1. Volkmar Fichtner, Die anthropogen bedingte Umwandlung des Reliefs durch Trümmeraufschüttungen in Berlin (West) (Berlin, 1977). Fichtner's book also includes the figures on the amounts of rubble.

2. As cited in Johann Friedrich Geist and Klaus Kürvers, Das Berliner Mietshaus, 1945-1989 (Munich, 1989), 124.

3. Clarissa Churchill, in Horizon (London, 1946), 188.

4. Albert Speer, Spandau: The Secret Diaries, trans. Richard and Clara Winston (New York, 1976), 66.

5. Stephen Spender, European Witness (London, 1946), 235.

6. Albert Speer, Erinnerungen (Berlin, 1970), 69.

7. William Shirer, End of a Berlin Diary (New York, 1947), 131.

8. Isaac Deutscher, Reportagen aus Nachkriegsdeutschland (Hamburg, 1980), 114. Deutscher offers, as an interesting variant of the ''ancient ruin" analogy, the image of an excavated metropolis of ruins: "When the buildings lose their deceptive solid appearance, Berlin gives the impression of a strangely well-preserved ruin of the ancient world—like Pompeii or Ostia—of enormous dimension. This similarity to an excavated city is strengthened by the emptiness of many streets."

9. Wilhelm Hausenstein, Europäische Hauptstädte (Zurich and Leipzig, 1932), 372 ff.

10. Alfred Döblin, Autobiographische Schriften und letzte Aufzeichnungen (Olten and Freiburg, 1980), 397.

11. Joseph Goebbels, Ein Kampf um Berlin (Munich, 1934), 17, 46.

12. Rote Fahne, October 10, 1923.

13. As cited in U.S. Department of State Historical Office, "Foreign Relations of the United States: The Conferences at Cairo and Teheran, 1943," Dept. of State Publication 7187 (Washington, D.C., 1961), 254.

14. Winston S. Churchill, Triumph and Tragedy, vol. 6, The Second World War (Boston, 1953), 463-65.

15. Robert Murphy, Diplomat among Warriors (New York, 1964), 229.

16. John Maginnis, Military Government Journal (Boston, 1971), 261.

17. H. D. Schäfer in Literaturmagazin 7 (1977), 102.

18. Herbert Ihering, "Die getarnte Reaktion" (1930), in Der Kampf ums Theater (East Berlin, 1974), 364.

19. Schäfer in Literaturmagazin, 103.

20. Manuel Gasser, Erinnerungen und Berichte (Zurich, 1981), 113.

21. Walter Gropius to Ise Gropius, August 5, 1947, as cited in Reginald R. Isaacs, Walter Gropius: Der Mensch und sein Werk, vol. 2 (West Berlin, 1984), 953.

22. Martin Wagner in Die Neue Zeitung, April 18, 1947.

23. Martin Wagner, "Wenn ich Baumeister von Deutschland wäre," Aufbau, no. 3 (1946), 876.

24. In Das neue Berlin (Berlin, 1929), 28-29.

25. Ibid., 216.

26. As cited in Geist and Kürvers, Das Berliner Mietshaus, 286.

27. Peter de Mendelssohn to Hilde Spiel, July 15, 1945, Peter de Mendelssohn Archive, file "Briefe und Unterlagen, July/Sept.-Nov. 1945."

28. Johannes R. Becher, "Deutsches Bekenntnis," in Publizistik, vol. 2 (East Berlin and Weimar, 1978), 476 (originally published in Aufbau, no. 1 [September 1945]).

29. Claudine Chonet, "Souvenir de Berlin," Les temps modernes, January 1948, 1287. Curt Riess offers another good example of the surreal scenery in the description of a tea party in Grunewald:

      We climbed up a stairway standing out in the open to the upper floor. And then we entered a room furnished as though it were in an intact house, as though there had never been a war, as though the Russians had never marched in, as though there had never been a 20th century at all. It was a beautiful room, all in Biedermeier style, every chair and every table was a delicacy. The walls were covered in damask and full of valuable etchings. There were ten or twelve people sitting in the room, ladies and gentlemen, a few American officers, a British lieutenant, two French women. All of them, with the exception of the host, were wearing coats, because it was bitter cold. But they all acted as if they didn't notice. They made conversation, and drank tea from beautiful old cups.
Curt Riess, Berlin Berlin, 1945-1953 (West Berlin, n.d.), 67.

30. Shirer and Murphy as cited in Brewster S. Chamberlin, Kultur auf Trümmern (Stuttgart, 1979), 9-10.

31. Becher, "Deutsches Bekenntnis," 479.

32. Ernst Jünger, quoted in Manfred George, "The German Literary Scene," New Republic, May 27, 1946, 778.

33. Harry Graf Kessler, Tagebücher, 1918-1937 (Frankfurt am Main, 1982), 94.

34. Ibid., 108.

35. Ibid., 97.

36. Ernst Troeltsch, Spektatorbriefe (1923; reprint 1966), 30.

37. Karla Höcker, Beschreibung eines Jahres: Berliner Notizen, 1945 (West Berlin, 1984), 82.

38. Becher, "Deutsches Bekenntnis," 478.

39. Troeltsch, Spektatorbriefe, 69.

40. Klemens von Klemperer, Germany's New Conservatism (Princeton, 1957), 76.

41. Peter de Mendelssohn, "German Journal: A Midsummer Nightmare, June 1945 [should be July—W.S.]" (typescript), Mendelssohn Archive.

42. Richard Brett-Smith, Berlin '45—The Grey City (London, 1966), 103.

43. Churchill, in Horizon, 192.

44. Fritz Kortner, Aller Tage Abend (Munich, 1959), 560.

45. Suhrkamp to Hesse, November 13, 1946, as cited in Peter Suhrkamp—Zur Biographie eines Verlegers (Frankfurt am Main, 1975), 112.

46. Suhrkamp to Kracauer, January 30, 1946, as cited in Als der Krieg zu Ende war—Literarisch-politische Publizistik, 1945-1950, exhibition catalog of the Deutsches Literaturarchiv Marbach (1973), 130.

47. Furtwängler to Helmut Grohe, February 12, 1947, in Wilhelm Furtwängler, Briefe (Wiesbaden, 1965), 155.

48. Elisabeth Langgässer, Briefe, ed. Elisabeth Hoffmann (Düsseldorf, 1990), vol. 1, 537-38, 581; vol. 2, 700.

49. As cited in an article by Melvin Lasky in Partisan Review, January 1948, 62.

50. Herbert Ihering, "Nach zwei Jahren," Aufbau, no. 4 (1947), 332.

51. Suhrkamp to Hesse, April 6, 1946, in Hermann Hesse and Peter Suhrkamp, Briefwechsel, 1945-59 (Frankfurt am Main, 1969), 29.

52. Gottfried Benn, "Ptolemäer," in Sämtliche Werke, vol. 5 (Stuttgart, 1991), 60-61.

53. Herbert Ihering in Aufbau, no. 3 (1946), 262.

54. Brett-Smith, Berlin '45, 146.

55. Ihering to Brecht, April 21, 1947, Herbert Ihering Archive, Archive of the Akademie der Künste (GDR), rep. 09 II ia, no. 214.

56. Kortner, Aller Tage Abend, 562.

57. "Irremediable" appears in a letter to Erwin Piscator, March 17, 1947, Friedrich Wolf Archive, Archive of the Akademie der Kü?nste (GDR), file 304; "great potential" occurs in a letter to Wolfgang Langhoff, December 27, 1945, Wolf Archive, file 303.

58. Sonntag, December 14, 1947.

59. Jack Raymond ( New York Times correspondent in Berlin), interview by author, New York, April 11, 1991.

60. Observer, October 13, 1946, retranslated from the German in Isaac Deutscher, Reportagen aus Nachkriegsdeutschland (Hamburg, 1980), 185-86. The population of Berlin was also able to play the collective Talleyrand because, as both contemporary observers and later historians testified, it was more cosmopolitan than that of any other Germany city. Submissive behavior toward the victors, which Allied officers in southern Germany and Austria frequently observed, occurred less in Berlin. The difference between Berlin and other parts of the country was repeatedly emphasized. When the head of American Information Control, Robert McClure, arrived in Berlin in July, he noted

in his diary: "The people are more cosmopolitan, sophisticated and better dressed than elsewhere in Germany." Robert McClure, diary, p. 11, Robert A. McClure Archive, Chico, Calif. In his account of Berlin's postwar politics, Harold Hurwitz says: "The cosmopolitan character of the city had changed, not been lost." Harold Hurwitz, Die politische Kultur der Bevölkerung und der Neubeginn konservativer Politik (Cologne, 1983), 94. Hurwitz cites the disproportionately low presence of Nazis (due to desertion) and high presence of non-Nazis and anti-Nazis as reasons. He argues that in Berlin, the capital of the resistance, the attitude of opposition, resistance, and combativeness was greater than elsewhere. Ibid., 47, 53. In connection with the description of the tea party in a half-destroyed villa in Grunewald cited in note 29 above, Curt Riess describes a scene evoking this atmosphere:

      Our host had been an official in the old, pre-Hitler foreign ministry and remained under Hitler, but belonged to those who had nothing but scorn for the foreign minister Ribbentrop. We talked for a while about the blunders Ribbentrop had committed as though we were speaking of the foreign minister of a country at the other end of the world, with the slightly weary irony of people whom it does not concern at all, and about the blunders of General Clay and Attlee now, and above all about the French, who apparently could do nothing right, at least not in the eyes of the guests at this tea party. I looked at them, one after the other. They were men and women who might have met like this in Paris, London, or Washington, who surely had met before somewhere, perhaps in Cairo, Rome, or Hong Kong. There were no victors and losers for these people, and the fact that our host wasn't even in position to buy a pound of butter, not to mention travel to New York or only to Paris, didn't matter a bit. In this room they knew that this would change too, they were too deep in politics for a few months or a few years to matter.
Riess, Berlin Berlin, 67.

61. The description of the sofa is from an undated and untitled newspaper clipping in Robert McClure's estate; the guest book is part of McClure's estate. In a letter to his wife, Fritz Kortner mentions a trophy experience of a particular kind. He reports a party in the confiscated house of a "Nazi bigwig": "I first noticed a beautiful fireplace, which looked very un-Berlin. The Nazi had removed it from an apartment in Paris, as the current resident, a Jew, explained to me. Almost everything in the apartment came from another country. I sat there on a stolen Nazi chair, and it is hardly bearable how present the past still is." Letter of January 4, 1948, as cited in Klaus Völker, Fritz Kortner (West Berlin, 1987), 178.

62. Hilde Spiel, Welche Welt ist meine Welt? Erinnerungen, 1946-1989 (Munich and Leipzig, 1990), 13.

63. Riess, Berlin Berlin, 64.

64. George F. Kennan, Memoirs, 1925-1950 (Boston and Toronto, 1967), 428-29.

65. Cf. the essay collection The Ideological Crisis of Expressionism: The Literary and Artistic German War Colony in Belgium, 1914-18 (Columbia, S.C., 1990). The magazine Belfried, distributed in both Belgium and Germany, published by Insel and edited by Flake and Schröder in Brussels, and printed in Belgium, was a cultural propaganda mouthpiece that appealed to the intellectual elite of Flemish Belgium.

66. As cited in Gilles Ragache and Jean-Robert Ragache, Des écrivains et des artistes sous l'Occupation (Paris, 1988), 53.

67. Gerhard Heller, Un Allemand à Paris (Paris, 1981), 165.

68. As cited in Manfred Flügge, Paris ist schwer (Berlin, 1992), 183.

69. Delbert Clark, Again the Goose Step (New York and Indianapolis, 1949), 186.

70. Simone de Beauvoir to Nelson Algren, January 31, 1948, Nelson Algren Archive, Ohio State University Library. The letter was written during her stay in Berlin with Sartre for the Berlin production of Les mouches .

71. The House of Culture of the Soviet Union followed in February 1947, the American Information Center (later America House) in May 1948, and the British Information Center in April 1948. In distinction to these public institutions, the Mission Culturelle worked primarily nonpublicly. The French version of the cultural center open to the public was the Centre Culturel Français, opened in October 1947.

72. Tarbé de Saint-Hardouin, July 11, 1946, Archive of the Foreign Ministry, Relations culturelles 1945-1959, Sous-série: années 1945-1947, vol. 44.

73. Felix Lusset, "Die französische Kulturmission in Deutschland—Die Berliner Jahre 1946/48" (unpublished fragment, property of Lusset's widow, Mme. Claude Lusset, Paris), 80.

74. Nicholas Pronay, The Political Re-Education of Germany and Her Allies after World War II (Totowa, N.J., 1985), 8.

75. Ibid., 10.

76. For background on the demand for unconditional surrender, see Anne Armstrong, Unconditional Surrender: The Impact of the Casablanca Policy upon World War II (New Brunswick, N.J., 1961), 12 ff. Pushing through this demand against the skeptical reservation, even resistance, of Churchill and Stalin, President Roosevelt cited General Grant's precedent at Appomattox, and in doing so made a characteristic mistake. Only once in the Civil War did Grant demand the unconditional partial capitulation of an army unit, at Fort Donelson in 1862. This soon assumed propagandistic dimensions in Northern public opinion and developed an almost mythological status that could not be reversed. As is so often the case in history, Roosevelt's decision in World War II was based on a historically inaccurate memory.

77. Carl J. Friedrich, American Experiences in Military Government in World War II (New York, 1948), 290. On American Information Control, he writes: "ICD with its subdivisions neatly replaced the Reich Chamber of Culture with its seven chambers of press, literature, radio, film, theater, music, and art" (288).

78. Clay to McClure, December 14, 1945, McClure Archive; for McClure on Clay, see file note, December 26, 1945, McClure Archive.

79. Robert McClure, report ("personal and confidential") to the deputy foreign minister William Benton, December 27, 1945, McClure Archive.

80. Mendelssohn, "German Journal."

81. Rudolf Reinhardt, Zeitungen und Zeiten: Journalist in Berlin der Nachkriegszeit (Cologne, 1988), 72-73.

82. I. S. Tulpanov, "Vom schweren Anfang," Weimarer Beiträge (1967/5), 731.

83. For example, Rüdiger Bernhardt and Gerd Dietrich. The latter wrote of the SMAD cultural officers: "They are now trying, beyond the reach of Soviet laws, in strange territory and as occupiers, to develop a prudent, generous, tolerant, and democratic cultural policy." Gerd Dietrich, Politik und Kultur in der SBZ, 1945-49 (Bern, 1993), 14.

84. For Anna Hartmann and Jürgen Eggeling, interpretations like Bernhardt's and Dietrich's are "idealized evaluations" of a soberer reality: "Practically every decision, authorization, or ban came from Moscow; that is, decisions made on German soil always issued from the structures and forces of the Soviet system." Anna Hartmann and Jürgen Eggeling in Text und Kritik, no. 108 (October 1990), 28.

85. Werner G. Hahn, Postwar Soviet Politics: The Fall of Zhdanov and the Defeat of Moderation, 1946-1953 (Ithaca and London, 1982), 10, 12.

86. Sheila Fitzpatrick, The Cultural Front: Power and Culture in Revolutionary Russia (Ithaca and London, 1991), 146.

87. All information is from the unpublished memoirs of Grigori Weiss (who shortened his name from Weispapier in 1949 because of the anti-Semitic campaign in the Soviet Union) in the Archiv des Instituts für die Geschichte der Arbeiterbewegung, Berlin (EA 1838).

88. "A very unfortunate instability would be thrown in the program if certain material were to be thrown out every time an author is charged by the Committee," Frank wrote to his superior on October 26, 1947. OMGUS 5/268-3/9.

89. Benno Frank to Robert McClure, memorandum, April 20, 1947, OMGUS 5/270-3/4.

90. Wolfgang Harich, interview by author, Berlin, August 3, 1993.

1. Theodor Lehmann, Nach dem Fall von Berlin: Bericht eines Schweizers in die Heimat (Zurich, 1946), 7.

2. Wolfgang Leonhard, Die Revolution entlässt ihre Kinder (Cologne, 1990), 432.

3. Communicated to the author by Alexander Peter Eismann and Wolfgang Harich.

4. W. B. Staudinger to Dr. Stehr (adjutant to state commissioner Hans Hinkel), October 25, 1933, Bundesarchiv, Berlin Document Center, RKK Holdings, box 0095, file 19.

5. Protocol of the inaugural meeting of the Kammer der Kunstschaffenden, June 6, 1945, Landesarchiv Berlin/Stadtarchiv, rep. 120, no. 1399, p. 9.

6. "Abgesprochene Eingruppierung der Kunstschaffenden in die Lebensmittelgruppen," June 6, 1945, Landesarchiv Berlin/Stadtarchiv, rep. 102, no. 1399, p. 9.

7. Bundesarchiv, Zwischenarchiv Dahlwitz-Hoppegarten: ZC 13816, file 1; ZC 13945, file 10.

8. George C. Clare, Before the Wall: Berlin Days, 1946-48 (New York, 1990), 141.

9. Leonhard, Die Revolution, 417.

10. Ibid., 414.

11. Major E. M. Lindsay, monthly report, November 30, 1945, Public Record Office [hereafter PRO], FO 1012/75.

12. As cited in Brewster S. Chamberlin, Kultur auf Trümmern—Berliner Berichte der amerikanischen Information Control Section, Juli-Dezember 1945 (Stuttgart, 1979), 53.

13. Wolfgang Harich, interview by author, Berlin, November 28, 1991.

14. Kai Möller, Paul Wegener (Hamburg, 1954), 144.

15. As cited in Chamberlin, Kultur auf Trümmern, 40.

16. "Betr. Kammer der Kunstschaffenden," July 6, 1945, former FDGB-Archiv, Sassenbach-Stiftung, no. 201.132.

17. Landesarchiv Berlin/Stadtarchiv, rep. 120, no. 1339.

18. "Betr. Neugründung der GDBA/Verband für Bühne, Film, Musik," May 20, 1945, Sassenbach-Stiftung, no. 0132.

19. Richard Henneberg, Popular Education department, report on the Kammer der Kunstschaffenden, October 5, 1945, Landesarchiv Berlin/Stadtarchiv, rep. 120, no. 3231, p. 29.

20. Otto to the FDGB board, September 25, 1945, Sassenbach-Stiftung, no. 201.132.

21. Ibid.

22. Communicated to the author by Alexander Peter Eismann and Wolfgang Harich.

23. Gericke to Otto Winzer, August 6, 1945, OMGUS/Berlin, Landesarchiv Berlin, 4/8-2/1.

24. Richard Henneberg, report on a discussion with Wegener, November 9, 1945, Landesarchiv Berlin/Stadtarchiv, rep. 120, no. 3231, p. 25.

25. October 13, 1945, OMGUS/Berlin, Landesarchiv Berlin, 5/265-1/19.

26. Henry C. Alter, report of July 18, 1945, as cited in Chamberlin, Kultur auf Trümmern, 60-61.

27. Report of August 8, 1945, as cited in Chamberlin, Kultur auf Trümmern, 92.

28. Richard Henneberg, September 30, 1945, Landesarchiv Berlin/Stadtarchiv, rep. 120, no. 3131, p. 21.

29. Ibid.

30. Herbert Maisch to N. Nabokov, January 16, 1946, OMGUS/Berlin, Landesarchiv Berlin, 4/8-2/1.

31. Hilde Spiel, "Theater als Wirklichkeit," in Herbert Ihering, ed., Theaterstadt Berlin (Berlin, 1948), 111-12.

1. Wolfgang Harich in Der Kurier, May 2, 1946, as cited in Edda Kühlken, Die Klassiker-Inszenierungen von Gustav Gründgens (Meisenheim am Glan, 1972), 16.

2. As cited in the exhibition catalog Jürgen Fehling (West Berlin, 1978), 150.

3. K. H. Ruppel in Jürgen Fehling, 173.

4. Communicated by Friedrich Luft, as cited in Hans Daiber, Deutsches Theater seit 1945 (Stuttgart, 1976), 15.

5. Ihering, Theaterstadt Berlin, 11.

6. Ibid., 11-12.

7. Gustav von Wangenheim, "Bericht über meine Tätigkeit, 1945/46," Archive of the Akademie der Künste (GDR), Estate of Wangenheim, rep. 025, no. 1. There is a copy in the former SED Party Archive/Archiv des Instituts für die Geschichte der Arbeiterbewegung, NL 36/680.

8. Wolfgang Harich to Herbert Ihering, July 18, 1946, Ihering Archive, Archive of the Akademie der Künste (GDR), rep. 09 II. ib.

9. Maxim Vallentin, "Einleitende Bemerkung zur Ausarbeitung von Richtlinien: Besprechung bei Wilhelm Pieck, Moskau, 9/26/1944," Archiv des Instituts für die Geschichte der Arbeiterbewegung, Wilhelm Pieck Archive, NL 36/499; Kulturbund-Archiv, no. KB 98 Gv (3).

10. Das Wort (1938, no. 3), 89.

11. Reinhard Müller, ed., Die Säuberung (Reinbeck, 1991), 560-62.

12. Letter and memorandum to Pieck, May 6, 1945, Archiv des Instituts für die Geschichte der Arbeiterbewegung, Holdings: Alfred Kurella Office, IV, 2/2068/68.

13. "Gespräch mit Gustav von Wangenheim" (typescript), n.d. [July 1945], Wangenheim Archive, Archive of the Akademie der Künste (GDR), file 287.

14. Walther Karsch in Der Tagesspiegel, January 22, 1946. Reviewing the entire season, Karsch writes: "He [Wangenheim] displayed Reinhardt's magnificence and forgot his artistic precision, ignoring that Reinhardt gave his soul to the smallest of roles and thereby the role its soul." Der Tagesspiegel, August 11, 1946.

15. Wolfgang Harich in Der Kurier, May 31, 1946.

16. Wolfgang Harich in Der Kurier, July 16, 1946.

17. Harich to Ihering, July 18, 1946, Ihering Archive, rep. 19 II. ib. In answer to Ihering's (nonextant) response, in which he apparently protested against Harich's reproaches, Harich dropped the role of the youth admiring his older colleague and became personal and political: he accused Ihering of having compromised himself by working at Vienna's Burgtheater during the Nazi period and with his book on Emil Jannings, and said that he was now trying to put this behind him with an opportunistic change of political hue: "One of the most important theater critics in Germany makes an opportunistic kowtow before the Nazis, ruining his own civil courage with such success that the same man, after the Third Reich has been overcome, throws himself hastily into the arms of an antifascist raised above all suspicion." Harich to Ihering, August 31, 1946, Ihering Archive, rep. 09 II. ib.

18. Der Tagesspiegel, August 11, 1946.

19. Wangenheim to Pieck, August 19, 1946, Wangenheim Archive, rep. 025, no. 1.

20. Wangenheim to General Bokov, August 19, 1946, Archiv des Instituts für die Geschichte der Arbeiterbewegung, NL 182/1190.

21. Wangenheim to Bokov, August 24, 1946, Wangenheim Archive, rep. 025, no. 1.

22. Protocol no. 29 of the meeting of the central office on August 21, 1946. Archiv des Instituts für die Geschichte der Arbeiterbewegung, Holdings: Alfred Kurella, V, 2/2026/68.

23. Personal communication to the author from Wangenheim's son Friedel.

24. Arseni Gulyga, conversation with author, Berlin, July 14, 1993.

25. Die Neue Zeitung, June 1, 1946.

26. Wolfgang Harich in Der Kurier, May 31, 1946.

27. Enno Kind in Neues Deutschland, June 2, 1946.

28. Tägliche Rundschau, June 1, 1946.

29. Wangenheim, "Bericht über meine Tätigkeit."

30. Ibid.

31. Theater in der Zeitenwende, vol. 2 (East Berlin, 1972), 75. In the production of Hamlet, it was chiefly Horst Caspar, a star at the time, who played against Wangenheim's concept. "Horst Caspar, who tried to understand all of his roles from the inner subjectivity of his personality, was not able to follow Wangenheim's demand for a predominantly intellectually active Hamlet figure. ... His internalized acting method, an extremely subjective manner of acting, frequently pushed aside the director's instructions." Ibid.

32. Angelica Hurwitz, as cited in Ihering, Theaterstadt Berlin .

33. As cited in Eberhard Spangenberg, Karriere eines Romans (Munich, 1982), 111.

34. The negotiations that led to his appointment were conducted by Langhoff's old friend Friedrich Wolf, who in December 1945 had already asked him to come to Berlin from Düsseldorf, where he headed the Städtisches Theater. Wolf to Langhoff, December 27, 1945, in Friedrich Wolf, Briefe (East Berlin and Weimar, 1969), 206-7. Max Burghardt, Intendant of NWDR in Cologne at the time and in contact with Langhoff, confirmed that Wolf came to Düsseldorf in May 1946 "on a secret mission" to bring Langhoff to the Deutsches Theater. Sinn und Form, 1976, 986. According to this, the search for Wangenheim's successor was started three months before his dismissal—that is, immediately after the premiere of Stürmischer Lebensabend . Langhoff, who apparently did not want to be considered a regicide, continually urged that the matter be handled as discretely as possible. "Gustav's agreement is of personal importance to me." Langhoff to Wolf, August 11, 1946, Friedrich Wolf Archive, Archive of the Akademie der Künste (GDR), 303/26. From the SMAD ranks, Officer Fradkin, responsible for theater affairs, acted as the official in charge, but it can be assumed that Tulpanov was also involved. He and Friedrich Wolf knew each other from shared time on the Stalingrad front. In Berlin, Wolf belonged, together with Willi Bredel and Erich Weinert, to the exiled intellectuals from whom Tulpanov regularly sought advice. S. Tulpanov, Erinnerungen an deutsche Freunde und Genossen (East Berlin and Weimar, 1984), 132-33. Langhoffs appointment was the result of a well-concerted collaboration of Russian-occupation intellectuals and German party intellectuals. The pressing question is whether this cooperation began after the Russians' decision to dismiss Wangenheim or whether his dismissal was one of its results.

35. Max Burghardt in Sinn und Form (1976), 976.

36. Herbert Ihering, as cited in Edith Krull, Wolfgang Langhoff (East Berlin, 1962), 11-12.

37. Langhoff's aesthetic-political views on the theater could be described as tending to the classics in Stanislavsky's method. For him it was no longer a matter of "serving up an old piece with a new sauce" but "staging the classics for an audience such that ... they are as new and fresh as they were at their premieres." Langhoff, as cited in Krull, Wolfgang Langhoff, 15. Thus, in distinction to Wangenheim, he emphasized a concentration on the past—on the bourgeois and prebourgeois "heritage"—and a decisive renunciation of Marxist reinterpretations of the classics and contemporary political plays. Thus were avoided the conflicts and breaks that had occurred under Wangenheim. It may be said that in the 1950s there arose a counterpart to Gründgens's theatrical and artistic space of the 1930s.

1. James Pool and Suzanne Pool, Who Financed Hitler (New York, 1978), 464; Gerhard Schulz, Aufstieg des Nationalsozialismus (Frankfurt, Berlin, and Vienna, 1975), 879.

2. On this delicate question, Magdalena Heider in her dissertation on the Kulturbund merely notes: "Whether this authorization actually preceded the application, or whether it was a question of an incorrect date, could not be answered." Magdalena Heider, Ph.D. diss. (Mannheim University, 1991), 41-42.

3. Johannes R. Becher, "Bemerkungen zu unseren Kulturaufgaben," in Publizistik, vol. 2 (East Berlin and Weimar, 1978), 362-63,

4. "Schaffung eines 'Kulturbund für die demokratische Erneuerung,'" a note of Pieck's from June 6, 1945, Archiv des Instituts für die Geschichte der Arbeiterbewegung, NL 36/734.

5. The seven program points or "guiding principles" were:

1. The elimination of Nazi ideology in all spheres of life and learning. Fight against the intellectual agents of Nazi crimes and war crimes. Fight against all reactionary, military views. Purge and purify public life. Collaboration with all ideologically democratic, religious, and clerical movements and groups.

2. Formation of a unified national front of German intellectual workers, creation of a steadfast unity between the intelligentsia and the people. Trusting in the endurance and capacity for change of our people: rebirth of the German spirit under the sign of a valiant democratic outlook.

3. Examination of the historical collective development of our people and, in connection with this, overview of the positive and negative forces as they were effective in all areas of our intellectual life.

4. Rediscovery and encouragement of the liberal, humanist, truly national tradition of our people.

5. Incorporation of the achievements of other peoples into the cultural rebuilding of Germany. Foster understanding of the cultures of other peoples. Regain the trust and respect of the world.

6. Dissemination of the truth. Regain objective standards and values.

7. Fight for the moral health of the people, particularly for influence on the intellectual care and control of the education of Germany's children and students. Vigorous encouragement of the youth and recognition of outstanding achievements through fellowships and prizes.

Zwei Jahre Kulturbund zur demokratischen
Erneuerung Deutschlands (Berlin, 1947), 9-10.

6. David Pike, Deutsche Schriftsteller im sowjetischen Exil, 1933-1945 (Frankfurt am Main, 1981), 158.

7. As cited in Heider's dissertation, 45.

8. General Bokov, as cited in David Pike, The Politics of Culture in Soviet-Occupied Germany, 1945-1949 (Stanford, 1992), 84.

9. Dietrich, Politik und Kultur, 32.

10. Bruno Frei, Der Papiersäbel (Frankfurt am Main, 1972), 175.

11. Becher to Andersch, May 5, 1948, Alfred Andersch Archive, Deutsches Literaturarchiv, Marbach.

12. J. R. Becher, Der gespaltene Dichter, ed. Carsten Gansel (Berlin, 1991).

13. Ibid., 30.

14. Heinz Willmann, Steine klopft man mit dem Kopf (East Berlin, 1977), 276-7.

15. Hans Mayer, Der Turm von Babel (Frankfurt am Main, 1991), 110-11. ''Traces of evil were unmistakable. He knew it, even cultivated it" (113).

16. Theodor Plivier, as cited in Harry Wilde, Theodor Plivier: Nullpunkt der Freiheit (Munich, Vienna, and Basel, 1965), 392-93.

17. Alfred Kantorowicz, Deutsches Tagebuch, vol. 1 (Munich, 1959), 255, 643-44. According to Kantorowicz, the phrase "Becher drained to the dregs" came from Brecht.

18. Noelle-Neumann to Becher, December 31, 1946, Archive of the Akademie der Künste (GDR), Johannes Becher Archive, no. 544.

19. Boss to Becher, n. d., Becher Archive, no. 188.

20. Initially, the plan seems to have been to stay in Dahlem/Zehlendorf. The district office had already promised a villa on the Wannsee for this purpose. Jost (director of Zehlendorf's office for popular education) to Mayor Wittgenstein, July 13, 1945, private archive of Franz Wallner-Basté.

21. Kulturbund-Archiv, no. 10/112.

22. Board protocol from September 17, 1947, Kulturbund-Archiv, no. 373/715.

23. Ferdinand von Friedensburg to Günther Birkenfeld, August 9, 1948, Bundesarchiv Koblenz, Estate of F. Friedensburg, NL 114, vol. 27, pp. 189-90.

24. The annual allocation, in addition to payments in kind, was approximately 200,000 reichsmarks. Cf. report of the Mecklenburg-Vorpommern regional organization to the central office, March 4, 1947, Kulturbund-Archiv, no. 530/776.

25. Becher to Weiskopf, May 23, 1947, Becher Archive, no. 1575.

26. Becher Archive, no. 255.

27. Becher Archive, no. 377.

28. Kulturbund-Archiv, no. 213.

29. Ludwig Marcuse, as cited in Willi Jasper, Der Bruder (Munich, 1992), 288.

30. Zweig to Mann, January 21, 1950, Heinrich Mann Archive, Archive of the Akademie der Künste (GDR), no. 2986.

31. Twelve years earlier, in the first year of emigration and before the KPD shifted to its popular-front politics, Becher had still regarded Mann with skepticism. He did recognize a certain closeness in his political antifascist position and was against "knocking him on the head, but on the other hand we cannot go so far as saying he is really ours, his work is a misunderstanding." Becher to Ernst Ottwalt, December 27, 1933, cited in Rolf Harder, "Die Entwicklung bündnispolitischer Vorstellungen Johannes R. Bechers, 1923-1945" (Ph.D. diss., Akademie der Wissenschaften der DDR, Forschungsbereich Gesellschaftswissenschaften, Institut für Literaturgeschichte).

32. Johannes R. Becher, Briefe (Berlin, 1993), 279, 283.

33. Becher in Ludwig Kunz, ed., Gerhart Hauptmann und das junge Deutschland (Berlin, 1932), 9.

34. Margarethe Hauptmann, notebook, August 5, 1945, in the manuscript "Kalendernotizen," Gerhart Hauptmann Archive, Staatsbibliothek Preussischer Kulturbesitz, Manuscript Dept., Berlin.

35. As cited in Gerhart Pohl, Bin ich noch in meinem Haus? Die letzten Tage Gerhart Hauptmanns (West Berlin, 1953), 70.

36. Plans for a move to Berlin were nonetheless made; for example, a villa in Müggelheim was reserved for him. Rudolf Reinhard, Zeitungen und Zeiten (Cologne, 1988), 59. After his death, his estate was temporarily lodged in a building in Müggelheim before reaching the vault of the city hall. For its planned Hauptmann memorial, the Berlin Magistrat proposed a villa in Dahlem (Rheinbabenallee 32-34) that externally resembled Wiesenstein House. Data in the file "G. Hauptmann-Archive," Landesarchiv Berlin.

37. F. C. Weiskopf to Friedrich Wolf, January 18, 1946, Wolf Archive, file 322a.

38. Tägliche Rundschau, October 11, 1945, as cited in J. R. Becher, Über Kunst und Literatur (East Berlin and Weimar, 1962), 862.

39. First published in Neues Deutschland, November 17, 1962, supp. 46.

40. As cited in Becher, Der gespaltene Dichter, 11.

41. Ibid., 207.

42. Leonore Krenzlin, "J. R. Bechers Suche nach Bündnismöglichkeiten mit konservativ-humanistischen Autoren nach 1945," in Simone Barck, ed., Zum Verhältnis von Geist und Macht im Werk J. R. Bechers (East Berlin, 1983), 126-30.

43. Lorbeer to Becher, "early December 1945," as cited in Harder, "Die Entwicklung," 188.

44. Huhn to Becher, September 2, 1945, as cited in Harder, "Die Entwicklung," 192.

45. As cited in Dietrich, Politik und Kultur, 93.

46. Ibid. Bredel gave Becher to understand that he considered that this criticism was "to a large degree justified."

47. Becher and the Kulturbund were not the only targets of such criticism

from the left. In October 1946, a "meeting of the artists in the SED of Greater Berlin" sent a similar written protest to the party leadership, the SMAD, and central administration for Popular Education, and the Office of the Arts in the Magistrat. ("We will move beyond artistic politics." As cited in Dietrich, Politik und Kultur, 260-71.) And in October 1947, in the name of a group of socialist writers, a certain Hermann Werner Kubsch approached the Soviet delegation arrived for the Congress of German Writers, from whom he expected more socialist sympathy than was apparently shown him from the SMAD:

      The representatives of the Soviet administration and headquarters support in large measure, both ideologically and materially, all bourgeois intellectuals, although, as it has proved, they receive little thanks. We understand this entirely and that it is necessary to make the best elements of the bourgeois intelligentsia sympathizers of the Soviet Union, and we also know how best to do this through the stomachs of these gentlemen. But we do not understand how such assistance is denied our own young politically devout intellectual workers.... This is dangerous insofar as youthful forces, not yet entirely steadfast in political terms, develop the view that our Soviet friends have handouts only for famous people, and often say with a certain bitterness that it is much easier to be appreciated by the Russians not by toiling for socialist ideals but by trying via detours to bourgeois publishers to make one's name with bourgeois art.

Cited in Anna Hartmann and Jürgen Eggeling, "Sowjetkultur und literarisches Leben in der DDR: Geschichte und Strukturen eines Spannungsverhältnisses" (unpaginated and unpublished typescript, made available by the friendly permission of the authors).

      Becher's justification in the face of such attacks:

When I returned, my chief responsibility was to collect and bind to us all those who were undecided as quickly as possible, everyone who could somehow end up in enemy hands again tomorrow or the next day, and, as far as it was possible, make them commit themselves to us. This "us" does not mean an "us" in the narrower sense, but an "us" in terms of a truly liberal development. Thus it happened that those who could be firmly relied upon, like you, were not so to speak the first in line, which must have unavoidably—I do understand—produced a bitterness in some.

48. Der Tagesspiegel, October 2, 1945.

49. Protocol of the board meeting on January 9, 1946, Kulturbund-Archiv, no. 10/1112.

50. Protocol of the board meeting on December 6, 1946, Alexander Abusch Archive, Archive of the Akademie der Künste (GDR), file "Präsidialrat."

51. Protocol of the board meeting on February 21, 1947, Kulturbund-Archiv, no. 373/715.

52. For example, Becher was present at a social evening in Friedensburg's house on November 17, 1946. Friedensburg Archive, Bundesarchiv Koblenz, Vol. 27.

53. Heinz Willmann, interview by Karl-Heinz Schulmeister, June 10, 1971, Kulturbund-Archiv, no, 530/774.

54. Ibid.

55. Friedensburg to Deiters, March 10, 1948, Friedensburg Archive, vol. 27.

56. Landesarchiv Berlin/Stadtarchiv, rep. 120, no. 3252.

57. Bulletin no. 79/83 of the SMAD Office for Information, November 5, 1946, Former Party Archive of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, RCChINDNI, fond 17, opis 128, delo 151. No less self-critical, Klaus Gysi said to the same audience: "In the past year and a half, we have had no great success in winning the sympathies of the intelligentsia. We have not succeeded in using to the required degree the willingness of German intellectuals to express such sympathies. This is closely related to many things, but particularly to the SED's dismissal of psychological factors.... The intelligentsia must be influenced differently than the rest of the population. The intelligentsia demands that something incomprehensible be explained to them, that their own point of view is respected, that they are given the chance for open discussion." Ibid.

58. Friedensburg to von Prittwitz and Gaffrons, January II, 1947, Friedensburg Archive, vol. 27. The attempts by the SPD and KPD after 1945 to eliminate each other had a prehistory in the Weimar Republic, when the SPD had the say in the Berlin municipal administration, the unions, the Volksbühne movement, and so forth, and the KPD was shut out. Hence the communist sovereignty in the first eighteen months after the collapse, above all its attacks against the SPD, was a revenge for its former treatment by the Berlin SPD establishment: a self-consuming cycle.

59. Friedensburg in a meeting of the board on February 21, 1947, Kulturbund-Archiv, no. 373/715.

60. Protocol of the meeting of the Wilmersdorf operational unit of the Kulturbund on July 28, 1947, Kulturbund-Archiv, no. 16/220, 25-26.

61. As cited in the Telegraf, July 29, 1947.

62. Walther Karsch, "Zur demokratischen Erneuerung," Der Tagesspiegel, May 25, 1947.

63. "Bericht zum ersten Arbeitsjahr," n.d. [1946], Kulturbund-Archiv, no. 530/777. Strangely enough, this report seems not to have been addressed to the SED leadership and not only meant for the information of the Kulturbund's communist leadership, but probably went to the board. The reference to Ackermann and Winzer as "Messrs." in the text indicates that it was not an internal party report. Is it to be concluded that in the board, in the presence of its bourgeois members like Friedensburg, Birkenfeld, and Lemmer, the organization's close ties to the party were discussed openly?

64. Board protocol, May 31, 1947, Kulturbund-Archiv, no. 373/715.

65. Bundeskongress des Kulturbundes: 5/20-21/1947 (Berlin, 1947).

66. From January through October 1947 there were sixteen lectures by Americans, fifteen from the British, ten from the French, and thirteen from the Russians. "Ziffern und Fakten über die Vorträge von Vertretern der vier Besatzungsmähte in den Veranstaltungen der Landesleitung Berlin und der Berliner Wirkungsgruppen des Kulturbundes," October 31, 1947, Kulturbund-Archiv, no. 373/715.

67. OMGUS/Berlin, Landesarchiv Berlin, 4/8-3/1.

68. T. R. M. Creighton to Cecil Sprigg/Educational Branch, December 13, 1946, PRO, FO 1012/166.

69. Friedensburg's report to Wittgenstein of December 3, 1947, on a conversation with the American commandant Howley on November 1, 1947, regarding his political philosophy. Landesarchiv Berlin, LAZ no. 9086. An insight into Friedensburg's understanding at this time is offered in the confession he made to a party friend, Heinrich Krone, that he was a "deliberate Christian, passionate individualist, determined, and a proven democrat for 30 years and a fervent advocate of classical humanism, all characteristics that ideologically divide me irreconcilably from the world of bolshevism. But I think that perhaps precisely because of this inner inaccessibility for all Marxist ideas, more than many of my Social Democratic friends, I am able to create a practical relationship to the Eastern power." Friedensburg to Krone, September 30, 1949, Friedensburg Archive, vol. 26.

70. On the SED-controlled historiography, see Karl-Heinz Schulmeister, Auf dem Weg zu einer neuen Kultur: Der Kulturbund in den Jahren 1945-1949 (East Berlin, 1977). In the Federal Republic, historiography close to the DKP adopted this version; see, for example, Henning Müller, "Das Exempel Kulturbund: Analyse eines Verbots," in Zwischen Krieg und Frieden: Gegenständliche und realistische Tendenzen in der Kunst nach 1945 (Berlin, 1980), 175-82.

71. "Not desirable at this time" was the official judgment, the head of American Information Control in Berlin informed the Kulturbund; however, "no objections are interposed to the activities of the Kulturbund in the American sector of Berlin." Leonard to Harry Damrow (in the Kulturbund's Berlin chapter), June 17, 1946, OMGUS/Berlin, Landesarchiv Berlin, 4/127-2/1.

72. In Neues Deutschland, October 31, 1947.

73. Memorandum by Scott, November 3, 1947, PRO, FO 1012/166.

74. Board protocol on October 30, 1947, Kulturbund-Archiv, no. 16/220.

75. Willmann's discussion notes from a conversation with the Neukölln director Ihlow, November 10, 1947, Kulturbund-Archiv, no. 16/220.

76. File note, April 6, 1948, partial collection Friedensburg in the Preussisches Geheimes Staatsarchiv, rep. 92/72.

77. Former Party Archive of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union/RCChIDNI, fond 17, opis 128, delo 150 (ZK VKP [b] Foreign Policy Dept.).

78. RCChIDNI, f.17, 0.128, d.149, as cited in Bernd Bonwetsch, Gennadij Bordjugov, and Norman Neimark, eds., "Die sowjetische Militäradministration in Deutschland: Die Verwaltung für Propaganda (Information) und S. I. Tulpanov" (Moscow, 1994; unpublished manuscript, made available by the editors' kind permission). In the same speech, Tulpanov addresses the role of Friedensburg, who assisted [the Soviets] as a "shrewd and clever politician" and "cardinal ... to push through a more or less acceptable policy in the CDU, but is tied to capital.... It is impossible to keep him any longer. It was important for us to be able to control him so that all is now running well in our Soviet zone." Ibid.

79. "Mitteilung des Politischen Beraters beim Oberkommandierenden der SMAD V. Semenov über ein Gespräch mit dem Vorsitzenden des 'Kulturbundes' J. Becher am 13/11/1946," RCChIDNI, f. 17, p. 128, d. 147, cited in Bonwetsch, Bordjugov, and Neimark, "Die sowjetische Militäradministration."

80. A "bureaucratic internal wrangling" Bernd Bonwetsch and Gennadij Bordjugov call this mesh of behaviors and impediments among the groups competing for Stalin's attention. The attempts to get rid of Tulpanov, extending over several years and crowned with success in 1949, are a typical example. (See footnote on p. 34.)

81. This and the following statements from Behne and Friedensburg are in the board protocol of October 30, 1947, Kulturbund-Archiv, no. 16/220.

82. Memo, April 13, 1948, PRO, FO 1012/166.

83. All statements are in the board protocol of August 2, 1948. Kultur-bund-Archiv, no. 211.

84. Friedensburg to Becher, September II, 1948, Kulturbund-Archiv, no. 72. The date of this letter, three days before his expulsion, can be explained by Friedensburg's referring to an initial, unofficial notification of his expulsion.

85. Krummacher to Becher, September 20, 1948, Kulturbund-Archiv, no. 72.

86. Pike, The Politics of Culture, 562.

87. Ibid., 137.

88. Dietrich, Politik und Kultur .

89. Ibid., 97.

90. This is speculation based on statements from Friedel von Wangenheim, the son of Gustav von Wangenheim, made to the author in recollection of conversations with his father and other reimmigrants from Russia.

91. Pike, The Politics of Culture, 562.

92. Protocol of the Central Office conference on February 2, 1948, Kultur-bund-Archiv, no. 527/825, 2.

93. Becher to the central office of the SED directorate, December 8, 1947, as cited in Becher, Der gespaltene Dicbter, 42.

94. Undated handwritten note in the file "Ideologische Kommission" in the Estate of Alexander Abusch, Archive of the Akademie der Künste (GDR), sig. 4.

95. As cited in Gerd Dietrich, ed., Um die Erneuerung der deutschen Kultur: Dokumente zur Kulturpolitik, 1945-49 (East Berlin, 1983), 209-11.

1. Cited in Bryan Thomas Van Sweringen, "Cabaretist of the Cold War Front: Günter Neumann and Political Cabaret in the Programming of Rias" (Ph.D. diss., Free University Berlin, 1985), 94. The original is in the library of the Institut für Publizistik at the Free University.

2. Ibid., 96. According to the same report, "The population of the American zone takes this Soviet propaganda at its face value and even expresses the wish to be under Russian control." Cited in Sweringen, "Cabaretist," 95.

3. Fritz Lothar Büttner, Das Haus des Rundfunks in Berlin (Berlin, 1965), 61. A Russian, Major Popov, under whose command the building was confiscated and set in operation, had supposedly been engaged as a technician from 1931 to 1933 at the Berliner Rundfunk. Ibid., 63. In addition to a thirty-man SS unit as a guard, the German occupation consisted of one Volkssturm unit

whose members were predominantly cultural (including radio) figures. Ibid., 61.

4. According to Wolfgang Leonhard, the Ulbricht Group actually consisted of two groups. One contained the true core of KPD functionaries, the other selected members of the National Committee for Free Germany. Leonhard, Die Revolution entlässt ihre Kinder , 421-22.

5. Ibid., 415. This openness was possibly the reason for Mahle's short tenure as Intendant at Radio Berlin. That at least is the explanation for his dismissal in early 1946 by the Russian officer Mulin in charge of radio affairs. Mahle supposedly could not handle the infiltration of Western agents and journalists and maintained "overfriendly" relations with British journalists. "He became for them too much of an acceptable figure." Former Party Archive of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, RCChIDNI, fond 17, opis 128, delo 150, 93-94.

6. Hans Mahle, "So fing es an!" in Erinnerungen sozialistischer Rundfunk-Pioniere (East Berlin, 1985), 16 ff.

7. D. G. White, "Radio-Reorientation: U.S. Military Government in Germany, European Command, Historical Division" (copied typescript, 1950), 10, 30. (One copy is in the Archive of the Berlin-Projekt des Zentralinstituts 6 am Publizistischen Institut at the Free University.)

8. As cited in Markus Wolf, Die Troika (Düsseldorf, 1989), 176. On the use of the old station personnel, see also Leonhard, Die Revolution , 459.

9. A manuscript of memoirs from Mahle's assistant Ullrich Brurein states, concerning the use of announcers from the Reichsrundfunk, that "the particularly qualified announcers Siegfried Niemann and Horst Preusker, who used to be at the Nazi station," were able to continue on. N.d. [1967], archive of the former East German Radio, Berlin, Nalepastrasse.

10. White, "Radio-Reorientation," 10.

11. Harold Hurwitz, Die Stunde Null in der deutschen Presse (Cologne, 1972), 301 ff.; Harold Hurwitz, Die Eintracht der Siegermächte und die Orientierungsnot der Deutschen, 1945-46 , vol. 3 of Demokratie und Antikommunismus in Berlin nach 1945 (Cologne, 1984), 84 ff.

12. "The Russians ... also ask for common control of Broadcasting House (Radio Berlin) which is in the British Zone (Sector)," it reads in the report on the first inter-Allied meeting on July 5, 1945. Cited in White, "Radio-Reorientation," 13.

13. Radio Control Officer Mulin to a representative of the party central in Moscow, stenogram, n.d. [September 1946], in the former Party Archive of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, fond 17, opis 128, delo 150, 88.

14. "The Americans and British agree not to concern themselves with the operation of the studios and radio station in Tegel [i.e., Masurenallee]," reads the agreement of the commands of July 20, 1945. OMGUS/Berlin, Landesarchiv Berlin, 4/8-2/3. On the agreement over airtime, see White, "Radio-Reorientation," 14, 16.

15. Memorandum of the British Broadcasting Control Unit, April 24, 1946, PRO, FO 1056/13. At this time, in April 1946, the English division in

charge had given up these plans. The memo retrospectively describes American-English plans from the summer and fall of 1945.

16. Cited in White, "Radio-Reorientation," 78.

17. Telegram to the Foreign Ministry, November 11, 1946, PRO, FO 1056/13.

18. "The suggestion of Quadripartite Control of a zonal station had never been favored by Radio Section, since it became evident that occupational policies of the Allies were too divergent to make smooth operation likely." Memo of the Broadcasting Control Unit, PRO.

19. Charles S. Lewis to Robert McClure, March 13, 1946, OMGUS 5/270-1/14.

20. "Taking account of the paucity of its resources [RIAS] originally did not aim to conquer the general radio audience but conspicuously directed its program at the Berlin intellectuals." White, "Radio-Reorientation," 115. Audience numbers corresponded. Depending on the questions and group surveyed, the numbers at the end of 1946 fluctuated between 6 percent and 30 percent of the radio audience (i.e., the general population). Hurwitz, Die Eintracht , 133.

21. Statements to the author by Margot Derigs, Hans-Ulrich Kersten, and Wolfgang Geiseler.

22. Der Kurier , August 30, 1946, as cited in White, "Radio-Reorientation," 41.

23. Hermann Broch to Ruth Norden, January 4, 1946, Ruth Norden Collection, Deutsches Literaturarchiv Marbach.

24. Norden to Broch, February 21, 1946, Norden Collection.

25. Hermann Broch, Briefe , ed. Paul-Michael Lützeler (Frankfurt, 1981), no. 295.

26. Broch to Norden, July 21, 1946, Norden Collection.

27. Norden to Broch, February 21, 1946, Norden Collection.

28. Archive of Franz Wallner-Basté, property of Dr. Franz Wallner, Berlin.

29. The Drahtfunk period was one of great independence. DIAS was indeed founded by the Americans, but in the legal form of a German corporation that received its operational funds of 250,000 reichsmarks monthly from the Magistrat. With the conversion from wired to wireless, this amount was no longer sufficient, and the American military government had to take over RIAS—with all the consequences of a hyper-bureaucratization so catastrophic for the internal operation, as Wallner-Basté described it. (Figures are from the auditor's report of the "Kontinentale Treuhandgesellschaft GmbH" from June 28, 1947, OMGUS 4/12-2/13.) Ruth Norden said of the conditions in RIAS after the takeover by the military government: "The business machine has broken down completely ... and conditions have been intolerable as a result." Memorandum to the Control Office, June 12, 1946, OMGUS 4/135-2/2. The American RIAS Control Officer Harry M. Frohman summarized the leading view among the German personnel and German contractors: "Rundfunk is bankrupt." Memorandum to Leonhard, March 26, 1947, OMGUS 4/12-2/13.

30. Franz Wallner-Basté, "A Conversation That Never Took Place" (manuscript), n.d. [August 1947], Wallner-Basté Archive.

31. Two of Wallner-Basté's letters to Ernst Reuter hint at his SPD member-

ship. On June 16, 1948, he speaks of "our comrade Leber" (referring to Annedore Leber), and on October 20, 1948, of "our party." Wallner-Basté Archive.

32. File note, November 6, 1946, as cited in Hurwitz, Die Eintracht , 137.

33. Memorandum by Hans Werner Kersten, June 21, 1948, OMGUS 4/12-1/13.

34. Cited in White, "Radio-Reorientation," 89. (The report followed in November 1947.)

35. Ibid., 89-90.

36. Wallner-Basté also described episodes that in his view illustrated Norden's political tendencies, like the visit of an American journalist who expressed her enthusiasm over the support of Hollywood figures like Chaplin and Katherine Hepburn for the American independent progressive presidential candidate Wallace. "Miss Norden: vain agreement ... I object: whether it is right to offer an example with precisely these two names, since even many of us know what kind of politics the two are making propaganda for. Miss Norden does not actually contradict this, but freezes up." Franz Wallner-Basté, diary, July 20, 1947, Wallner-Basté Archive.

37. Lt. E. Schechter, "To whom it may concern," January 3, 1949, Wallner-Basté Archive.

38. Wallner-Basté, postscript to "A Conversation."

39. Harry Frohman (formerly Frommermann) had a prominent past. In 1928 he founded the cabaret singing group Comedian Harmonists, which soon became an institution in Berlin's entertainment industry. According to his wife, Marion Kiss, he was "a comic by nature" and "a rebel," not in a political sense but because "he never did what others wanted." Cited in Eberhard Fechner, Die Comedian Harmonists (Berlin, 1988). According to information from Der Spiegel (January 10, 1948), Gustave Mathieu was friendly with known leftists like Günther Weisenborn, Herbert Sandberg, Alfred Kantorowicz, and Wolfgang Harich, and had close contact to Radio Berlin. From there he brought a commentator, Eugen Hartmann, to RIAS. On February 7, 1948, a notice under the title "Regret" appeared in Der Spiegel offering an apology to Norden and Mathieu from the editors "for calumny due to false and malicious information.'' On February 3, 1948, Rudolf Augstein sent a personal letter of apology to Mathieu. (A copy was shown to the author by Mathieu.)

40. Wallner-Basté to Colonel Leven, October 12, 1948, Wallner-Basté Archive.

41. White, "Radio-Reorientation," 80 ff.

42. Hurwitz, Die Eintracht , 137-38. Hurwitz himself still showed this misperception in his study published in 1972. He writes of Norden and Mathieu: "The American leader of the new station and the press officer responsible for political broadcasts were both communists" ( Die Stunde Null , 310).

43. "I don't feel we are accomplishing our goal with the occupation much as we would like to say we do. Loose talk of war is rampant and while here in Berlin the semblance of quadripartite working relations is maintained, there is a lot of unilateral action, suspicion of motives, breaches of confidence, etc. People like myself who would like to believe in the possibility of co-operation watch all the time how gentlemen's agreements are broken on the other side. And yet the

solution is not to stoop to the same practices, it would seem to me.... Here in Berlin particularly the anti-Russian feeling is at its height. People are scared to death of the Russians.... My job has grown in importance, but I am also much more exposed and vulnerable. I think it is generally accepted that I have done an excellent job, objectively speaking, but those are not the only considerations which count today and so I don't know what the developments will be." Norden to Broch, September 1, 1947, Norden Collection.

44. Cf. Barbara Mettler, Demokratisierung und Kalter Krieg (Berlin, 1975). Developments in the British zone were similar: in 1946, the NWDR Indendant Max Seydewitz and commentator Karl Eduard von Schnitzler were dismissed. Both moved to Radio Berlin, Seydewitz succeeding Mahle as the new Intendant .

45. Tom Wenner to Robert Murphy, August 8, 1947, POLAD 33/61.

46. Memorandum by Kersten, June 21, 1948, OMGUS 4/12-2/13.

47. Charles Leven was certain that Norden's exit was actually a dismissal, referring to "the removal of Miss Norden." Memorandum by Norden, March 17, 1948, OMGUS 4/136-2/10.

48. Mettler, Demokratisierung , 119.

49. William Heimlich, interview by Brewster Chamberlin and Jürgen Wetzel, 1981, Landesarchiv Berlin, Rep. 37, Acc. 3103, Nr. 88, p. 71.

50. Memorandum by Leven, March 7, 1948, and report by Leven, April 29, 1948, OMGUS 4/136-2/10.

51. Cited in Leven, report of April 29, 1948, p. 9.

52. Friedensburg, report to Colonel Textor, September 11, 1948, Friedensburg Archive, NL 114/26. Speaking to Ernst Reuter, Friedensburg called Shub "authoritarian, high-handed." February 3, 1949, Friedensburg Archive.

53. Annemarie Auer, interview by author, Berlin, August 13, 1992.

54. Leven, report of April, 29, 1948, pp. 4, 6.

55. Andreas Borst, "Rias und die US-amerikanische Kulturpolitik in Deutschland, 1945-49" (master's thesis, American Studies Department, Free University Berlin, 1990), 56.

56. The numbers Boris Shub indicated seem a self-serving exaggeration: according to his figures, 80 percent of listeners received RIAS, 15 percent Radio Berlin, and the rest NWDR-Berlin. Boris Shub, The Choice (New York, 1950), 104.

57. Cited in Sweringen, "Cabaretist," 123.

58. Herbert Graf in Musikblätter , July 1, 1948.

59. Der Tagesspiegel , April 20, 1948. The article was unsigned, but according to Herbert Graf (cf. note 58 above) came from copublisher Walther Karsch.

60. Cited in Gerhard Walther, Der Rundfunk in der Sowjetischen Besatzungszone Deutschlands (Bonn and Berlin, 2961), 15.

61. Cf. footnote on p. 113.

62. Cited in Walther, Der Rundfunk , 22. In fact, a discussion jointly organized by Radio Berlin and NWDR-Berlin did occur on June 11, 1948. Axel Eggebrecht served as monitor; participating from the Western side were Peter von Zahn, Eberhard Schütz, and Willy Fröster; from the Eastern side, Wolfgang Harich, Peter Steiniger, Herbert Gessner, and Karl-Eduard von Schnitzler.

1. As cited in Chamberlin, Kultur auf Trümmern , 62.

2. Cf. a letter from Kollektivfilm, a film company that had received promises from Tobis's management that Tobis could not keep: "There seem to be severe difficulties in the collaboration between Tobis's central administration ... and the gentlemen in Tobis's studios in Johannisthal. The gentlemen in Johannisthal, supported by the Red Army commandant in charge, disagree entirely with the orders of the central administration and have, so to say, declared themselves independent." Cited in Johannes Hauser, Der Neuaufbau der westdeutschen Filmwirtschaft, 1945-55, und der Einfluss der amerikanischen Filmpolitik (Pfaffenweiler, 1989), 392.

3. Berlin Document Center, RKK/Film Dept., File "Allgemeines T-Z."

4. Stiftung Deutsche Kinemathek, Wolfgang Staudte (Berlin, 1977), 184.

5. Hauser, Der Neuaufbau , 385; Berlin Document Center/RKK/Film Dept., File "Allgemeines T-Z."

6. Albert Wilkening, Betriebsgeschichte der VEB Defa-Studio für Spielfilmel Geschichte der Defa von 1946-1950 (n.p., n.d.), 13.

7. Cited in Chamberlin, Kultur auf Trümmern , 111.

8. Baensch's memo, July 30, 1945, Berlin Document Center/RKK/Film Dept., File "Baensch—Filmstelle des Magistrats."

9. Anton Ackermann, interview, 1966, as cited in Christiane Mückenberger, "Zur Geschichte der Defa his 1949," in Filmwissenschaftliche Beiträge , Sonderband I (1981), 38.

10. Alfred Lindemann, "Die Entwicklung der Defa" (typescript), n.d. [ca. 1948, Bundesarchiv/Filmarchiv Berlin, Defa Collection, 573.

11. Mückenberger, "Zur Geschichte der Defa," 52.

12. Lindemann, "Die Entwicklung der Defa."

13. Lindemann's Gestapo file contains statements from collaborators at the Theater am Schiffbauerdamm, according to which Lindemann "[is] completely focused on a National Socialist state and ... also expresses this in his professional activities. The ideal he always strove for was a Volksbühne like the National Socialist Theater am Schiffbauerdamm, as the accused truthfully confirmed." Bundesarchiv/Zwischenarchiv Berlin-Hoppegarten: ZC 13171, vol. 4, 788-89, 798. There is no evidence for Curt Riess's story that Lindemann was supposedly a concessionaire at the Theater am Schiffbauerdamm, had his license retracted after 1933, brought charges against Goebbels (i.e., the Ministry of Propaganda) and won the trial. Curt Riess, Das gibt's nur einmal (Hamburg, 1958), 37.

14. Lindemann, "Die Entwicklung der Defa."

15. Lindemann, "Die Interna der Defa" (memorandum), May 7, 1948, Bundesarchiv/Filmarchiv, Berlin, Defa Collection, 573, p. 3.

16. Ibid., pp. 9-10.

17. "Die Entwicklung der Defa in juristischer Beziehung "(typescript), n.d. [probably written by Lindemann in 1948], Bundesarchiv/Filmarchiv Berlin, Defa Collection, 573.

18. Chamberlin, Kultur auf Trümmern , 69.

19. A joint-stock company in Russian hands with a capital of 2 million reichsmarks was planned, according to Klering's report, dated October 30, 1945, of a meeting with Major Mogilev in Karlshorst. Bundesarchiv Potsdam, R-2/ 1025.

20. Hardly anything is known about the relations of these two organizations with one another. The SAGs belonged to the SMAD, just as each of its divisions was linked to the corresponding ministry in the Soviet Union. However, it is to be assumed that Tulpanov's information and propaganda division and especially its culture department under Dymschitz had a different relationship to German film production and other interests in it than the business ventures Sovexport and Sojusintorg.

21. Kurt Maetzig, for example. Archiv des Instituts für die Geschichte der Arbeiterbewegung, IV 2/906/206, p. 188.

22. "Sovexport repeatedly tried to influence our retail prices by exploiting their position as a monopoly." Lindemann, "Die Entwicklung der Defa," 5.

23. Bundesarchiv/Filmarchiv Berlin, Defa Collection, 397.

24. Lindemann, "Die Entwicklung der Defa," 8.

25. Archiv des Instituts für die Geschichte der Arbeiterbewegung, IV 2/906/-206.

26. Ibid.

27. Der Telegraf , May 3, 1947.

28. Lindemann, "Die Interna der Defa."

29. Jack Warner to Francis Harmon, August 10, 1945, OMGUS 5/263-3/19. Cf. Albert Norman, Our German Policy: Propaganda and Culture (New York, 1951), 62, where the author states that Hollywood "made serious efforts to convince occupation authorities that it be allowed to establish what would in effect have amounted to a monopoly of not only motion picture distribution, but of production and the ownership of the theaters as well."

30. Speech by Dr. Jacob at a conference with Mayor Scharnagel. Memo, March 28, 1946, Bundesarchiv/Filmarchiv Berlin, Defa Collection, 397.

31. As cited in Chamberlin, Kultur auf Trümmern , 102.

32. Heinz Roemheld, Information Control officer responsible for film, wrote to Preston Sturges on September 5, 1945, asking whether Sturges was interesting in coming to Germany at his own or his studio's expense to inquire into the possibilities of making a film: "Surely you will find material here of inestimable and lasting value to yourselves [ sic ]." OMGUS 10/17-3/5. In the 1940s Sturges was Hollywood's main satirist, as Wilder would become in the 1950s.

33. Annual report of the Motion Picture Export Association, March 25, 1946, 10. There is a copy of the printed report in the Butler Library, Columbia University.

34. Report of the Film-Theater-Music Division of Information Control, December 18, 1945, as cited in Chamberlin, Kultur auf, Trümmern , 231.

35. As cited in Chamberlin, Kultur auf Trümmern, 231.

36. Heinz Roemheld to Eric [Erich] Pommer, September 14, 1945; Pommer to Roemheld, September 29, 1945; private archive of John Pommer, Camarillo, Calif.

37. Wolfgang Jacobsen, Erich Pommer—Ein Produzent macht Filmgeschichte (Berlin, 1989), 55.

38. Klaus Kreimeier, The UFA Story , trans. Robert and Rita Kimber (New York, 1996), 126.

39. On the Parufamet deal, see Jacobsen, Erich Pommer, 76-77 , and Kreimeier, The UFA Story , 127 ff.

40. Jacobsen, Erich Pommer , 125, 133 ff.

41. Correspondence in the Erich Pommer Archive in the Manuscript Dept. of the University of Southern California at Los Angeles (hereafter USC), and in the private archive of John Pommer (hereafter PJP). The latter contains the extensive report of September 29, 1945, from Gertrud and Erich Pommer to John Pommer.

42. Letter of September 29, 1945, PJP.

43. Davidson Taylor (Roemheld's predecessor in Berlin) to Pommer, New York, October 7, 1945, PJP.

44. "We are convinced that the industry will do everything to kill the whole business. They will be dead opposed to it ... Dad expects, if he gets the job, it will be a most difficult job to get Hollywood to fall in line." Gertrud Pommer to John Pommer, November 8, 1945, PJP.

45. Erich Pommer to John Pommer, October 22, 1945, PJP.

46. Undated document, PJP.

47. Erich Pommer to Gertrud and John Pommer, August 18, 1946, PJP.

48. Die Neue Zeitung , July 15, 1946.

49. Bünger to Bergmann, n.d. (date of receipt September 7, 1946), Bundesarchiv/Filmarchiv Berlin, Defa Collection, 397.

50. Pommer to Carl Winston, as cited in Ursula Hardt, "Erich Pommer" (Ph.D. diss., Dept. of German, University of Iowa, 1988), 199.

51. Lindemann's letter is cited in Riess, Das gibt's nur einmal , 84-85. Riess gives no source, and it is questionable how an American reporter in Berlin during the Cold War should have come into possession of such a document. On the other hand, in the late 1940s Riess was one of the best-informed figures on the Berlin press scene, and it is conceivable that the letter came to him by way of a refugee from the East or American officials interrogating refugees.

52. Kurt Maetzig, "Neuer Zug auf alten Gleisen," in Das UFA-Buch (n.p., 1992), 472.

53. Erich Pommer to Getrud and John Pommer, August A, 1946, PJP.

54. Getrud Pommer to Erich Pommer, December 15, 1946, PJP.

55. Süddeutsche Zeitung , August 13, 1946.

56. In a letter to John Pommer dated July 19, 1947, Erich Pommer does not once mention Staudte's name but speaks of a "Russian production.... They do it in their usual primitive form.... they always appear to be interested in reducing everything to a common denominator." PJP.

57. Film Daily , September 6, 1946.

58. Ibid., January 16, 1947.

59. Ibid., December A, 1946.

60. Erich Pommer to Getrud and John Pommer, February 17, 1947, PJP.

61. Ibid.

62. Copy of a "personal and confidential" letter from Vining to Maas, February 9, 1947, Erich Pommer Archive, USC, file C.

63. In the early 1960s the MPEA archive was transferred from New York to Washington, D.C., and later destroyed. John Pommer provided the author with the following account of how the copy of the Vining brief ended up in Pommer's possession: "Irving A. Maas ... gave it to Eric A. Johnston, President of the MPEA and MPAA [Motion Picture Association of America]. Johnston circulated it to the foreign distribution heads of the major companies. Joseph Seidelman (foreign distribution head of Universal) 'leaked' it to the press in late April. My father was called to Washington. In June 1947 he was given the letter by Assistant (or Under) Secretary of War Petersen."

64. As cited in the Film Daily , May 29, 1947. "There is nothing in this report," Pommer's explanation continues, "which accurately reflects a conversation between Mr. Vining and myself."

65. John Pommer to the author, June 17, 1991. In another letter to the author, of April 26, 1991, Pommer says: "There is not one sentence in the letter that sounds as if it could have been made by my father."

66. John Pommer to the author, April 26, 1991.

67. Memorandum by Nils C. Nilson, May 22, 1947, "Confidential," Pommer Archive, USC, file C.

68. As cited in the New York Times , April 29, 1947.

69. Washington Evening Standard , May 6, 1947; Hollywood Reporter , May 12, 1947.

70. Erich Pommer to Getrud and John Pommer, May 4, 1947, PJP.

71. Press release of the Public Information Office of OMGUS, Pommer Archive, USC, file C.

1. Hurwitz, Die Stunde Null , 81.

2. Hilde Spiel, Die hellen und die finsteren Zeiten (Munich, 1989), 64 ff.

3. Mendelssohn to Hilde Spiel, July 29, 1945, Mendelssohn Archive (consulted with the permission of Anita Naef, Munich; the transfer of the archive to the Monacensia Collection of the Munich Stadtbibiliothek should have been completed in 1995).

4. Mendelssohn to Hilde Spiel, July 17, 1945, Mendelssohn Archive.

5. In distinction to the previous army newspapers, Habe seems only to have provided supervision for this project. Wallenberg, also an émigré and native Berliner, had worked in the editorial department of the Vossische Zeitung before 1933. See Hurwitz, Die Stunde Null , and Gesine Frohner, "Die Allgemeine Zeitung" (master's thesis, Institut für Publizistik, Free University Berlin, 1966).

6. Mendelssohn to Hilde Spiel, August 12, 1945, Mendelssohn Archive.

7. As cited in Peter de Mendelssohn, Zeitungsstadt Berlin (Frankfurt and Berlin, 1985), 533.

8. Mendelssohn, report, n.d., marked "Confidential," Mendelssohn Archive, file "Unterlagen zu Deutschland-Buch/Tagesspiegel."

9. The expropriation occurred under the label "Entziehung"—that is, as a forced sale.

10. Mendelssohn, Zeitungsstadt Berlin, 1959 ed., 465.

11. Mendelssohn, "Confidential" report (see note 8 above). A similar evaluation was offered by Margaret Boveri, who had also been invited to the meetings but declined with thanks: "Apparently it will be a newspaper done by the same old people, all routine and pure opportunism, without any of them having any idea of who they are working for." Margaret Boveri, Tage des Überlebens (Munich, 1968), 296.

12. Mendelssohn, "Confidential" report.

13. Erhard Schütz, Romane der Weimarer Republik (Munich, 1986), 146.

14. Klaus Jans, "Die Anfänge des Tagesspiegels" (master's thesis, Fachbereich Kommunikationswissenschaften, Free University Berlin, 1986), 71.

15. Erik Reger Archive, Archive of the Akademie der Künste (West Berlin), file 333.

16. Peter de Mendelssohn, "Information on Herr von Schweinichen," August 25, 1945, OMGUS 5/240-2/9. See also Schweinichen's questionnaire with the accompanying statement of the OSS Berlin office: "George Wood ... who has worked with von Schweinichen confirms the essential facts.... Both Wood and myself consider him very reliable and trustworthy." OMGUS 5/240-2/9.

17. In his book Mendelssohn describes Schweinichen walking right into his office with a manuscript of Reger's. Mendelssohn, Zeitungsstadt Berlin, 542. In a "Memorandum fiber die Gründung und Lizenzierung des Tagesspiegel" Mendelssohn names his OMGUS colleague Fred Bleistein as the person who brought Schweinichen to his attention. Mendelssohn Archive, file "Unterlagen zu Deutschland-Buch/Tagesspiegel."

18. The only complete copy is in the Louis Lochner Collection (box 2) in the archives of the Hoover Institution, Stanford University, and bears this title. There is only a fragment in the Reger Archive. Mendelssohn is responsible for the title "Grundsätzliche Gedanken zum Wiederaufbau der deutschen Presse." The document is signed by Reger and Kurt Zentner, who was a journalist in the Deutscher Verlag until 1945. Presumably this is how he met Reger. He was apparently a personal friend of Schweinichen's, since they addressed each other informally. Susanne Drechsler, April 19, 1946, Susanne Drechsler Papers (unordered and unlabeled, consulted in the spring of 1990), archive of the former GDR Staatlicher Rundfunk, Berlin (Nalepastrasse). Accordingly Zentner might have approached Reger as a journalistic representative of the businessman Schweinichen. He later became the chief of staff at the Tagesspiegel , until his dismissal in early 1946 because of undeclared Nazi membership. As he never appeared in any programmatic fashion, his coauthorship seems to have been a formality.

19. Mendelssohn, Zeitungsstadt Berlin, 542. See also his manuscript "Memorandum": "The memorandum sketched out in an excellent manner precisely the goals I had in mind for the paper to be created."

20. Susanne Drechsler, "Bericht —ber die Zeitung Der Tagesspiegel, " April 19, 1946, Drechsler Papers. Drechsler seems to have spied at the Tagesspiegel for the KPD/SED. Her reports began in the fall of 1945 and ended some time

after she left the editorial staff (of the local-news section). It is not clear from the copies in her papers who the immediate addressee was. It might have been Wilhelm Pieck, for a drafted memoir from 1974 states that she worked "at the Tagesspiegel after consulting with Wilhelm Pieck." Manuscript of November 13, 1974, Drechsler Papers.

21. Cf. chap. 5 above.

22. During disagreements within the Berlin chapter of the Schriftstellerverband in 1931 (see chap. 1 above), Reger was one of the few prominent liberal authors who supported the board of directors against the leftist liberal majority. See Der Schriftsteller (the magazine of the Schutzgemeinschaft Deutscher Schriftsteller), no. 19 (1931), 9-12.

23. Friedensburg to Redslob, December 30, 1945, Edwin Redslob Archive, Germanisches Museum, Nuremberg, 1, C, 10.

24. Reger Archive, file 334.

25. Memorandum to McClure, January 24, 1946, OMGUS 5/240-3/12.

26. As cited in Jans, "Die Anfänge des Tagesspiegels," 99. Schweinichen wrote a Christian preamble to the business contract. It states that the undersigned certified the contract "led by the belief that at the start of any revival stands the ordering word and in the absolute inner obligation to the holy and incomprehensible being above." There is also mention of "a fraternal relation'' and "a devotion to the task upheld by humility and faith." "Präambel des Gesellschaftsvetrags," n.d., made available to the author by Nelly von Schweinichen.

27. Reported by Nelly von Schweinichen.

28. File note by Schweinichen, October 14, 1948, National Archives Suitland, Reg. 260 7/53/18/5, box 215.

29. Harold Hurwitz, Demokratie und Antikommunismus (Cologne, 1990), vol. 4, pt. 2, 896-97.

30. Die Neue Zeitung, November 22, 1947. The late date (eighteen months after Schweinichen was fired) is due to a lengthy article in the Tägliche Rundschau that made Schweinichen's fate public.

31. Reger Archive, file 274 (undated).

32. June 18, 1946—that is, six days before Schweinichen was notified of the license revocation. OMGUS 4/11-2/1.

33. Reported by Nelly von Schweinichen.

34. Reger Archive, file 250b. He elaborated on this thesis, which also resonated with many of his lead articles, in a long article entitled "Improvisierter Widerstand." Der Tagesspiegel, December 22, 1946.

35. The citation is from the article in the Tägliche Rundschau about the Schweinichen case mentioned above, and as such its authenticity is of course dubious. However, the article does contain so much authentic material that it can be regarded as one of the few reliable sources for the Schweinichen case. Statements in the Tagesspiegel and the officious American Neue Zeitung did not contradict the decisive passages. The Americans believed that Schweinichen himself was an informant for the Tägliche Rundschau, which, given that the information could not have been accessible to an outsider, makes sense. Schweinichen denied this by hinting at his well-known anticommunist views.

36. George Zivier to Peter de Mendelssohn, October 20, 1969, Mendelssohn Archive. The letter was written in response to Mendelssohn's request for Zivier's recollections of events in 1945.

37. Klaus Poche, former editor of the Nacht-Express and a friend of Kurtz's, as cited in Jan-Thomas Goetze, "Zur Rekonstruktion der Geschichte des Nacht-Express, 1945-1953" (master's thesis, Fachbereich Kommunikationswissenschaft, Institut für Publizistik, Free University Berlin, 1991), 130.

38. Paul Wiegler Archive, Archive of the former Akademie der Küriste (GDR), no. 396/2, first file.

39. As cited in Goetze, "Zur Rekonstruktion," 126-27.

40. Hurwitz, Die Eintracht, 98.

41. The account given in a well-informed SPD publication from the 1950s ( Sopade , 1954), possibly based on information from one of its copublishers (Kilver) who had fled to the West, reads:

In November 1945 the Soviet Major Feldmann revealed to Rudolf Kurtz, formerly a journalist for film publications at Ullstein, Herbert Kilver, editor of the Tägliche Rundschau, and two other Germans that he had made them partners in the "Express-Verlag Inc." he had established. Kurtz and Kilver, earmarked as the licensees, received "shares" of 4,800 RM (24%) and 10,400 RM (52%) respectively, while the other two Germans were given 2,400 RM each (24% total), without any of the "partners" having brought a penny to the publishing house that was supposed to put out the Nacht-Express . All four were instructed to go to a notary to sign the contract, which Feldmann had already prepared in duplicate, and to see to the registration according to commercial laws at the office in Berlin-Mitte afterward.

As cited in Barbara Baerns, "Deutsch-Deutsche Gedächtnislücken: Zur Medienforschung über die Besatzungszeit." In Publizistik und Journalismus in der DDR, ed. Rolf Geserick and Arnulf Kutsch (Munich, 1988), 65.

According to a contract dated November 28, 1945, the other two German partners were Ursula Lampe and Karl Grünberg. Landesarchiv Berlin.

42. Eugenia Kazeva, interview by author, Moscow, July 21, 1993. Jan Foitzik termed Feldmann "above all the censor of the paper, but he was supposed to also be its actual editor in chief as well." Jan Foitzik, SBZ-Handbuch (Munich, 1990), 37.

43. Hartmann and Eggeling (in Text und Kritik, no. 108) offer an overview of the press reports and speculations.

44. Goetze, "Zur Rekonstruktion," 129.

45. Rolf Suhrmann, Die Münzenberg-Legende (Cologne, 1983), 190.

46. Former Party Archive of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, RCChIDNI, fond 17, opis 128, delo 150, 89. There was also a notable inversion or reversion of this deception: after 1950, editions of the Nacht-Express counterfeited by the West with anticommunist propaganda were smuggled into the Eastern sector.

47. Goetze, "Zur Rekonstruktion," 128.

48. It can only be guessed how this connection came about. Paul Wiegler

may have presented Kurtz to Johannes R. Becher, who then passed him along to the Russians. It is unclear who—whether Kurtz or the SMAD—took the initiative.

49. It is unclear whether Karsch left the party of his own accord or was expelled from it. In a letter to Die Weltbühne (no. 122 [1947], p. 544), the SED district group in Zehlendorf stated:

After Herr Karsch received the license for the Tagesspiegel, he did not simply behave indifferently but declared that he "of course" wanted to remain in the KPD; however, it would not be advisable for him to belong to the organization in Zehlendorf. All documents referring to his membership should be removed from Zehlendorf and he should be made a member directly through the central Berlin office. He wanted to take these measures in order to avoid difficulties with the American occupation authorities. After the Tagesspiegel's policy approached a reactionary ideal, we requested Herr Karsch's presence at a meeting one day and asked him whether he personally identified with this policy. He answered affirmatively, and his continued presence in the KPD was of course no longer possible. He was immediately expelled.

In support of this version is the similar case of the copublisher of the Frankfurter Rundschau, KPD member Arno Rudert, who was expelled by the party when he followed the paper's changed tack after the license of his copublishers Gerst and Carlebach was revoked. Hurwitz, Die Stunde Null, 321. There is no mention of Karsch in the former SED Central Party Archive.

50. Hans Leonard, "Chamäleon Karsch," Die Weltbühne, no. 7 (1946), 204.

51. As cited in Jans, "Die Anfänge des Tagesspiegels," 73.

52. Manfred Harder, ed., Briefe an J. R. Becher (Berlin, 1993), 167-69.

53. Aufbau 1, no, 3 (1945), 223.

54. As cited in Ursula Madrasch-Groschopp, Die Weltbühne — Porträt einer Zeitschrift (Königstein and Taunus, 1983), as well as Madrasch-Groschopp's personal statements. Maud von Ossietzky's memoirs, Maud von Ossietzky erzählt (East Berlin, 1988), should be used with caution. See also the biographical note about Maud von Ossietzky in Bibliographische Kalenderblätter der Berliner Stadtbibliothek, May 1975, 7.

55. In a letter to Hans Leonard of August 15, 1945, Maud von Ossietzky asked: "Did you see Herr Wallenberg? I am anxious to hear his attitude and views about our shared matter." Archiv Weltbühne/Madrasch, Rep. 200, Acc. 4288, file 59, Landesarchiv Berlin.

56. Curriculum vitae of October 29, 1947, Archiv Weltbühne/Madrasch.

57. As cited in Madrasch-Groschopp, Die Weltbühne, and personal statements from Madrasch-Groschopp.

58. According to Madrasch-Groschopp the license was issued on November 21, 1945, for the title "Carl von Ossietzkys Weltbühne" and the cancellation occurred on February 15, 1946. Madrasch-Groschopp, Die Weltbühne , and Archiv Weltbühne/Madrasch, file 55.

59. The Budzislawski heir Thomas A. Eckert has written—certainly not in an unbiased way, but still drawing on many sources available only to him—about the history of the financing of Die Weltbühne published in exile. See Thomas A. Eckert, "Die Neue Weltbühne unter der Leitung von Hermann

Budzislawski—'Im Fahrwasser der KPD'?" in Michael Grunewald and Frithjof Trapp, eds., Autour du Front Populaire Allemand Einheitsfront—Volksfront (Bern, 1990), and Eckert's foreword to the reprint of Neue Weltbühne (Munich, New York, and Paris, 1992), vol. 1. The most informative sources of gossip are the articles by Andreas Juhnke in Transatlantik, no. 12 (1990) and Manager Magazin, no. 3 (1993).

60. There are facsimiles of these in Madrasch-Groschopp, Die Weltbühne .

61. Contracts and agreements are in the Archiv Weltbühne/Madrasch, file 58.

62. Leonard's negotiating partner in the KPD was Fred Oelsner, head of the "Agitation and Propaganda" division. Archiv Weltbühne/Madrasch, file 55.

63. In acting like this, Leonard relied on reports from Wolfgang Harich, who for his part, as Leonard would soon find out, had personal aspirations for the Weltbühne . Harich recounted a discussion with the British press officer Steward. When questioned as to "whether Harich had any particular information as to whether the English or Americans intended to publish the Weltbühne without the Ossietzky Verlag, Harich replied that he did have specific information about it, that he was close to Walther Karsch at the Tagesspiegel, and that the Americans did in fact intend to publish a magazine of this sort with one of the former colleagues of the Weltbühne, possibly with Karsch." "Aussagen von Herrn Wolfgang Harich," June 7, 1946, Archiv Weltbühne/Madrasch, file 67/H.

64. Hans Leonard to Maud von Ossietzky, June 5, 1946, Archiv Weltbühne/ Madrasch, file 59.

65. Walther Karsch to Axel Eggebrecht, March 25, 1946, Eggebrecht Archive, unlabeled correspondence file, Manuscript Department, Hamburg Staatsund Universitätsbibliothek.

66. Erich Weinert to Hans Leonard, as cited in Leonard's memo of June 7, 1946, Archiv Weltbühne/Madrasch, file 67/H.

67. In Sie, May 4, 1947.

68. Photocopy of the original document in the Archiv Weltbühne/Madrasch, file 73.

69. Leonard to Hiller, January 29, 1947, Archiv Weltbühne/Madrasch, file 67/H.

70. Hiller to Leonard, February 27, 1947, Archiv Weltbühne/Madrasch, file 67/H.

71. Alexander Abusch, Mit offenem Visier (East Berlin, 1986), 172. Referring to a discussion with Major Davidovitch, the Russian control officer in charge of the Weltbühne, Abusch writes that Davidovitch offered to him that the magazine "would not be censored if I was prepared to supervise the political coverage.... Comrade Davidovitch never interfered with my work. It was an unspoken understanding that the responsibility [for the Weltbühne ] was left to the responsible branch of the party."

72. Deutsche Rundschau, September 1946, 176.

73. Ernst Niekisch, Erinnerungen eines deutschen Revolutionärs: Gegen den Strom (Cologne, 1974), 266-67.

74. Harich to Hans Leonard, July 23, 1946, Archiv Weltbühne/Madrasch, file 67/H.

75. In an interview with the author in Berlin in August 1993, Harich described Die Brücke as one of "several projects" at the time, adding that it was to be "leftist, but read in all zones, whether independent or at least claiming so."

76. Ibid.

77. There is no mention of this project in the Public Record Office—which does not necessarily mean that Harich's memory is inaccurate, for there is also no trace in the PRO of other projects and activities undoubtedly going on in the British sector.

78. Attendance list of the press conference, October 25, 1945, Sassenbach-Stiftung, no. 201.132.

79. Archiv Weltbühne/Madrasch, file 67/H.

80. Harich to Leonard, June 6, 1946, Archiv Weltbühne/Madrasch, file 67/H.

81. Leonard to Harich, June 14, 1946, Archiv Weltbühne/Madrasch, file 67/H.

82. According to Abusch the name was Davidovitch (see note 71 above).

83. Hans Leonard, report "Betr. Wolfgang Harich," July 9, 1946, Archiv Weltbühne/Madrasch, file 67/H.

84. "Die Weltbühne: Exposé und Programm" (typescript), n.d., Archiv Weltbühne/Madrasch, file 67/H.

85. See Harich's account of his actions in 1956 in Keine Schwierigkeiten mit der Wahrheit (Berlin, 1993), 42-43.

86. Harich to Leonard, July 23, 1946, Archiv Weltbühne/Madrasch, file 67/H.

87. Archiv Weltbühne/Madrasch, file 58/4.

88. Leonard, "Anlage zur Verlagsdokumentation," July 27, 1966, Archive of ZENTRAG, Berlin.

89. "You don't like seeing me in the office," Ossietzky wrote to Leonard on May 29, 1947, in one of her complaining letters. "You treat me as though I were there for a courtesy call.... You keep everything from me and I know no one and nothing, from time to time I am merely trotted out as a show horse." Archiv Weltbühne/Madrasch, file 59. Dealing with Ossietzky's widow was not easy for Leonard and became more difficult as her alcoholism worsened. Disagreements arose when Maud claimed funds in excess of her share. A modus vivendi was established finally when the press practically assumed trusteeship over Maud. It looked after all her material needs (apartment, telephone, heating, alcohol, cigarettes, vacations on the Baltic), and she renounced all further participation in editorial activities.

90. Paragraph 7 of the agreement of December 22, 1950, Archiv Weltbühne/Madrasch, file 58/3.