1. These figures can be accepted only as rough approximations (and probably undercounts), since the U.S. Census does not compile hotel housing data in a separate category. On underreporting, see Hoch and Slayton, New Homeless and Old , 107-123.

2. Dowdee, "Incidence of Change in the Residential Hotel Stock," 28, found 31,000 residential hotel housing units remaining in San Francisco, making up 9.8 percent of the city's total housing units. The city of San Francisco never annexed land outside San Francisco County; hence its urban percentage of hotels as dwelling units is much higher than the reported national 1980 average of 3.2 percent, which (again) is based on poor data. If downtown districts could be compared, hotel percentages might be much closer in various cities. On New York, see Blackburn, "Single Room Occupancy in New York City," 1.1, 3.1-3.12. On smaller California cities, see Deni Greene (director of the California Governor's Office of Planning and Research), I. Donald Turner (director of the California Department of Housing and Community Development), and Jonathan P. Brooks (housing specialist, Redevelopment Agency of Eureka, California), in reports given at the CGOPR conference.

3. Kevin Leary, "San Francisco's Cyril Magnin Dies at 88," San Francisco Chronicle (June 9, 1988): A-1, 20-21. Magnin's parents founded the J. Magnin clothing store in 1907. Magnin was its president and driving force from 1936 to 1969; after that, he was the president of an investment firm.

4. Beacon, "Home Is Where the Hotel Is," 16-19.

5. Goldberger, "Seeking the Ideal," 52, 55, 59-60.

6. Beacon, "Home Is Where the Hotel Is"; Carroll, "Home, Home on the Hill," 17.

7. This is a composite character based on interviews by the author and on Erickson and Eckert, "The Elderly Poor in Downtown San Diego Hotels," 441ff. See also Eckert, Unseen Elderly , 86-93.

8. Wagner quoted in David Halberstam, "The Brightest Lights on Broadway," Parade Magazine (May 18, 1986): 4-5, 6-8. On the YMCA, an interview with Barry Kroll, director of the Embarcadero YMCA, San Francisco, June 2, 1984.

9. This advertisement, unchanged except to delete the name and address (Thor Residential Hotel, 2084 Mission Street) and to substitute "subway" for "BART," was posted at the San Francisco Veterans' Center in fall 1982.

10. Observations by the author while living in the National Hotel in San Francisco during fall 1986. Rents were about $300 a month.

11. Felix Ayson, interviewed in Curtis Choy's documentary film, The Fall of the I-Hotel ( 1983 ), quoted in Grannan, "International Hotel," 10. Quotation edited for grammar.

12. California Statutes of 1917, chap. 736, sect. 10. The full text, as slightly amended in 1923, continues, "and shall include hotels, lodging and rooming continue

houses, dormitories, Turkish baths, bachelor hotels, studio hotels, public and private clubs."

13. The legal derivation and history of the word "hotel" is reviewed in an elaborate opinion given in Cromwell v. Stephens , 2 Daly 15, 3 Abb. Pr. N.S. 26; see also 19 ALR 517 (1922), 53 ALR 988 (1928), and 28 ALR 3rd 1240 and 1245. On the definition of "hotel" in the federal courts, see Creedon v. Lunde , D.C. Wash., 90 F Supp 119. For historical census definitions, see U.S. Bureau of the Census, Census of Hotels, 1930 . For a historical account with the one-month definition, see Trollope, North America , 480-492.

In addition to the number of rooms, some jurisdictions require a hotel to satisfy one or many of the following criteria: a telephone operator, a clerk, a mail or key rack, a lobby, some transient accommodations, and a place for safekeeping of guests' valuables. The WPA-period Real Property Survey in San Francisco considered as hotels only those with a telephone operator, a clerk, a mail rack, or a key rack.

14. In a few rooming houses or lodging houses, tenants have kitchen access to cook meals individually.

15. Historical newspaper articles and duplicate listings under different categories in city directories show that compilers and readers as late as the 1920s had overlapping and rather hazy definitions for commercial lodgings. See Groth, "Forbidden Housing," 34-36, 50-52.

16. The kitchen definition dates at least to 1887. See Lubove, The Progressives and the Slums, 18, 26, 169 . The full sentence defining a tenement continues, " . . . but having a common right in the halls, stairways, water closets, or privies, or some of them." In 1912, the New York Court of Appeals ruled that an apartment house was not a tenement "if each family had its own toilet, kitchen, and set bathtub."

17. I will leave to anthropologists the battles of defining True Culture. Interpolating from Clifford Geertz, I hold culture to be the mental and physical webs of meaning that people themselves spin—not simply an ideational system but an adaptive and material system. See Clifford Geertz, "Thick Description," in Geertz, The Interpretation of Cultures: Selected Essays (New York: Basic Books, 1973): 3-30, and Roger M. Keesing, "Theories of Culture," in B. Siegel et al., Annual Review of Anthropology 3 (1974): 73-97.

18. Laffan, "Caravansaries," 176; Hayner, Hotel Life , 3; the phrasing of sleeping when tired, etc., is from Siegal, Outposts of the Forgotten , 174.

19. Hayner, Hotel Life , 104-109, 126, 165.

20. For a classic description of lobby mixtures, see Hayner, Hotel Life , 93.

21. Ibid., 147.

22. See Burki, "Housing the Low-Income Urban Elderly," 282; Eckert, Unseen Elderly , 84; Werner and Bryson, "Guide to Preservation and Maintenance," pt. 1, 1001-1002. Blackburn, "Single Room Occupancy in New York City," 3.10-3.12, finds a lower preference for SRO life than he expected, al- soft

though this may simply reflect the grim conditions of SRO life in New York City.

23. For instance, see Phyllis Ehrlich, "A Study of the Invisible Elderly: Characteristics and Needs of the St. Louis Downtown SRO Elderly," in SL, The Invisible Elderly .

24. On San Francisco, Dowdee, "Incidence of Change in the Residential Hotel Stock," 38; on New York, Judith Spektor (director of the Mayor's Office of SRO Housing, New York City), at the CGOPR conference, and Susan Baldwin, "Salvaging SRO Housing," City Limits: The News Magazine of New York City Housing and Neighborhoods (April 1981): 12-15. Frank, "Overview of Single Room Occupancy Housing," 6-7.

25. Kasinitz, "Gentrification and Homelessness," 9-14; Dan Salerno, Kim Hopper, and Ellen Baxter, Hardship in the Heartland: Homelessness in Eight U.S. Cities (New York: Community Service Society of New York, Institute for Social Welfare Research, 1984); James A. Cogwell, No Place Left Called Home (New York: Friendship Press, 1983). On options, see Baldwin, "Salvaging SRO Housing," 12; Werner and Bryson, "Guide to Preservation and Maintenance," pt. 1, 1005.

26. For these phrases, I have relied particularly on Ira Ehrlich, in SL, The Invisible Elderly , 1-6; see also another early and still useful collection of reports, U.S. Senate Special Committee on Aging, Single Room Occupancy .

27. See Deirdre Carmody, "A Report Recounts Problems in a New York Welfare Hotel," New York Times (September 30, 1984), which summarizes CSS, "Struggling to Survive in a Welfare Hotel," on the Martinique at Broadway and 32d. This hotel is the corruption-ridden feature of Kozol, Rachel and Her Children , which also appeared in serial form in The New Yorker in January 1988.

28. On San Diego, Erickson and Eckert, "The Elderly Poor in Downtown San Diego Hotels," 441. The study compared people in hotels priced for middle-income, wage-laborer, and skid-row budgets. On Chicago, Hoch and Spicer, "SROs: An Endangered Species," 11.

29. On New York, Blackburn, "Single Room Occupancy in New York City." The California figures are from Paul Silvern, economic development specialist for the Skid Row Development Corporation, Los Angeles, and Fei Tsen, Chinese Community Housing Corporation of San Francisco, at the CGOPR conference.

30. On single people, Blackburn, "Single Room Occupancy in New York City," 3.1-3.2. On mobility assumptions, Werner and Bryson, "Guide to Preservation and Maintenance," pt. 1. In the full price range of San Diego hotels, Erickson and Eckert, "The Elderly Poor in Downtown San Diego Hotels," reports that the average tenant stayed over three years, matching the average three-year and four-year rates found in residential hotels in other cities.

31. Interview with Ramona Davies, former public health nurse, San Francisco, July 1981.

32. Blackburn, "Single Room Occupancy in New York City," 3.1-3.2. In 1981, speakers from several other U.S. cities gave similar figures at the CGOPR conference. See also Eckert, The Unseen Elderly , 2, 26; U.S. Senate, Single Room Occupancy; and Ehrlich, "St. Louis Downtown SRO Elderly," 8.

33. Walter Krumwilde in The American Lutheran Survey (Columbia, South Carolina), quoted in "Religion and Social Service," Literary Digest (October 28, 1916).

34. Eckert, The Unseen Elderly , and SL, The Invisible Elderly .

35. Ira Ehrlich in SL, The Invisible Elderly , 4.

36. Liu, "San Francisco Chinatown Residential Hotels," 2.

37. Cushing Dolbeare, "The Political Obstacles to Decent Housing," Catherine Bauer Lecture, College of Environmental Design, University of California, Berkeley, March 10, 1987.

38. Caroll Kowal in SL, The Invisible Elderly , 40.

39. Blackburn, "Single Room Occupancy in New York City," 3-12. Philip Hager, "Singles Make Up Growing Share of Urban Households," Minneapolis Star and Tribune (October 30, 1982): 1-S, 5-S; New York Times (September 9, 1984).

40. Brad Paul interview, February 26, 1981.

41. Melvin Carriere (vice president, Community Development Division, Wells Fargo Bank, San Francisco) at the CGOPR conference.

42. Dolores Hayden, "What Would a Non-Sexist City Be Like? Speculations on Housing Urban Design and Human Work," Signs 5:3 Supplement (1980): S170-S187; quotation on S171-S172.

43. Gunther Barth, Instant Cities: Urbanization and the Rise of San Francisco and Denver (New York: Oxford University Press, 1975): 108-127, 182-228; James E. Vance, Geography and Urban Evolution in the San Francisco Bay Area (UC, Berkeley: Institute of Governmental Studies, 1964); John R. Borchert, "American Metropolitan Evolution," Geographical Review 57 (1967): 301-332; Brian Godfrey, Neighborhoods in Transition .

44. On vast numbers, the writer is Samuel Bowles, editor of the Springfield, Mass., Republican , quoted in Williamson, The American Hotel , 84. On very early San Francisco hotels (1850s-1860s), see Francis J. Mazzi, "City from Frontier: Symbols of Urban Development in Nineteenth-Century San Francisco," (Ph.D. dissertation, Department of History, University of Southern California, 1974): 110-116, 153-174, 189. On boardinghouse keepers, see Wolfe, Lodging House Problem .

45. For instance, a pre-World War I surge of hotel building in San Francisco was closely matched in Los Angeles from 1914 to 1915; CIH, Second Annual Report (1916): 277. In San Francisco in 1980, the 600-plus residential hotels continue

in the city had all been built before 1930; most before 1921. The unpublished data were compiled by Scott Dowdee, Department of City and Regional Planning, 1980. After 1900, rapidly growing economies in cities such as Boston, New York, and Chicago challenged San Francisco's nineteenth-century lead in hotel rooms per capita.

46. Groth, "Forbidden Housing," 325-327. Note that these numbers—based on interpolation between directories, insurance maps, plumbing records, and tax files—do not agree with the first national set of hotel statistics, published in U.S. Bureau of the Census, Census of Hotels, 1930 . See n. 47.

47. As reported in U.S. Bureau of the Census, Census of Hotels, 1930 , 104, San Francisco's proportions leaned more to the residential side than the national averages. San Francisco had 5 percent mainly transient, over one-third mainly permanent, and 57 percent mixed. This census report was badly skewed, however. It surveyed only members of a national hotel association and included only hotels reporting over 25 rooms. In San Francisco, that meant only 333 hotels when the city directory listed 940 distinct hotel addresses. The sociologist who specialized on hotel life in the 1920s and 1930s, Norman Hayner ( Hotel Life ), concluded that the official census count had largely missed rooming houses and cheap lodging houses as well as many midpriced hotels.

In that same year, a private survey of the total rooms in palace and midpriced hotels in New York found 9 percent of the rooms were only residential, 40 percent only tourist, and 51 percent shifted between residential and tourist use (typescript notes by W. Johnson Quinn, "Hotels in New York and Brooklyn as of February 1st, 1930," New York Historical Society).

48. Palace hotels all advertised nationally for tourists. Only a few midpriced hotels advertised so widely in 1880, but by 1930, 80 percent of them advertised for tourists, still emphasizing homey features and rates for permanent guests. Most reputable rooming house operators avoided transient guests altogether if they could. For cheap lodging houses, Nels Anderson ( The Hobo , 30) observed that a third to a half of the guests stayed in one hotel for several months or more; most others moved from hotel to hotel but as permanent residents in flux, not as travelers.

49. San Francisco probably had higher proportions in palace and midpriced hotels than these estimates because its warm winters and cool summers brought both winter and summer long-term guests for its expensive hotels. The 1980 figures are based on computerized tax data gathered monthly. The data are still complicated as many rooms shift between tourist and residential use. See Dowdee, "Incidence of Change in the Residential Hotel Stock," viii, 34. Dowdee's report was republished in 1982 by the San Francisco Department of City Planning.

50. Ford, A Few Remarks , 222.

51. I am adapting the scheme for class locations set out in Erik Olin Wright, Classes (London: Verso, 1985): 64-104, and Michael B. Katz, "Social Class continue

in North American Urban History," Journal of Interdisciplinary History 11 (1981): 579-605. On class as a cultural and economic formation, I obviously rely on E. P. Thompson. I have also used the more recent popular definitions of class in Mary R. Jackman and Robert W. Jackman, Class Awareness in the United States (Berkeley, Los Angeles, and London: University of California Press, 1983): 13-41; and for the upper class, G. William Domhoff, Who Rules America Now? (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1983): esp. 17-55.

52. David Rocah, "Homelessness and Civil Liberties," Civil Liberties (Fall/Winter 1989): 5, 7.

53. For the 1910 and 1930 surveys of San Francisco hotels, lists of existing postfire Chinatown hotels were added to the directory categories, since Chinese hotels were underrepresented in the directory. Mariners' hotels were also likely underrepresented, but these buildings and building records did not survive urban renewal.

1. Wharton, The Custom of the Country , 4-5, 12, 27.

2. Greeley is quoted in Williamson, The American Hotel , 116. On travelers' complaints that permanent residents filled the best rooms, see King, "The First-Class Hotel," 177; for an example, see Sala, "The Philosophy of Grand Hotels," 141.

3. On servants in hotels, see Laffan, "Caravansaries," 176; on cost of servants in the West, see John S. Hittell, The Commerce and Industries of the Pacific Coast (San Francisco, 1882): 99. The Westward Ho! advertisement is in Lewis, Work of Art , 321.

4. Phrases on hotels being built for crowds and notoriously public are from travel accounts written in 1837 and 1875, quoted in McGlone, "Suffer the Children," 420.

5. On the Lick House, see Mazzi, "City from Frontier," 166, 168; most expensive hotels kept the American plan until at least 1900. In 1910, the three best hotels in San Francisco—the Fairmont, St. Francis, and Palace—were all still American plan.

6. On hotels and the American spirit, see Trollope, North America , 43, and Sala quoted in Williamson, The American Hotel , 116. The local editor was Nat P. Willis in the New York City Weekly Mirror (December 7, 1844). On eating alone, see also Trollope, North America , 62.

7. Trollope, North America , 42, 490-491; see also Williamson, The American Hotel , 202-207, and Sala, "American Hotels and American Food," 140.

8. Williamson, The American Hotel , 208, 295. For San Francisco, see also Frances de Talavera Berger and John Parke Custis, Sumptuous Dining in Gaslit San Francisco (Garden City: Doubleday and Co., 1985).

9. Mark Twain [Samuel Clemens], "'The Lick House Ball' and Other Fash- soft

ion Reviews," 32-44, in Franklin Walker, ed., The Washoe Giant in San Francisco (San Francisco: George Fields, 1938; original essays written in 1863-64): 37.

10. The advertisement is from the 1910 Hotel Red Book , for San Francisco's St. Francis Hotel; for a sample of the social room photograph, see the "baronial bridge room" at the midpriced Olympic Hotel featured in the 1935 city directory for San Francisco.

11. The guest is quoted in Boomer, Hotel Management , 13. On other privacy, see Hayner, Hotel Life , 72.

12. Hayner, Hotel Life , 66, 71, 100.

13. Laffan, "Caravansaries," 176.

14. Hayner, "The Hotel," 30, 91, gives these prices for Chicago and notes the minimum at one fine hotel was $25 a week.

15. Compare cases 1, 22, and 23 in table 2, Appendix. See also, "Hotel Life as It Is and Was," 449, and Hayner, Hotel Life , 72-73.

16. On Palmer and Leiter, see Lloyd Wendt and Herman Kogan, Give the Lady What She Wants: The Story of Marshall Field and Company (Chicago: Rand McNally, 1952): 16-17, 70; on Higginson, see Douglass Shand Tucci, Built in Boston: City and Suburb, 1800-1950 (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1978): 103.

17. Williamson, The American Hotel , 210; Van Orman, A Room for the Night , 55; Laffan, "Caravansaries," 178; and Mazzi, "City from Frontier," 166, 168.

18. For families at the Palace, see Lewis and Hall, Bonanza Inn , 52, 64, 71, 118-123, 140, 216, 247-248; the editor was Fremont Older, editor of the Bulletin; see Walton Bean, Boss Ruef's San Francisco: The Story of the Union Labor Party, Big Business, and the Graft Prosecution (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1967): 67. On the St. Francis, see Siefkin, The City at the End of the Rainbow .

19. Williamson, The American Hotel , 274; the New York Times article appeared sometime before October 1, 1907, and the page is reprinted in Dorsey and Devine, Fare Thee Well , 139.

20. On the Fairmont and the Mark Hopkins, interview with Gray Brechin, January 12, 1982.

21. The figures on the Lick House come from the 1880 U.S. manuscript census.

22. Mark Twain [Samuel Clemens], "Those Blasted Children" (1864), 18-19, in Franklin Walker, ed., The Washoe Giant in San Francisco (San Francisco: George Fields, 1938): 18-23.

23. Sala, America Revisited , 344-345.

24. For more on children's facilities, see "The Kindergarten in Hotels," Hotel Monthly 3, 22 (January 1895): 12; "When the Apartment Hotel Builds continue

Playground Parkways in the Air," Fashions of the Hour ,School Number (1922); J. O. Dahl, "When Does a Play Room Become a Profitable Investment?" Hotel Management (November 1925); Hayner, "The Hotel," 92, 100, 145; Hayner, Hotel Life , 129-130. The special classes (a French school) were a feature of the Fairmont in San Francisco; see Siefkin, The City at the End of the Rainbow . The McAlpin's women's and children's floor had a playroom, an outdoor playground, and a library, in addition to a large lounge and a hairdressing parlor.

25. The Blue Book (San Francisco: Theodore J. Hoag, 1929): 550-551.

26. Thompson, Eloise .

27. Edmund White, A Boy's Own Story (New York: Plume Books of the New American Library, 1982): 70-72, 77-78.

28. Hayner, Hotel Life , has an entire chapter on hotel children, 119-131. See also a section in Hayner, "The Hotel," 129-133. The history of hallways as play spaces is reinforced by William Robertson and W. F. Robertson, Our American Tour  . . . 1869 (Edinburgh: Privately printed, 1871): 8-9.

29. On early hotels in Europe, see W. C. Firebaugh, The Inns of Greece and Rome and a History of Hospitality from the Dawn of Time to the Middle Ages (Chicago, 1923); Henry P. Maskell and Edward W. Gregory, Old Country Inns of England (London, 1912); and Walter Ison, "Pleasure Gardens and Hotels," in Ison, The Georgian Buildings of Bath from 1700 to 1830 (London: Faber and Faber, 1948): 92-98.

30. King, "First-Class Hotel," 173-175, 178-179; Williamson, The American Hotel , 8-9; Boorstin, "Palaces of the Public," 134-147.

31. King, "First-Class Hotel," 177. A later example of such a complaint is in Sala, "The Philosophy of Grand Hotels," 141.

32. Williamson, The American Hotel , 13, 16, 23-24, 28; Boorstin, "Palaces of the Public," 136-137; interview with Richard Penner, July 1982. On sharing rooms and beds with strangers, see King, "First-Class Hotel," 186, and Van Orman, A Room for the Night , 19, 22, 38.

33. King, "First-Class Hotel," 173-188; Boorstin, "Palaces of the Public," 140.

34. See also Boorstin, "Palaces of the Public," and Williamson, The American Hotel . One of the many general histories of palace hotels is Bryan McGinty, The Palace Inns (Harrisburg: Stackpole Books, 1978).

35. The principal developer of the Palace Hotel was William C. Ralston, an industrialist, mine owner, and bank president; at his death, the Palace was completed by Senator William Sharon; Lewis and Hall, Bonanza Inn . See also the San Francisco City Directory (1880): 18; "The Palace Hotel," Overland Monthly 15 (September 1875): 299; Mary Goodrich, The Palace Hotel (San Francisco, 1930); Williamson, The American Hotel , 32, 91.

36. Sala, America Revisited , 372.

37. Williamson is careful to note the presence of two-room suites: The American Hotel , 17, 53, 56, 92, 115-116; see also King, "First-Class Hotel," 177, 182.

38. Stone, "Hospitality, Hotels, and Lodging Houses," 472-477; Hayner, "The Hotel," 192.

39. Lewis, Work of Art , 194-195. TelAutograph is a trademark for a telegraph device that reproduces hand motions at either end of the wire, so one can "write" a personal note to someone anywhere in the world.

40. The life of each palace hotel has spawned several books. For instance, see Eve Brown, The Plaza: Its Life and Times (New York: Meredith Press, 1967), and Frank Crowninshield, ed., The Unofficial Palace of New York: A Tribute to the Waldorf-Astoria (New York: N.p., 1939).

41. Williamson, The American Hotel , 294, and Lewis, Work of Art , 331. On the Drake, the Hotel Red Book , 1930, 70.

42. For this phase in San Francisco, see Siefkin, The City at the End of the Rainbow , 110-111; the Mark Hopkins (at 19 stories) and the Sir Francis Drake (25 stories) are apt tower examples. LeRoy Linnard installed the first hotel radio station in San Francisco in the Fairmont in March 1922.

43. Williamson, The American Hotel , 295; interview with Harold Weingarten, March 17, 1986.

44. Hayner, "The Hotel," 28-29, 37; Dorsey and Devine, Fare Thee Well , 108-110, 137; Williamson, The American Hotel , 273.

45. Carroll, "Home, Home on the Hill," 14, 16-17.

46. Hayner, "The Hotel," 228-229. For correlative sentiments about staff but in a midpriced hotel, see Edith Rosenshine, "The Typical Small Hotel," ca. 1947, MS Collection, Bancroft Library of the University of California, Berkeley.

47. Hayner, "The Hotel," 91.

48. Maria Therese Longworth Yelverton, Viscountess Avonmore, Teresina in America , 2 vols. (London: Richard Bentley & Son, 1875): 278.

49. Quoted in Hayner, Hotel Life , 114.

50. "Hotel Detective Constantly Battling Smart Criminals," Hotel World (March 3, 1923): 35; "Hotel Life as It Is and Was," Chambers Journal 21, 7th ser. (June 20, 1931): 441-451, 450; Hayner, Hotel Life , 93, 165.

51. "Hotel Life as It Is and Was," 451; Hayner, Hotel Life , 167.

52. Williamson, The American Hotel , 92.

53. Philo Tower, Slavery Unmasked (Rochester, N.Y., 1856): 319, 321, 335-342; also quoted in Calhoun, A Social History of the American Family , 2:205.

54. Hayner, "The Hotel," 7, quoting an engineer for the Illinois Bell Telephone Company.

55. For examples of seasonal moves, see Hayner, Hotel Life , 65; Tucci, Built in Boston , 103; Siefkin, The City at the End of the Rainbow , 62.

56. On the Del Monte, see Limerick, Ferguson, and Oliver, America's Grand Resort Hotels , 49, 100-107. On resort hotel architecture, see also Evers, Cromley, Blackmar, and Harris, Resorts of the Catskills . During any single decade, the truly elite frequented a relatively small number of resort hotels. Other classic examples of the upper-class resort around the turn of the century would include the Broadmoor in Colorado Springs, the Grove Park Inn in Asheville, North Carolina, and the Greenbrier at White Sulphur Springs, West Virginia.

57. Henry James is quoted in Limerick, Ferguson, and Oliver, America's Grand Resort Hotels , 97, where the daily round is also listed. On activities, see also Betsy Blackmar, "Going to the Mountains: A Social History," in Evers, Cromley, Blackmar, and Harris, Resorts of the Catskills , 71-98.

58. Blackmar, "Going to the Mountains," 79.

59. Ibid., 72, 82-83; Limerick, Ferguson, and Oliver, Grand Resort Hotels , 51.

60. Sexton, American Apartment Houses , 8.

61. Three early leaders in Boston were all labeled as hotels: the Hotel Pelham; its neighbor, the Hotel Boylston; and the Hotel Hamilton, dating from 1857, 1870, and 1869, respectively. After 1900, apartments would reverse the direction of innovation and come to influence hotel design. On early experimental apartment houses and social hierarchy, see Gunther Barth, City People: The Rise of Modern City Culture in Nineteenth-Century America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1980): 46-50; James E. Vance, Jr., This Scene of Man (New York: Harper and Row, 1977): 391-406; and John Hancock, "The Apartment House in Urban America," in Anthony D. King, ed., Buildings and Society (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1980): 151-189. On fashionable apartments, see James M. Goode, Best Addresses: A Century of Washington's Distinguished Apartment Houses (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1988); Cromley, Alone Together ; Stern, "With Rhetoric: The New York Apartment House," 78-111. On the blurring of apartment and hotel, see also Williamson, The American Hotel , 270-271; Sexton, American Apartment Houses .

62. The radiator line comes from a sprightly and largely accurate summary of apartment evolution in Beard, "New York Squeezes into the 'Domestic Unit,'" 4; Alpern, Apartments for the Affluent ; Sexton, American Apartment Houses ; Westfall, "The Golden Age of Chicago Apartments."

63. For example, see "Apartment House for Jones and Ellis Streets," San Francisco Chronicle (July 12, 1907), which mixes many of these terms. From 1903 to 1915, the San Francisco directory had only a single heading: "Apartments—Hotels."

64. Environmental determinism is not invoked here but rather a structurationist explanation for the connections between the social and the physical, the individual and the social. See Allan Pred, Making Histories and Constructing continue

Human Geographies (Boulder: Westview Press, 1990); and Anthony Giddens, "Structuralism, Post-Structuralism and the Production of Culture," with Ira J. Cohen, "Structuration Theory and Social Praxis ," in Anthony Giddens and Jonathan Turner, eds., Social Theory Today (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1987): 195-223, 273-308.

65. On the palace hotel's role in innovation diffusion, see especially Boorstin, "Palaces of the Public," and Grier, "Hotels as Model Interiors."

66. See Dell Upton, "Another City: The Changing Urban Landscape in Early Republican America," in Catherine Hutchins, ed., Everyday Life in the Early Republic, 1789-1828 (New York: W. W. Norton for Winterthur Publications, 1991).

67. Henry James, The American Scene (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1968; first published in 1907): 102.

1. Groth, "Forbidden Housing," Table IV-20, 331.

2. See esp. Martin, "Boarding and Lodging," 148-180, and Williamson, The American Hotel , 17, 115. On Chicago in 1844, see Boorstin, "Palaces of the Public"; the boardinghouse figure in Chicago included people of lower incomes.

3. Walt Whitman, "Wicked Architecture," Life Illustrated (July 19, 1856), reprinted in Emory Holloway and Ralph Adimari, comps., New York Dissected: A Sheaf of Recently Discovered Newspaper Articles by the Author of Leaves of Grass (New York: Rufus Rockwell Wilson, 1936): 92-98, 96, emphasis in the original. Whitman could include boarders and hotel guests together in his estimate partly because purpose-built boardinghouses and small hotels of the time so closely resembled each other. See also Barth, City People , 41-54.

4. On comparisons with England, see Calhoun, A Social History of the Family , 3: 180, drawing on nineteenth-century travelers' accounts. On the prevalence of living in hotels from the 1840s to the 1860s, see McGlone, "Suffer the Children," 414-426. On temptation, see Flagg, "The Planning of Apartment Houses and Tenements," 89. See also J. Lebovitz, "The Home and the Machine," Journal of Home Economics 3, 2 (April 1911): 141-148. On almost any family, see Calhoun, A Social History of the Family , 3:239.

5. The residence was the Tubbs Hotel. Beth Bagwell, Oakland: The Story of the City (Novato, Calif.: Presidio Press, 1982): 118-123.

6. For examples of this flux, particularly in reference to hotel residents, see Hamilton, Promoting New Hotels .

7. Hayner, Hotel Life , 78, 105.

8. In San Francisco, according to the U.S. decennial census, the number of continue

architects doubled between 1900 and 1910 owing to the reconstruction after the great fire of 1906. The number doubled again in the 1940s owing to the impacts of World War II. Comments on western architects following fires rely on research in progress by the architectural historian, Ronald L. M. Ramsay, Fargo, North Dakota. On Louis Sullivan, see Robert Twombly, Louis Sullivan: His Life and Work (New York: Viking, 1980).

9. Interview with James E. Vance, Berkeley, California, November 2, 1982, discussing his neighbors and family in the greater Boston area before World War II.

10. The observer is Trollope, North America , 484; on ease for renters versus lease and mortgage holders, see Abbott, The Tenements of Chicago, 1908-1935 , 327.

11. The girl is quoted in Hayner, Hotel Life , 113; see also Williamson, The American Hotel , 12, 98.

12. Harding's letter is quoted in Hayner, "The Hotel," 248. On Long, "Hotel that Inspired Novel Celebrates 95th Year," Topeka Capital-Journal (March 20, 1988): 8-C.

13. "New First Lady is 'Human,' Has Sense of Humor," Chicago Tribune (August 4, 1923); Williamson, The American Hotel , 288.

14. On Frankfurter, Judith Spektor interview, June 11, 1981; on Earl Warren, see Beacon, "Home Is Where the Hotel Is," 16.

15. On Johnson, see Hank Burchard, "Presidents in Residence: Round Town Digs of Our Chief Executives," Washington Post Weekend Section (March 7, 1986): 4-7; for the others see Beacon, "Home Is Where the Hotel Is," 18.

16. Sala, America Revisited , 345. Van Orman, A Room for the Night , 127, claims hotel life was as respectable as private house life, which McGlone and other historians dispute.

17. On age of marriage in 1890, Andrew Truxal, Marriage and the Family in American Culture (New York: Prentice Hall, 1953): 183; Howard Chudacoff, "Newlyweds and Family Extension: The First Stage of the Family Cycle in Providence, Rhode Island, 1864-1865 and 1879-1880," in Tamara Hareven and Maris Vinovskis, eds., Family and Population in Nineteenth-Century America (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1978): 185. On hotel wives, McGlone, "Suffer the Children," 415-426, 456.

18. On 1855, see Edward H. Dixon, Scenes in the Practice of a New York Surgeon (New York: De Witt & Davenport, 1855): 209, quoted in McGlone, "Suffer the Children," 417. On furnishings equal to half the building cost, "Our Family Hotels." On 1928 costs, see UC-HC, Cost of Living Studies. 1. Quantity and Cost Estimate of the Standard of Living of the Professional Class ; the data were collected in 1925-26.

19. Hayner, "The Hotel," 87, 123; Williamson, The American Hotel , 28. In San Francisco in 1929 and 1930, city directory advertisements for the Hotel continue

Harcourt listed prices of $6 to $10 a week. Weekly rates as low as 4.7 times the daily rate were reported for palace and midpriced hotels and 2.5 at rooming houses or cheap lodging houses. The key variables were number of staff and range of services. Groth, "Forbidden Housing," 464-466, 493 n. 104, gives several historical examples of weekly rates versus daily rates.

20. The social worker is quoted in Barth, City People , 42; on the school-teachers, see Hayner, "The Hotel," 123.

21. Harper's Weekly , "Decline and Fall of Hotel Life" (1857): 274.

22. Gilman, "A Possible Solution of the Domestic Service Problem"; on an Adamless Eden, see Herrick, "Cooperative Housekeeping." On a hundred fires, "Cooperative Housekeeping at Last," Good Housekeeping 32 (1901): 490-492; see also Hayden, The Grand Domestic Revolution .

23. On mental rovers, see Hayner, "The Hotel," 81, 84-87, 234; and Hayner, Hotel Life , 7. On Seattle, see Hayner, Hotel Life , 3, 35, 67, 86-89, 99-100, 103. The journalist is Williamson, The American Hotel , 127.

24. Louis Wirth, The Ghetto (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1928): 257-258; the Chicago Beach Hotel percentage is from Hayner, "The Hotel," 234. See also Hayner, Hotel Life , 33, 125, 147-148.

25. On O'Neill, see Arthur Gelb and Barbara Gelb, O'Neill (New York: Harper and Row, 1974); O'Neill and his wife, Carlotta, did live at San Francisco's Fairmont Hotel for a year in 1944. On guests at San Francisco's Palace Hotel, see Lewis and Hall, Bonanza Inn , 267-318. On New York, Harold Weingarten interview, March 17, 1986.

26. Williamson, The American Hotel , 4, 275; Hayner, Hotel Life , 97-98; Zorbaugh, Gold Coast and Slum , 37, 70; Lewis, Work of Art , 132-134; theatrical hotels are given a special symbol in American Travel and Hotel Directory Company, American Travel Book and Hotel Directory [The Blue Book, a short-lived competitor to the Red Book], 9th ed. (Baltimore: ATHD Co., 1923).

27. Williamson, The American Hotel , 269, 273, 292; see F. Marion Crawford's Dr. Claudius on the Brevoort Hotel, which was still standing in 1930.

28. On Willa Cather, see E. K. Brown, Willa Cather: A Critical Biography (New York: Avon Books, 1953): 228. Like Cather herself, her character of Thea in Song of the Lark lived in a seedy hotel in Union Square when she first moved to New York. On Arendt and Mann, interview with Reeda Yacker, publicity consultant for the Windermere Hotel, May 29, 1987, who based her information on research by Rena Appel. Mann reputedly wrote Buddenbrooks while at the Windermere; his daughter and her husband lived a few blocks up the street; on Ferber, see Hayner, "The Hotel," 120; on Chaplin and Winchell, "Landmark L.A. Hotel Closes," San Francisco Examiner (January 4, 1989): A-7.

29. Promotional brochure for Eighteen Gramercy Park South, an 18-story hotel (Corsa Collection, New York Historical Society).

30. Accounts (see Williamson, The American Hotel , 115, 283) mention el- soft

derly bachelors, spinsters, widows, and widowers as "hotel hermits" but without reporting their relative numbers. Hayner's Hotel Life (87) reports that people in Seattle hotel districts were, on the average, consistently older than apartment dwellers, but by no means were the elderly in the majority: 52 percent of the people in Seattle's hotel districts were between 25 and 44 years of age.

31. Sinclair Lewis, Babbitt (New York: New American Library, 1961; originally published in 1922): 188.

32. Hayner, Hotel Life , 70-71.

33. Ford, A Few Remarks , 309. See also Hayner, Hotel Life , 62, 71.

34. "Kate Smith, All-American Singer, Dies at 79," New York Times (June 18, 1986): A-1, B-10.

35. For security precautions routinely taken in large hotels, see Boomer, Hotel Management , 280-283; for interviews, see Hayner, Hotel Life , 72.

36. Condit, "Hotels and Apartments," 101-102, 108-109, 150-153, 219. On family hotels, "Our Family Hotels," 12. Hayner mentions the rows, many of which are still standing, in Hayner, "The Hotel," 71.

37. Hayner, "The Hotel," 92, 224-225.

38. Perelman, "Nathanael West," 161; note that Perelman is describing a 16-story residence club; see section on residence clubs, below.

39. Ibid., 161-162. Benslyn, "Recent Developments in Apartment Housing in America," pt. 2, 543-547.

40. The 12-room example is the Lamont, in San Francisco, built in 1911; its managers listed it as a rooming house in the 1930 city directory.

41. Hayner, "The Hotel," 228-229.

42. On service levels, Stone, "Hospitality, Hotels, and Lodging Houses," 475, and "Our Family Hotels," 12; on discriminating chambermaids, Hayner, "The Hotel," 192. In 1892, a leading 220-room family hotel in San Francisco had a staff of only 75 people.

43. Williamson, The American Hotel , 56-57, 61-62. The first midprice claim for every room with a bath was the original Hotel Statler in Buffalo.

44. Groth, "Forbidden Housing," 247-250.

45. Hamilton, Promoting New Hotels , 48.

46. Williamson, The American Hotel , 69, claims that America's first pushbuttons were hotel annunciators.

47. Hayner, Hotel Life , 3-4, 71.

48. Sexton, American Apartment Houses , 5.

49. Architectural Forum: Apartment Hotel Reference Number , November 1924, 265.

50. Hayner, "The Hotel," 225-226; Hayner, Hotel Life , 106-107.

51. Hayner, "The Hotel," 74.

52. Compare cases 19 and 24 with 1 and 3 in table 2, Appendix. On Chicago family, see Hayner, Hotel Life , 72-73.

53. The 1930 ads quoted here are for the Cecil Hotel, at 545 Post, and the continue

Hotel Regent, at 562 Sutter. These ideal midpriced streets included the palace-ranked Canterbury.

54. On the PPIE, see Burton Benedict, The Anthropology of World's Fairs: San Francisco's Panama Pacific International Exposition of 1915 (Berkeley: Lowie Museum of Anthropology, 1983). For accounts of the hotel connections for New York City's Crystal Palace exhibition (1850-1855), Chicago's Columbian Exposition (1893), and earlier conventions in San Francisco, see Williamson, The American Hotel , 45, 103, 124, and John P. Young, San Francisco: A History of the Pacific Coast Metropolis (San Francisco: S. J. Clarke, 1912), 2: 728-729.

55. Williamson, The American Hotel , 28.

56. Hayner, "The Hotel," 234.

57. See Groth, "Forbidden Housing," 244-250.

58. Ibid., 246-247; see also Zorbaugh, Gold Coast and Slum , 15, 40, 46, 57; on equivalent issues in 1850, see McGlone, "Suffer the Children," 41; for a late example of a successfully converted house, which with an addition had 54 rooms that accommodated 90 to 95 permanent guests (some of whom had been there 13 years in 1923), see Hayner, Hotel Life , 115, 147, 178. On the Berkshire, "Our Family Hotels," gives 1883 as its approximate construction date.

59. C. W. Dickey, "The New Claremont Hotel," The Architect and Engineer of California 5, 2 (June 1906): 30-32. Dickey was the architect of the hotel.

60. Ford, Slums and Housing , 341.

61. Benslyn, "Recent Developments," pt. 2, 543-547; Ford, Slums and Housing , 764.

62. Perelman, "Nathanael West," 161.

63. "The Breaching of the Barbizon: A Bastion of Virtue and Beauty Goes Coed," Time (February 23, 1981): 122; the literary hotel is Perelman's Sutton Hotel.

64. In 1907, for instance, Mrs. Laura Gashweiler built the Gashweiler Apartment House, four stories tall with 19 two-room units, stores on the first floor, an elevator, and steam heat. Mrs. Gashweiler and her daughter lived in the building and advertised it as a fine "family hotel." Next door, other developers built the 72-room Hotel Artmar (1911) and the Windeler Apartments (1915) with 62 efficiency units. These examples stand on the 400 block of Ellis, near Jones. See "Apartment House for Jones and Ellis Streets," San Francisco Chronicle (July 12, 1907), the city directory of 1911, and the building files of the Foundation for San Francisco's Architectural Heritage.

65. Chicago advertisement quoted in Hayner, "The Hotel," 22.

66. Warren, "What the Typical Apartment Hotel 'Looks Like,'" 406-409; Architectural Forum , Apartment Hotel Reference Number, 206, 221; Benslyn, "Recent Developments," pt. 2, 540; Hayner, Hotel Life , 66. See also, "To Cook or Not to Cook," Housing Betterment .

67. Warren, "What the Typical Apartment Hotel 'Looks Like,'" 407, 409; Benslyn, "Recent Developments," pt. 2, 540, 542-543; Hayden, The Grand Domestic Revolution , 317.

68. On early examples, Tucci, "Built in Boston," 101; Hayden, The Grand Domestic Revolution , 72-74; Carl W. Condit, The Chicago School of Architecture , 152. On design standards and guides, Alpern, Apartments for the Affluent , 18; Sexton, American Apartment Houses , 7; Architectural Forum , Apartment Hotel Reference Number 41, 5 (November 1924): 208; for less expensive types, Cash, Modern Type of Apartment Hotels Throughout the United States; the original survey cards for the SFHACC Real Property Survey (Bancroft Library) also show the full range of apartment hotel types.

69. One source states that the revolving bed did not make its way to the East Coast until 1914; Beard, "Domestic Unit," 4. On early folding bed competitors and their use in hotels, see "The Holmes Wall Bed," Pacific Coast Architect (Portland, Oregon) 3, 4 (July 1912): 454; "The Murphy Bed," Pacific Coast Architect 3, 2 (July 1912): 455-456. See also, advertisement in Pacific Coast Architect 4 (November 1912): 90. Anne Bloomfield shared these sources with me before her own research was published.

70. SFHA, First Report (1911): 48; Taylor, "Efficiency Planning and Equipment," 253-258.

71. Rose, "Interest in the Living Arrangements of the Urban Unattached," 491.

72. The listed figures are an excerpt from "Domicile Status of Families Classified by Occupation of Husband (Unbroken Families in One- and Multiple-Family Households)," Table XIII, Monroe, Chicago Families , 66.

73. Monroe, Chicago Families , 64, 70-74, 226.

74. Ibid., 78-79.

75. Nathaniel Hawthorne, The Blithedale Romance (Boston: Ticknor, Reed and Fields, 1852): 525-528.

1. Richardson, The Long Day , 3-5. Richardson used a pen name; her identity is not known. Sarah Eisenstein and others have criticized Richardson's book as mere "middle-class voyeurism," but Richardson displays working-class architectural and social discernment, even if she did not retain a full working-class consciousness.

2. Van Antwerp, "Study of Boarding Homes for Employed Women and Girls."

3. Woods, "The Myriad Tenantry of Furnished Rooms," 955-956. Cohen, "Los Angeles Rooming-House Kaleidoscope," 319.

4. Modell and Hareven, "Urbanization and the Malleable Household," 470-472, 475. See also Peel, "On the Margins," 813-834.

5. A classic source on old-fashioned boardinghouses is Butler, "The Physiology of New York Boarding Houses."

6. Ford, Slums and Housing , 341; Wolfe, Lodging House Problem , 1-2. Wolfe reports that in 1900, 95 percent of Boston's rooming house operators were women.

7. On San Francisco and Boston, see Groth, "Forbidden Housing," 34-36; on Chicago, see Meyerowitz, "Holding Their Own," 106.

8. Wolfe, Lodging House Problem , 6, 38, 42-44.

9. SFHA, Second Report (1913): 26; Wolfe, Lodging House Problem , 42-59; Zorbaugh, Gold Coast and Slum , 69-71. On stoves, see Richardson, The Long Day , 5, 27-28, and "The Irvington, S. Hancock's Handsome New Building," San Francisco Chronicle (Sunday, March 30, 1890).

10. Wolfe, Lodging House Problem , 84, 93; Zorbaugh, Gold Coast and Slum , 78; Hoch and Slayton, New Homeless and Old , 15-19.

11. Richardson, The Long Day , 28-29. Technically, Richardson was in a light housekeeping room, hence the tiny cooking stove and kitchen-style table.

12. Meyerowitz, "Holding Their Own," 43; Hoch and Slayton, New Homeless and Old , 17; Richardson, The Long Day , 171; Wolfe, Lodging House Problem , 36-37; Bessie Van Vorst and Marie Van Vorst, The Woman Who Toils: Being the Experiences of Two Ladies as Factory Girls (New York: Doubleday, Page & Co., 1903): 177. On public baths, see Glassberg, "The Design of Reform." On cracked bowls and pitchers, "Remember the Old Hotel of a Decade Ago? Some Place, No?" San Francisco Chronicle (January 15, 1919).

13. Fretz, "The Furnished Room Problem in Philadelphia," 2 (n. 1), 57-58; Wolfe, Lodging House Problem , 1-2. City directories suggest that "lodging house" was the local term in San Francisco.

14. CSS, "Life in One Room," 1-5; Mostoller, "A Single Room," 191-216. Both articles focus only on New York City.

15. Olmstead and Olmstead et al., The Yerba Buena Center , 193-195. The Central Pacific was listed in the city directory under boarding, lodging, and hotel categories.

16. O. Henry [William Sydney Porter], "Between Rounds," in The Four Million and Other Stories (New York: Airmont, 1963; first published in 1906): 35. Hoch and Slayton, New Homeless and Old , 20.

17. On plumbing, see Hoch and Slayton, New Homeless and Old , 48-49.

18. For a literary example, see the comments of Lily Barth in Wharton, The House of Mirth , 267, 287-288.

19. Groth, "'Marketplace' Vernacular Design," 179-191. In most cities, the construction of new downtown rooming houses probably continued through the 1920s, so that the years 1880 to 1930 could bracket the building of most examples. However, in the San Francisco sample, no examples were built after 1921, probably as a result of overbuilding larger hotel structures for the 1915 Pan American exposition.

20. The construction date for the Delta is listed as 1906, but in San Francisco records, early dates are unreliable. The Delta, at 41 Sixth Street between Market and Mission streets, had a directory listing in 1910; in 1990, it was still operating as the Whitaker Hotel.

21. John Leighly refers to living in an "upstairs hostelry" in Champaign, Illinois, in 1913; Leighly, "Memory as Mirror," in Anne Buttimer, ed., The Practice of Geography (New York: Longman, 1983): 80-89. On bare, creaky, and depressing stairs, see Richardson, The Long Day , 45; Dreiser, Sister Carrie , 525; Van Vorst and Van Vorst, The Woman Who Toils , 195.

22. Will Kortum letter of March 4, 1906, quoted in Olmstead and Olmstead et al., The Yerba Buena Center , 232.

23. The Delta has only one bath for every nine rooms, low for the rooming house rank. See Groth, "'Marketplace' Vernacular Design."

24. Girls Housing Council, "Where Is Home?" 22; "Rooming House Problems," Housing Betterment 10, 3 (1921): 269.

25. Lewis, Work of Art , 6-7. The hotel in the novel is clearly based on the Palmer House in Sauk Centre, Minnesota, built in 1901. Lewis worked there in 1902.

26. Most comments based on the author's observations while living in the National Hotel, San Francisco, in 1986. On not conducting personal affairs behind closed doors, see Chandler, "The Social Organization of Workers in a Rooming House Area," 116.

27. See Mary S. Sims, The Natural History of a Social Institution: The Young Women's Christian Association (New York: Woman's Press, 1936); and Sherwood Eddy, A Century with Youth: A History of the YMCA from 1844 -1944 (New York: Association Press, 1944).

28. On independence sought by women, see Meyerowitz, "Holding Their Own," 77, 84-90, 120. In the 1920s in New York, the cheapest women's residence clubs charged $3 to $8 a week, without board; other institutional residence clubs typically charged from $7 to $12 for combined board and room. In contrast, the YWCAs charged 50 cents a day for meals with a dormitory bed or cubicle, up to $1.50 a day for rooms (with meals); Ford, Slums and Housing , 755. Girls Housing Council, "Where Is Home?" 14, 18-20, reports similar prices in San Francisco. See also Davidson, "Organized Boarding Homes for Self-Supporting Women in Chicago."

29. U.S. Bureau of Labor, "Boarding Homes, Aids for Working Women," 31-57; Fergusson, "Boarding Homes and Clubs for Working Women," 141-195; Rose, "Interest in the Living Arrangements of the Urban Unattached," 488-489; Girls Housing Council, "Where Is Home?" 14; Meyerowitz, "Holding Their Own," 78-82, 121-122.

30. Clifford Drury, San Francisco's YMCA: 100 Years by the Golden Gate, 1853-1953 (Glendale, Calif.: Arthur Clark Co., 1963): 233; on integration of blacks, J. Howell Atwood, The Racial Factor in YMCAs (New York: Associa- soft

tion Press, 1946): 48-51, and National Council of YMCAs, Negro Youth in City YMCAs (New York: Association Press, 1944): 5-9, 59.

31. Fayès, "The Housing of Single Women," 101; Meyerowitz, "Holding Their Own," 68-76, 122-125. Early large temperance hotels in San Francisco included the Branch House, which accommodated up to 500 people in 160 rooms; "Lodging Houses of San Francisco," San Francisco Chronicle (November 6, 1870). In the 1920s, San Francisco had six private organizational rooming houses with 644 beds total.

32. Rose, "Interest in the Living Arrangements of the Urban Unattached," 489; Ford, Slums and Housing , 755-759; "Hotels for Women: The Grace Dodge Hotel," Housing Betterment 11, 2 (1922): 198-201.

33. In the 1920s, ethnic homes for the elderly charged a monthly fee of about $40 or a lifetime entrance fee of about $2,000; UC-HC, Dependent Aged , 26-29, 83-86. Hospitals, institutional residences for the handicapped, tuberculosis sanatoriums, prisons, and army bases add other urban dwellings that the census counts as "institutional group quarters"; few of these met rooming house standards and typically substituted for lodging house quarters.

34. Wolfe, Lodging House Problem , 1, 5-6; Wolfe reported that roomers made up 14 percent of the population of Boston's inner wards. See also Peel, "On the Margins," 817; and Zorbaugh, "The Dweller in Furnished Rooms," 84-85.

35. Boston in 1906 had a 1:1 ratio of men to women; Wolfe, Lodging House Problem , 82. Data from Chicago in 1929 reported 52 percent men, 10 percent single women, and 38 percent couples; Zorbaugh, Gold Coast and Slum , 71. Philadelphia in 1912 had similar ratios; Fretz, "The Furnished Room Problem in Philadelphia," 50. A Los Angeles study in 1949 reported about one-third of the 600 interviewees were women; Cohen, "Los Angeles Rooming-House Kaleidoscope."

36. Wolfe, Lodging House Problem , 94. Wives with no outside employment made up 16.5 percent of the sample of 200 women. Stenographers and waitresses made up 8 percent each; dressmakers, 7.5; saleswomen and nurses, 6.0 each; and clerks, 5.0.

37. Employment figures from U.S. Census, Fourteenth Census of the U.S., Vol. 4, Population 1920 , 222-238; wages from California State Bureau of Labor Statistics, 20th Biennial Report, 1919-1920 (Sacramento: State Printing Office, 1920): 228; on vying with Chinese, see Tygiel, "Workingmen in San Francisco," 23; on few living in commercial housing, Girls Housing Council, "Where Is Home?" 5-6, 37. In the Housing Council's sample, a third of the single women lived away from their families, but only one out of twelve girls lived in a commercial rooming house or hotel. The rest were boarders or lodgers.

38. The San Francisco figures are from the population and occupation volumes of the U.S. Census, 1900-1930. On working-class women in the city, see continue

particularly Meyerowitz, "Holding Their Own," 21-35; and Cohen, "Los Angeles Rooming-House Kaleidoscope," 317-320. On new white-collar work, see Margery W. Davies, A Woman's Place Is at the Typewriter: Office Work and Office Workers, 1870-1930 (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1982); Elyce Rotella, From Home to Office: U.S. Women at Work, 1870-1930 (Ann Arbor: UMI Press, 1981); U.S. Department of Labor, Women's Bureau, Women's Occupations through Seven Decades , Bulletin no. 218 (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1947).

39. On new jobs, U.S. Bureau of the Census, Census of Manufactures, 1914 , 95, and table 18.

40. Wolfe, Lodging House Problem , 92. Clerks made up 13.2 percent of a sample of 7,600 men. Other occupations with 2 or more percent: salesmen, 8.0; merchants and dealers, 5.4; waiters, 4.8; foremen and managers, 2.7; engineers, 2.3; real estate and insurance, 2.1; cooks and stewards, 2.0.

41. Wolfe, Lodging House Problem , 1, 5-6, 86-97. Wolfe's account matches closely with that in Fretz, "The Furnished Room Problem in Philadelphia," 67-68. A less statistical and more negative account of male residents is in Zorbaugh, Gold Coast and Slum , 69-86. On carpenters, see Tygiel, "Workingmen in San Francisco," 182, and Averbach, "San Francisco's South of Market District." Woodrow Wilson's rooming houses were at 146 North Charles Street and 8 McCulloh Street; Burchard, "Presidents in Residence."

42. On mobility, see Hoch and Slayton, New Homeless and Old , 19-20, 23; Wolfe, Lodging House Problem , 5, 9, 82-83; Girls Housing Council, "Where Is Home?" 6. On the San Francisco skilled labor experience, see Tygiel, "Workingmen in San Francisco," and Olmstead and Olmstead et al., The Yerba Buena Center , 193, 247. The two women are quoted in Hoch and Slayton, New Homeless and Old , 20.

43. On age and sex profiles, Zorbaugh, Gold Coast and Slum , 8, 71-75, which compares closely with Wolfe's Boston study. A New York study in 1940 and another in Los Angeles in 1949 showed similar proportions: CSS, "Life in One Room," 37-51, and Cohen, "Los Angeles Rooming-House Kaleidoscope," 319-326. On the elderly, UC-HC, Dependent Aged , xii, 1, 14.

44. Hayner, Hotel Life , 86; Wolfe, Lodging House Problem , 66.

45. On ethnic and religious distinctions, see Peel, "On the Margins," 816; Harney, "Boarding and Belonging," 8-37. On blacks, see Hoch and Slayton, New Homeless and Old , 24-25; Hayner, Hotel Life , 86; and R. D. McKenzie, The Metropolitan Community (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1933): 243-247.

46. On roommates and the sexual service sector, Meyerowitz, "Holding Their Own," 146, 47-57. Tygiel, "Workingmen in San Francisco," 204, found 7 percent of the married workers in his sample were in boarding or hotel situations of some sort. The derogatory "charity girl" term and the 38 percent figure are from Zorbaugh, Gold Coast , 86ff. On post-World War II, see Chandler, "Social Organization," 12-14, 100-138. On blacks, see Hoch and continue

Slayton, New Homeless and Old , 29; on a different interpretation of Chandler, see Hoch and Slayton, 156.

47. Although Wolfe makes no mention of homosexuality, he does mention several same-sex pairs moving together; Wolfe, Lodging House Problem , 84, 93. See Meyerowitz, "Holding Their Own," 10-11; and Meyerowitz, "Sexuality in the Furnished Room Districts: Working Class Women, 1890-1930," paper presented at the Organization of American Historians meeting (April 1986); Hoch and Slayton, New Homeless and Old , 22-23; Box-Car Bertha as told to Reitman, Sister of the Road .

48. Ford, A Few Remarks , 308.

49. Ford, Slums and Housing , 343, 759-760.

50. Kortum in Olmstead and Olmstead et al., The Yerba Buena Center , 226-227; Wolfe, Lodging House Problem , 1-2, 61, 99-103, and Chart VI; Girls Housing Council, "Where Is Home?" 14, 18-20, 24. See also Ford, Slums and Housing , 755; Hayner, "The Hotel," 88, 123, 116-117.

51. On the elderly, UC-HC, Dependent Aged , 94, on data collected in 1925; on downtown rooming houses, Girls Housing Council, "Where Is Home?" 24; Hayner, "The Hotel," 88.

52. These figures are from the California Bureau of Labor Statistics. For parallel income and household expenditure figures for women in Chicago, see Meyerowitz, "Holding Their Own," 47-51, 221.

53. On the half-mile figure for San Francisco, see Shumsky, "Tar Flat and Nob Hill," 138. On journey to work issues for women, see Meyerowitz, "Holding Their Own," 111-113. For descriptions of pedestrian job searches, see Richardson, The Long Day , and Van Vorst and Van Vorst, The Woman Who Toils .

54. The Western Addition is centrally located in the city but so named because it was the first plat added at the western edge of the original street grid.

55. San Francisco City Planning Commission, The Master Plan of San Francisco , 14-19.

56. Vertigo , Alfred Hitchcock, producer (Paramount, 1958).

57. Scott, "Western Addition District," 5-6, 11-12; and E. J. Schallert, San Francisco Report: A Compendium of Information on Population, Housing, Races, Land Use, and Zoning (San Francisco: J. B. Little & Co., 1965). Scott does not use the term "Jewish," although both old and new synagogues were prominent features of the area at the turn of the century. On early blacks, see Douglas H. Daniels, Pioneer Urbanites: A Social and Cultural History of Black San Francisco (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1980); on Japanese, see Godfrey, Neighborhoods in Transition , 70-71.

58. On block-by-block mixture, SFHACC, manuscript survey cards and summary schedules for Census Tract J-1 to J-14, in the 1939 Real Property Survey archive, Manuscripts Division, Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley. Population figures from U.S. Census.

59. The 1970 census reported 88 percent white in the Tenderloin. Hotel figures include the Civic Center area and a line of South of Market blocks between Mission and Market streets. See Groth, "Forbidden Housing," 301-306, 331bb.

60. Other new areas included with the Tenderloin are the Van Ness/Polk corridor and the Church and Market area. On nearby apartments, see Eric Sandweiss, "Building for Downtown Living: The Residential Architecture of San Francisco's Tenderloin," Perspectives in Vernacular Architecture 3 (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1989): 160-173.

61. See "Dance Madness," in Kathy Peiss, Cheap Amusements: Working Women and Leisure in Turn-of-the-Century New York (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1986): 88-114; and David Nye, Electrifying America: Social Meanings of a New Technology (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1990).

62. About "gents," see Wolfe, Lodging House Problem , 20-33, with quotation from 33, talking about Boston; on the café, E. Idell Zeisloft, The New Metropolis: Memorable Events of Three Centuries, 1600-1900 (New York: D. Appleton and Co., 1899): 266.

63. The generic elements are drawn largely from Boston; Wolfe, Lodging House Problem , 27-33. For overlaps with San Francisco, see Frank Norris, Vandover and the Brute (New York: Doubleday & Co., 1914): esp. 5-9, 43-59, 168-181; for New York, see Richardson, The Long Day .

64. Glassberg, "The Design of Reform," 5-21.

65. Wolfe, Lodging House Problem , 38, 46-48. Noncommercial meal arrangements could vary: in the 1920s, some San Francisco boarders had kitchen privileges, some ate breakfast and dinner with the family, and others ate their meals at a neighbor's house; Girls Housing Council, "Where Is Home?" 6, 24.

66. Wolfe, Lodging House Problem , 28, 48-50, 101-103. On the stew, see Meyerowitz, "Holding Their Own," 100. On counter and booth luncheonettes, see Chandler, "Social Organization," and SL, The Invisible Elderly , 20.

67. A well-known basement restaurant was in the What Cheer House; see Lucius Beebe and Charles Clegg, San Francisco's Golden Era: A Picture Story of San Francisco before the Fire (Berkeley: Howell-North, 1960): 204, and Williamson, The American Hotel , 90. On three for twos, see John P. Young, San Francisco: History of the Pacific Coast Metropolis , vol. 2 (San Francisco: S. J. Clarke, 1912): 559-560; on beef n' beans, see Zeisloft, The New Metropolis , 268.

68. On dairy lunchrooms, see Zeisloft, The New Metropolis , 266-268; Richardson, The Long Day , 148, 155; Jane Stern and Michael Stern, "Cafeteria," New Yorker (August 1, 1988): 37-54, on 40-41.

69. Wolfe, Lodging House Problem , 28, 46, 101.

70. Fretz, "The Furnished Room Problem in Philadelphia," 114.

71. Ibid.

72. Richardson, The Long Day , 258-259.

73. Wolfe, Lodging House Problem , 28.

74. Chandler, "Social Organization," 12-26; she devotes a chapter each to a corner crowd, a tavern crowd, and a rooming house group.

75. Anderson, The Hobo , 68, 76; see the recent equivalent of Anderson's cases reported in Siegal, Outposts of the Forgotten , 37.

76. For an exaggerated account of this sort of anonymity, see Zorbaugh, Gold Coast and Slum , 75. See also Wolfe, Lodging House Problem , 138.

77. On building types, see Gentry, The Madams of San Francisco , 204, 215-218, 225, describing 130 Eddy Street and 337 O'Farrell in the Tenderloin district; Zorbaugh, Gold Coast and Slum , 119-120. On buffet flats, see Chris Albertson, Bessie (New York: Stein and Day, 1972): 14, 122-123. On vice zones, see Wolfe, Lodging House Problem , 30, 32, 139-141, 171; Abbott, The Tenements of Chicago , 306, 313, 322-325; on contemporary views of such locations, see Howard B. Woolston, Prostitution in the United States , Publications of the Bureau of Social Hygiene, vol. 1 (New York: The Century Co., 1921): 132-133.

78. The hotel keeper is Ford, A Few Remarks , 293-297, with direct quotation on 294. Lubove, The Progressives and the Slums , 138; Hayner, Hotel Life , 168; Havelock Ellis, The Task of Social Hygiene (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1912): chap. 9.

79. Zorbaugh, Gold Coast and Slum , 120; Gentry, Madams of San Francisco , 255, 266-268; Hayner, Hotel Life , 172-173; Woolston, Prostitution , 147.

80. Modell and Hareven, "Urbanization and the Malleable Household," 471.

81. Kortum is quoted in Olmstead and Olmstead et al., The Yerba Buena Center , 234.

82. Ibid., 234; technically, this private boardinghouse needed a hotel license.

83. In 1880, a full two-thirds of the common laborers, teamsters, and carpenters who boarded or lodged had done so with private families. Twenty years later, over half of that group lived in commercial hotels; Tygiel, "Workingmen in San Francisco," 182, 207. On social concerns of family boarders, see Hayner, "The Hotel," 123; Hayner, Hotel Life , 70-71; Girls Housing Council, "Where Is Home?" 4, 21.

84. Hayner, "The Hotel," 123.

85. Hayner, Hotel Life , 69.

86. Wharton, The House of Mirth , 287.

87. Wilson, "Chicago Families in Furnished Rooms," 5; Abbott, The Tenements of Chicago , 318; Girls Housing Council, "Where Is Home?" 22.

88. Abbott, The Tenements of Chicago , 335; Wilson, "Chicago Families in Furnished Rooms," 3. Compare with the excellent 1940 descriptions in CSS, "Life in One Room," 8-26.

89. Wilson, "Chicago Families in Furnished Rooms," 30, 41; the building continue

cut into two-room units was in Chicago on the Southwest Side, on West 65th Street. On San Francisco, SFHACC, Real Property Survey, 1939 , 1:13, 29.

90. Abbott, The Tenements of Chicago , 337.

91. Abbott, The Tenements of Chicago , 305-338; Mrs. Johanna von Wagner in SFHA, Second Report (1913): 26; Wolfe, Lodging House Problem , 173. Chandler reported that within two years, two of her friends, both in their 40s, had bought furniture and then abandoned it when they moved; Chandler, "Workers in a Rooming House," 131.

92. "Rooming House Problems," Housing Betterment 11, 1 (1922): 73-74.

93. Barth, City People , 7-18; Richard Sennett, Families Against the City: Middle Class Homes of Industrial Chicago, 1872-1890 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1970): 194; see also 62-69, 192-200.

94. Meyerowitz, "Holding Their Own," 3, 8, 196-199; Henry May, The End of American Innocence: A Study of the First Years of Our Own Time, 1912-1917 (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1959); Daniel Scott Smith, "The Dating of the American Sexual Revolution: Evidence and Interpretation," in Michael Gorden, ed., The American Family in Social-Historical Perspective (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1973).

95. Meyerowitz, "Holding Their Own," 4, 8-9. See also Peiss, Cheap Amusements ; and Lewis A. Erenberg, Steppin' Out: New York Nightlife and the Transformation of American Culture, 1890-1930 (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1981).

96. Wood, "Myriad Tenantry of Furnished Rooms," 956.

97. Quoted in Olmstead and Olmstead et al., The Yerba Buena Center , 227.

98. Kortum's hotel was the Rio Vista, on Third Street between Howard and Folsom in San Francisco's South of Market district, at the site of the present Moscone Convention Center.

99. Quoted in Olmstead and Olmstead et al., The Yerba Buena Center , 227.

100. Novelists such as Sinclair Lewis, Theodore Dreiser, and Edith Wharton often use rooming house furniture to mark their characters' changing socioeconomic status. Wharton gives this list for Lily Barth as the character nears the limit of what makes a socially proper room: a "shabby" chest of drawers with a lace cover, a washstand, two chairs, a small writing desk, and a little table near the bed. Wharton, The House of Mirth , 327. See also Dreiser, An American Tragedy (Cleveland: World Publishing, 1946; first published in 1925); and John Steinbeck, In Dubious Battle (New York: Penguin Books, 1979; first published in 1936): 1-3.

1. Riis, How the Other Half Lives , 69.

2. Anderson, The Hobo , 87-89, 172-173, quoting Ben Reitman, the self-styled "King of the Hoboes."

3. Hoch and Slayton, New Homeless and Old , 41; Anderson, The Hobo , 3, 14, 106; Wallace, Skid Row as a Way of Life , 18-19.

4. Anderson, The Hobo , xviii, xiv.

5. For this labor group in San Francisco, see Nylander, "The Casual Laborer of California"; Wood, "The California State Commission of Immigration and Housing," 3-22.

6. On 1907, Anderson, The Hobo , 63-64. On occupancy, see Nylander, "The Casual Laborer of California," 3-22, and Olmstead and Olmstead et al., The Yerba Buena Center , 247. On winter layoffs, see California Bureau of Labor Statistics, 19th Biennial Report, 1919-1920 , 231, and Averbach, "San Francisco's South of Market District," 199, 202, 205. California's canning industries employed a work force that was nine-tenths seasonal; two-thirds of the brick and tile makers were seasonal workers.

7. On the home guard see esp., Anderson, The Hobo , 41-45, 74, 117-119; and UC-HC, Dependent Aged , 63-64. Roger Miller, lyrics from "King of the Road" (Nashville: Tree Publishing Company, 1964).

8. Riis, How the Other Half Lives , 69. Specifically, Riis spoke here of young men mingled in the 25-cents-a-night cubicle hotels in the Bowery; not all of these men were migrant laborers.

9. Hoch and Slayton, New Homeless and Old , 37-40; McEntire, "Population and Employment Survey of Sacramento's West End."

10. On Chinese, see Shumsky, "Tar Flat and Nob Hill," 49-51. On labor agencies, see Tygiel, "Workingmen in San Francisco," 23. In 1880, the vast majority of San Francisco's tobacco and shoemaking workshops were within three blocks of Chinatown, showing their owners' dependence on the Chinese. In 1900, the 14,000 Chinese were 4.1 percent of the city's total population.

11. California, UC-HC, Dependent Aged , 75; Hoch and Slayton, New Homeless and Old , 29-32, 38; on blacks in the migrant work force, see John C. Schneider, "Tramping Workers, 1890-1920: A Subcultural View," in Monkkenon, ed., Walking to Work , 212-234.

12. One survey found that 60 percent of the older, male day laborer group had never been married and 30 percent had long been widowed. By comparison, in 1920, the national average among all adult males over 55 was only 27 percent single, widowed, or divorced; UC-HC, Dependent Aged , 64.

13. UC-HC, Dependent Aged , 58, 68-75; and Averbach, "San Francisco's South of Market District," 209. On modern parallels, see Wallace, Skid Row as a Way of Life , 199-120, and Spradley, You Owe Yourself a Drunk , 76-77.

14. "Ten Cent Lodgings," 9.

15. Weiner, "Sisters of the Road," 171-188; Martin, "Homeless Women," 32-41; Box-Car Bertha, Sister of the Road , 9, 13-15, 60-68, 132-134. The low national figure is Box-Car Bertha's; the high figure is from the U.S. Women's Bureau, 1933. On the Bowery, see Kennaday, "New York's Hundred Lodging Houses," 489.

16. R. D. McKenzie, The Metropolitan Community (New York: McGrawHill, 1933): 245-247. The data were taken from sample tracts of the 1920 U.S. Census.

17. Wallace, Skid Row as a Way of Life , 192-194; Anderson, The Hobo , 13, 129; Solenberger, One Thousand Homeless Men . On unemployables, see Ford, Slums and Housing , 346-347; UC-HC, Dependent Aged , 68.

18. One expert defined the mentally ill as including the "insane, feebleminded, or epileptic"; she found only 197 alcoholics out of 1,000 men; Solenberger, One Thousand Homeless Men . Another observer cites a 1950s study that found only 8 percent of the excessive drinkers on skid row to be alcoholics; Wallace, Skid Row as a Way of Life , 187-188. On cocaine, see Anderson, The Hobo , 67, 97.

19. Anderson, The Hobo , 5, 15.

20. Richard H. Dillon, Shanghaiing Days (New York: Coward-McCann, 1961): 38-45, 212-215; Felix Riesenberg, Jr., Golden Gate: The Story of San Francisco Harbor (New York: Alfred Knopf, 1940): 128-132, 153-161, 206, 234-299.

21. Byrnes, "Nurseries of Crime," 355-362; Devine, "The Shiftless and Floating City Population," 160-161; Wolfe, Lodging House Problem , 137-138, 181-182.

22. Hoch and Slayton, New Homeless and Old , 44, 60-61.

23. I have borrowed "no-family house" from Lars Lerup, who uses the term for a conceptual house design.

24. See saloon stairway photo in Aronovici, Housing Conditions in the City of Saint Paul , 59. Liu, "Chinatown Residential Hotels," shows doorway distinctions on 8, 109.

25. On prices, see Anderson, The Hobo , 29ff.; Riis, How the Other Half Lives , 69-72. Riis gives the prices in 1890 as 25, 15, 10, and 7 cents. The reformer's full phrase for a city's cheapest hotels was often "cheap hotels, lodging houses, and flops." The more generic term for the entire rank was "cheap lodging house." Common variants of "lodging house" added the price, as in "Ten Cent Lodging House."

26. The California State Tuberculosis Commission inspector, Johanna von Wagner, in SFHA, Second Report (1913): 26.

27. Groth, "Forbidden Housing," 522-535. In 1910, most cheap lodging house ratios were worse than 1:20; by 1930, most owners had added plumbing, and the ratios were better than 1:20.

28. The Central Hotel, probably built in about 1909, is described in CSRA, Transients in California , 181. Its owner was Edward Rolkin, profiled in chap. 6. The building, at 564-586 Third Street, across from South Park, had a bath-to-room ratio of 1:18.

29. Anderson, "Lodging Houses," 595, and Chicago Department of Public Welfare, "Fifty Cheap Lodging Houses," 66-73. Other useful glimpses of cu- soft

bicle rooms, in chronological order: Riis, How the Other Half Lives , 72; Josiah Flynt [Josiah Flynt Willard], Tramping with Tramps (New York: Century Company, 1901): 123; Anderson, The Hobo , 30, 132; Hayner, "The Hotel," 48-49; Hayner, Hotel Life , 29; Ford, A Few Remarks , 15; CIH, First Annual Report (1915): 80; CIH, Second Annual Report (1916): 226-228; Hoch and Slayton, New Homeless and Old , 46-47, 101-102. Gentry, Madams of San Francisco , 186-187, gives measurements of San Francisco cribs in a cheap prostitution house he saw: height, 6 ¢ 6 ¢¢ ; length, 6 ¢ 9 ¢¢ ; width, 4 ¢ 6 ¢¢ .

30. Hoch and Slayton, New Homeless and Old , 44-45, 60-61.

31. The wallet detail is courtesy of Prof. Warren Roberts, Folklore Institute, Indiana University, describing his stay in a military ward-style domicile in World War II; interview in Newark, Delaware, May 5, 1984. See also Irvine, "A Bunk-House and Some Bunk-House Men."

32. Abbott, The Tenements of Chicago , 164.

33. Folsom Street, in SFHA, Second Report (1913): 25-26. New York, in Ford, Slums and Housing , 346, quoting Kennaday study of 1905; CIH, First Annual Report (1915): 80. New York's Kenton Hotel, 333 Bowery, had the top two floors in wards, the next two in cubicles, and the ground floor in commercial uses.

34. Gentry, Madams of San Francisco , 186-188, 204, 215-218; Woolston, Prostitution in the United States , 104, 139; Abbott, The Tenements of Chicago , 112. On canvas partitions in some crib brothels, see Norman Maclean, A River Runs Through It and Other Stories (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1976): 174-207. On the "municipal crib," a 100-cubicle hotel owned and operated in part by city officials, see Walton Bean, Boss Reuf's San Francisco , 45-46.

35. "Ten Cent Lodgings," 9.

36. Anderson, The Hobo , 132; see also Kennaday, "New York's One Hundred Rooming Houses," 487, 489; Hoch and Slayton, New Homeless and Old , 48.

37. In 1910, the four-story Milton House, near Third and Howard in San Francisco, had 120 rooms (cubicles, surely) yet only 11 basins, 5 toilets, and no baths in the entire structure. On towels, Aronovici, Housing Conditions in the City of Saint Paul , 59. On other conditions, see especially Anderson, The Hobo , 29, 132; SFHA, Second Report (1913): 25; Riis, How the Other Half Lives , 69; Hoch and Slayton, New Homeless and Old , 48-49.

38. On California, see Groth, "Forbidden Housing," 523-529; on Chicago, see Bogue, Skid Row in American Cities , 84; on New York, see Blackburn, "Single Room Occupancy in New York City," 2-8. On codes and enforcement, see chap. 8 below.

39. The Bonanza was at 867-869 Market, near Fifth Street, in the 1880s. It did not survive the fire of 1906. The top-floor shoe factory suggests the building was a commercial loft structure; hence the likelihood that the lodgings were of a minimal sort (Sanborn Insurance Maps, 1885, 1905).

40. Turish's structure, built about 1906, filled its 20- by 70-foot lot at 211 Minna Street, between Third and Fourth streets (a block later occupied by the Yerba Buena Gardens project).

41. Riis, How the Other Half Lives , 72. Other sources on flophouses are Anderson, The Hobo , 30-32 (see esp. his account of a night in a flophouse); Chicago Department of Public Welfare, "Fifty Cheap Lodging Houses," 68-70; UC-HC, Dependent Aged , 74-75; CIH, Second Annual Report (1916): 226.

42. CSRA, Transients in California , 81-82.

43. CIH, Second Annual Report (1916): 50-51; Sherry H. Olson, Baltimore: The Building of an American City (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1980): 215; U.S. Bureau of Labor, Housing of the Working People in the United States by Employers , 1191-1243.

44. On Chicago City Hall, see Hoch and Slayton, New Homeless and Old , 53-57. On police stations, see Riis, How the Other Half Lives , 72.

45. Mostoller, "A Single Room," 191-216. Hoch and Slayton, New Homeless and Old , 55-57; Robbins, "What Constitutes a Model Municipal Lodging House"; "Model Lodging Houses for New York," 59-61; Philpott, The Slum and the Ghetto , 98-99. On county measures in San Francisco: UC-HC, Dependent Aged , 75. In 1909, a new Municipal Lodging House in New York had showers, a fumigation room, a dining room, a laundry, and six large ward rooms with a total of 912 beds; Charles Zueblin, American Municipal Progress (New York: Macmillan, 1902): 102.

46. Reconstructed as condominiums and called "The Atrium," the Mills Hotel No. 1 in 1990 still stood between Bleeker, Sullivan, and Thompson streets. Flagg is known for model tenement house designs as well as for the Singer office building. On the Mills No. 1 as "welfare hotel," see Francis X. Clines, "Hotel in 'Village' Step to Nowhere," New York Times (July 16, 1970): 36; "Down-at-Heels Hotel Gets a Natty New Identity," New York Times (September 28, 1975): R-1, R-12; Siegal, Outposts of the Forgotten , 7-8, 11.

47. "Unique Workingmen's Hotel for San Diego," 80-82. The J. D. and A. B. Spreckels Securities Company sponsored the hotel; its architect, Harrison Albright of Los Angeles, worked from designs by Lloyd Wright. Each room measures 8 by 11 feet, with no cubicles or open wards, and the lobby spaces are cavernous. It is, in fact, more a rooming house rank building than a lodging house. See also Eckert, The Unseen Elderly , 42-45.

For a wonderfully detailed account of a company town that had dormitory and rooming house buildings in addition to houses, see Candee, Atlantic Heights , 63-109. For a period architect on how to design a proper workers' hotel for a company town, see Kilham, "Housing the Single Worker." Hotels like these dot the company towns of the West and the Southeast.

48. Johnson, "The Lodging House Problem in Minneapolis"; field notes are Aronovici, Housing Conditions of the City of Saint Paul , 61. On missions of the 1870s, a good description is Sala, America Revisited , 70-71.

49. On San Francisco, see UC-HC, Dependent Aged , 73; on Chicago, Hoch and Slayton, New Homeless and Old , 57-60. Dorothy Richardson bitterly recalled a charitable home for working girls in Richardson, The Long Day . On blacks, see Sally Chesham, Born to Battle: The Salvation Army in America (Chicago: Rand McNally, 1965): 252-253.

50. Hunt, "The Housing of Non-Family Groups of Men in Chicago," 145-170.

51. The term "skid row" was derived from the old Skid Road section of Seattle, where loggers lived next to the street where logs had been skidded down to the waterfront; Wallace, Skid Row as a Way of Life , vii, 13-45. On the distinction between the hobo district of the 1920s and skid row, see Schneider, "Skid Row as an Urban Neighborhood," 167-189; Jackson, "The Bowery," 68-79; Hoch and Slayton, New Homeless and Old , 87-93. I have also relied on the early historical study of Leonard Blumberg et al., Liquor and Poverty: Skid Row as a Human Condition (New Brunswick: Rutgers Center of Alcohol Studies, 1978), which uses San Francisco as one of three case studies.

52. Averbach, "San Francisco's South of Market District," CIH, First Annual Report (1915): 11; Groth, "Forbidden Housing," 331ff. Population figures are from the U.S. decennial census. In Chicago, the winter population of the analogous Main Stem area could be 75,000.

53. Much of the following description relies on Averbach, "San Francisco's South of Market District," 197-218, with material added from city directories, insurance maps, photographs, and skid row descriptions found in Anderson, The Hobo; CSRA, Transients in California; Hoch and Slayton, New Homeless and Old; and Hartman, The Transformation of San Francisco , 53-59.

54. Nels Anderson, The American Hobo: An Autobiography (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1975): 85. On no place to sit, see Bauer and McEntire, "Relocation Study, Single Male Population," 4-5.

55. Riesenberg, Golden Gate , 250. The year when these prices were in effect is unclear. Coffee Dan's later became popular with middle-income patrons.

56. UC-HC, Dependent Aged , 73. This man lived in the South of Market in San Francisco; the original breakfast spelling was "coffee an'."

57. Anderson, The Hobo , 33-35.

58. Schneider, "Skid Row as an Urban Neighborhood," 173-180; Anderson, The Hobo , xix, 107-108; Averbach, "San Francisco's South of Market District," 210.

59. Bowden, "The Dynamics of City Growth." The neighborhood was centered on Pacific Avenue, just east from the modern North Beach area.

60. Nee and Nee, Longtime Californ ', 30-57; Connie Young Yu, "A History of San Francisco Chinatown Housing," Amerasia Journal 8, 1 (Spring/Summer 1981); Yip, "San Francisco's Chinatown." On Chinatown as a tourist attraction in the 1880s, see Sala, America Revisited , 460, 493-494. The Chi- soft

natown area was bounded roughly by California Street on the south, Powell Street on the west, Pacific Street on the north, and Kearny Street on the east.

61. Yip, "San Francisco's Chinatown," 168-234. In the 1880s, the double building standard for Chinatown was very obvious; in the 1887 edition of the San Francisco Sanborn Maps, see sheets 9 and 13 for shifts in building types at the edges of Chinatown. For an official example of culturally explaining away the situation, see CIH, Second Annual Report (1916): 262; on recent crowding in the family association buildings, Chinatown Neighborhood Improvement Center, Update: Special Issues (1980): 9.

62. Description from Sanborn Insurance Maps; see Trillin, "Some Thoughts on the International Hotel Controversy," 116-120.

63. On the Mexican population, see Godfrey, Neighborhoods in Transition , and CIH, First Annual Report (1915): 66. In the late 1800s, Columbus Street was known for its Mexican food. Curtis Choy's film, The Fall of the International Hotel , is the most vivid source on Manilatown. According to Hayner, who worked in Seattle, white residents in Los Angeles and Seattle preferred Japanese hotels for their better management; Hotel Life . On racial mixtures, see manuscript survey cards in the Bancroft Library for SFHACC, Real Property Survey, 1939 . The Bo-Chow Hotel, at 102 South Park, was all-Japanese in the 1930s. The Clayton is at 657 Clay Street.

64. On separate black lodging house areas, see Hoch and Slayton, New Homeless and Old , 24-26, 29-32. Later steel mills to the south also hired large numbers of black workers.

65. At least 600 cheap SRO rooms were in this outlying cluster; Groth, "Forbidden Housing," 296-301, 331ee.

66. UC-HC, Dependent Aged , 72-74; Anderson, The Hobo , 69; Hayner, "The Hotel," 87. A recent study is Burki, "Housing the Low-Income Urban Elderly," 279-280.

67. CSRA, Transients in California , 120, 186. The authors reported that in San Francisco, only the Scandinavian Seamen's Mission still provided the banking service but that in all hotels, the wiser laborers still paid their room rent in advance when winter or recessions ended their employment.

68. Zorbaugh, Gold Coast and Slum , 74; on charging higher rents, see Wolfe, Lodging House Problem , 140.

69. Spradley, You Owe Yourself a Drunk , 71, 97-107, 252-262.

70. On setting becoming life-style, I have relied on interviews with Jim Baumohl, February 12 and March 5, 1981. See also Anderson, The Hobo , 40-57, 87-106; Wallace, Skid Row as a Way of Life , 125-134, 166, 179-202; Spradley, You Owe Yourself a Drunk , 252-262; and Siegal, Outposts of the Forgotten , 42-44, 51, 68. Siegal reports that transient guests used "house" for their room, while longer-term residents used "house" for the whole hotel.

71. Tamara Hareven, Family Time and Industrial Time: The Relationship Between the Family and Work in a New England Industrial Community (New continue

York: Cambridge University press, 1982), shows how family workers, too, wove flexibility into their housing tenure but with generally much larger swings of time.

72. On the dichotomies of rural facades and interiors, see Henry Glassie, "Folk Eighteenth-Century Cultural Process in Delaware Valley Folk Building," Winterthur Portfolio 7 (1972): 29-57; and Thomas C. Hubka, Big House, Little House, Back House, Barn: The Connected Farm Buildings of New England (Hanover: University Press of New England, 1984). Commercial buildings of the last 100 years often share this lodging house facade-interior split. See William H. Jordy, "Functionalism as Fact and Symbol: Louis Sullivan's Commercial Buildings, Tombs, and Banks," in Jordy, Progressive and Academic Ideals at the Turn of the Twentieth Century , American Buildings and their Architects, vol. 4 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1972): 83-179. On smaller false-front store buildings, see Kingston Heath, "False-Front Architecture on Montana's Urban Frontier," Perspectives in Vernacular Architecture 3 (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1989): 199-213. Owners and designers used the same calculated, carefully designed dichotomies between facade and interior in the tall brick tenement buildings of New York.

73. The case for the immigrant Chinese laborers living in Chinatowns is more complex, since their household formation and rights to property were limited until the 1960s and since they often cooked for themselves. For black and Latino laborers, racial segregation and ethnic prejudice surely overshadowed the role of residence in this process.

74. Codes and other reforms are explored in chap. 8.

1. Calhoun, A Social History of the Family , 3:75.

2. "English Photographs by an American," Harper's New Monthly Magazine 37 (July 1868): 253-257, quotation on 256.

3. The comments on San Francisco hotel ownership draw from a sample of 40 properties taken at random from the much larger samples of the 1910 and 1930 city directories. Jim Buckley traced the ownership from the present back to 1896 and where possible, correlated all owners with listings in the city directories.

4. "Landlord of Skid Row: Cheap Beds Net $2,000,000 Estate," San Francisco Chronicle , February 27, 1941, and city directories. From 1889 to 1904, Rolkin lived and managed the prefire Reno House at 631 Sacramento; by the end of his life, Rolkin was partial or full owner of several apartment buildings, a steam laundry, the Winchester, Irwin, Argonaut, Seneca, Denver, and Colton hotels, together with the new Reno Hotel (375 rooms) and the Central Hotel (440 rooms). Not all of Rolkin's holdings were of the lodging house sort; for instance, the Argonaut, of 250 rooms, was a midpriced hotel that advertised continue

for travelers and families. The eventual nonhotel home for the Rolkins was at 1275 Stanyon, southeast of Golden Gate Park. After Rolkin's death, his wife, still the holder of an immense amount of real estate, lived in the South Peninsula suburb of Milbrae until her death in 1953.

5. In the 1917 city directory, the Marty brothers advertised a list of their holdings; in 1920, they also bought 662 Clay (128 rooms) and held it in the family until 1953; it is likely that they owned additional properties. In 1917, Jules and Louis Marty lived a few blocks from each other near the intersection of Army and Mission streets.

6. The Portland was at 611 Howard Street, between Second and Third, under the site of the present-day Moscone Convention Center. The Delta, at 41 Sixth Street near Market Street, is shown in chap. 4. The Sierra House, 558 Broadway, is shown in chap. 1.

7. See also Hoch and Slayton, New Homeless and Old , 17-18.

8. From real estate prices advertised in the San Francisco Chronicle (April 2, 1923); the rooming house was near the Civic Center, the Edwardian flats near Dolores and Army streets in the Noe Valley district.

9. The Victoria, 598 Bush at Stockton, more recently named the Hotel Juliana, has 142 rooms. Pettigrew and Callahan also shared a house in Pacific Heights.

10. The Beck family held the Colonial Hotel until 1958. The Hotel York was at 1499 California at Larkin. On Brandenstein, see Ruth Bransten [Brandenstein] McDougall, Under Mannie's Hat (San Francisco: Hesperian Press, 1964): 13-25. Among Brandenstein's earlier holdings had been Sarah Pettigrew's portion of the lot for the Hotel Victoria.

11. In 1909, the second owner, a Mrs. Morris, also managed the Somerton Hotel at 440 Geary.

12. C. H. and Made D. Barber owned and managed the Hotel Bellevue, Taylor at Geary, from 1923 until 1946.

13. Siefkin, The City at the End of the Rainbow , 44-45.

14. Smith's sister, Mrs. C. C. Rawak, talked Smith into beginning his remarkable hotel career. He first leased the Biltmore and Cornell hotels and opened the Mark Hopkins on December 4, 1926. "He Built the Mark: San Francisco Hotelman George Smith Dies," San Francisco Chronicle (September 25, 1965). In addition to print sources on Smith, I am indebted to an interview with Mr. Smith's son, Hart Smith, in San Francisco on January 27, 1988.

15. Smith (1889-1965), California Historical Society, biography collection; see also Basil Woon, San Francisco and the Golden Empire (New York: Harrison Smith and Robert Haas, 1935): 88.

16. On recruiting good managers, see Williamson, The American Hotel , 50, 94-95, 245. The San Francisco case is Herbert's Bachelor Hotel and German Grill, at 151-161 Powell Street, near O'Farrell; the 108 rooms had 66 private bathrooms and 11 shared toilet rooms; for the prices quoted, see the San Fran - soft

cisco Examiner (January 10, 1909) and the San Francisco Chronicle (January 9, 1909).

17. "Our Family Hotels," 12.

18. A popular reference they might have consulted is Richard M. Hurd, The Principles of City Land Values , 3d ed. (New York: The Record and Guide, 1924; first published in 1903). Popular period hotel management guides included Boomer, Hotel Management , and Hamilton, Promoting New Hotels . Investment and management magazines ranged from national journals such as Hotel Management and Hotel Review to The Pacific Coast Hotel Weekly and Western Hotel Reporter .

19. On bar receipts, see Williamson, The American Hotel , 143; on store rentals, see Hamilton, Promoting New Hotels , 147.

20. Hamilton, Promoting New Hotels , 2 (see also 32, 38). See also Hayner, Hotel Life , 62-63; and Monroe Adams, "The SRO Elderly from the Perspective of a Hotel Owner," in SL, The Invisible Elderly , 15.

21. On sociability of managers, see Williamson, The American Hotel , 50, 94-95, 245; and Sala, America Revisited , 142, 405. On managers and strikes, see Tygiel, "Workingmen in San Francisco," 324. On the continuing importance of post-World War II managers for low-income residents, see CSS, "Life in One Room"; Shapiro, "Reciprocal Dependence"; and Adams, "The SRO Elderly from the Perspective of a Hotel Owner," 15.

22. Hayner, Hotel Life , 32, 35, 38, 62-63; Williamson, The American Hotel , 115.

23. Charles Hoch, planner, interview in Chicago, May 28, 1987.

24. "Our Family Hotels," 12.

25. Wolfe, Lodging House Problem , 52-80; Hayner, Hotel Life , 36.

26. Wolfe, Lodging House Problem , 20-21, 58-66. The "honest" broker's quotation is from the 1915 directory listing for the Irwin Keeler Hotel Brokerage Company in San Francisco. Keeler was the city's primary hotel broker and also the publisher of the Pacific Coast Hotel Weekly ; before the 1915 exposition, four other hotel brokers briefly opened offices. For glimpses of middle-income women running boardinghouses, see "The Experiences of a Boarding House Keeper," and Krag, "How I Made a Boarding House Successful." On the similar ownership and leasing of rooming houses and light housekeeping rooms in San Francisco's Western Addition during the 1940s, see SFHACC, Third Report (1941): 12.

27. I borrow language and approach here from Sherry H. Olson, "Baltimore Imitates the Spider," Annals of the Association of American Geographers 69 (1979): 557-574. On the graph of San Francisco hotel listings, hotels from two city neighborhoods are partly missing. Comparing the 1910 and 1930 directory listings with recent inventories of Chinatown hotel addresses reveals that only one in seven Chinatown hotels were listed in 1910; by 1930, only half of the hotels in Chinatown were listed in the directory. Seamen's hotels on the continue

waterfront also seem underrepresented in the directory before 1910. Judging from Sanborn Map records, the building booms in these districts did coincide strongly with the general city economy.

28. William Issel and Robert W. Cherny, San Francisco 1865-1932: Politics, Power, and Urban Development (Berkeley, Los Angeles, and London: University of California Press, 1986); Tygiel, "Workingmen in San Francisco," 297. On the 1870s migration to San Francisco and the proportion of manufacturing employees, see Shumsky, "Tar Flat and Nob Hill," 53.

29. Groth, "Forbidden Housing," 236-327; Olmstead and Olmstead et al., The Yerba Buena Center . Nancy Stoltz, "Disaster and Displacement: The Effects of the 1906 Earthquake and Fire on the Land Use Patterns in San Francisco's South of Market" (Master's thesis, UC Berkeley, 1983). On general political and physical processes of rebuilding after great fires, see Christine Meisner Rosen, The Limits to Power: Great Fires and the Process of City Growth in America (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986).

30. Groth, "Forbidden Housing," 244-283.

31. Statler is quoted in Boomer, Hotel Management , 49. War surges are also discussed in Hamilton, Promoting New Hotels , 32, 133-136; and Anderson, The Hobo , 260-261.

32. The last major construction of commercial rooming houses and cheap lodging houses seems to have occurred in 1915, based on Groth, "Forbidden Housing," 331-a to 331-x.

33. For 1919, U.S. Bureau of the Census, Fourteenth Census of the U.S ., vol. 9 (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1923): 132-137; for 1921, California Bureau of Labor Statistics, Nineteenth Biennial Report, 1919-1920 , 231; for 1925, the U.S. Census of California Manufactures , quoted in California Bureau of Labor Statistics, Twenty-Third Biennial Report, 1927-1928 . On the relocation of jobs, see David Nelson, Managers and Workers: Origins of the New Factory System in the United States, 1880-1920 (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1975).

34. Stylistic innovation and engineering marvels dominate the design literature about hotels; see Condit, "Hotels and Apartments." On the long American tradition of emphasizing size of hotels above all else, see Trollope, North America , 485; and Lewis, Work of Art , 148.

35. San Francisco's Baldwin Hotel (completed in 1877, burned in 1898) had two electric passenger elevators and another one for calling cards. The George A. Fuller Company in Chicago and F. W. Nicolls were prominent hotel design firms cognizant of the latest technology. See Condit, "Hotels and Apartments," 101, 150-151, 159; and Hamilton, Promoting New Hotels , 13.

36. In the 1920s, one of Baltimore's first new prestige skyscrapers was the 14-story Southern Hotel; Sherry Olson, Baltimore: The Building of an American City (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1980): 173, 244, 314. On civic pride and hotel skyscraper competition, Boorstin, "Palaces of the Public," 134-147.

37. Pfleuger was the 1930s society architect in San Francisco. He designed several landmark structures and often used the famous New York delineator Hugh Ferris to advertise his buildings as thoroughly stylish. Daniel Gregory, "Why Don't You Make It Undulate? The Story of Designing the City Club—An Interview with Michael Goodman," oral history interview for the San Francisco Museum of Folk and Craft, San Francisco, June 6, 1988; also, an interview with Daniel Gregory in San Francisco, September 20, 1988.

38. Hamilton, Promoting New Hotels , 1-3, 41, 112, 131-136; E. M. Statler, "The Race for the Guest," Nation's Business (June 1928).

39. On the filtering of grand New York City hotels, see Sala, "American Hotels and American Food," 345-356; Williamson, The American Hotel , 36-37. For more detailed examples in Chicago, see Zorbaugh, Gold Coast and Slum , 26-27, 35-37; Hayner, "The Hotel," 44-45, 87.

40. The block was bounded by Folsom, Harrison, Third, and Fourth streets; the three hotels giving up hotel services were the Clay, the Southern, and the Delmar. Olmstead and Olmstead et al., The Yerba Buena Center , 251.

41. For a description of the process as seen by building owners, see Wolfe, Lodging House Problem , 72-80.

42. In 1870, one floor of San Francisco's elite Lick House was temporarily converted to offices. Judging from tax records, San Francisco's Grand Central opened as a hotel, served as offices in World War I, and then after the war became a hotel again. Two other notable New York hotels closed due to Prohibition at about the same time as the Manhattan: the Knickerbocker (built in 1906), and the Holland House (built in 1892); farther south along Broadway, below Times Square, several hotels were converted to needle trades in the 1890s. In Louisville, owners converted the rebuilt Galt House (built in 1868) to a warehouse in 1919; Toledo's large Oliver Hotel (built in 1859) met the same fate. See Williamson, The American Hotel , 94, 260-262, 270-271, 286-287; Hurd, Principles of City Land Values , 107; and Groth, "Forbidden Housing," 116-117, 461-462.

43. For succinct summaries of this process, see Michael P. Conzen, "The Morphology of Nineteenth-Century Cities in the United States," in Woodrow Borah, J. Hardoy, and G. Stelter, Urbanization in the Americas: The Background in Comparative Perspective (Ottawa: National Museum of Man, 1980): 119-141; James E. Vance, Jr., "Land Assignment in the Precapitalist, Capitalist, and Postcapitalist City," Economic Geography 47 (1971): 101-120; and Weiss, The Rise of the Community Builders . On individuals and collective results, see also Borchert, Alley Life in Washington , 23, and Sam Bass Warner, Jr., The Private City (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1968): 4.

44. For cheaper hotels, the proportion in former houses appears to be lower because informal boarding and lodging arrangements were not listed in the street directory. For excruciating detail on these rates of specialization and the continue

various building types they represent, see Groth, "Forbidden Housing," 236-287, 331ff-331hh.

45. This figure includes both complete rooms and cubicles; the capacity of wards or flophouses cannot be computed from San Francisco records; Groth, "Forbidden Housing," 331-332.

46. The details of San Francisco's building codes are outlined in chap. 8, below. Without the coercion of city officials, palace and midpriced hotels usually offered above-code building standards.

47. Compare the Lexington or New Michigan Hotel, 1892, and the Plaza Hotel, 1892, in Condit, "Hotels and Apartments," 153.

48. The physical development of the Alamo Square area of the Western Addition is exquisitely described in Moudon, Built for Change , 127, 135-138, 169-170. On land values, see SFHACC, Third Report (1941): 12; San Francisco Planning Commission, "Redevelopment of Blighted Areas," 28. Racial changes from U.S. decennial census, 1940 and 1950.

49. Tygiel, "Workingmen in San Francisco," 249, 254-255, 398. On the late 1920s, see Margaret Goddard King, "The Growth of San Francisco, Illustrated by Shifts in the Density of Population" (M.A. thesis, University of California, Berkeley, 1928): 49.

50. Lewis, Babbitt , 89.

51. "S.F. Hotelman George Smith Dies: He Built the Mark," San Francisco Chronicle (September 25, 1965): 10; Woon, San Francisco and the Golden Empire , 87-88; and city directory listings. Smith had sold his interest in the Fairmont in 1941.

52. "Landlord of Skid Row," and city directory listings. Rolkin gave the candy money in trust to the city health department and also left money to Protestant, Jewish, and Catholic orphanages. He and his wife did not have any children.

53. On the contrast of suburb and downtown, salient titles are David Ward, Cities and Immigrants: A Geography of Change in Nineteenth-Century America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1971): 127; and Tygiel, "Workingmen in San Francisco," 265-269, 397-398.

54. Zorbaugh, Gold Coast and Slum , 46-68.

55. Lester Burnett, in commentary printed with the State Tenement House Act and State Hotel and Lodging House Act of California (Sacramento: State Printing Office, 1917). Emphasis added.

1. Veiller, "The Housing Problem in American Cities," 255-256.

2. This review of the progressives draws primarily on Lubove, The Progressives and the Slums; Robert H. Wiebe, Businessmen and Reform: A Study of the Progressive Movement (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1962): esp. continue

16-41, 206-224; James Weinstein, The Corporate Ideal in the Liberal State: 1900-1918 (Boston: Beacon Press, 1968); and Davis, Spearheads for Reform .

3. On order in a complex world, see esp. Richard Hofstadter, The Age of Reform: From Bryan to F.D.R . (New York: Vintage Books, 1955). On housing as social order, see Lubove, The Progressives and the Slums , 82, 131, 214; and Ernest S. Griffith, The Progressive Years and Their Aftermath, 1900-1920 (New York: Praeger, 1974).

4. Marie Stevens Howland and Albert Kinney Owen, in their scheme for Topolobambo, like several earlier utopian communities, included hotel life; Hayden, The Grand Domestic Revolution , 103-108. The conclusion section of this chapter also gives exceptions to the rule.

5. On pluralism, see Lubove, The Progressives and the Slums , 187.

6. Samuel Haber, Efficiency and Uplift: Scientific Management in the Progressive Era, 1890-1920 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1964): 18-74; Harry Braverman, Labor and Monopoly Capital: The Degradation of Work in the Twentieth Century (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1974): 85-138; and Donald A. Krueckeberg, "Introduction to the American Planner," in Krueckeberg, ed., The American Planner: Biographies and Recollections (New York: Methuen, 1983): 1-36.

7. Albion Fellows Bacon, Housing—Its Relation to Social Work , publication no. 48 (New York: National Housing Association, ca. 1919): 8.

8. CIH, Second Annual Report (1916).

9. On Veiller, see Lubove, The Progressives and the Slums , 117-118, 117-184. For an excellent profile of Chicago reformers, see Steven J. Diner, A City and Its Universities: Public Policy in Chicago, 1892-1919 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1980): 52-64.

10. On house diseases, see Bacon, Housing—Its Relation to Social Work , 3-4; on anemic women, see Ruth Reed, The Single Woman (New York: Macmillan, 1942); Lubove, The Progressives and the Slums , 83-84.

11. Veiller, Housing Reform , 5.

12. Lubove, The Progressives and the Slums , 252.

13. On Woods, see Davis, Spearheads for Reform , 8, 24, 33-34; on Hull House and Abbott, see Diner, A City and Its Universities , 43-47, 119-153; on settlements, see Mary K. Simkhovitch, Neighborhood: My Story of Greenwich House (New York: W. W. Norton, 1938).

14. Mardges Bacon, Ernest Flagg: Beaux-Arts Architect and Urban Reformer (New York: Architecture History Foundation, 1986). On Burnham and this theme, see Hines, "The Paradox of 'Progressive' Architecture," 426-448, and Hines, Burnham of Chicago: Architect and Planner (New York: Oxford University Press, 1974).

15. Diner, A City and Its Universities , 32, 131-132; and Fred H. Matthews, Quest for an American Sociology: Robert E. Park and the Chicago School (Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1977); see also Martin continue

Bulmer, The Chicago School of Sociology: Institutionalization, Diversity, and the Rise of Sociological Research (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1984).

16. Veiller, Housing Reform , 5-6; Porter writes in SFHA, First Report (1911): 6, 8. On the crucible, see J. Lebovitz, "The Home and the Machine," Journal of Home Economics 3, 2 (April 1911): 141-148, on 145.

17. See Barbara Welter's classic article, "The Cult of True Womanhood: 1820-1860," American Quarterly 18 (Summer 1966): 151-174, and Mary P. Ryan, Cradle of the Middle Class: The Family in Oneida County, New York, 1790-1865 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1981): 191-210.

18. "Decline and Fall of Hotel Life," 274. For a finely crafted summary of criticisms from the 1850s and 1860s, see McGlone, "Suffer the Children," 414-426.

19. Robertson and Robertson, Our American Tour , 7-10.

20. Wharton, The House of Mirth , 274, 276.

21. Hayner, "The Hotel," devotes an entire chapter to women of leisure, 99-127; the quotation is on 102. Other negative comments are from Hayner, Hotel Life , 7, 55, 109-110. See also, "The True Story of a Hotel Child," quoted (without citation) in Hayner, Hotel Life , 113-114, 129. For earlier views of these critiques, see Fayès, "The Housing of Single Women," 102; and Calhoun, A Social History of the Family , 2:238-241, 3:179-182.

22. The comments on decorating are from "Over the Draughting Board," 89-91. See also Trollope, North America , 484.

23. Nienburg, The Woman Home-Maker in the City , 9.

24. The hotel woman is quoted in Hayner, Hotel Life , 74-75.

25. Howells, The Hazard of New Fortunes , 80; Ryan, Cradle of the Middle Class , 146-165.

26. "Over the Draughting Board."

27. Ernest W. Burgess, "The Family as a Unity of Interacting Personalities," The Family (March 1926). On the scattering of family life, see also Hayner, "The Hotel," 55, 66, 93, 125.

28. McGlone, "Suffer the Children," 421; Lubove, The Progressives and the Slums , 163.

29. For this insight and this phrase, I am indebted to Frederick Hertz.

30. McGlone, "Suffer the Children."

31. Wolfe, Lodging House Problem , 154-155, 161, 162.

32. Hayner, Hotel Life , 84, 100; Wolfe, Lodging House Problem , 126-129, 165. See the sharp contrast with Monroe, Chicago Families , 64, 75-77.

33. On population proportions, see Rose, "Living Arrangements of Unattached Persons," 429-430; Ford, Slums and Housing , 768; and Wolfe, Lodging House Problem , 165. On Chicago visitors, see Hunt, "The Housing of Non-Family Groups of Men," 146, 165; and Abbott, The Tenements of Chicago , 358.

34. Zorbaugh, Gold Coast and Slum , 82; see also Hayner, Hotel Life , 84, and Siegal, Outposts of the Forgotten , xviii.

35. Veiller wrote that the "most terrible of all features" of slums was "the indiscriminate herding of all kinds of people in close contact," in Deforest and Veiller, The Tenement House Problem , 1:10. Robert A. Woods and A. J. Kennedy wrote that privacy was necessary for "self-respect, modesty, order, and neatness," in Young Working Girls (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1913): 41-42. For the continuation of this idea in the 1930s, see Gries and Ford, eds., Housing and the Community , 5-6.

36. On European habits, see Breckinridge and Abbott, "Housing Conditions in Chicago, III: Back of the Yards," 450; on irregular living, see Abbott, The Tenements of Chicago , 316-318, 331, 335-337; on inspectors, see SFHACC, Real Property Survey, 1939 , 1:13.

37. On the lodger evil, see Veiller, Housing Reform , 33; Modell and Hareven, "Urbanization and the Malleable Household," 467-479; Abbott, The Tenements of Chicago , 343, 345-346. On planners' historical views about invasion of mixed uses, see Mel Scott, American City Planning since 1890 (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1969): 74-75, 128.

38. Cohen, "Embellishing a Life of Labor," 762-763. On the family room as the general purpose room in tenement units, see Cromley, "The Development of the New York Apartment."

39. Riis, How the Other Half Lives , 1; on the need for internal and external separation, see also Veiller, Housing Reform , 109, 110-112.

40. On beehives, E. R. L. Gould (founder of the City and Suburban Homes Company in New York), 1897, quoted in Lubove, The Progressives and the Slums , 110; on the open-lot house vs. row house traditions, Vance, This Scene of Man , 59-62, 121-128, 152-153; and Paul Groth, "Lot, Yard, and Garden: American Gardens as Adorned Yards," Landscape 30, 3 (1990): 29-35.

41. On shared entries and the short cut, Bernard J. Newman, "Shall We Encourage or Discourage the Apartment House" (ca. 1917), quoted in Douglass Shand Tucci, Built in Boston , 125-126; on apartment as the polite term for tenement, Minneapolis Civic and Commerce Association, Committee on Housing, The Housing Problem in Minneapolis (Minneapolis: The MCCA, ca. 1915): 89; on domestic quality, "An Apartment House Designed in the Colonial Type," The Architect and Engineer of California 48 (February 1917): 1.

42. Hayner, Hotel Life , 3, 7, 62.

43. Wolfe, Lodging House Problem , 85, 145, 169, esp. 171. On unmarried couples, Wolfe, 64-65, 142, and 171 (quotation on 142). On other cities, Zorbaugh, Gold Coast and Slum , 73-86; Abbott, The Tenements of Chicago , 327; Girls Housing Council, "Where Is Home?" 23.

44. The personal element phrase comes from Wolfe, Lodging House Problem , 173; see also, Hayner, Hotel Life , 181.

45. Wolfe, Lodging House Problem , 180, 182.

46. Girls Housing Council, "Where Is Home?" 3, 25, 35.

47. Wolfe, Lodging House Problem , 142, 180-182; see also Abbott, The Tenements of Chicago , 327.

48. CIH, Second Annual Report (1916): 226.

49. Wolfe, Lodging House Problem , 30, 32, 139, 140, 171. About larger hotels see, for instance, Howard B. Woolston, Prostitution in the United States , 139-141; Hayner, Hotel Life , 37; Havelock Ellis, The Task of Social Hygiene (New York: Houghton Mifflin, 1912): chap. 9.

50. Anderson, The Hobo , 144-149; see also CSRA, Transients in California , 189.

51. These were the greatest concerns of social reformers as published in the San Francisco newspapers of 1917; Central City Hospitality House, "Tenderloin Ethnographic Project," 17-18.

52. Elbert Hubbard, "A Little Journey to Hotel Sherman," quoted without citation in Hayner, "The Hotel," 159.

53. The Post is quoted without citation in Hayner, "The Hotel," 34-35. On furnished rooms, see Abbott, The Tenements of Chicago , 323, 337; and Hunt, "Housing of Non-Family Groups of Men," 146.

54. Aronovici, Housing Conditions in the City of Saint Paul , 58; Abbott, The Tenements of Chicago , 337; Wolfe, Lodging House Problem , 137; Hayner, Hotel Life , 6, 20-21, 168-170. On Arbuckle parties, Siefkin, The City at the End of the Rainbow , 118-126, and Williamson, The American Hotel , 143.

55. The sinful amusement list compiled by the Howard Street Methodist Church in the South of Market included "dancing, playing at games of chance, attending theaters, horse races, and dancing parties"; Averbach, "San Francisco's South of Market District," 201. On dance halls, Elisabeth I. Perry, "'The General Motherhood of the Commonwealth': Dance Hall Reform in the Progressive Era," American Quarterly 37 (1985): 719-733, on 720-721; see also John Dillon, From Dance Hall to White Slavery: Ten Dance Hall Tragedies (New York: Wiley Book Co., 1912). A 1940 study reported that 60 percent of all men present in the dance halls were recent migrants to the city, most of whom lived in rooming houses; CSS, Life in One Room , 41-42. On cafés, Central City Hospitality House, "Tenderloin Ethnographic Project," 17-18.

56. Caroline Singer, San Francisco Examiner (January 25, 1917).

57. Byrnes, "Nurseries of Crime," 355, 360, quoted in Riis, How the Other Half Lives , 69-70. See also Devine, "The Shiftless and Floating City Population."

58. Riis, How the Other Half Lives , 69; see also Wolfe, Lodging House Problem , 137-138.

59. Cynthia Taylor Roberts, "Stopping the Kaleidoscope: Los Angeles as Seen by Reynar Banham and Raymond Chandler" (Berkeley: unpublished manuscript, November 1981); on Los Angeles police, CSRA, Transients in California , 82.

60. On hall bedroom loneliness, a resident quoted in Hayden, The Grand continue

Domestic Revolution , 168; on tenements and dance hall walk-bys, Fretz, "The Furnished Room Problem in Philadelphia," 95-108; and Wolfe, Lodging House Problem , 31, 106.

61. Zorbaugh, Gold Coast and Slum , 67-68; see also 82, 86, 251. On Zorbaugh's fieldwork, interview with Robert A. Slayton, then a historian with the Urban League of Chicago, in Chicago, on May 29, 1977.

62. Zorbaugh, Gold Coast and Slum , 78-79; for the girl's entire life story, see 76-81.

63. On suicide rates, see Hayner, Hotel Life , 4; Zorbaugh devotes a whole paragraph to rooming house suicide in Zorbaugh, "Dweller in Furnished Rooms," 87; on gas suicide, Ford, A Few Remarks , 25-26.

64. Dreiser, Sister Carrie , 554. For other examples see Wharton, The House of Mirth , and Norris, Vandover and the Brute , 312-338.

65. Constance Perin, Everything in Its Place: Social Order and Land Use in America (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1977): 32-34; on real Americans, see Abbott, The Tenements of Chicago , 381. See also John Modell, "Patterns of Consumption, Acculturation, and Family Income Strategies in Late Nineteenth Century America," in Tamara Hareven and Maris Vinovskis, eds., Family and Population in Nineteenth-Century America (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1978): 206-240.

Residential stability did, of course, correlate strongly with house ownership, although those who could buy houses were also those who were most skilled and more likely to be self-employed. See Clyde Griffen, "Workers Divided: The Effect of Class and Ethnic Differences in Poughkeepsie, New York, 1850-1880," in Stephen Thernstrom and Richard Sennett, eds., Nineteenth-Century Cities: Essays in the New Urban History (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1969): 59; and Stephen Thernstrom, Poverty and Progress (New York: Atheneum, 1971): 118.

66. James S. Buckingham, The Homes of the New World: Impressions of America (New York: Harper, 1841), 1:453, quoted in McGlone, "Suffer the Children," 417, 421; and Walter Adams, "A Foreigner's Impression of San Francisco," The Golden Era 34 (November 1885): 445.

67. Veiller, Housing Reform , 6.

68. On California, see Cohn, California Housing Handbook , 6; for an example of the migrant argument used against the Chinese in San Francisco, see SFHACC, Real Property Survey, 1939 , 1:8-9.

69. Henry Wright, Rehousing Urban America (New York: Columbia University Press, 1935): 63.

70. See, for instance, S. J. Herman, "Why Do You Live in an Apartment?" (Lansing: Michigan Housing Association Report, January 1931).

71. On responsibility, see H. L. Cargill, "Small Houses for Workingmen," in Deforest and Veiller, The Tenement House Problem , 352; on citizenship, see Veiller, Housing Reform , 6; on mortgage control, see Hancock, "Apartment House," 152, 157-158, 182-183.

72. Wolfe, Lodging House Problem , 106, 173.

73. Abbott, The Tenements of Chicago , 335-336; see also 326-328.

74. William T. Stead, If Christ Should Come to Chicago (Chicago: Laird & Lee, 1894): 30.

75. SFHA, Second Report (1913): 24.

76. On interpretations of medieval and colonial period mistrust of vagrancy, see Anderson, Men on the Move , 32-33; and Robert E. Park, "Human Migration and the Marginal Man," American Journal of Sociology 18, 6 (May 1928): 881-893. Beginning in the Middle Ages, European inns were considered the favorite rendezvous of radicals, propagators of heresy, and free thinkers; Williamson, The American Hotel , 181. On interpretation of hobo subcultures, see Spradley, You Owe Yourself a Drunk , 6-7, 67; Wallace, Skid Row as a Way of Life , 129-144; Abbott, The Tenements of Chicago , 100-101, 322-324.

77. Park, "Marginal Man," 887.

78. Park, "The City," 607-608.

79. Ernest R. Mowrer, Family Disorganization (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1927): 111, quoted in Monroe, Chicago Families , 67-68. On the Gold Coast, see Zorbaugh, Gold Coast and Slum , 65-68, 82, 86, 240, 249-251; on rooming houses, ibid., 248-249, 251. On Park's direct influence on his graduate students, see also Hayner, "The Hotel," 54, 176. Wolfe exhibits parallel ideas in Lodging House Problem , 100.

80. Hayner, "The Hotel," 54. Hayner's own dissertation committee apparently filtered some of the author's distaste for hotel life. When Hayner published his dissertation as a book, he deleted most of its positive anecdotes as well as most of its logical organization. In both dissertation and book, he gave extended descriptions of unhappy hotel tenants but lightly reported busy, productive, and satisfied people—perhaps because they would not take the time to talk to sociology graduate students.

81. Abbott, The Tenements of Chicago , 305, 307, 314, 317, 338.

82. On New York, see Anderson, The Hobo , 151; on polite hotels, see Hayner, Hotel Life , 3-5, 72, 181.

83. The study of one-third voting is from Anderson, The Hobo , 151, 154, based on a 1923 survey of rooming houses and the better (private room type) lodging houses. On the precinct captain, see Zorbaugh, Gold Coast and Slum , 82. See also, CIH Fifth Annual Report (1919): 34; and UC-HC, Dependent Aged , 68.

84. Anderson, Men on the Move , 52-57; Averbach, "San Francisco's South of Market District," 201-205. In the 1870s, the outbursts were by the anti-Chinese Workingmen's Party; in 1885, 1891, and 1902, seamen fought both legally and illegally against their working conditions.

85. Anderson, The Hobo , 150-153.

86. On the fire (in Venice, Calif.), see CIH, Eleventh Annual Report (1925): 19. Other CIH reports: First Annual Report (1915): 80; Second Annual Report continue

(1916): 226. Also, SFHA, Second Report (1913): 24; and "Most Lodging Houses Are Perilous Firetraps," 1-8.

87. CIH, First Annual Report (1915): 11, 78-80.

88. SFHA, Second Report (1913): 24. In Sacramento, which served a large number of agricultural laborers, another report revealed the 33 cheapest lodging houses to be even worse, since no earthquake and fire cleared the pre-1900 buildings. Seventeen of them had no bathing facilities whatsoever; in five, cellars were illegally inhabited; CIH, First Annual Report (1915): 86.

89. For instance, typical reports about crowded Chinese lodging houses of San Francisco blamed neither poverty nor landlords but cultural habits. See Elmer Clarence Sandmeyer, The Anti-Chinese Movement in California (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1939): 51; CIH, Second Annual Report (1916): 263.

90. In San Francisco, Mayor Phelan's central landholdings are an apt example. Lubove, The Progressives and the Slums , 154-155; Weiss, The Rise of the Community Builders .

91. Monroe, Chicago Families , 84; see also 61-84.

92. Charles G. Swanson, "Social Background of the Lower West Side of New York City" (Ph.D. dissertation at New York University, n.d. [before 1936]).

93. Veiller, A Model Tenement House Law , sect. 2 (14-15).

1. Samuel Hays in the foreword to Lubove, The Progressives and the Slums , x-xi. See also, Davis, Spearheads for Reform , 3-39.

2. During the years Lubin was at South End House, Wolfe was there finishing his study for The Lodging House Problem in Boston . On Lubin and Veiller, letter from Lubin to Veiller, October 21, 1913; Lubin Papers, Bancroft Library, University of California. Wood, "The California State Commission of Immigration and Housing," 1-42; and SFHA, Second Report (1913): 7.

3. CIH, Second Annual Report (1916): 8; CIH, Ninth Annual Report (1923); Wood, "The California State Commission of Immigration and Housing," 86, 97.

4. The major accomplishments of the group were their role in forming the CIH and a vigorous letter campaign demanding code enforcement; see Wood, The Housing of the Unskilled Wage Earner , 284; SFHA, First Report (1911): 7, 9, 11, 30-40, 45-46; SFHA, Second Report (1913): 7-8, 20-21.

5. Lubin-Veiller correspondence dating from May 14, 1913, to July 7, 1915; Lubin papers, Bancroft Library.

6. For instance, CIH Commissioner J. H. McBride, a Pasadena physician who drafted the major CIH publications on housing, cited Veiller extensively. continue

See esp., CIH, "An A-B-C of Housing" (Sacramento: State Printing Office, 1915).

7. On California real estate, see Weiss, The Rise of the Community Builders , and Weiss, "Urban Land Developers and the Origins of Zoning Laws." In the 1920s, the City Planning Section of San Francisco's Commonwealth Club was chaired by James Duval Phelan, a mayor and major downtown landowner; the club-sponsored Regional Plan Association of San Francisco was chaired by Frederick Dohrmann, Jr., the wealthy son of a successful retailer. See Scott, The San Francisco Bay Area: A Metropolis in Perspective , 2d ed. (Berkeley, Los Angeles, and London: University of California Press, 1985): 186-201.

For the general case of progressive reform, see Wiebe, Businessmen and Reform ; Gabriel Kolko, The Triumph of Conservatism: A Reinterpretation of American History, 1900-1916 (New York: Free Press of Glencoe, 1963); James Weinstein, The Corporate Ideal in the Liberal State, 1900-1918 (Boston: Beacon Press, 1968).

8. The English garden city planner, Thomas Adams, quoted in CIH, Second Annual Report (1916): 198.

9. The exhibit also traveled around the state, while its illustrations served double duty in several CIH pamphlets. On Cheney, see CIH, First Annual Report (1915): 97; CIH, Second Annual Report (1916): 306; and Wood, "The California State Commission of Immigration and Housing," 225. See also chap. 428, California Statutes of 1915. A classic review of fallacious assumptions of value-free planners is Robert Goodman, After the Planners (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1971).

10. The CIH also instituted improvements in rural labor camps and made detailed urban housing surveys aimed at educating the public. Wood, "The California State Commission of Immigration and Housing"; CIH, First Annual Report (1915): 74, 80-84, 92; CIH, Second Annual Report (1916): 203, 268; CIH, Ninth Annual Report (1923): 69-70, 72, 74.

11. Byrnes, "Nurseries of Crime," 362.

12. In 1903, hotel runners (soliciting agents who boarded steamships, ferries, and passenger railroads to attract lodgers) had to be licensed at $10 per quarter; additionally, from 1903 to 1910, public dancing was not allowed between 1:00 and 6:00 A.M. except in hotels. San Francisco City Ordinances #826, 939, 1033. On the easing of the dancing restrictions in 1910, see "Lid Lifted from Tenderloin District: Dancing Allowed," San Francisco Chronicle (March 22, 1910), and the cartoon run on March 23, 1910, 3.

Note: Between 1856 and 1900, acts of the San Francisco Board of Supervisors were "orders"; from 1900 to 1906, "ordinances"; after the 1906 fire until the 1920s, "ordinances (new series)."

13. On red-light abatement and the municipal clinic, see Shumsky, "Vice Responds to Reform," 31-47, and Barbara Meil Hobson, Uneasy Virtue: The Politics of Prostitution and the American Reform Tradition (New York: Basic continue

Books, 1987): 148-149. On the 1917 moral crusade (and Lubin's quotation), see Central City Hospitality House, "Tenderloin Ethnographic Project," 13, 17-18; Gentry, The Madams of San Francisco , 219-225; and Brenda E. Pillors, "The Criminality of Prostitution in the U.S.: The Case of San Francisco, 1854-1919," (Ph.D. dissertation, University of California, Berkeley, 1984).

14. In Chicago, such recommendations came from the Council of Social Agencies. See Anderson, The Hobo , 275.

15. Elizabeth Anne Brown, "The Enforcement of Prohibition in San Francisco, California," (M.A. thesis in history, University of California, Berkeley, 1948): 9-11, 40-42, 50-55.

16. Girls Housing Council, "Where Is Home?" 29, 37. New York City eventually had eight major registries for women, although only a small percentage of the city's rooms were represented on the lists; Ford, Slums and Housing , 344-345. On registries for both men and women, see also Peel, "On the Margins," 814; Peel uses the term "regulation by inspection."

17. Boston's lodging house required an initial shower and another shower every seven nights; Kennaday, "New York's Hundred Lodging Houses," 490.

18. Veiller, Housing Reform , 89. For an early review of code reform, see Wood, Recent Trends in American Housing , 114-115. Building codes were so associated with Veiller and the National Housing Association that Wood and others have called them the "Veiller" school of thought.

19. The editor of the Sacramento Record-Union (November 16, 1876), quoted in Elmer Clarence Sandmeyer, The Anti-Chinese Movement in California , 63; see also 51, 63, 75-76. The state act of 1876 was America's first state lodging house sanitary law; its constitutionality was upheld in 1878.

20. On the use of the cubic air code after 1900, see SFHA, Second Report (1913): 24. For tax purposes, the city made no distinction between permanent and transient guests (as it does today) and used an equal gross revenues tax. On minor lighting, exit, and licensing ordinances, see Groth, "Forbidden Housing," 522-535, and San Francisco City Ordinances #102, 138, 303, 602, 913, 1493, 1677, and New Series #3361.

21. William Issel and Robert W. Cherny, San Francisco, 1865-1932: Politics, Power, and Urban Development (Berkeley, Los Angeles, and London: University of California Press, 1986); on Schmitz and his ouster in 1907, 139-164. The Board of Health empowerment is in Ordinance #501. In Sections 202 and 204 of the 1908 San Francisco Plumbing Code are rather lenient lodging house plumbing requirements: one water closet for every 25 people of each sex; the water closets did not have to be on the same floor as the tenants' rooms. After 1909, cubicle rooms were allowed only in steel frame or concrete frame buildings and not in buildings with masonry bearing walls with wooden floor joists (Sections 16, 190, and 191 of the 1909 San Francisco Building Laws, New Series Ordinances #1139 and 6286).

22. SFHA, First Report (1911): 7, 14. The California legislature was using continue

a draft of Veiller's A Model Tenement House Law , available in a published version in 1910 and intended for densely built cities like Boston and New York. In 1914, Veiller's office published A Model Housing Law for smaller or newer cities with more open-lot housing.

23. The clause remained in the California Statutes of 1915, chap. 572, the California State Tenement House Law; the quotation here is the entire text of Section 70, with emphasis added. Compare with Veiller, Model Tenement House Law , sect. 94. For other states' use of the Veiller models, see Wood, Recent Trends in American Housing , 114-119.

24. The 1913 act is California Statutes of 1913, chap. 395, State Hotel and Lodging House Act. It was neither very specific nor stringent in its requirements; see Groth, "Forbidden Housing," 523-535.

25. The trio of new statutes were California Statutes of 1917, chap. 736 (Hotel and Lodging House Act), 737 (Dwelling House Act), and 738 (Tenement House Act). The commission's boast is in CIH, Fifth Annual Report (1919): 35.

26. California Statutes of 1917, chap. 736, sects. 10 and 62, repeated in the 1923 State Housing Act.

27. California Statutes of 1917, chap. 736, sects. 33-36. New York also required one bathtub per 25 beds or one shower per 50 beds; Chicago Department of Public Welfare, "Fifty Cheap Lodging Houses," 70. On rag storage, see California Statutes of 1917, chap. 738, sects. 67 and 77, and chap. 736 (the hotel act), sects. 28 and 65.

28. California Statues of 1917, chap. 736, sect. 65; see also Statutes of 1923, chap. 386, sect. 65.

29. The inspection forms are microfilmed in the 1920s documents in San Francisco's Department of Apartment and Hotel Inspection (DAHI). On inspections, see Wood, Recent Trends in American Housing , 118.

30. CIH, Fifth Annual Report (1919): 76. See also CIH, Eleventh Annual Report (1925): 18; and CIH, Thirteenth Annual Report (1927): 24.

31. The 1920s date is based on the earliest DAHI file, which records the requirement of additional plumbing at various hotels.

32. This example stands at 172-180 Sixth Street and was probably built for skilled workers; the Tenderloin has several other such buildings from the pre-1917 era.

33. Hoch and Slayton, New Homeless and Old , 64, 70, 101.

34. Veiller, Housing Reform , 30.

35. "Zone Plan for San Francisco," The Architect and Engineer 62, 3 (September 1920): 65-73, on 65.

36. On covenants in the elite west side district of St. Francis Woods, see Scott, American City Planning , 75; on the prefire mixtures in the Western Addition and downtown, see John P. Young, San Francisco (San Francisco: S. J. Clarke Publishing Co., 1912), 2:754; and Judd Kahn, Imperial San Francisco: continue

Politics and Planning in an American City, 1887-1906 (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1979): 3, 215-216. Zoning as promotion as well as protection is succinctly reviewed in Weiss, "Urban Land Developers and the Origins of Zoning Laws," 8-11.

37. The expert reformer is Frederick C. Howe, "The Municipal Real Estate Policies of German Cities," Proceedings of the Third National Conference on City Planning (1911): 15. Paul Scharrenberg, "The Housing Aspect of the City Planning Problem" [Address to the Commonwealth Club of California, San Francisco, June 16, 1917], The Architect and Engineer 50, 2 (August 1917): 66-68. Scharrenberg was secretary of the State Federation of Labor and by 1920, also a member of the San Francisco City Planning Commission. For Veiller, see Protecting Residential Districts , 11.

38. San Francisco, Building Zone Ordinance (Ordinance #5464), 1921 draft and 1927 revision, sect. 4. In the 1921 version, no housing was allowed in industrial zones; in the 1927 revisions, boardinghouses, lodging houses, and hotels were specifically added as allowed uses in industrial areas, indicating the continuing need for them in those areas of San Francisco.

39. From the 1890s through 1915, cleverly designed flats often mixed by developers into elite and middle-class districts of single-family houses; property owners who wished to build purposely designed rooming houses might have taken a similar visual cue.

40. Hamilton, Promoting New Hotels , 147.

41. On rooming house districts as zones of women's businesses, see Woods, "Social Betterment in a Lodging District," 967.

42. 195 Cal. 477, 234 P. 381 (1925), app. dismd., 273 U.S. 781 (1927). All quotations from Miller v. Los Angeles are from sect. 10.

43. 195 Cal. 477 ( Miller v. Los Angeles ), sect. 10.

44. State ex rel. Beery v. Houghton , 164 Minn. 146, 204 N.W. 569 (1925).

45. Jacqueline Tyrwhitt, High Rise Apartments and Urban Form , ACE Publications Research Report no. 5 (Athens: Center of Ekistics, 1968): 28.

46. 10 Minn Law R 48 (1925): 53, citing Miller v. Los Angeles (1925) and Zahn v. Los Angeles (1925).

47. The quotations from the Euclid v. Ambler decision are from 272 U.S. 365 (1926); see also 47 S. Ct. 114 and 71 L Ed 303 (1926).

48. Hoover was endorsing the reports of the 1932 conference on housing; Gries and Ford, eds., Planning for Residential Districts , xi.

49. Gries and Ford, eds., Slums, Large-Scale Housing, and Decentralization , 6; emphasis added. See also Joel Tarr, "From City to Suburb: The 'Moral' Influence of Transportation Technology," in Alexander B. Callow, Jr., ed., American Urban History , 2d rev. ed. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1973): 202-212; and Kenneth Jackson, Crabgrass Frontier: The Suburbanization of the United States (New York: Oxford University Press, 1985): 45-116.

50. On "making family life possible," Veiller, in Deforest and Veiller, Tene - soft

ment House Problem , 1:3. On "concern for wives and families," see Veiller, Housing Reform , 155. On the single lot house, Veiller, Housing Reform , 6, 30, where Veiller (revealing his weak understanding of the employment structures that kept people flocking to the cities) hopes that immigrants could continue peasant life in the United States.

51. CIH, "An A-B-C of Housing," 5.

52. Gould, quoted in Lubove, The Progressives and the Slums , 110-111. Wood, Recent Trends in American Housing , 41. See hotel limits in Veiller, A Model Tenement House Law , 54-55, and Housing Reform , 6.

53. Veiller, Housing Reform , 109-112.

54. The 1912 meeting was the National Conference of Charities and Correction, in Cleveland, which passed a statement on the right to a home. See Wood, The Housing of the Unskilled Wage Earner , 10. On New York definitions, see Lubove, The Progressives and the Slums , 18, 26; and Veiller, Model Tenement House Law , sect. 2.

55. The San Francisco zoning ordinance of 1921, Ordinance #5464, defined an apartment as "a residence for one family doing its own cooking on the premises." In 1957, the American Society of Planning Officials advised its members that the distinguishing factor between an apartment and a rooming house was "the absence of kitchen facilities for each rooming house resident"; ASPO, "Rooming Houses," 6. On the 1950 census, see U.S. Bureau of the Census, U.S. Census of Housing, 1950 , vol. 1, General Characteristics, pt. 2 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1953): xvi; this was the first time the census office had used cooking as a definition to distinguish between rooming and apartment houses.

56. On risks, Federal Housing Administration, Property Standards: Requirements for Mortgage Insurance under Title II of the National Housing Act, June 1, 1936 , Circular no. 2 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1936): 5.

57. FHA, Property Standards , 14-15, 17. On dwelling definition, 14. On the definition of "living unit," see Section 509. For San Francisco, the minimum number of rooms was set as three rooms and a bath; Pt. VI, Northern California District, 5. A later amendment technically included hotels in the definition, but other restrictions were not lifted. See Modernization Credit Plan, Property Improvement Loans under Title I of the National Housing Act: Amendments of 1938, Regulations effective February 4, 1938 (Washington, D.C.: Federal Housing Administration, 1938): 3.

58. FHA, Property Standards , 4-5. The guidelines did, however, allow up to 25 percent of a private dwelling to have rooming house or tourist house use, essentially allowing from about one to three boarders or roomers with a family; 17.

59. Jackson, Crabgrass Frontier , 196-219; FHA Underwriting Manual (Washington, D.C., 1939, typescript ed. 1934); Goodman, After the Planners , continue

56-59; Miles Colean, The Impact of Government on Real Estate Finance in the United States (New York: National Bureau of Economic Research, 1950). See also FHA, Property Standards (1936 ed.): 4-6.

60. The Los Angeles zoning law of 1955, for instance, specifically excluded hotels, boardinghouses, and lodging houses from the category of "dwelling." Concern over the ad hoc rooming house conversions prompted the American Society of Planning Officials to urge other cities to follow suit; ASPO, "Rooming Houses," 3-7, 10.

61. On the increase in tax benefits during the 1940s, see Jackson, Crabgrass Frontier , 293.

62. Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, Opinions .

63. Rose, "Interest in the Living Arrangements of the Urban Unattached," 486-498. Rose explained the interest before World War I as a function of labor migrations and Progressive Era concerns—municipal lodging houses, housing inspection, urban surveys that included transients and single people, and the proliferation of room registry organizations.

64. Ibid., 490. The peak of interest in Chicago seemed to be in the early 1920s, marked in part by the works of Nels Anderson and Harvey Zorbaugh. Rose attributed the decline of interest to a rise in political conservatism, a general decline in public concern about social problems, and immigration shutdowns that cut back the numbers of immigrant lodgers (and hence, social workers' concerns about their housing).

65. Deforest and Veiller, Tenement House Problem , 1:144.

66. Veiller, Housing Reform , 28. Investigation issues were also framed by conditions in New York City, where the tenement house department inspected apartments and the police inspected cheap hotels.

67. The exceptions, again, were in Chicago with Anderson's and Zorbaugh's work. A typical example of noninclusion is Wood's The Housing of the Unskilled Wage Earner , one of the best books on housing published immediately after World War I; it did not mention single people's housing at all.

68. Abbott, The Tenements of Chicago , 350. She expresses the same sentiment on 145 and 323.

69. The thesis was Wilson, "Chicago Families in Unfurnished Rooms," 25-50. Sampling based mostly on pathology also skews CSS, "Life in One Room."

70. Quoted in Hayner, "The Hotel," 69-70. Hayner also quotes a letter from the director of the Bureau of the Census stating that through 1920 no hotel study had been done.

71. U.S. Census definitions and categories for housing change from decade to decade. In 1890, the census made clear that a dwelling was anything from a "Wigwam on the outskirts of a settlement, a hotel, a boarding house, a large tenement house," or a single-family house. From 1900 through 1920, dwellings were "where one or more persons regularly sleep," with no cooking requirement. The enumerators were to distinguish between "private families" and "economic families." In 1930, reflecting the mood of the previous decade, continue

the census shifted strongly and defined dwellings as only those places occupied by private families of one or more people. A "quasi-family" category was begun. Later census reports called the dwellings of quasi-families "group quarters." Changes associated with the first Census of Housing, in 1940, are reported in the text.

In 1950, "separation"—separate cooking equipment or a separate entrance—became a key criterion for identifying a dwelling unit. Furthermore, the minimum size of a lodging house went from more than 10 lodgers to 5 lodgers or more. In 1960, the new term "housing unit" replaced "dwelling unit," with the following definition:

A "housing unit" was "a house, an apartment or other groups of rooms, or a single room . . . occupied or intended for occupancy as separate living quarters, that is, when the occupants do not live and eat with any other persons in the structure and there is either (1) direct access from the outside or through a common hall, or (2) a kitchen or cooking equipment for the exclusive use of the occupants. (U.S. Bureau of the Census, U.S. Census of Housing 1960, Metropolitan Housing Part I [1963]: xvi.)

In hotels and rooming houses, a single room qualified as a housing unit "if occupied by a person whose usual residence is the hotel." In that same year, "group quarters" were defined as occupied quarters that do not qualify as housing units (usually institutions)—"nurses' homes, hospitals, rooming and boarding houses, military barracks, college dormitories, fraternity and sorority houses, convents, and monasteries."

The 1970 guidelines were essentially the same as those of 1960. In 1980, the staff split the "group quarters" category into two: (1) institutional group quarters are those that indicate custody or care, such as prisons or rest homes; and (2) noninstitutional group quarters, including boardinghouses and dormitories.

72. U.S. Bureau of the Census, Fifteenth Census of the U.S., Census of Hotels , 1930 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1931).

73. John M. Gries and James Ford, gen. eds., Publications of the President's Conference on Home Building and Home Ownership , 11 vols. (Washington, D.C.: National Capitol Press, 1932). Single male lodgers living with families are mentioned in vol. 8, Housing and the Community: Home Repair and Remodeling , 158, 173.

74. In 1936, James Ford warned that the published data on single people were "surprisingly meagre"; Ford, Slums and Housing , 1:337, 344, 346, 349. For instance, in 1932, Edith Elmer Wood's article, "Housing in the U.S.," in the Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences contained no mention of single-room housing; she described the family houses built by the federal government during World War I but ignored the hotels and dormitory sections of those same projects.

75. On the 1933 SFHA survey, see Carl F. Gromme, "A Case Picture of Housing in a Slumless City," Architect and Engineer of California 117, 3 (June continue

1934): 35-38. In 1934, under the PWA's Civil Works Administration, surveyors conducted a 50-block survey in San Francisco. In 1936, California's State Emergency Relief Administration (SERA) surveyed half the city's living quarters; they included apartments and hotels, using the state's definition of hotels. The San Francisco Municipal Housing Survey, also of 1936 and a WPA project, used separate forms for "structures" (multifamily units and hotels) and "dwelling units" but carefully reported hotel conditions for each census district surveyed.

76. The beginning of the systematic excision can be seen in the office's in-house lists of buildings and conditions, where the staff did not give hotels building numbers as they did apartments. See, for instance, the "A" forms (or block lists) for Census Tract J-10, Block 757, in the survey manuscripts at the Bancroft Library, University of California. The seven pages about hotels are in SFHACC, Real Property Survey, 1939 , 1:3, 26-27, 249-253.

77. The buried proportion is in Tables C and D under "Project Operations," 288-289, vol. 1. The one-third figure can be found by comparing data within the tables: precisely 32.5 percent of the substandard dwellings units and 31.9 percent of ill-housed people were in hotels. The survey's definition of a hotel excluded rooming houses, so the number of legally defined hotels would have been higher. Quotation on 1:27.

78. The bureau's instructions to census takers directed them to count only whole hotels or wings of hotels that were residential. They were not to include "cheap one-night lodging houses." Reports of one-room units were conflated with efficiency apartments and simple cabins or tents. In San Francisco, the remaining hotel units reported hardly equaled the figures for Chinatown alone. Compared to the notes for the 1900 and 1910 population censuses, these 1940 instructions seem to have been written by people much less familiar with American cities or hotel occupancy.

79. SFHACC, Second Report (1940): 8.

80. San Francisco City Planning Commission, The Master Plan of San Francisco (1945): 18. The areas in question were Chinatown, the Western Addition, and the South of Market.

81. See William Wheaton, Grace Milgram, and Margy Ellin Meyerson, Urban Housing (New York: Free Press, 1966); Rose's article is reprinted on 217-222.

82. Rose, "Interest in the Living Arrangements of the Urban Unattached," 493.

83. Wolfe, Lodging House Problem , 182. On correspondence, Wood, "The California State Commission of Immigration and Housing," 247.

1. Of San Francisco's hotels standing in 1980, none in any rank with residential use was built after 1930; Scott Dowdee, "Final Run of San Francisco continue

Data," unpublished printouts used in Dowdee, "The Incidence of Change in the Residential Hotel Stock of San Francisco."

2. Gromme, "Case Picture of Housing in a Slumless City," 37-38. On 1939 data, see SFHACC, Second Report , 8.

3. "Ups and Downs of the Hotel Business for the Past 21 Years," Hotel World Review: 75th Anniversary Edition (New York: Ahrens Publishing Company, 1950): 38; Boomer, Hotel Management; McKowne, "Hotels in Wartime," 26. McKowne was the president of the Hotels Statler Company, the first company to build large new wartime hotels with an overt emphasis on convention and military trade.

4. CSS, "Life in One Room," 9; "Conversion of Dwellings for War Housing," American City (March 1942): 39; National Housing Agency, "Increase Housing Accommodations and Property Values to Serve War Workers" (Washington, D.C.: NHA pamphlet, 1942); Jane Marx, wartime rooming house resident on Russian Hill, interviewed in New York City, October 22, 1988.

5. Howard B. Myers, "Defense Migration and Labor Supply," Journal of the American Statistical Association 37, 217 (1942): 69-76. On young men, see Mary Skinner and Alice Scott Nutt, "Adolescents Away from Home," Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 236 (November 1944): 51-59, quotation on 56. On racial districts, see Arnold Hirsh, Making the Second Ghetto: Race and Housing in Chicago, 1940-1960 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1983).

6. Cohn, "Architecture of Convention Hotels," 1-10. On rent controls, see Siefkin, The City at the End of the Rainbow . For an industry summary on conventions in hotels, see Donald E. Lundberg, The Hotel and Restaurant Business (Chicago: Institutions and Volume Feeding Magazine, 1970): 53ff.; on problems of conventions in older hotels, see "The Statler Idea in Hotel Planning and Equipment," Architectural Forum 27 (November 1917): 115.

7. The Day the Earth Stood Still , Julian Blaustein, producer (Twentieth Century Fox). Meyerowitz, "Holding Their Own," 192. On reduced ethnic matching, see Mostoller, "A Single Room," 191-216, and ASPO, "Rooming Houses," 1-5.

8. Maurice Groat, Studies in the Economy of Downtown San Francisco (San Francisco: Department of City Planning, 1963): 58-63; Paul F. Wendt, The Dynamics of Central City Land Values: San Francisco and Oakland, 1950-1960 (UC Berkeley: Institute of Business and Economic Research, 1961): 24. On the 1970s, see Hartman, The Transformation of San Francisco , 2-3.

9. In the random sample of San Francisco hotel ownership, two generations of ownership was the usual maximum span of interest after 1940. The pattern of Tiburon inheritors selling South of Market property between 1942 and 1953 was notable (Tiburon is an elite suburb).

10. Cliff Ellis, "Visions of Urban Freeways, 1930-1970" (Ph.D. dissertation, City and Regional Planning, UC Berkeley, 1990). On poor housing conditions near the bridge, see SFHACC, Real Property Survey, 1939 , 1:15. In the continue

census tract between Harrison and Berry streets, 55 percent of the buildings were listed in poor condition.

11. The Chicago study is Hayner, "The Hotel." The Hotel Eddy stood at 1430 Eddy Street, near Webster, in the Western Addition.

12. In many cities a legal loophole allowed rooming houses without parking until cities rewrote their zoning laws; ASPO, "Rooming Houses," 12.

13. On referral, Gazzolo, "Skid Row Gives Renewalists Rough, Tough, Relocation Problems," 327-336; Shapiro, Community of the Alone , 150.

14. Gazzolo, "Skid Row Gives Renewalists Rough, Tough, Relocation Problems."

15. William Graebner, A History of Retirement: The Meaning and Function of an American Institution (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1980): 215-234; Michael Barker, "California Retirement Communities" (Master's thesis, City Planning, UC Berkeley, 1965): 16, 135.

16. On California, Wolch and Gabriel, "Development and Decline of Service-Dependent Ghettos." The hotel owner is Harold Weingarten, interviewed in New York City on March 17, 1986. The actual date of influx depends on the state; in California, the key years were 1969 to 1974. See also Julian Wolpert and Eileen Wolpert, "The Relocation of Released Mental Hospital Patients into Residential Communities," Policy Sciences 7 (1976): 31-51.

17. Blackburn, "Single Room Occupancy in New York City," 2.1-2.2. On human residue, see Siegal, Outposts of the Forgotten , 192. Erickson and Eckert, "The Elderly Poor in Downtown San Diego Hotels," compares three different economic strata of the SRO market and the sometimes uneasy relations between them.

18. SFHACC, Second Report (1940): 12, 15-17; SFHACC, Third Report (1941): 9. In 1938, 73 percent of the clearance quota were demolished units; in 1940-41, 45 percent of the units were demolished.

19. Gries and Ford, Slums, Large-Scale Housing, and Decentralization , 1-2, 41; on cheap hotels as the prime example of blight, see 18. The wording of the distinction here comes from John Ihlder, "Rehabilitation of Blighted Areas: The Part of City Planning," City Planning 6 (April 1930): 106-118, on 106. While the National Housing Act of 1936 merged the terms "blight" and "slum," the FHA administrators distinguished them. See also U.S. Congress, 75th (1938) Public #412, chap. 896, 1st sess., S. 1685, sect. 2; and U.S. Congress, 75th (1938), Public #424, chap. 13, 3d sess., H.R. 8730.

20. San Francisco City Planning Commission, The Master Plan of San Francisco , 10. The same volume gives a long synopsis of the state's definition of blight. See also Philip V.I. Darling, "Some Notes on Blighted Areas," Planners' Journal 9, 1 (1943): 9-18.

21. On earlier concerns, Lawson Purdy, The Districting of Cities , Publication 38 (New York: National Housing Association, June 1917): 7-8; on San Francisco, see SFHACC, Third Report (1941): 7-8; on the Western Addition continue

compared with the outlying Marina district, see Scott, "Western Addition Redevelopment Study," 5, 7, 10; on dilapidation, see San Francisco Office of the Mayor, Municipal Housing Survey of San Francisco (Sacramento: State Emergency Relief Administration, 1935): 19, for Tract 1. A summary of standards of the period is Allan A. Twitchell, "A Yardstick of Housing Needs," American City Magazine (June 1945).

22. Scott, "Western Addition Redevelopment Study," 8.

23. On World War II dormitories in California, see Sally Carrighar, "Dormitories in Transition," Architect and Engineer 152, 2 (February 1943): 15-25. Under Title IV of the Housing Act of 1950, HHFA provided low-interest loans for student dormitories at colleges with G.I. bill impacts.

24. Revisions of 1937 to the National Housing Act set the structure for local authorities; see SFHACC, Second Report (1940): 12, 15-17; and "San Francisco Builds Low Rent Homes," Architect and Engineer 150, 1 (July 1942): 19-31.

25. This process in San Francisco is reviewed in San Francisco City Planning Commission, The Master Plan of San Francisco , 1-5.

26. The 1947 report is Scott, "Western Addition Redevelopment Study," 5-10, 25-28, 42-45. On "Negro removal," see Donald Canter, "How Negro Removal Became Black Renewal," City (October-November 1970): 55-59. For interpreting the professional dynamics of San Francisco planning in this period, I have relied on Greg Hise's interviews with Jack Kent (March 4, 1987) and James Redman McCarthy (March 11, 1987).

27. The activity of the agency was revived with the appointment of Justin Herman as director; Hartman, Transformation of San Francisco , 15-24.

28. On unit mix in the A-1 area, see "San Francisco Redevelopment Program: Summary of Project Data and Key Elements" (SFRA, January 1971): 18-19. On the waiting list and nonmention of hotels, San Francisco Inter-Agency Committee on Urban Renewal, "A Report on Housing in San Francisco" (San Francisco: The Committee, May 1967): 17. The thorough SFRACC study is E. M. Shaffran, "Relocation Survey Report: Western Addition A-2, Yerba Buena, and Hunters Point" (SFRA, 1967): VII-3.

29. FORD, Slums and Housing , 2: 766-770. Ford felt the deficiencies in regard to single-room occupancy were "due primarily to the deflection of public interest and opinion from this problem to that of slum demolition and rehabilitation"; ibid., 1:337, 344-349.

30. Bauer and McEntire, "Relocation Study, Single Male Population, Sacramento's West End," 11-12, 14-15. A 1953 cover letter by Joseph T. Bill, executive director of the redevelopment agency, indicates agency support for the scheme. See also, Journal of Housing (October 1959): 324, and Bancroft Library, Catherine Bauer Wurster papers, Carton 6; McEntire, "Population and Employment Survey of Sacramento's West End."

31. "Tissue" and "scalpel" are from a 1960 issue of Architectural Forum; continue

"clearing" is Scott, "Western Addition Redevelopment Study," 3; "attractive new city," San Francisco City Planning Commission, The Master Plan of San Francisco , 7-a. On Norfolk, see Gazzolo, "Skid Row Gives Renewalists Rough, Tough Relocation Problems," 331, who quotes Lawrence M. Cox, executive director of the Norfolk Redevelopment Authority.

32. On San Diego, Mike Stepner, San Diego Planning Department, at the CGOPR conference. On invisibility, see Groth, "Non People."

33. Gazzolo, "Skid Row Gives Renewalists Rough, Tough Relocation Problems," 327, 334.

34. On area residents in the 1960s, see Schaffran, "Relocation Survey Report: South of Market Redevelopment Project," table 4; and Hartman, Yerba Buena , 92-98. On not keeping records, see San Francisco Department of City Planning, Changes in the San Francisco Housing Inventory 1960-1966 (San Francisco, 1967): 11. On genuine SFRACC attempts, Peter Theodore interview (August 25, 1981).

35. For losses on New York's Upper West Side, see Shapiro, Communities of the Alone .

36. Samples of the pioneering literature are Elaine Frieden, "Social Differences and Their Consequences for Housing the Aged," Journal of the American Institute of Planners 26, 2 (1960): 119-124 (based on Boston surveys begun in 1957); Shapiro, "Single Room Occupancy: Community of the Alone," 24-33, and Communities of the Alone (1971); Carroll Kowal, "The case for Congregate Housing," mimeographed paper for the Office of Problem Housing, New York City Housing and Development Administration, 1971; Nathaniel Lichfield, "Relocation: The Impact on Housing Welfare," Journal of the American Institute of Planners 27, 3 (1961): 199-203; Chester W. Hartman, "The Limitations of Public Housing: Relocation Choices in a Working Class Community," Journal of the American Institute of Planners 24, 4 (1963): 283-296; Emanuel Gorland, "Relocation Inequities and Problems Emergent as a Result of the 1970 Uniform Relocation Act," Journal of Housing 3 (1972): 137-138.

37. Jane Jacobs, The Death and Life of Great American Cities (New York: Random House, 1961); Herbert Gans, The Urban Villagers (New York: Free Press of Glencoe, 1962); Martin Anderson, The Federal Bulldozer: A Critical Analysis of Urban Renewal, 1949-1962 (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1964). Other classics among the renewal critiques are Raymond Vernon, The Myth and Reality of our Urban Problems (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1962); Scott Greer, Urban Renewal and American Cities (Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill Co., 1965); and John F. Bauman, Public Housing, Race, and Renewal: Urban Planning in Philadelphia (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1987).

38. A concise review of early debates between HUD and NAHRO is Byron Fielding, "Low Income, Single-Person Housing."

39. U.S., 91st Congress, PL 91-646, Approved January 2, 1971, "Uniform Relocation Assistance and Real Property Acquisition Policies Act of 1970," bill no. S1 (84 U.S. Stat. 1894), sects. 202, 204.

40. Hartman, The Transformation of San Francisco , 53-133, 205-209. TODCO was a successor organization to the original group, TOOR, Tenants and Owners in Opposition to Redevelopment.

41. Paul, Rehabilitating Residential Hotels , 15-16.

42. On 1970s losses, see J. Alter et al., "Homeless in America," in J. Erickson and C. Wilhelm, eds., Housing the Homeless (New Brunswick, N.J.: Center for Urban Policy Research, 1986): 3-16.

43. Eckert, Unseen Elderly , 58-59; Judith Spektor at the CGOPR conference; Hartman, Development: How to Fight It .

44. The examples of landlord abuse were collected at the CGOPR conference in 1981; from a meeting of Berkeley, California, hotel activists in 1983; Judith Spektor's interview of May 8, 1984; and Hartman, Yerba Buena , 105.

45. Trillin, "Some Thoughts on the International Hotel Controversy," 116-120; Grannan, "International Hotel"; Don Asher, "The hungry i," San Francisco Examiner Image Magazine (May 31, 1991): 12-23, 33.

46. U.S. Senate, Single Room Occupancy: A Need for National Concern , iii-iv.

47. See Coalition for the Homeless, Crowded Out: Homelessness and the Elderly Poor in New York City (New York: Coalition for the Homeless and the Gray Panthers of New York City, 1984); Peter Marcuse, "The Rise of Tenant Organization," in John Pynos, Robert Schaar, and Chester Hartman, eds., Housing Urban America (Chicago: Aldine, 1973).

48. William Fulton, "A Room of One's Own," Planning 51, 9 (1985): 18-22.

49. Dolbeare interview, March 11, 1987; Paul, Rehabilitating Residential Hotels , 5-9.

50. Franck, "Overview of Single Room Occupancy Housing," 252-253; Patricia King, "Help for the Homeless," Newsweek (April 11, 1988): 58-59.

51. On repair investments, Andy Raubeson, speaking at the CGOPR conference, and Judith Spektor interview (May 8, 1984); on inflation, Werner and Bryson, "A Guide to Preservation and Maintenance," pt. 1, 1003-1004.

52. "Problem hotel" is a pseudonym for "welfare hotels" with heavy public assistance. Siegal, Outposts of the Forgotten , 17, uses the term "open" hotels for those with no lobby surveillance; the term "street hotel" is used by West Coast hotel activists.

53. The street hotel description stems most from Siegal, Outposts of the Forgotten; Ehrlich, "St. Louis Downtown SRO Elderly," 8-11; Dorothy Place (Sacramento), Jan Tucker (Denver), Robert Ridgeway (Portland, Ore.), all at the CGOPR Conference; U.S. Senate, Single Room Occupancy , 43-46; Jim continue

Baumohl, interview on February 12, 1981, and from the hotel owners and residents' forum convened by Florence McDonald in Berkeley on February 26, 1981.

54. A long and excellent review of conditions in California is Pinsky, "Motel People." Courtland Milloy, "At a Seedy Motel in Memphis, A Dream Goes Unrealized," Washington Post (January 21, 1986): 1. On Westchester, see Kessler, "Down and Out in Suburbia," 306-313.

55. Cushing Dolbeare interview, March 11, 1987.

56. HUD's Madeline Hastings, quoted in Fulton, "A Room of One's Own," 19.

57. On FEMA, see Larry Maatz, "Quake Housing Money to Flow," San Francisco Examiner (February 24, 1990); Seth Rosenfeld, "Bay Area Wins More Quake Aid from U.S.," San Francisco Examiner (December 7, 1990).

58. Livingston, of San Francisco's Reality House West (the Cadillac Hotel), at CGOPR.

59. Judith Spektor interview, March 9, 1984.

60. On the positive potential of management roles, see the account of Cadillac Hotel manager Sarah Kearny in Amy Linn, "Tenderloin Mercies," California Living Magazine section, San Francisco Sunday Examiner and Chronicle (March 25, 1984): 11-15; on profitability, see Siegal, Outposts of the Forgotten , 70.

61. Paul, Rehabilitating Residential Hotels , 30.

62. Judith Spektor interview, March 9, 1984.

63. On Los Angeles, see Dave McCombs, "Two More SROs for Skid Row," Los Angeles Downtown News (January 1, 1990): 6. On San Francisco, see Andrew Ross, "Agnos Plans Six Hotels for Homeless," San Francisco Examiner (April 12, 1990). Gerald D. Adams, "S.F. Hotel to Convert to Homeless Housing," San Francisco Examiner (April 19, 1991): A-7. On Berkeley, see McCloud, "First in 40 Years." Howard Husock, "Boston, San Diego Show the Way," New York Times (January 21, 1989).

64. McCloud, "First in 40 Years," 29.

65. Davis Bushnell, "Too Soon for an Epitaph," Boston Globe (August 2, 1986): 37. Advertisement for El Cerrito Royale in El Cerrito, California, San Francisco Examiner (July 15, 1990). Frank James, "Elevating the High-Rise Life," Chicago Tribune (April 24, 1991): Sect. 5, 1, 5.

66. Kevin Sessums, "Wild about Perry," Vanity Fair (July 1992): 149-152; the producer of "Beverly Hills 90210" is Aaron Spelling.

67. A useful summary of both hotel and nonhotel experiments is Franck and Ahrentzen, New Households, New Housing .

68. Peter Drier, "American Housing Policy: Past, Present, and Future," Catherine Bauer Lecture (panel discussion), College of Environmental Design, University of California, Berkeley, April 21, 1993.

69. Jean T. Barrette, "Investing in Skid Row: An Interview with Alice Cal- soft

laghan," Hemisphere (November 1992): 19-20. Hemisphere is the in-flight magazine of United Airlines.

70. Peter Salons, "American Housing Policy: Past, Present, and Future," Catherine Bauer Lecture (panel discussion), College of Environmental Design, University of California, Berkeley, April 21, 1993.

71. Burki, "Housing the Low-Income Urban Elderly," 286; Marcuse, "Housing in Early City Planning," 153-177; Robert Goodman, "Excess Baggage: Professionalism and Alienation," in Goodman, After the Planners (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1971): 114-142.

72. Robert Venturi and Denise Scott Brown, "A Significance of A&P Parking Lots or Learning from Las Vegas," Architectural Forum (March 1968).

73. The HUD official is quoted in Stephens, Loners, Losers, and Lovers , 25.