarely reported these sorts of activities. Chen's chronology of the quasi-official exhibitions differs slightly from other versions I have obtained, but his reportage is the most comprehensive available. Zhang Shaoxia and Li Xiaoshan are also useful sources for this material (see Zhongguo xiandai huihuashi , pp. 308-316), as is Cohen, who discusses many of the exhibitions in the course of her biographies of individual artists.

18. These events are mentioned in Julia F. Andrews, "Wang Yani and Contemporary Chinese Painting," in Yani: The Brush of Innocence , ed. Wai-ching Ho (New York: Hudson Hills Press, 1989), pp. 46-47.

19 Ellen Johnston Laing's article "Zhongguo de 'yuegui' yishu yu 'fandui' yishu" ("Deviant" and "dissident'' art in the People's Republic of China), Jiuzhou yuekan (Chinese culture quarterly) 2, no. 2 (Jan. 1988), contains a detailed analysis of the difference between intentional and accidental opposition to official policies.

20. Interview with X. Chen Yingde dates the exhibition to 1978 and writes that it included works not recalled by two participants.

21. Interview with X.

22. [Shen] Jiawei (pseud.), "Han Xin qiren qihua" (Han Xin, the man and his art), Meiyuan , ser. no. 37 (1987, no. 4): 42..

23. Chen Yingde, Haiwai kan dalu yishu , pp. 319-310; Zhang Shaoxia and Li Xiaoshan, Zhongguo xiandai huihuashi , p. 312; Gao Minglu et al., Zhongguo dangdai meishushi , p. 690.

24. Chen Yingde, Haiwai kan dalu yishu , pp. 317-319.

25 Jiang Feng, "Xinchun huazhan" (New spring painting exhibition), in JFMSLJ , pp. 126-127.

26. Jiang Feng, "Wenyi xuyao minzhu (Literature and Arts Require Democracy)," reprinted from RMRB , Feb. 20, 1979, in JFMSLJ , pp. 139-142.

27. Wang, Zhao, and Zhao, "Zhongyang meishu xueyuan lishi, fulu," p. 104.

28. Meishu fenglei , no. 1 (1967): 14-15.

29 MS 1977, no. 3, pp. 24-25, 28-29.

30. See his article on Feng Xuefeng, "Budan shi weile aishang—huainian wuchang jieji geming zuojia Feng Xuefeng" (Not only for sadness—mourning the proletarian revolutionary writer Feng Xuefeng), in JFMSLJ , pp. 163-166, which com-plains about the erroneous case against Feng, but not about the party.

31. Wang, Zhao, and Zhao, "Zhongyang meishu xueyuan lishi, fulu," p. 104

32. See Cohen, New Chinese Painting , pp. 76-81, for a further discussion of the group; and for Chen Danqing, see pp. 103-104.

33. MS 1979, no. 3, pp. 3-5.

34. MS 1979, no. 10, p. 5.

35. In a 1980 article about his work, the artist describes the two most important influences on his graduation picture as the Dunhuang murals and a set of seventeenth-century woodcuts, Chen Hongshou's Bogu yezi . See Yuan Yunsheng, "Bihua zhi meng" (The mural dream), Meishu yanjiu , 1980, no. 1, p. 5. We assume, based on stylistic affinities with his work, that Yuan was most interested in the early Dunhuang murals (similar to the one we reproduce in fig. 33), which share with Chen Hongshou's prints a figure style in which human forms are elongated for aesthetic or psychological effect.

36. Yuan is explicit about his abstraction and manipulation of form for expressive purposes. Yuan interpreted the water-splashing festival itself as an expression of humanity's pursuit of and yearning for freedom and happiness. See "Bihua zhi meng," p. 7.

37. For some examples of Art Deco-influenced Shanghai commercial art, see Minick and Jiao, Chinese Graphic Design , pp. 152-153. Such work is the most likely source for the languorous outline-and-color styles of the 1980s, though the details of its survival and revival have not yet been explored.

38. See chapter 2, note 31.

39. Wang, Zhao, and Zhao, "Zhongyang meishu xueyuan lishi, fulu," p. 103.

40. Meishu fenglei , no. 3 (1967): 28.

41. Interviews with the artist, Los Angeles, 1985 and 1987.

42. Interviews with Jiang, Los Angeles, 1987; and with Yuan, New York, 1987 and 1988. For Jiang, see Cohen, New Chinese Painting , pp. 73-74; for Yuan, p. 43.

43. Some critics, including Gao Minglu, refer to this as "critical realism" ( pipan xianshi zhuyi ). See Gao Minglu et al., Zhongguo dangdai meishushi , p. 691.

44. Their work was first exhibited in Chongqing in October 1979 as part of the Sichuan Provincial Exhibition to Commemorate the Thirtieth Anniversary of the Founding of the People's Republic, and some pieces appeared in the National Art Exhibition to Commemorate the Thirtieth Anniversary of the Founding of the People's Republic of China, held at the Chinese National Art Gallery in February 1980. See Gao Minglu et al., Zhongguo dangdai meishushi , p. 691.

45. Spence, Search for Modern China , p. 611.

46. For a reproduction, see MS 1980, no. 1, p. 22; Gao Minglu et al., Zhongguo dangdai meishushi , p. 36.

47. Gao Xiaohua, "Weishemme hua Wei shemme ?" (Why paint Why ?), MS 1979, no. 7, P. 7.

48. "Feng" (Maple), adapted from a short story by Cheng Yi, illustrated by Chen Yiming, Liu Yulian, and Li Bing, Lianhuanhuabao , 1979, no. 8, inside front cover, pp. 1-2, 35-37, back cover.

49. Cheng Yiming, Liu Yulian, and Li Bing, "Guanyu chuangzuo lianhuanhua 'Feng' de yixie xiangfa" (Some thoughts on creating the lianhuanhua "Maple"), MS 1980, no. 1, pp. 34-35.

50. I have been influenced in this reading of the work by Jane Debevoise's brownbag talk on contemporary Chinese painting given in 1982 at the Center for Chinese Studies, University of California, Berkeley. See also Cohen, New Chinese Painting , p. 106; and my brief essay "The Peasant's Pen: Some Thoughts on Realism in Modern Chinese Art," Search, Research, and Discovery in the Arts (Columbus, Ohio) 8 (Autumn 1987): 6-9.

51. See chapter 2, note 32.

52. This account is based on interviews and the version published by Chen Yingde, Haiwai kan dalu yishu , p. 331; and Lü Peng and Yi Dan, Zhongguo xiandai yishushi, 1979-1989 (A history of Chinese modern art) (Changsha: Hunan Art Press, 1992), pp. 70-72. The latter was received too late to consult for other material.

53. Wang Keping's estimate has not been independently verified.

54. Interview with VV. The account in Lü Peng and Yi Dan, Zhongguo xiandai yishushi , pp. 70-72, refers to the painter Liu Xun as the official with whom the xing-xing artists negotiated, but fails to mention hoodlums.

55. See Cohen's excellent discussion of this event and the subsequent rise and fall of the group's reputation in official circles, in New Chinese Painting , pp. 59-63.

56. Interview, Beijing, 1986.

57. The female artist Li Shuang was later arrested for cohabiting with a French diplomat.

58. Contemporary documentation on the avant-garde movements of the mid-1980s is summarized in Gao Minglu et al., Zhongguo dangdai meishushi .

59. See above, p. 24. Also see Jiang Feng, "Huihua shang liyong jiu xingshi wenti."

60. Chu-tsing Li, Trends , p. 231.

61. Perry Link (ed.), Roses and Thorns , pp. 1-41; Stubborn Weeds , pp. 1-30. Richard C. Kraus, "Arts Policies of the Cultural Revolution," discusses effects of control in that period. See esp. pp. 224-235.

62. Examples of writers and artists who have suffered for their work can, of course, be found in the West. It might be interesting to compare the psychological effects on the artist or writer of being attacked by privately organized hate groups in the United States or Europe with those of being attacked by the Communist party bureaucracy in China. Even if similarities are found, as they probably would be, it is important to keep in mind that the legal and social basis of such attacks are fundamentally different. Such cases are far fewer in the West and generally reflect isolated abuses or failures of our system, rather than the systemic control under which artists in China labored.

63. Division of Chinese artists into "generations" became popular among Chinese critics in the mid-1980s. Deng Pingxiang, one of the first to write about this question, defined them as follows: third-generation artists were between twenty and thirty years of age and had emerged after 1976; the second generation entered the art world in the 1950s; and artists of the first generation had become famous before 1949. See his "Lun disandai huajia" (On third-generation artists), Meishu sichao , no. 1 (Apr. 5, 1985): 3. Several months later, Gao Minglu refined Deng's definition of the third generation by describing it as consisting of rusticated youth (middle school graduates sent to the countryside during the Cultural Revolution, thus slightly older than twenty to thirty years) or those who entered art academies in 1977. He goes on to define the conceptual and stylistic differences between the third generation and a newly identified fourth generation, those who entered the art academies in 1981 and 1982. See Gao Ming (pseud.), "Dangdai huihuazhong de qunti he geti yishi" (Group and individual consciousness in contemporary painting), Zhongguo meishu bao , 1985, no. 9, p. 1. Wei Qimei, graduate studies director at CAFA, similarly contrasts the work of the fourth generation, which he described as artists in their twenties, with that of the third generation in "Xin yi dai" (The new generation), Zhongguo meishu bao , 1985, no. 16, p. 1.

64. Some of these works were exhibited at CAFA in the fall of 1990.

65. Perhaps a new phase will emerge after his prolonged hospitalization.

66. Li Keran's death in late 1989, however, is considered by most of Beijing's art world to be the tragic result of political pressure. He collapsed during an unannounced visit from officials investigating the 1989 student demonstrations, to which Li had donated a particularly fine painting.

67. Wai-kam Ho, "Aspects of Chinese Painting from 1100 to 1350," in Lee and Ho, eds., Eight Dynasties of Chinese Painting , p. xxv.