1. Among the more recent works, John P. Spagnolo's France and Ottoman Lebanon, 1861-1914 (London, 1977) remains by far the most important study of the mutasarrifiyya . Antoine A. Khair's Le Moutaçarrifat du Mont-Liban (Beirut, 1973) provides a description of the mutasarrifiyya's institutions. Lahad Khater's 'Ahd al-mutasarrifîn fi Lubnân 1861-1918 (Beirut, 1967) is a helpful manual of the political developments based on contemporary local journals and periodicals. Ahmad Tarabain's Lubnân mundhu 'ahd al-mutasarrifiyya ilâ bidâyat al-intidâb, 1861-1920 (Cairo, 1968) and Asad Rustum's documentary Lubnân fi'ahd al-mutasarrifiyya (Beirut, 1973) cover only the years up to 1883, in spite of their titles. Wajih Kawtharani's al-Ittijâhât al-ijtimâ'iyyat-al-siyâsiyya fi Jabal Lubnân wal-mashriq al-'arabî, 1860-1920 (Beirut, 1976), an account of the unfolding social structure in the area, is particularly useful for early twentieth-century developments. Toufic Touma's Paysans et institutions féodales chez les Druses et les Maronites du Liban du xviie siècle à 1914 (Beirut, 1971-72); Samir Khalaf's Persistence and Change in 19th-Century Lebanon (Beirut, 1979); 'Abdallah al-Mallah's Mutasarrifiyya Jabal Lubnân fi'ahd Muzaffar Bâsha, 1902-1907 (Beirut, 1985); and 'Abdallah Sa'id's Tatawwur al-mulkiyyat al-'iqâriyya fi Jabal Lubnân (Beirut, [1987]) are very useful monographs.

2. Asad Rustum's work mentioned above is a documentary based on these minutes. Khair also makes use of them.

3. See, e.g., al-Mallah's work mentioned above, and 'Isam K. Khalifa's Abhâth fi târîkh Lubnân al-mu'âsir (Beirut, 1985). Apparently the Patriarchate's archives are rich, but not readily available to researchers.

4. Spagnolo is the only scholar who has used Ottoman documents. But these are written in French, from the Ottoman Foreign Ministry Archives,

and constitute a negligible amount of the Ottoman documents on the mutasarrifiyya . See Appendix B for a description of related Ottoman documents.

5. As recent civil war shattered the dream of Lebanon as an outpost of Western civilization, the Westernist paradigm outlined above has lost much of its ideological appeal as well as explanatory power. This is evident in the earnest efforts of Lebanese intellectuals and scholars to develop broader visions of Lebanon, paying far closer attention to its internal and regional realities. The publications of the Centre for Lebanese Studies at Oxford testify to the intellectual quality and breadth of this debate.

6. The literature on this complex issue is too rich to be summarized in a note here, but I will mention a few works to indicate my position on a number of the key concepts used in the following discussion. The "modern era" and "modernization" are to me what Marshall Hodgson calls the ''technicalistic era" and "technicalization" in The Venture of Islam (Chicago, 1974), esp. vol. 3:165-200. I use "nation" as a form of sociopolitical organization or entity that belongs exclusively to the modern era--see, e.g., Ernest Gellner, Nations and Nationalism (Oxford, 1983). I hold that "nation" is a sociopolitical entity "only insofar as it relates to a certain kind of modern territorial state, the 'nation-state,' and it is pointless to discuss nation and nationality except insofar as both relate to it," as Eric Hobsbawm puts it in Nations and Nationalism since 1780 (Cambridge, Eng., 1990), 9-10. I take Charles Tilly's taxonomic description of the characteristics of a nation-state in The Formation of National States in Western Europe (Princeton, 1975) as a guideline, esp. 25-83 and 601-638. Gabriel Ben-Dor discusses the relevance of the European experience to the Middle East in State and Conflict in the Middle East (New York, 1983), esp. 1-34 and 228-263.

Although I approach "nation" and "state" as interdependent historical processes, particularly for the early stages of "technicalization"/"modernization," I hold that an analytical distinction must be maintained between the formation of the state in its institutional structures and the formation of the nation as a civic political community. Here, my main source of inspiration is the moralistic and humanistic position taken by Barrington Moore in Social Origins of Democracy and Dictatorship (Boston, 1966). This distinction entails looking at nation-formation as one form of sociopolitical integration in a modern setting. In this, I find Edward Shils's Center and Periphery (Chicago, 1975) and Clifford Geertz's The Interpretation of Cultures (New York, 1973), esp. 193-341, particularly useful, though I am aware that Moore, Shils, and Geertz are not sufficiently sensitive to the international dimension of power politics in new states.

7. This is how I read various articles debating the recent crisis. See Nadim Shehadi and Dana H. Mills, eds., Lebanon: A History of Conflict and Consensus (London, 1988); compare Albert Hourani, Political Soci-

ety in Lebanon; Ghassane Salamé, Lebanon's Injured Identities; and Antoine Messarra, The Challenge of Coexistence , all publications of the Centre for Lebanese Studies (Oxford), among other works.

1. Iliya Harik, Politics and Change in a Traditional Society: Lebanon, 1711-1845 (Princeton, 1968), 16-17, and Kamal Salibi, A House of Many Mansions: The History of Lebanon Reconsidered (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1988), 64-65.

2. Harvey H. Smith et al., Area Handbook for Lebanon , 2nd ed. (Washington, D.C., 1974), 9-17; Dominique Chevallier, La société du Mont Liban à l'époque de la révolution industrielle en Europe (Paris, 1971), 3-4, 30-31, and plates 1-4; Leon Marfoe, "The Integrative Transformation: Patterns of Sociopolitical Organization in Southern Syria," Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 234(1979): 21-23; and William R. Polk, The Opening of South Lebanon, 1788-1840 (Cambridge, Mass., 1963), 1-9. Also see As'ad AbuKhalil, "The Society and the Environment," in Lebanon: A Country Study , ed. Thomas Collelo (Washington, D.C., 1989), 42-48, and P. Beaumont, G. H. Blake, and J. M. Wagstaff, The Middle East: A Geographical Study , 2nd ed. (New York, 1988), 387-389.

3. The term "Syria" here and throughout the text means geographical Syria, which now covers the sovereign states of Syria, Lebanon, Jordan, and parts of southeastern Turkey. During the Ottoman and Mamluk periods, the northern parts of this geographical region centered on the city of Aleppo and the southern parts on Damascus. See Antoine Abdel Nour, Introduction à l'histoire urbaine de la Syrie Ottomane (XVIe-XVIIIe siècle) (Beirut, 1982); on the rivalry of ports, 77, 305-313, 334-341, 352-365. For a description of the two subregions of "Syria," see Engin Akarli, "Spatial Organization in 14th-Century Syria," Bogaziçi University Journal--Humanities 6(1978): 1-25.

4. Salibi, House , 65-68.

5. Abdel Nour, 340-365; Leila T. Fawaz, Merchants and Migrants in 19th-Century Beirut (Cambridge, Mass., 1983), 8-13, 30-31, 127, and "Zahla and Dayr al-Qamar," in Lebanon: A History of Conflict and Consensus , ed. Shehadi and Mills 49-63; and Paul Saba, "The Creation of the Lebanese Economy," in Essays on the Crisis in Lebanon , ed. Roger Owen (London, 1976), 1-5.

6. Chevallier, La société du Mont Liban , 66-79, 150-156; Polk, 69-71, 175-189; and Marfoe, 20-29.

7. Salibi cautions us against uncritical interpretations of this situation, as if "Lebanon" was an island of freedom in a land of oppression; House , 130-150, esp. 148f.

8. On the Maronites, see Salibi, House , 13, 72-92, 113-114; Chevallier, La société , 16-17, 245-256; Harik, Politics and Change , 18-23, 74-166. Compare Matti Moosa, The Maronites in History (Syracuse, N. Y., 1986). For population percentages given here and below, see Table 1 in Chapter 4 of this work. For estimates of earlier periods, see Chevallier, La société , 49-63.

9. On Shiism in general, see Hodgson, The Venture of Islam , vol. 2: 36-39, 445-455, and vol. 3: 33-38. The mutawâlîs adhered to the twelve-imam branch, or main line, of Shiism. One cannot assume, however, that all Shiites were "twelvers" throughout the past. For Lebanese Shiites, see Isma'il Haqqi, ed., Lubnân: mabâhith 'ilmiyya wa ijtimâ'iyya , 2nd ed. (Beirut, 1969-70), 666-677; Albert Hourani, Syria and Lebanon: A Political Essay (London, 1946), 122-123, and "From Jabal 'Amil to Persia," Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 49(1986): 133-140; Salibi, House , 137, 144-145; Beaumont, Blake, and Wagstaff, 389-392; and Helena Cobban, The Making of Modern Lebanon (Boulder, Co., 1985), 19-21.

10. On the Druze in general, see Nejla Abu-Izzeddin, The Druzes: A New Study of Their History, Faith, and Society (Leiden, 1984); Robert Betts, The Druze (New Haven, 1988); Kamal Salibi, The Modern History of Lebanon (New York, 1965), xviii-xxii; Isma'il Haqqi, 677-680; and Kamal Joumblatt, I Speak for Lebanon (London, 1982), esp. 26-39. Also see David Bryer, "The Origins of the Druze Religion," Der Islam 52(1975): 47-84, 239-262, and 53(1976): 5-27.

11. Abdul-Rahim Abu-Husayn, Provincial Leaderships in Syria, 1575-1650 (Beirut, 1985), esp. 67-128; Isma'il Haqqi, 325-340; Halil Inalcik, "Tax Collection, Embezzlement, and Bribery in Ottoman Finances," Bulletin of the Turkish Studies Association 15(1991): 327-346; and Abu-Izzeddin, 179-191. Also see T. Gökbilgin's and S. Tekindag's separate contributions under "Durûz" in Encyclopaedia of Islam , new ed. ("Dürziler" in Islâm[Idot;slâm] Ansiklopedisi ); and Salibi, House , 123-128.

12. On the precariousness of Fakhr al-Din's alliances, see Abu-Husayn, 92-93; on the Ma'ns' position in central cantons, see Salibi, Modern History , 5. An oft-quoted witness of peaceful sectarian relations is Constantin-François Volney, Travels through Syria and Egypt in the Years 1783, 1784, and 1785 , 2nd ed. (London, 1788); see, e.g., vol. 1:299-300, and vol. 2:74-81. But compare note 7 above.

13. Timothy Ware, The Orthodox Church (London, 1964), 102-110; Robert M. Haddad, "On Melkite Passage to the Unia (1672-1720)," and Thomas Philipp, "Image and Self-Image of the Syrians in Egypt," both in Christians and Jews in the Ottoman Empire , ed. Benjamin Braude and Bernard Lewis (New York and London, 1982), vol. 2:67-90 and 167-184, respectively; Albert Hourani, The Emergence of the Modern Middle East (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1981), 103-123, esp. 103-108; Salibi, House ,

43, 137-138; and Roderic Davison, Reform in the Ottoman Empire, 1856-1876 (Princeton, 1963), 119, note 17.

14. Abdel Nour, 308, 310, 350-351, and Robert Haddad, "On Melkite Passage," 67-90.

15. Fawaz, Merchants , 50-51.

16. Hourani, Emergence , 1-18 (cf. 43-44).

17. On the Greek Orthodox Church in the Ottoman Empire, see Halil Inalcik, "The Status of the Greek Orthodox Patriarch under the Ottomans," Turcica 21-23 (1991): 407-436; Timothy Ware, The Orthodox Church , 96-112, and Eustratios Argenti: A Study of the Greek Church under Turkish Rule (Oxford, 1964); and Kemal H. Karpat, An Inquiry into the Social Foundations of Nationalism in the Ottoman State (Princeton, 1973). Also see Karpat, "Millets and Nationality," and Richard Clogg, "The Greek Millet in the Ottoman Empire," in Braude and Lewis, vol. 1: 141-170 and 185-208, respectively. Compare Robert Haddad, Syrian Christians in Muslim Society (Princeton, 1970). On the Greek Orthodox migration to the Mountain, see Salibi, House , 138. On the East-West 'dichotomy' in the context of Lebanese history, see Chapter 8 in this work and compare Sandra Mackey, Lebanon: The Death of a Nation (New York and Chicago, 1989).

18. Chevallier, La société , 58, and Polk, Opening , 126. Also see Ahmed Cevdet Pasa, Târîh-i Cevdet (Istanbul, 1288-1303 [1871-1886]), vol. 3:14-20, 35-37.

19. From the vantage point of the elitist-urban Ottoman-Arab culture, the titles assumed by the Mountain's notables would appear pretentious. Besides, they appear to have acquired this importance in retrospect, partly under the influence of the works of nineteenth-century local historians. For Salibi's criticism of these works, under the heading "The Imagined Principality," see House , 108-129. The challenge is to understand the mountaineers' self-perception without losing sight of the broader environment in which they lived.

The following account of the political events and relationships under the amirate is based on: Abu-Izzeddin, 189-215; Polk, 10-82; Salibi, Modern History , 3-17; Harik, Politics and Change , 32-73; Chevallier, La société , 80-89; Isma'il Haqqi, 161-165, 340-350; and other works mentioned below. For a general framework, see Hourani, Emergence , 124-148, and his Political Society in Lebanon (London, [1985]).

20. Abu-Izzeddin, 202, and Abu-Husayn, 126-127.

21. For an evaluation of the power-magnate networks that prevailed in the area in general during this period, see Engin Akarli, "Provincial Power Magnates in Ottoman Bilad al-Sham and Egypt, 1740-1840," in La vie sociale dans les provinces Arabes à l'époque Ottomane , ed. Abdeljelil Temimi (Zaghouan, Tunisia, 1988), vol. 3:41-56. The position of the muqâta'ajis and the muqâta'a system as it applied in Mount Lebanon are

hotly debated issues. For a review of major positions and works, see Alexander Schölch, "Was There A Feudal System in Ottoman Lebanon and Palestine?" in Palestine in the Late Ottoman Period , ed. David Kushner (Jerusalem and Leiden, 1986), 130-145; for major works, see 144, note 22.

22. See Marfoe, 27-29, and Polk, 50-71, esp. 71.

23. E.g., compare the table of major families in Chevallier, La société , 63. We see the formation of similar relationships even in villages founded at later dates; see, e.g., on a Greek Orthodox village, Afif I. Tannous, "Social Change in an Arab Village," in Readings in Arab Middle Eastern Societies and Cultures , ed. A. M. Lutfiyya, and C. W. Churchill (The Hague, 1970), 288-289.

24. Polk, 130-131, and Abu-Izzeddin, 206-207.

25. Abu-Izzeddin, 209-210.

26. Harik, Politics and Change , 81-85.

27. See, e.g., Chevallier, La société , 63, 88; Harik, Politics and Change , 42, 211-212; and Touma, 751-753.

28. Harik, Politics and Change , 65-71, and Chevallier, La société , 146-148. Compare maps of the amirate published by different authors: Salibi, Modern History , 218-219; Abu-Husayn, 108; Polk, 54; Chevallier, La société , plates 6-7; and Axel Havemann, Rurale Bewegungen im Libanongebirge des 19. Jahrhunderts (Berlin, 1983), 406.

29. On succession problems, sources of legitimate authority, and dyadic relationships, see Harik, Politics and Change , 38, 54-61. A family could shift sides, and factions within a family might support different camps. Compare this with similar relationships in nearby Nablus in northern Palestine: Miriam Hoexter, "The Role of the Qays and Yaman Factions in Local Political Divisions," Asian and African Studies 9(1973): 249-311.

30. Harik, Politics and Change , 41, 168-169, 198, 279, passim.

31. For a general assessment, see Saba, 1-4; compare the works mentioned in note 32 below. In most works on eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century "Syria," the emphasis is on trade with Europe. There can be little doubt, however, that Syria's trade with other parts of the Ottoman Empire, including Egypt, was more important until the 1840s. See Roger Owen, The Middle East in the World Economy, 1800-1914 (London, 1981), 52-53.

32. Dominique Chevallier, "Les cadres sociaux de l'économie agraire dans le Proche-Orient au début du xixe siècle: le cas du Mont Liban," in Studies in the Economic History of the Middle East , ed. M. A. Cook (London, 1970), 333-334; and I. M. Smilianskaya, "The Disintegration of Feudal Relations in Syria and Lebanon in the Middle of the 19th Century," in The Economic History of the Middle East, 1800-1914 , ed. Charles Issawi (Chicago, 1966), 228, note 3.

33. On Akka's rise, see Abdel Nour, 77, 351, 363-365. On the rivalry between the ports of "Syria," see Akarli, "Provincial Power Magnates." For Zahir al-'Umar in general, see Abdul-Karim Rafeq, The Province of Damascus, 1723-1783 (Beirut, 1966), and al-'Arab wal-'uthmâniyûn, 1516-1916 (Damascus, 1974), 231-313, passim; and Amnon Cohen, Palestine in the 18th Century (Jerusalem, 1973), passim.

34. On Cezzar, see Rafeq, al-'Arab , 310-318, 385ff.; Cohen, passim; Linda S. Schilcher, Families in Politics (Wiesbaden, 1985), 36-40; Abdul L. Tibawi, A Modern History of Syria (Edinburgh, 1969), 19-39, and Cevdet Pasa, Târîh , vol. 3:46-61 and vol. 7:94f., 117f., 353f.

35. Chevallier, "Les cadres," 333-334; and Caesar E. Farah, "The Problem of the Ottoman Administration in Lebanon, 1840-1861" (Ph.D. diss., Princeton University, 1958), 21-44.

36. Chevallier, La société , 98-99; Harik, Politics and Change , 41-42; Polk, 19, and Isma'il Haqqi, 348-349.

37. On Bashir Shihab and his relations with Bashir Junblat, see Polk, 14-31; Harik, Politics and Change , 167-199; Chevallier, La société , 90-105; Salibi, Modern History , 18-39; Abu-Izzeddin, 211-215; and Farah, "Problem," 20-30.

38. Harik, Politics and Change , 222-223; and Isma'il Haqqi, 346-347.

39. On the peasant resistance in 1820-21 and the role of the clergy in it, see Harik, Politics and Change , 200-222, and Havemann, 95-123.

40. Abu-Izzeddin, 214-215; Harik, Politics and Change , 222-228; Polk, 21-31; and Chevallier, La société , 102-104. On the struggle between the coastal and inland magnates, see Akarli, "Provincial Power Magnates."

41. Pasha is a title that replaced beylerbeyi or amîr ul-umarâ , i.e., the military governor of a province. Fakhr al-Din appears to have acquired the latter status by 1627 (Abu-Husayn, 110). In any case, by virtue of controlling the entire coast from Gaza to Tripoli, he would have been ranked next only to the governors of Aleppo and Damascus in the Ottoman military-administrative hierarchy. (Pasha eventually became a title given also to senior civilian bureaucrats, whether ministers or governors.)

42. For the cooperation between the Church and the amir, see Harik, Politics and Change , 127-139, 205-206, 229-245.

43. See Ahmed Lutfi, Târîh-i Lutfî (Istanbul, 1300 [1884-85]), vol. 4:31, 37-40; Afaf L. Marsot, Egypt in the Reign of Muhammad Ali (Cambridge, Eng., 1984), 196ff.; Polk, 26; and Asad Rustum, Bashîr bain al-sultân wal-'azîz, 1804-1841 (Beirut, 1966), 45-96, 185-224. On Mehmed Ali's economic concerns and Egypt's intensive trade relations with "Syria," see Farah, "Problem," 25-30.

44. Akarli, "Provincial Power Magnates," 50-56; Lûtfi, vol. 4:42-47; Polk, 95-105, 195-196. Compare Sinasi Altindag, "Kavalali Mehmet Ali

Pasa'nin Suriye'de Tatbik Ettigi Idare Tarzi," Belleten 8(1944): 231-244. On the trade conventions, see Mübahat Kütükoglu, Osmanli-Ingiliz Iktisâdî Münâsebetleri , vol. 1, 1580-1838 (Ankara, 1974), 81-125; and Frank E. Bailey, British Policy and the Turkish Reform Movement (Cambridge, Mass., 1942), 121-128, 147-170. On Beirut's rapid rise, see Fawaz, Merchants; and Michael Johnson, Class and Client in Beirut (London, 1986), 11-44.

45. Polk, 97-104, 136-137, 190-191.

46. Caesar Farah, "The Lebanese Insurgence of 1840 and the Powers," Journal of Asian History 1(1967): 105-132; Salibi, Modern History , 38-44; and Rustum, Bashîr , 169-184.

47. Harik, Politics and Change , 152-159, 213-214, 238-239, 250-257; and Richard van Leeuwen, "Monastic Estates and Agricultural Transformation in Mount Lebanon in the 18th Century," IJMES 23(1991): 601-617.

48. Harik, Politics and Change , 127-152, 254-266, 290-293.

49. Polk, 217-219.

50. Here I read the evidence available to me (esp. Chevallier, La société , 131-149, and Polk, passim) with an Ottomanist's eye. The relevant literature in this context is the debate on the çiftlik/mazra'a and Mâlikâne-muqâta'a (see Akarli, "Provincial Power Magnates," 42, note 4, and 49, note 15). Many historians make generalizations about Lebanon in the sixteenth through eighteenth centuries on the basis of data from the mid-nineteenth and twentieth centuries, when land had become a commodity or near-commodity. Such retrospective constructions need to be done in comparison with the better-documented neighboring areas. Van Leeuwen's article on the Maronite awqâf in the eighteenth century abounds with indications that Mount Lebanon was less different from its surrounding area than we normally assume. On the concept of multiple ownerships, see Engin Akarli, " Gedik ," in Wissenschaftskolleg Jahrbuch 1985/86 (Berlin, 1987), 223-232. On the effects of commercialization, see Saba, "The Creation of the Lebanese Economy."

51. Saba, 1-13; Salibi, Modern History , 47; Chevallier, La société , 166-167, 177-179 (cf. 157-165); Polk, 217-219; M. T. Gökbilgin, "1840'dan 1861'e kadar Cebel-i Lübnan Meselesi ve Dürziler," Belleten 10(1946): 641-650; and Farah, "Problem," 110-130.

52. Gökbilgin, "1840'dan 1861'e," 650-675; Farah, "Problem," 130-200; Baron I. de Testa, ed., Recueil des traités de la porte Ottomane avec les puissances étrangères (Paris, 1864-1911), vol. 3:86-179. Compare Salibi, Modern History , 53-71.

53. On the Sekib Efendi regulations, see GG 1013:9-23; Lutfi, vol. 8:64ff., 407ff.; Muhammad A. Tarhini, al-Usas al-târîkhiyya li-nizâm Lubnân al-tâifî (Beirut, 1981), which compares these regulations to the mutasarrifiyya regulations; and de Testa, vol. 3:179-225, esp. 200-207.

54. On these events, see Gökbilgin, "1840'dan 1861'e," 675-682, and Farah, "Problem," 200-207 and passim, who make use of Ottoman sources. Also see Salibi, Modern History , 70-79, and Harik, Politics and Change , 272-277. Compare Charles H. Churchill, The Druzes and the Maronites under the Turkish Rule from 1840 to 1860 (reprint of 1862 ed., New York, 1973); and Antoine J. Abraham, Lebanon at Mid-Century: Maronite-Druze Relations in Lebanon, 1840-1860 (Washington, D.C., 1981), 81-116.

55. Chevallier, La société , 178-179.

56. Dominique Chevallier, "Aux origines des troubles agraires Libanais en 1858," Annales 14(1959): 44-51; Yehoshua Porath, "The Peasant Revolt of 1858-1861 in Kisrawan," Asian and African Studies 2(1966): 77-157; Marwan Buheiry, "The Peasant Revolt of 1858 in Mount Lebanon," in Land Tenure and Social Transformation in the Middle East , ed. Tarif Khalidi (Beirut, 1984), 291-302; Malcolm H. Kerr, ed., Lebanon in the Last Years of Feudalism, 1840-1868 (Beirut, 1959), 19-26, 95-150; Salibi, Modern History , 80-87; and Havemann, 189-261.

57. Salibi, Modern History , 88-98; Farah, "Problem," 231, 236-237.

58. For various assessments see, e.g., Edouard Engelhardt, La Turquie et le Tanzimat ou histoire des réformes dans l'Empire Ottoman depuis 1826 jusqu'à nos jours (Paris, 1882-84), vol. 1:141ff.; Kamal Salibi, "The 1860 Upheaval in Damascus," in The Beginnings of Modernization in the Middle East , ed. W. Polk and R. Chambers (Chicago, 1968), 185-202; Farah, "Problem," 235-289; and Salibi, Modern History , 88-105.

59. A. Haluk "Uuml;lman, 1860-1861 Suriye Buhrani (Ankara, 1966), 33-36; Farah, "Problem," 235-289; Salibi, Modern History , 88-105.

60. Ülman, Suriye Buhrani , 39-81; Farah, "Problem," 291-346; Gökbilgin, "1840'dan 1861'e," 689-693. On the imperial decree concerning Fuad's mission, see MMD no. 10, pp. 23-24.

61. Farah, "Problem," 349-397; Ülman, Suriye Buhrani , 97-121; and John P. Spagnolo, France and Ottoman Lebanon , 29-52. For a summary of the minutes of the meetings, see de Testa, 105-406. On changes in administrative divisions in the area, see 'Abd al-'Aziz 'Awad, al-Idârat al-'uthmâniyya fi wilâya Sûriyya, 1864-1914 (Cairo, 1969), 61-81.

62. In addition to the grand vizier's immediate staff, the Sublime Porte housed the state archives, a number of advisory bodies which eventually formed the State Council, and the headquarters of the Interior and Foreign ministries. The Cabinet met at the Porte, unless the sultan ordered a meeting at his palace. In theory, supreme authority belonged to the sultan. He appointed the grand vizier and other senior officials, and his approval (decree) was necessary for the enactment of laws and the implementation of major policy decisions. Under a powerful sultan, the Palace could overshadow the Porte in policy-making. This was the case during most of Abdulhamid II's reign (1876-1909). Even then, however, the Porte

continued to function as the headquarters of the Ottoman government. On the development of the Porte and its relations with the Palace, see Carter V. Findley, Bureaucratic Reform in the Ottoman Empire: The Sublime Porte, 1789-1922 (Princeton, 1980), and Ottoman Civil Officialdom: A Social History (Princeton, 1989); Enver Z. Karal, Osmanli Tarihi , vols. 5-8 (Ankara, 1954-1962), passim; Davison, Reform , 16, 32-36, and passim; and Engin Akarli, "Friction and Discord within the Ottoman Government under Abdulhamid II," Bogaziçi University Journal--Humanities 7(1979): 3-26.

63. For the texts of the Règlement and the protocols, see Gabriel Noradounghian, ed., Recueil d'actes internationaux de l'Empire Ottoman (Paris, 1897-1902), vol. 3:144-150, 223-228; and for these texts as well as other related documents, see CL 1013, pp. 23-35. For an analysis of the Règlement as a legal text and a critical edition of it with all the amendments until 1912, see Engin Akarli, "Cebel-i Lübnan'da Mutasarriflik Düzeni, 1861-1915" (docentship thesis, Bosphorus University, Istanbul, 1981), 41-50, 198-201, 240-250. Also see Spagnolo, France and Ottoman Lebanon , 45-46, 81-96. The official Ottoman-Turkish version of the 1864 Règlement is available in Düstûr , 1st series (Istanbul, 1289-1335 [1872-1943] and 1937-1943, vol. 4:695-701). The official Arabic translations of the 1861 and 1864 versions of the Règlement are available in Rustum, Lubnân , 35-39 and 55-61, respectively.

1. GG 1013: p. 15 (1850).

2. GG 1013: p. 23. The same points were emphasized also in the preface to the 1864 version of the Règlement: GG 1013: p. 30; and Düstûr , 1st series, vol. 4: 695.

3. On the continuities and new directions in Ottoman political culture in the earlier years of the period emphasized in this work, see Serif Mardin, The Genesis of Young Ottoman Thought (Princeton, 1962); and Davison, Reform . On Abdulhamid II's period (1876-1909) and the second Constitutional period (1908-1918), see the following, all by Engin Akarli: "The Problems of External Pressures, Power Struggles, and Budgetary Deficits in Ottoman Politics under Abdulhamid II" (Ph.D. diss., Princeton University, 1976); "Friction"; "Abdulhamid II's Attempt to Integrate Arabs into the Ottoman System," in Palestine in the Late Ottoman Period , ed. David Kushner (Jerusalem, 1986); and Ottoman Documents on Jordan (Amman, 1989). Also see Serif Mardin, Continuity and Change in the Ideas of the Young Turks (Ankara, 1969), and Jön Türklerin Siyasi Fikirleri, 1895-1908 , 2nd ed. (Istanbul, 1983).

4. GG 1013: p. 29, Z 1277, on Davud; pp. 49-50, 19 S 1285, on

Franko; pp. 63-64, 21 Z 1289, on Rüstem; pp. 86-87, 10 B 1300, on Vasa; pp. 110-111, 26 M 1310, on Naum; and pp. 160-161, 26 Haz. 1323, on Yusuf Franko. In the decrees dispatched to the Administrative Council requesting it to assume the responsibilities of the governor during the interregna that resulted from the deaths of Franko and Vasa Pashas in 1873 and 1892, respectively, the emphasis was again put on maintaining the hard-won public order and peace in Mount Lebanon: see GG 1013: p. 60, 7 Za 1289; p. 89, 19 Haz. 1308; and pp. 97-98, 25 Tem. 1308.

5. See Khater, 27, 38, 49-52, 140, 152-154, 162-164, and 192; and al-Mallah, 80-92.

6. See, e.g., Hourani, Emergence , 1-18.

7. The numerous petitions presented to the Porte by the Lebanese make amply clear that this is how the Lebanese interpreted the Ottoman position. These petitions are discussed below in this and following chapters.

8. Gökbilgin, "1840'dan 1861'e," 690-703. On the ceremony, see Spagnolo, France , 46 and 52 n. 38; compare the next note.

9. GG 1013: pp. 41-42, 7 S 1278 (Aug. 1861).

10. Rustum, Lubnân , 83-84; and Spagnolo, France , 82 and 94 n. 4.

11. GG 1014: 10 B 1284 (Nov. 1867); GG 1013: p. 47, 24 Sh 1284 (Dec. 1867); and Rustum, Lubnân , 128-129.

12. GG 1013: p. 42, 22 Ra 1278 (Nov. 1861); HA 256/1 (Dec. 1863); GG 1014: 14 S 1284 (June 1867); and Spagnolo, France , 82 and 94 n. 4.

13. GG 1014: 11 M 1284 (May 1867); 15 R 1285 (Aug. 1868); and GG 1013: p. 53, 23 Ca 1286 (Sept. 1869). Also see Spagnolo, France , 112.

14. On the events revolving around Yusuf Karam, see Spagnolo, France , 58-65 and 100-111; Rustum, Lubnân , 50-53 and 62-80; Tarabain, 36-77 and 155-215. Also see Tarhini, 210, 222-234, and 240; and Kerr, 26-31.

15. GG 1013: p. 37, 29 C 1281 (Nov. 1864).

16. GG 1013: p. 38, 16 N 1281 (Feb. 1865): letters from the Porte to Davud Pasha and to the commander of regular troops put under Davud's orders.

17. See GG 1014: 1 Sh and 12 L 1294 (Aug.-Oct. 1877): letters from the Porte to Mount Lebanon and to the Finance Ministry announcing the decision to discontinue the stipend of 5,000 piasters paid to Yusuf Karam "because his writings make clear that he still nourishes certain hopes and is not remorseful." The decision, based on an investigation of his writings by the State Council, was issued in the form of an imperial decree. On Karam's writings, see Spagnolo, France , 123 n. 39; on his activities in exile, see Tarabain, passim.

18. On the Concert of Europe and its effects on Ottoman affairs, see Gordon Craig, Europe since 1815 , 2nd ed. (New York, 1966); Akarli, "Problems," 10-23, 225-228, and Spagnolo, "Franco-British Rivalry in

the Middle East and Its Operation in the Lebanese Problem,'' in Lebanon: A History of Conflict and Consensus , ed. Shehadi and Mills (London, 1988), 109ff.

19. Spagnolo, France , 114 and 119; Tarabain, 216-222; and documents mentioned in notes 20 and 21 below.

20. GG 1013: pp. 46-47, 10 B, and 24 Sh 1284 (Nov.-Dec. 1867); the quotation is from the latter document. Judging by Tarabain's account based on French documents (pp. 218-221), Davud informed the French Consulate in Beirut of his correspondence with the Porte.

21. GG 1013: pp. 47-48, 25 L 1284 (Feb. 1868): letter from the Porte to Mount Lebanon in response to Davud's letter of 27 N 1284 (Jan. 1868), which is quoted in the Porte's letter.

22. This aspect of Davud's attitude is stressed in Spagnolo's account ( France , 113-119).

23. GG 1013: pp. 35-36, 23 Z 1284 (Apr. 1868); and Rustum, Lubnân , 85-86. For biographies of Davud, Franko Kusa, and other governors of Mount Lebanon, see Appendix A.

24. GG 1013: pp. 48-50, 19 S, and 6 and 7 Ca 1285 (June-Aug. 1868). Also see IRADE-Dahiliye 40129, 13 S 1285 (June 1868), and HA 35/5: documents from May-June 1868. For details, see Spagnolo, France , 117-118, and Akarli, "Cebel-i Lübnan," 45-46.

25. On Franko's relations with the Porte and Rasid Pasha, see Spagnolo, France , 128-132; GG 1013: pp. 50-77; and GG 1014: passim. On the financial support provided to Mount Lebanon during this period, see GG 1013: pp. 55, 58, 76-77; GG 1014: 23 R and 26 C 1286, 13 R 1287, and 26 Sh and 27 L 1288; and YEE: 18/527/13/31 (II-b), 17 N 1288. On Franko's relations with the consuls, see HA 35/5, esp. Jan. 1870, and compare Spagnolo, France , 129ff.

26. Asad Rustum ( Lubnân , 153-154 and 172-175), who is hardly sympathetic to Rüstem, acknowledges the pasha's merits. For a similar view, see Philip Hitti, Lebanon in History (London, 1957), 445-446.

27. Spagnolo, France , 130-138.

28. See Khater, 51-52, on Rüstem Pasha's address to the Lebanese; and Spagnolo, France , 138-139.

29. Khater, 47-65.

30. See Akarli, "Problems," 23-40 and 229-232; and Davison, 270-357.

31. GG 1014: 27 M 1294 (Feb. 1877), from the Porte to Rüstem, on the basis of decisions reached by a special committee of leading Ottoman statesmen.

32. GG 1014: 8 R 1294 (April 1877) summarizes previous correspondence on the precautions taken.

33. On the conflict between Rüstem and the Maronite Church, see Khater, 66-137, and the sources mentioned in notes 34-40 below.

34. Spagnolo, France , 150-174, esp. 158 and 164-165. Compare his "Franco-British Rivalry," 111-114; Tarabain, 301-360, esp. 339-356; Rüstem Pasha's letter to Elridge (6 Feb. 1881) in PRO-F.O. 78, no. 3314, and Ahmed Hamdi Pasha's report mentioned in note 39 below.

35. Spagnolo, France , 165-166.

36. YEE: 18/417/3/40, göm. 5, 9 M 1300 (Nov. 1882), from Hamdi Pasha to the Porte.

37. See Chapters 4-6 below on these issues.

38. To illustrate his point, Hamdi referred to the case of Khalil Abi-l-Lama' mentioned in one of the petitions. Khalil had raped and poisoned a servant of his household and was ultimately convicted for his crime, yet some people "dared criticize his conviction, instead of being thankful for the due punishment of such a savage act."

39. YEE: 18/417/3/40, göm. 5, M 1300 (Nov. 1882), from Hamdi to the Porte, follow-up of report mentioned in note 36.

40. YEE: 18/515/127/44, 6 Ra 1300 (Jan. 1883), from Rüstem to Safvet, the foreign minister. In this long letter, Rüstem discusses the background of the petition campaign and criticizes the French consul in Beirut as a particularly "fanatic" person who missed the delicacy of the sectarian balance and conflicts in Mount Lebanon.

41. For details concerning Vasa's appointment, see GG 1013: pp. 80-86, correspondence between the Palace, the Porte, and the Foreign Ministry; and PRO-F.O. 78, no. 3612. Also see Akarli, "Cebel-i Lübnan," 46-47, and 206, note 39; and Spagnolo, France , 168-169.

42. Spagnolo, France , 176. Compare Ahmed Hamdi Pasha's letter mentioned in note 44 below.

43. See Vasa's letters to the Porte in YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 2, p. 1, 26 Za 1300 (Sept. 1883), and defter 1, p. 6, 11 S 1301 (Dec. 1883).

44. See Ahmed Hamdi's letter to the Porte reporting his conversations with Vasa: YEE: 18/417/3/40, göm. 7, 25 R 1301 (Feb. 1884). (Also YEE: 30/2198/51/78). Ahmed Hamdi wrote this letter when the Porte asked him to assess the situation in the Mountain, following a series of complaints spearheaded by Mustafa Arslan and accusing Vasa of having become a tool of French interests. For a sampler of Mustafa Arslan's complaints, see YEE: 18/417/3/40, göm. 7, 15 Za 1300 (Sept. 1883).

45. On Ahmed Hamdi, see Ibnülemin Inal, Osmanli Devrinde Son Sadriâzamlar (Istanbul, 1940-53), 636-650. On Vasa's respect for him, see, e.g., YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 1, p. 10, 21 Z 1302 (Oct. 1885); p. 13, 26 N 1303 (June 1886), and esp. pp. 36-38, 17 Za 1304 (Aug. 1887). Hamdi Pasha died in 1885, but Vasa always remembered him with reverence.

46. For intelligence reports, see YEE: 35/429/122/104, göm. 1, no. 3, 29 Te.s. 1300 (Dec. 1884); also see YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 1, p. 10, 21 Z 1302 (Oct. 1885). The military plans referred to here were evidently

based on those prepared by de Torcy, the French military attaché dispatched to the area in 1880; see Spagnolo, France , 163ff. On the news about petitions, see YEE: 35/429/122/104, göm. 1, no. 2, 29 Te.s. 1300 (Dec. 1884), and the documents mentioned in notes 47 and 49 below.

47. YEE: 35/429/122/104, göm. 1, nos. 4/1 and 4/2, 20 Ra 1302 (Jan. 1885) and 20 Te.s. 1300 (Dec. 1884).

48. YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 2, pp. 5-7, 10 R 1302 (Jan. 1885). Early in his governorship, Vasa frequently criticized his predecessor along the lines outlined here. See his letters in YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 1, pp. 1-2, 7 L 1300; pp. 6-7, 11 S 1301; pp. 10-11, 23 M 1303; p. 23, 11 B 1304, and pp. 41-42, 12 S 1305 (Aug. 1883-Oct. 1887); and defter 2, pp. 5-7, 10 R 1302, and pp. 9-10, 7 Sh 1301 (June 1884-Jan. 1885). Compare YEE: 35/429/122/104, no. 119, 26 R 1301 (Feb. 1884). The tone of his criticism gradually softened, and by the end of 1887 Vasa had become virtually apologetic for his earlier criticism, having a clearer appreciation of the problems encountered by Rüstem.

49. YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 2, pp. 4-7, 4 Ra-10 R 1302 (Dec. 1884-Jan. 1885): four letters from Vasa to the Interior Ministry on the issue. The letter of denouncement appeared in the Beirut daily al-Mishâh .

50. Vasa was an avid correspondent. There are many letters in his voluminous correspondence with Istanbul which express and elaborate on the type of government and society he hopes to help build in Mount Lebanon. In addition to the letters mentioned in note 48 above, see, e.g., YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 1, pp. 7-8, 12-13, 15-16, 35-36, 46, 69-70, 51-52, and 55-56, 26 S 1307-7 R 1306 (Dec. 1883-Dec. 1888); defter 2, pp. 1-2, 8, 14-18, and 33, 11 S 1301-12 Z 1305 (Dec. 1883-Aug. 1888); and YEE: 35/429/122/104, nos. 122, 130, and 132 (March 1888-Dec. 1891). Vasa was convinced that during his governorship important developments moved Mount Lebanon toward a better government and a more modern society.

51. Aside from Vasa's own letters, see Ahmed Hamdi's comments about him quoted above.

52. This trend in Vasa's opinion of the French intentions is clearly observable in his correspondence with the Porte, the bulk of which is preserved in YEE: 35/439/122/105, defters 1 and 2, and YEE: 35/429/122/104.

53. YEE: 35/429/122/104, no. 38, 20 B 1304 (Apr. 1887), from Kâmil to Vasa; and no. 58, 2 Aug. 1887, from Said to Vasa.

54. YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 2, pp. 27-29, 10 S 1305 (Oct. 1887): Vasa's response to Cevdet's letter of 2 S 1305.

55. For a detailed treatment of this development, see Akarli "Abdulhamid II's Attempt to Integrate Arabs," 74-89.

56. On the personalities of the two governors, see Khater, 54-55, 59-60, 65-66, 140-143, and 148-150; Spagnolo, France , 170-171, 182-183, and 188-189; and Ahmed Hamdi Pasha's assessments mentioned above.

57. See YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 1, pp. 1-2, 7 L 1300 (Aug. 1883), and defter 2, pp. 5-7, 10 R 1302 (Jan. 1885).

58. YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 1, p. 12, 12 N 1303 (June 1886).

59. Same file, defter 1, pp. 12, 30-31, 40-41, 49, 51-52, and 57-58, 12 N 1303, 22 N 1304, 27 M 1305, 18 N 1305, 12-26 Z 1305 and 6 Ca 1306 (June 1886-Jan. 1889); and defter 2, pp. 30, 33, and 35, 25 R 1305, 12-26 Z 1305, and 6 Ca 1306 (Jan. 1888-Jan. 1889). In a letter dated 8 N 1304 (May 1887) (in defter 1, pp. 29-30), Vasa clearly states that he had "his spies among the bishops." Also see YEE: 35/429/122/104, no. 93, 16 Shu. 1307 (Feb. 1892). On Vasa's role in patriarchal elections, see YEE: 35/429/122/104, nos. 96, 110, and 122; and YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 1, pp. 70-76, and defter 2, pp. 37-39, N-Za 1307 (Apr.-July 1890); and Spagnolo, France , 186-187. For more information on relations between the government and the Church, see Chapter 8 below.

60. For Vasa's observations on the support which the French gave the Church against papal investigations, see YEE: 35/429/122/104, nos. 27, 30/2 and 24, Te.s.-Ka.e. 1302 (Nov.-Dec. 1886); YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 1, p. 61, 1 Za 1306 (June 1889), and defter 2, p. 30, 25 R 1305 (Jan. 1888). Vasa's complaints about French protection of the affiliates of certain bishops became especially acute in May-Sept. 1887, due to the pressures put on Vasa to free four such people who had been put on trial and sentenced to imprisonment for their leading role in demonstrations that "endangered public peace." Much of the correspondence in YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 1, pp. 25-40, and YEE: 35/429/122/104, nos. 42-69 (Sh 1304-M 1305) covers this issue, which is discussed in detail in Chapter 8.

For Vasa's observations on the financial support offered to the Church by the French government, see YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 1, pp. 12, 47-48, and 76, 12 N 1303, 5-19 Sh 1305, 14 Za 1307 (June 1886-July 1890); and YEE: 35/429/122/104, no. 132, 10 Ca 1309 (Dec. 1891). On the pressure put on the bishops by the French consul general, see, e.g., YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 1, pp. 5 and 12, 8 Sh and 12 N 1303 (1886). Other evidence makes it clear that Vasa's observations were not inaccurate: see, e.g., The British Consul Elridge's report in PRO-F.O. 78, no. 4011, 7 April 1887; Spagnolo, France , 155-161, 186-187; Khater, 66-137; and Hüseyin Riza Pasha's report from Beirut in YEE: 14/244/126/7, 8 Sh 1305 (April 1888). Also see Chapter 8 below.

61. Vasa touched upon this issue in many of his letters. See, e.g., YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 1, pp. 49-50, 52, and 78-80, 29 L 1305 (July 1888), 26 Z 1305 (Sept. 1888), and 21 Sh 1308 (April 1891); defter 2, pp. 27-29, 33, and 41, 15 Te.e. 1303 (Oct. 1887), 29 L 1305 and 22 Shu. 1303 (March 1888), and YEE: 35/429/122/104, no. 132, 10 Ca 1309 (Dec. 1891).

62. YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 1, pp. 1-2, 6, 10-11, 16, and 48, 7 L 1300 (Aug. 1883), 11 S 1301 (Dec. 1883), 23 M 1305 (Oct. 1885), 7 Z 1303 (Sept. 1886), and 5 Sh 1305 (April 1888); defter 2, pp. 5-6, 26 R

1301 (Feb. 1884); and YEE: 35/429/122/104, no. 119, 26 R 1301 (Feb. 1884).

63. See Chapter 4 (pp. 88-91) below on this issue.

64. See Chapters 7 and 8 on this issue.

65. See YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 2, pp. 5-6 and 9, 26 R 1301 (Feb. 1884), and 7 Sh 1301 (June 1884), and defter 1, pp. 13-15, 9 Za 1303 (Aug. 1886). For more information, see Chapter 6 below.

66. YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 1, pp. 1-2, 47-48, and 50, 7 L 1300 (Aug. 1883), 21 B 1305 (April 1888), and 29 L 1305 (July 1888); and defter 2, pp. 10-11, and 14, 4 N 1301 (June 1884), 4 Sh 1302 (May 1885); and YEE: 35/429/122/104, no. 75, 30 B 1305 (April 1888). Also see Hüseyin Riza Pasha's observations in YEE: 14/244/126/7.

67. YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 1, p. 13, 26 N 1303 (June 1886); also see p. 46, 10 Ca 1305 (Jan. 1888).

68. YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 1, pp. 49-50, 29 L 1305 (July 1888); also see defter 1, pp. 13, 15-16 and 46, 26 N 1303 (June 1886), 24 Za 1303 (Aug. 1886), 10 Ca 1305 (Jan. 1888), and GG 1016: 9 and 11 L 1303 (July 1886).

69. Spagnolo, France , 178-179. Spagnolo refers to the Beirut-Tripoli road, but the project in question here was the Antilias-Jubail segment of that long-term project. The Beirut-Antilias section had already been built during Rüstem's time. See Vasa's letters mentioned in the previous note.

70. See Isma'il Haqqi, 603, and Vital Cuinet, Syrie, Liban, et Palestine (Paris, 1896), 225-227. The Antilias-Jubail road was 50 kilometers long, with three big and several small bridges on it (see Vasa's letters mentioned in note 68). On the financing of road construction projects, see Chapter 5 below; Cuinet, 225-227; and Isma'il Haqqi, 602-607.

71. In addition to the letters of Kâmil, Said, and Cevdet pashes mentioned in notes 53 and 54, see the letters from the Porte to Vasa and their appendices, which include or summarize the petitions of complaint: YEE: 35/429/122/104, göm. 5, nos. 45, 50/1, 50/2, 53/1, 53/3, 54/1, 54/2, 55, 56, 56/1, 59, 60/1, and 60/2, N-Za 1304 (June-Aug. 1887); also see in the same file, nos. 70, 71/1, and 71/2, S 1305 (Oct. 1887), and 11 Ra 1305 (Nov. 1887), letters from Damascus to Vasa. On Elridge, see YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 1, p. 39, from Vasa to the Porte, 29 Z 1304 (Sept. 1887), and the relevant correspondence mentioned in note 73 below. On the Porte's orders about Kupelyan, see YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 2, pp. 41-42, 12 S 1305. The Porte's concerns and instructions about Kupelyan are summarized in YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 1, pp. 41-42, 12 S 1305 (Oct. 1887), and YEE: 35/429/122/104, no. 72, 24 S 1305 (Nov. 1887).

72. See, e.g., YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 2, pp. 27-29, from Vasa to Cevdet, 10 S 1305 (Oct. 1887), and defter 1, pp. 44-47, several letters from Vasa to the Porte, 27 Ra-20 B 1305 (Dec. 1887-April 1888).

73. Same file, defter 1, pp. 69-70, from Vasa to the Porte, 20 B 1305

(April 1888), and YEE: 35/429/122/104, no. 120, from Vasa to Cevdet, 22 Sh 1303 (March 1888). Vasa also claimed that Elridge was given to drinking, and an ailing man who hardly left his house and relied on information supplied him by aides, and that his opinion on the situation in the Mountain was therefore quite unreliable.

74. For Vasa on Mustafa Arslan, see YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 1, pp. 34-38, and 43-44, several letters to the Porte and the Palace, 5 Za 1304-27 Ra 1305 (July-Dec. 1887); and YEE: 35/2332/43/110 (IIa), 25 L 1304 and 30 M 1305 (July and Oct. 1887), from Vasa to the 5th Army Headquarters. Mustafa Arslan threatened to leave Shuf together with his followers for Hauran, to join Druze there, hence the involvement of the governor of Damascus and the 5th Army commander in this issue. The government already had its hands full keeping the peace between the nomadic tribes and the Druze in Hauran, on the one hand, and trying to bring the unruly Hauran under a modicum of governmental control, on the other. (On these issues, see my "Abdulhamid II's Attempt to Integrate Arabs," pp. 83-85.) Mustafa's threats were therefore deeply disturbing. But Vasa insisted that Mustafa was bluffing. He held that by far the greatest majority of the Druze in Mount Lebanon were happy about their situation and had no intention of leaving for Hauran to live in "the wilderness" there as clients of other Druze branches. For the Druze of Hauran, see Norman N. Lewis, Nomads and Settlers in Syria and Jordan, 1800-1980 (Cambridge, Eng., 1987), 75-95.

75. For the Porte's position, see YEE: 35/429/122/104, no. 28/2, from Kâmil to Vasa, 19 R 1305 (Jan. 1888), and references to the Porte's instructions of April 1888 in YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 1, pp. 53-54, 11 M 1306 (Sept. 1888). For praise of Vasa, see YEE: 35/429/122/104, no. 52, 6 L 1304 (June 1887), and YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 1, p. 42, 19 Te.e. 1303 (Oct. 1887). The files related to Vasa's governorship make clear that Vasa and his supporters remained in effective control of affairs within Mount Lebanon. There are markedly few complaints raised against them in the documents from about January 1888 to late 1891-early 1892.

76. YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 1, pp. 74-78 and 93-94, various letters from Vasa to Istanbul, 22 L 1307-17 M 1308 (June-Sept. 1890), and YEE: 35/429/122/104, nos. 97/1, 97/2, 99, and 100, and YEE: 35/2332/43/100 (IIa), correspondence between the Porte, 5th Army Headquarters, and Vasa, 14 Za 1307-17 M 1308 (July-Sept. 1890). Once again there was commotion in Hauran, and Mustafa Arslan tried to take advantage of the situation to promote his interests in Shuf, at least according to Vasa. Despite the strict orders of the governor and the district governor, Mustafa incited his men to move to Hauran to assist their co-religionists in their complex struggle among themselves, against government troops, and against the nomads.

Another incident which Mustafa used to challenge Nasib Junblat's au-

thority involved Junblat's family affairs. His former wife Renk Gül married Yusuf Salim, a Protestant, apparently according to the Protestant rite. This was in contravention not only of Muslim law but also of Druze custom. Mustafa managed to turn the event into a public incident, which was finally settled by a remarriage according to the Muslim rite, which obliged Yusuf to declare that he had become a Muslim. Mustafa challenged Yusuf's sincerity and continued to accuse Nasib for tolerating such incidents. See YEE: 35/429/122/104, nos. 85/1, 85/2, 86/2, 86/3, and 86/4; and YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 1, pp. 58-62, Sh-Z 1306 (April-Aug. 1889).

77. These cases involved the villages of Kafr Shahna, Barsa, and Tarza. The disputes were complex. But the rivalry between the district governor As'ad Karam and his brother Butrus Karam obviously made the issues even more complicated. Curiously, As'ad was trying to put into effect a negotiated settlement reached earlier under Bishop Yuwakhim Yamin, when he was the district judge. Yuwakhim, dismissed from judgeship, was now acting as the advocate of the peasants, encouraging them, together with Butrus, to defy a settlement. Dibs stood behind them. See YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 1, pp. 83-92, from Vasa to the Porte, various letters, 3 Za 1308-27 M 1309 (June-Sept. 1891); and YEE: 35/429/122/104, nos. 107/1 and 107/2, Yuwakhim's petition and the Porte's letter (June 1891); nos. 117/1, 117/2, and 117/3, private correspondence of Butrus Karam intercepted apparently by his brother, and nos. 129 and 134, 11 R and 12 Ca 1309 (Nov.-Dec. 1891), correspondence between Vasa and Istanbul.

78. YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 1, pp. 93-94, 17 M 1308 (Sept. 1890).

79. For Vasa's concern over press coverage, see YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 1, p. 47, 21 B 1305 (Apr. 1888); pp. 51-52, 12 Z 1305 (Aug. 1888); pp. 61-62, 8 Z 1306 (Aug. 1889); and pp. 93-94, 17 M 1308 (Sept. 1890). The information supplied by Vasa makes clear that the press campaign against his government became quite systematic and markedly annoying to Vasa in 1891. He was particularly disturbed by the articles that appeared in Sadâ al-Sharq published in Cairo. He ordered house searches and acquired some evidence, on the basis of which he took court action against Philip Khazin and Yusuf Shidyaq. He also asked the Porte to take measures against distorted publications in Egypt. But the Porte reminded him that there was no legal basis for such action in Egypt, although the entry of these publications into Ottoman territory proper could be forbidden if their contents were found harmful to the interests of the state. On these issues and the final outcome of the trials, see YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 1, pp. 80-83 and 88-91, various letters of Vasa, 20 N 1308-13 M 1309 (Apr.-Aug. 1891); and YEE: 35/429/122/104, nos. 97, 105, 108, 124, 127, 130, 126 mük., and 116, L 1308-Ca 1309 (May-Dec. 1891), correspondence between Vasa and Istanbul, and the patriarch's letter. The

last mentioned group of documents also mention the pledges of allegiance to the Ottoman Sultanate published by the accused and their supporters. Vasa asserted that Mustafa Arslan was acting in concert with Yusuf Dibs in supporting the publications against the mutasarrifiyya , and that he had sent his cousin Amir Shakib Arslan first to Cairo and then to Istanbul for this purpose. Shakib openly contributed to Sadâ al-Sharq from Istanbul. The Porte urged Vasa to be discreet in his actions against his critics (see, esp., doc. no. 105).

80. Butrus Karam, an important member of the opposition, himself confesses that "affairs look quite bleak, but if opposition persists it will produce good results" (see YEE: 35/419/122/104, no. 117/3). The opposition was clearly based in Beirut, where Mustafa Arslan and Yusuf Dibs lived and met with others to discuss strategy and to plan their moves. Butrus Karam regularly met with them, but he preferred to move to Tripoli (see YEE: 35/2332/43/110, 21 Z 1308 [July 1891]). This tendency of the opposition leaders to avoid Vasa's jurisdiction suggests the repressiveness of his government, but all the evidence at hand makes clear that whatever the extent of this, it was not devoid of local support. The kind of detailed information Vasa was able to acquire on opposition activities (such as intercepted letters and information on clandestine meetings) points in the same direction. It is clear that Vasa was backed by not only the Junblats and As'ad Karam (Butrus' brother), but also by a group of young Maronites, such as Habib Sa'ad and Kan'an Zahir, who eventually became prominent politicians (see Chapter 5).

81. All this information comes from Vasa's reports: see esp. YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 1, pp. 51-53, 12 Z 1305-9 M 1306 (Aug.-Sept. 1888); pp. 81-84 and 88-93, 18 L 1308-27 M 1309 (May-Aug. 1891); and YEE: 35/429/122/104, no. 97, 7 Haz. 1307 (June 1891); nos. 127 and 130, 10-11 Ra 1309 (Oct. 1891), and no. 111, 25 Mart 1308 (Apr. 1892). Vasa interprets the information in his own way. For instance, he says that Yusuf ". . . makes the teachers of his school translate harmful literature, . . . and having been directed to undesirable lines and methods of thinking [by such teachers and literature], the students get a misguided education," in defter 1, pp. 89-90. Since this letter is written to the Palace, I presume Vasa is playing on Abdulhamid II's sensitivity to liberal literature, especially that emanating from France. On Dibs' prep school, also see William L. Cleveland, Islam Against the West: Shakib Arslan and the Campaign for Islamic Nationalism (Austin, 1985), pp. 6-7. It should be added that at one point Yusuf Dibs was acting as an intermediary between Vasa and the French consul, a role which suggests that Dibs deliberately tried to keep a foot in both worlds. See defter 1, pp. 29-32, 8 N-6 L 1304 (May-June 1887), and p. 48, 5 Sh 1305 (Apr. 1888).

82. For Vasa's interpretation of Dibs' intentions, see the documents mentioned in the previous note. The most detailed description of the pe-

tition campaign is in YEE: 35/429/122/104, no. 127 mük., 13 C 1309 (Jan. 1892). The explanation of the term of councillorship is from Spagnolo, France , p. 189. For a later version of this petition, see note 1 in the next chapter. Vasa argues that in order to get signatures from the Druze, Mustafa told them that the petition was to protest the "improper" marriage of Nasib Junblat's former wife to a Protestant (see note 76 above). Still, he could collect signatures basically from people who needed his assistance in Beirut.

83. For Vasa's self-assessments of his governorship in retrospect, see YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 1, p. 80, 20 N 1308 (Apr. 1891), from Vasa to the Porte and the Palace; and YEE: 35/429/122/140, no. 132, 10 Ca 1309 (Dec. 1891), to the grand vizier, private. Also see his personal letter to Cevdet Pasha, defter 2, pp. 43-44 (ca. Oct. 1888).

84. On Vasa's protracted sickness and death, see GG 1013: pp. 87-90 (May-July 1892). When Vasa died, the Porte ordered the governor of Beirut to defray the costs of his family's travel to Istanbul. The governor reported back that he had decided to allocate 60 Ottoman liras for this matter, because Vasa had died a rich man. Sultan Abdulhamid became angry and personally ordered the dispatch of 100 liras to Vasa's family. This was a significant sum at the time.

1. For the text of the petition, see GG 1013: pp. 93-94; for the text of the protest sent to the embassies and the Porte, see pp. 92-93.

2. GG 1013: p. 92, 1 Tem. 1308 (July 1892).

3. GG 1013: pp. 89, 91-92, 103-104, and 95-98, various correspondence (June-Aug. 1892). For more information on this issue, see Chapter 4.

4. GG 1013: pp. 94 and 106-109 for copy of the protocol and related correspondence among the Palace, the Porte, and the Foreign Ministry; pp. 110-111, general instructions of the sultan, 26 M 1310; and pp. 111-112, special instructions of the grand vizier, 29 M 1310 (Aug. 1892).

5. For recommendations of Mustafa Arslan, see GG 1013: pp. 111-112, 29 M 1310, from the grand vizier, and pp. 104-105, 3 and 8 Agus. 1308, from the governors of Beirut and Damascus (Aug. 1892). Naum felt that Mustafa's appointment to Shuf would complicate the affairs of that district, and contemplated other options, but in the end yielded to the pressure in favor of Mustafa. See GG 1016: 1, 13, and 16 R; 4 and 9 Ca, and 3 B 1310 (Oct. 1892-Jan. 1893).

6. William Shorrock, French Imperialism in the Middle East, 1900-1914 (Madison, 1976), 138-148; Spagnolo, France , 196-202 and 217; Jacques Thobie, "Osmanli Devleti'nde Yabanci Sermaye," in Tanzimat'tan

Cumhuriyet'e Türkiye Ansiklopedisi , vol. 3 (Istanbul, 1985), 724-739, and Interêts et impérialisme Français dans l'Empire Ottoman, 1895-1919 (Paris, 1977).

7. Akarh, "Abdulhamid II's Attempt to Integrate Arabs," 74-89, and "Economic Policy and Budgets in Ottoman Turkey, 1876-1909," Middle Eastern Studies 28(1992): 443-476; Sevket Pamuk, The Ottoman Empire and European Capitalism, 1820-1913 (Cambridge, 1987), chap. 7.

8. GG 1013: pp. 147-150, 26 M, 2 S, 14 Ra, and 20 Ra 1311 (Aug.-Sept. 1893), and CL 2/82 (1310-1311). Also see GG 1016: various correspondence in the months of M-Ra 1311.

9. See, for instance, the report of the committee sent to inspect the Beirut harbor in Nov. 1903: CL 1/37: göm. 2, no. 10. On the sentries' involvement in smuggling, see CL 1/37, göm. 2, no. 34, from Mount Lebanon to the Porte, 3 Ca 1325 (June 1907).

10. GG 1014: 16 B 1283 (Nov. 1866).

11. Compare YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 2, p. 20, 28 Sh 1303 (June 1886), and YEE: 35/429/122/104, 18 R 1303 (Jan. 1886).

12. GG 1016: 7-27 Ka.e. and 18 Ka.s. 1308 (Dec. 1892-Jan. 1893), and 14 Tem., 17 Agus., and 21 Ka.e. 1309 (1893).

13. GG 1019: 6 Sh 1326 (Sept. 1908) and 11 S 1330 (Jan. 1912).

14. On these issues, see Akarh "Ottoman Attitudes Towards Lebanese Emigration, 1885-1910," in The Lebanese and the World: A Century of Emigration , ed. A. Hourani and N. Shehadi (London, 1992), 109-138. On Lebanese emigration in general, see other articles in the same work and those of Karpat, Labaki, Naff, Orfalea, and Safa mentioned in the Bibliography, and Hitti, 473-477.

15. See Khater's account, based on contemporary Lebanese memoris and newspapers (pp. 151-161). It should be noted, however, that Khater tends to have a bias in favor of the Maronite clerical point of view. Spagnolo's account ( France , 190-203), based on contemporary French documents, makes it clear that the French were critical of Naum's authoritarian ways but nevertheless appreciated his efficiency.

16. See Isma'il Haqqi, 603. On budgetary issues, see Chapter 5 below.

17. See CL 1/20: nos. 17 and 34-38 (May-June 1897), and CL 3/104: no. 4, 19 Ra 1315 (Aug. 1897), for petitions. For references to other complaints and petitions, see GG 1016: 23 Te.e. and 16 Te.s. 1309 (Nov. 1893) and 19 Haz. 1310 (July 1894), from the Porte to Naum; the last two letters urge Naum to use discretion. For other complaints, see CL 1/20: nos. 19 and 20 (May-June 1897). On the investigation of Tuaini, see CL 3/107: nos. 11-12, 19 N and 9 L 1315 (Feb.-March 1898).

18. CL 3/107: nos. 17-18, B 1317 (Nov. 1899), letters sent to the Porte by an "Ottoman loyalist" and a "loyal informant"; no. 41, Mart 1318 (March 1902), from Khalil Shihab to the Porte; and no. 40, 2 Mayis 1318

(May 1902), to the foreign minister, by a group of Lebanese notables who wanted their names concealed for fear of Naum's and Mustafa Arslan's possible vengeance.

19. CL 3/107: nos. 31 and 45, 13 Ka.s. 1317 (Jan. 1902), for the original petitions; and nos. 21-23 and 28-29 for their Ottoman-Turkish translations.

20. CL 3/107: nos. 24, 26-27, 30, 33-34, and 39, 23 Z 1319-30 R 1320 (Apr.-Aug. 1902), correspondence between the Porte and various ministries on the petitions and letters mentioned in notes 17 and 18 above. On the development of events leading to Muzaffer's election, see CL 3/113: nos. 1-22, 27 R-28 C 1320 (Aug.-Oct. 1902).

21. This is the impression one gets from reading al-Mallah's book. Muzaffer's contemporaries agree on his good intentions, especially in the first two years of his governorship; see the quotations in Khater, 166-168.

22. CL 1/37: no. 68, 11 L 1320 (Jan. 1903), from the Porte to the Interior Ministry, in reference to Muzaffer's letter dated 18 N 1320 (Dec. 1902). Muzaffer hinted at this solution in his later letters as well. See the references to these letters in the correspondence between the Porte and the Interior Ministry: CL 1/37: göm. 2, nos. 1, 2, and 8, Sh-N 1321 (Oct.-Dec. 1903). For the response of the governor of Damascus, see al-Mallah, 112.

23. CL 2/77-4: nos. 1-16, 17 C-6 Za 1320 (Sept. 1902-Feb. 1903). On the French position, see Spagnolo, France , 226-227; also see al-Mallah, 296-298.

24. There were times when Abdulhamid II would even force his legalistic ministers to stretch the related agreements to their legal limits in order to protect the interests of Ottoman subjects. See the cases discussed in Donald Quataert, Social Disintegration and Popular Resistance in the Ottoman Empire, 1881-1908 (New York, 1983).

25. CL 1/37: göm. 3, no. 66, 17 Sh 1320 (Nov. 1902); no. 71, 8 Za 1320 (Feb. 1903), and göm. 2, no. 2, 1 Sh 1321 (Oct. 1903). Also see al-Mallah, 153-155, 197-206, and 293-294.

26. See the same documents mentioned in the previous note. Muzaffer's accusations were corroborated by the findings of a high-level inspection committee later in 1903; see CL 1/37: göm. 2, no. 10, 15 Sh 1321 (Nov. 1903), and its cover letter, no. 9, same date.

27. CL 1/37: göm. 3, no. 69, 27 L 1320 (Jan. 1903), and YEE: 5/2195/83/2, 3 Za 1320 (Feb. 1903). The latter letter indicates that the Porte considered initiating an investigation of Muzaffer, but refrained. Also see al-Mallah, 200-201.

28. CL 3/114-1: no. 12, 21 Ka.s. 1318 (Feb. 1903), telegram from the grand vizier to Muzaffer. For other correspondence on this incident, see the same file, nos. 6, 9, 17, 26, 28, 29, 33, 35, 38, and 42, Ka.s.-Shu. 1318 (Feb.-March 1903). Also see al-Mallah, 287-296.

29. For the problems between the companies and the local groups, see Thobie's works mentioned in note 6 above. The inspection committee report mentioned in note 26 above makes it clear that Resid was not only supportive of local interest groups but was in fact an organizer and legitimizer of them. See my ''Ottoman Attitudes" for more details on this report.

30. See al-Mallah, 289-291, and Spagnolo, France , 226-227.

31. CL 3/114-1: no. 9, 19 Ka.s. 1318; no. 28, 27 Ka.s. 1318; no. 29, 27 Ka.s. 1318; no. 26, 11 Za 1320; and no. 42, 28 Shu. 1318 (Feb.-March 1903).

32. CL 1/37: göm. 3, no. 71, p. 4, 8 Za 1320 (Feb. 1903). Muzaffer encouraged the Maronite patriarch to write a letter to the Palace with the same emphasis; see al-Mallah, 291-294. Another petition sent to the Palace by "Kisrawanis" was also written, almost certainly with Muzaffer's encouragement; see CL 3/114-1: no. 38, 30 Ka.s. 1318 (Feb. 1903).

33. CL 3/114-1: no. 33, 15 Za 1320 (Feb. 1903), and its appendices nos. 34-35, 10-11 Feb. 1903. Muzaffer was obviously afraid of the Porte's wrath, and in this letter he wrote as if the whole incident had occurred on the initiative of local people.

34. For more information on these developments and the details of the inspection committee report, see the sources mentioned in notes 26 and 29. For Muzaffer's views on the new governor, see CL 1/37, göm. 2, no. 2, 1 Sh. 1321 (Oct. 1903). On the incidents that led to Resid's dismissal, see al-Mallah, 324-357.

35. See note 51 below.

36. See al-Mallah, 112-114 and 242-252.

37. Isma'il Haqqi, 603. The Council did not always fulfill this role very responsibly. For instance, an agreement was reached between Beirut and Mount Lebanon according to which the former would construct 33 kilometers of the Beirut-Saida road at a cost of 5,000 Ottoman liras, in return for construction of a 14-kilometer section of the Beirut-Tripoli road by the latter at an estimated cost of 4,000 Ottoman liras. When Beirut fulfilled its part of the agreement, the Administrative Council pleaded its inability to fulfill its own part. See GG 1016: 7 B 1323 (Sept. 1905), where the Porte invites the mutasarrifiyya to honor its pledge. On another occasion, distribution of the burden for the construction of roads led to a serious dispute among the councillors; see CL 5/190, esp. nos. 5-8, Za 1323 (Jan. 1906).

38. GG 1016: 6 M 1321 (Apr. 1903); CL 3/134: nos. 3-4, 20 Ra and 4 C 1321 (June and Aug. 1903); CL 3/135: 28 B 1321 (Oct. 1903); YEE: 30/2560/51/78: 26 Ra 1322 (June 1904); CL 1/37: göm. 2, no. 20, 5 B 1322 (Sept. 1904) and no. 27, 29 B 1323 (Sept. 1905); GG 1016: 5 B 1323 (Sept. 1905); GG 1013: pp. 158-159, 16 Te.s. 1322 (Nov. 1906). Also see al-Mallah, 115-134 and 155-178.

39. For examples of the kind of pressure the Arslans were putting on Muzaffer, see the petitions in CL 3/114-1: no. 24, ca. Dec. 1902-Jan. 1903, sealed or signed by more than 5,000 people; no. 27, 8 Ka.s. 1318 (Jan. 1903), 'Imadzade 'Ajjaj and his 36 friends; and no. 25, 23 Shu. 1318 (March 1903), 'Ajjaj and his 51 friends. Compare al-Mallah, 112-113.

40. See al-Mallah, 387-394, on relations between the governor and the Church. The following account of the events of 1904 is based on correspondence between Istanbul and Mount Lebanon and the petitions preserved in CL 3/118: nos. 3-45, 22 Mayis 1320-4 Agus. 1321 (June 1904-Aug. 1905). Other related sources are mentioned in notes 41-47 below.

41. Al-Mallah (pp. 393-394) believes that the whole incident was a scheme of the governor of Beirut to drive a wedge between Muzaffer and the patriarch and embarrass both. The Ottoman documents, however, make it clear that the bandit, Iskandar Nims, was in fact captured in the Mountain. There is strong evidence that he was hiding in the monasteries, although he was arrested in a private house. Apparently Muzaffer dropped the charges that would have implicated the Church in this incident. See CL 3/118: nos. 17-19, 9-21 Ca 1322 (July-Aug. 1904) on Iskandar's capture.

42. In addition, the Porte ordered Muzaffer to send his son Resid away from the Mountain, because of numerous complaints about the latter's behavior. On Resid, see Muzaffer's biography in Appendix A.

43. CL 3/118: no. 37, 22 L 1322 (Dec. 1904). Cf. no. 36, 18 N 1322 (Nov. 1904), and no. 25, 4 B 1322 (Sept. 1904).

44. CL 3/118: no. 38, 28 L 1322 (Jan. 1905).

45. Sa'adullah's position becomes evident in Muzaffer's complaints about him: CL 1/21: no. 14, 18 N 1322 (Nov. 1904). On Ilias Huwayyik's position, see Spagnolo, France , 230-233. Muzaffer was aware of the existence of different positions within the Maronite Church, but he believed them to be insignificant: CL 3/118: no. 31, 8 Sh 1322 (Oct. 1904). Also see Chapters 4 and 8 below. On the patriarch's visit to Istanbul, see CL 3/144: nos. 1-35 (Sept. 1905-Jan. 1906).

46. Shakib Arslan, Muzaffar Bâsha fi Lubnân (Alexandria, 1907), summarized and quoted in al-Mallah, passim, esp. pp. 380-386. On Habib's dismissal, see CL 1/21: nos. 15-16, 5-6 Tem. 1321 (July 1905). Muzaffer dismissed even Kan'an al-Zahir at this point, but appointed him to the important district governorship of Matn at the first opportunity, which availed itself in 1906. See the list of officials in al-Mallah, 246-247.

47. See the next chapter on the councillor elections of 1907 and subsequent developments. Muzaffer's conduct was in accord with the instructions of the Porte to forestall the rise of political tension in the Mountain: see CL 1/21, nos. 21, 23, and 25, 14-21 S 1325 (March-April 1907).

48. GG 1013: pp. 160-161, 27-28 Ca 1325 (July 1907).

49. On the problems of Ottoman policy at this juncture, see Akarli,

"Problems," 65-69. For details on Yusuf's appointment, see Spagnolo, France , 235-237. On Habib's efforts, see CL 5/207: nos. 16 and 31.

50. Spagnolo, France , 236-239; and the Porte's letters to Yusuf praising his performance: GG 1019: 2 Z 1325 (Jan. 1908); CL 5/198: no. 1, 17 Te.s. 1323 (Nov. 1907), and no. 3, 2 Z 1325 (Jan. 1908).

51. The Union and Progress Society is commonly referred to as the Young Turks in modern literature. This denotation misleads the uninitiated reader to believe that the Society was composed of "Turks" alone and that it represented a nationalistic movement. The Society in 1908 was distinctly Ottomanist and as such it had an appeal among a broad range of the various ethnic groups within the Empire, particularly in its Anatolian and Arab provinces. There were prominent Arab, Jewish, Circassian, Albanian, Armenian, and Greek figures among the Society's membership. "Young Turks" was a term used in European languages, which also referred to the Ottoman Empire as the ''Turkish Empire." In Turkish and Arabic, the members of the Society were simply the "Unionists" ( ittihâdci/ ittihâdiyûn ). "Young Turks" became the common term under the influence of nationalistic and retrospective interpretations of history, which overlook the transformation of the Society from a basically liberal alliance in the early 1900s to a centrist and corporatist party emphasizing Turkish as the common parlance of the "modern" nation-society which it aspired to form. Although pan-Turkish nationalistic sentiments were always present as a latent force, and became dominant among the party leadership during the First World War, the emphasis placed on this dimension of the Union and Progress movement conceals the true scope of its historical influence on political life in the Empire, including Mount Lebanon and Beirut. Recent research on the Union and Progress movement informs us of its dynamics and the transformation it went through. See, e.g., Hasan kayali, "Arabs and Young Turks: Turkish-Arab Relations in the Second Constitutional Period of the Ottoman Empire, 1908-1918" (Ph.D. diss., Harvard University, 1988).

52. See Feroz Ahmad, "Great Britain's Relations with the Young Turks," Middle Eastern Studies 2 (1966): 302-329; Ulrich Trumpener, Germany and the Ottoman Empire, 1914-1918 (Princeton, N.J., 1968), in the light of Feroz Ahmad's criticism of this book in Middle Eastern Studies 6 (1970): 100-105; and Hayri Mutluçag, ed., Sovyet Devlet Arsivi Belgelerinde Anadolu'nun Taksimi Plani (Istanbul, 1972), esp. 53-89.

53. See CL 5/198: no. 2, 15 Te.s. 1323 (Nov. 1907). Compare Spagnolo, France , 236-237.

54. Walid ' Awad, Ashâb al-fakhâma ruasâ Lubnân (Beirut, 1977), 78-84; CL 5/216: nos. 1-22, Za 1326-M 1327 (Nov. 1908-Jan. 1909); and Spagnolo, France , 248-254. Cf. GG 1013: p. 162, 12 Za 1326 (Dec. 1908), for the Porte's argument about how the Lebanese would benefit from

being represented in the Ottoman Parliament; and GG 1019: no. 137, 1 M 1327 (Jan. 1909), on some of the incidents that occurred during discussion of the issue among the Lebanese.

55. See CL 3/114: no. 26, 28 Haz. 1325 (July 1909), Yusuf paraphrasing a resolution of the Administrative Council; and no. 74, 2 Dec. 1909, petition from 33 people writing "on behalf of the 2,000 Lebanese in Amazonas, Brazil."

56. For Talat's views, see CL 3/114: nos. 27, 36, and 37 (June-Oct. 1909), and other correspondence mentioned in note 57.

57. GG 1019: nos. 41-42, 20 Za 1326 and S 1328 (Dec. 1908, Feb. 1910) and CL 3/114: nos. 22-82, Za 1326-S 1328 (Dec. 1908-Feb. 1910), official correspondence and various petitions from Lebanese and Beirutis. The decision barring sailing vessels along with steamships was taken on 22 Sept. 1909 and officially revised in early Feb. 1910, but the correspondence makes it clear that, pending a revision, the decision was ignored within a week. See esp. CL 3/114: nos. 41, 37, and 67. A summary of the most important correspondence is provided in documents no. 79 (ca. Jan. 1910) and no. 82 (ca. Feb. 1910). On France's position, see Spagnolo, France , 256-257.

58. Ottoman documents make it clear that as a consequence of a series of agreements between the Debt Administration and the government from 1903 onward, the former became far more active in the Governorate of Beirut, which had jurisdiction over the coasts of Mount Lebanon as well. Thus it was demanded that the saltworks of Mount Lebanon be put under the Debt Administration's control; fees were collected from all forest products, including charcoal and lumber, exported from Mount Lebanon to the neighboring provinces, and the Lebanese were obliged to pay fees for certain types of commercial fishing and for sponges they gathered. See, e.g., GG 1019: 8-27 Sh and 24 L 1327 (Aug.-Nov. 1909); 22 L-6 Z 1329 (Oct.-Nov. 1911); 24 Ra-10 C 1330 (March-May 1912), and CL 7/266: nos. 1-3, 22 L 1329 (Oct. 1911). On renewed reaction to tobacco monopolies, see CL 6/239: nos. 1-9, M 1328 (Jan. 1910). Besides, whereas under Abdulhamid contraband was generally tolerated, after 1908 (esp. after 1912-13) the central government became far more zealous on this issue: see CL 6/248: nos. 1-5 (1910); Talat's letter mentioned in note 56; and GG 1019: passim (esp. after 1912-13). Lebanese clearly regretted these developments, as witnessed by the resurgence of the Junia issue. On intensification of the desire for independence or greater autonomy among the Lebanese, see Chapters 4 and 5. The Ottoman central government was particularly sensitive about Lebanese activities and publications in Egypt; see, e.g., GG 1019: 2 C 1330 (May 1912); and CL 3/114: no. 64, 17 Za 1327 (Nov. 1909). On the position of France and Great Britain, see Spagnolo, France , 259-267.

59. See the next chapter for the dispute between the governor and the

Council. For Yusuf's point of view see, esp., CL 1/21: no. 34, 6 Shu. 1325 (Feb. 1910), and CL 6/233: göm. 2, no. 58, 12 May 1910. For Spagnolo's account, see France , 257-267.

60. GG 1019: 23 S 1329 (Feb. 1911). On Ibrahim Hakki Pasha, see Findley, Ottoman Civil Officialdom , 195-209.

61. That this was a deliberate aspect of Abdulhamid II's foreign policy is seen, e.g., in his memorandum to Grand Vizier Cevad Pasha in April 1884, summarized in my "Friction," 14-15.

62. That is, to an extent which no student of the mutasarrifiyya period can afford to overlook.

63. For the Ottoman position and concerns in these negotiations, see GG 1013: pp. 163-169, 18 Te.s.-22 Ka.s. 1328 (Dec. 1912-Feb. 1913). See Spagnolo, France , 274-288, on France's position and concerns. Shorrock's account French Imperialism is superficial because of his insufficient knowledge of the Lebanese scene.

64. By far the greatest portion of the Ottoman correspondence dating from the first 22 months of Ohannes Pasha's term--i.e., from Jan. 1913 to Nov. 1914--revolves around this issue. See GG 1019; CL 7/275; CL 7/277-5; CL 7/277-6, and CL 7/286, and note 56 above. This issue is discussed in more detail in Chapter 5.

65. On Ohannes' position and personality, see especially Yusuf al-Hakim, Bairût wa Lubnân fi'ahd âl'Uthmân , 2nd ed. (Beirut, 1980), 60-68, 78-83, and passim. Compare Khater, 190-200. Ohannes' letters to the Porte in the files mentioned in note 62 clearly manifest the intermediary role he played.

66. For the Cabinet decisions and imperial decrees on the earlier executions, see CL 7/292: nos. 1-13, 10 R-27 C 1333 (Feb.-May 1915). Ohannes resigned on 5 June 1915, and the protocols were abrogated by the central government on 11 July 1915 (28 Sh 1333). There is an impression in existing literature (e.g., Spagnolo, France , 298) that the protocols were abrogated along with the capitulations on 9 Sept. 1914. This is not true. The harsh rule of military authorities in Beirut and Mount Lebanon under the command of Cemal Pasha is a well-worked subject. See, e.g., Hitti, 483-486; al-Hakim, 153-311; and Muhâkamât al-harakat al-'arabiyya fi Lubnân , Beirut, 1982.

1. See GG 1016: 4 L 1322 (Dec. 1904). Also see YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 1, pp. 58-59; and CL 6/229 (the elections of 1911). Also see Rustum, Lubnân , 171; and al-Hakim, 66.

2. See Table 1 (p. 105) in the next chapter.

3. On the village sheikhs, who also functioned as justices of the peace, see Chapter 6 (p. 133). In the town of Zahla, a different system evolved in

time: in principle one delegate (elector) was elected by each 50 tax-paying male residents, and these delegates elected the councillor (Touma, 308, n. 20; GG 1013: p. 169; and Rustum, Lubnân , 124 and 173).

4. Rustum, Lubnân , 167-168; CL 1/21: 16 Ca 1323 (July 1903). Also see CL 1/20: no. 21, 19 M 1315 (June 1897).

5. Walid 'Awad, 75.

6. This right of veto stemmed from a "codicil" to the 1861 Règlement , as discussed in the next chapter (p. 103). For the codicil and its reaffirmation, see GG 1013: pp. 28 and 35.

7. On the relations between Davud and Franko pashas and the Council, see Rustum, Lubnân , 40-150, esp. 64-72, 76, and 124-127; and Tarabain, 241-243.

8. For detailed information on financial issues, see Chapter 5.

9. GG 1013: pp. 73-74, 20 Z 1293 (Jan. 1877); GG 1016: 17 Z 1299 (Oct. 1882); Spagnolo, France , 154; and Rustum, Lubnân , 174-175 and 191.

10. On these issues and what follows on the so-called muhmalât budget, see Chapter 5.

11. Rustum, Lubnân , 125 and 174.

12. Rustum ( Lubnân , 125) says four, adding the December 1871 elections in Zahla. But the information he himself provides makes it clear that Zahla's councillor was elected by consensus among the town's notable personages ( wujahâ ).

13. Rustum, Lubnân , 125, 168-171, and 174.

14. Rustum ( Lubnân , 124f. and 171f.) suggests that there was some tension involved in the selection of Zahla's councillor in 1871 and in the 1879 Jazzin elections.

15. Rustum, Lubnân , 177-178; and Khalaf, Persistence and Change , 109-110.

16. Rustum, Lubnân , 172-174; and the reports of Hamdi Pasha in YEE: 18/417/3/40, 9 M 1300 and M 1300 (Nov. 1882).

17. See Chapter 1 above. For more details, see Harik, Politics and Change , 112-276 passim.

18. Hamdi Pasha's two reports mentioned in note 16; and also by Hamdi Pasha: YEE: 30/2198/51/78. Inspector Riza Pasha's report: YEE: 14/244/126/7. Governor Vasa Pasha's retrospective evaluations: YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 1, pp. 49-50, 29 L 1305 (July 1888); defter 1, p. 61, 1 Za 1306 (June 1889); defter 2, p. 30, 25 R 1305 (Jan. 1888). Also see YEE: 35/429/122/104, nos. 27, 30/2 and 24. Compare Spagnolo, France , 155 and 160-161; and Kawtharani, 80.

19. See Chapter 2 above; Spagnolo, France , 61-63 and 114; and Khater, 36-37.

20. See Chapter 3 above; and Spagnolo, France , 154-168. Compare CL 1/20: no. 17 (May 1897); CL 3/107: no. 18, 11 B 1317 (Nov. 1899); and CL 3/107: no. 41 (March 1902).

21. Tarabain, 339-356; Khater, 66-137.

22. Hamdi Pasha's report: YEE: 18/417/3/40, 9 M 1300 (Nov. 1882), p. 3; Rüstem Pasha's report: YEE: 18/515/127/44, 6 Ra 1300 (Jan. 1883).

23. Vasa Pasha implies that Rüstem did interfere with the elections: YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 1, pp. 11-12, 7 C 1302 (March 1885). Shakir al-Khuri (quoted in Rustum, Lubnân , 172) implies the same. Hamdi Pasha asserts that the allegations were "nonsensical" (see note 22 above). This allegation does not appear among the complaints expressed in the numerous petitions against Rüstem (see Khater, 71-115).

24. Rüstem Pasha's report: YEE: 18/515/127/44, 6 Ra 1300 (Jan. 1883).

25. Hamdi Pasha's reports mentioned in notes 16 and 18.

26. YEE: 35/429/122/104, no. 1, 12 Shu. 1299 (Feb. 1884): the interior minister quoting Vasa's request and informing him of the Porte's decision.

27. YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 2, pp. 11-12, 7 C 1302 (March 1885), and pp. 7-8, 4 Shu. 1300 (Feb. 1885).

28. YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 2, p. 13, 6 B 1302 (April 1885), and p. 19, 21 Z 1302 (Oct. 1885).

29. YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 1, p. 22, 26 C 1304 (March 1887); compare defter 1, p. 16, 7 Z 1303 (Sept. 1886).

30. Same documents as in note 29, and defter 1, pp. 22-23, 11 B 1304 (April 1887).

31. From a petition to the Porte signed by 300 people: YEE: 35/429/122/104, no. 54/2 (March 1887).

32. YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 1, pp. 23-24, 23 B 1304 (April 1887), from Vasa to the Porte.

33. For the protesters' views, see the petition mentioned in note 31; and for Vasa's interpretation, see note 32.

34. On French policy concerning the Ottoman State at this time, see Spagnolo, France , 181-182; on Ottoman policy concerning France, see Akarh, "Problems," 44-55.

35. YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 1, pp. 24-36 and 38-39, B-Z 1304 (March-Aug. 1887); and YEE: 35/429/122/104, nos. 39-43 and 53-69 and their annexes, B 1304-M 1305 (March--Sept. 1887).

36. YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 1, pp. 58-59, 2 Sh 1306 (Apr. 1889), and defter 2, p. 35, 1 Sh 1306 (Apr. 1889), on the 1889 elections. Detailed information on the 1891 elections does not appear in Vasa's papers. I assume they did not cause trouble to the governor, but why and how remain to be established.

37. Compare YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 2, p. 13, 6 B 1302 (Apr. 1885); defter 2, p. 19, 21 Z 1302 (Oct. 1885); and defter 1, p. 10, 21 Z 1302.

38. Allegations of self-enrichment abound in journalistic accounts. The sources of these accounts are often the political rivals of the accused; consequently, they should be viewed with reservations. For the possible ways

fraud could be committed, see the minutes of the committee established to investigate the allegations against Councillor Shadid 'Aql: CL 5/207: documents 90-173; note 65 below; and the complaints dating from Naum's period in CL 3/107: esp. no. 21 (Jan. 1902).

39. Shadid 'Aql, Khalil 'Aql, and Ilias Shuairi of Matn, Kan'an Zahir of Batrun, and Muhsin Muhammad of Kisrawan are good examples.

40. GG 1013: p. 111, 29 M 1310 (Aug. 1892); and GG 1016: same date.

41. GG 1013: pp. 93-94, 5 Tem. 1308 (July 1892). This is the petition initiated by Bishop Yusuf Dibs, as mentioned in Chapter 3 (p. 58) above.

42. GG 1013: pp. 105-106, 15 Aug. 1892. Compare Spagnolo, France , 192.

43. GG 1013: p. 111, 29 M 1310 (Aug. 1892).

44. See CL 1/71: no. 7, 11 Ra 1310 (Oct. 1892); CL 3/107: no. 45, petition signed by 1,000 Lebanese to prevent Naum's reappointment in 1902; Bishara al-Khuri, Haqâiq Lubnâniyya (Beirut, 1961), vol. 1: 23-45, esp. 23 and 28-29; Spagnolo, France , 194ff.; Khair, 92; and Khater, 154. The quotation is from CL 1/71: no. 7, which is a letter from the Foreign Ministry to the grand vizier quoting a telegram by Naum. That Naum should be communicating with the Foreign Ministry on this issue is indicative of the involvement of the ambassadors. Later, in 1910, Governor Yusuf Pasha requested the Porte's permission to dispel the Council "as Naum had done." When asked to verify his statement, Yusuf referred to the same telegram and added that he believed Naum had acted under oral orders (CL 1/21: nos. 33, 34, and 36). The grand vizier told Yusuf that in the Porte's archives there was no trace of any such permission being given to Naum (see GG 1019: 17 Shu. 1325, from the Porte to Mount Lebanon; and CL 6/230: no. 44, report on archival records on the issue, March 1910). When Ohannes Pasha made a similar reference to Naum in 1913, he too was given the same reply (see GG 1019: 9 and 14 Shu. 1328).

45. CL 1/20: no. 32 (July 1897). Naum held that in this way he was reconciling the original text of the Règlement and the protocol of 1892. Compare the complaints on this point: CL 1/20: no. 34. There are accusations that he persisted in this practice in his second term as well--despite the warnings to the contrary in the protocol of 1897 for his reappointment. See CL 3/107: no. 45 (Jan. 1902).

46. See Chapter 3 above; Spagnolo, France , 186-189, 193-202; alKhuri, vol. 1: 24ff.; and Khater, 154. On diplomatic conditions, see Akarh, "Problems," 23-76, 136; and Shorrock, French Imperialism , 138-148. On Naum's relations with the Church, see Chapter 8 (pp. 168-169) below.

47. Habib Sa'ad's career inspires me to argue so (Walid 'Awad, 57-115), and so do the impressions of Bishara al-Khuri's father on him (vol. 1: 23-49).

48. See the file on Shadid 'Aql: CL 5/107: esp. nos. 16 and 31; the petitions against Naum in 1902 preserved in CL 3/107: esp. nos. 17, 18, and 45; Spagnolo, France , 318; and Chapter 3 (p. 64) above.

49. Based on al-Mallah, 176-178, 243-258, 263-277; CL 3/134; GG 1016: 16 Za 1323 (Jan. 1906); YEE: 5/2195/83/2, 3 Za 1320 (Jan. 1903); Spagnolo, France , 225-229; and Khater, 171.

50. For details, see al-Mallah, 129-134; and Spagnolo, France , 224; and the case of March 1907 elections described in detail in CL 1/21: no. 27, from Mount Lebanon to the Porte, 6 Ra 1325. A number of people from Kura intended to oppose the election results, but could not because of its fair conduct; see CL 1/21: nos. 21-38 (March-May 1907).

51. See al-Mallah, 304-315; and Spagnolo, France , 230-235. Also see CL 5/107: the file on Shadid 'Aql.

52. See the sources mentioned in note 49; and Spagnolo, France , 259. Also see Chapter 3.

53. In al-Mallah's account (275 and 305), Shadid is depicted as an ambivalent politician. But in the file on his trial (CL 5/207), he appears as a master of provincial politics who had managed to gain significant influence on village sheikhs in Matn, basically through wheeling and dealing, but also with the respect he inspired in them.

54. For Yusuf's admission of the Council's prerogative in administrative inquiries, see CL 5/207: no. 39, 13 M 1327 (Feb. 1909). Other evidence corroborates this prerogative. See, for instance, CL 3/107: no. 12, 19 N 1315 (Feb. 1898), the investigation and settlement of the charges against Iskandar Tuaini. Shadid and his lawyer attributed this prerogative to the protocol of 1892. See, e.g., CL 5/207: nos. 29, 73, and 34 (Dec. 1908-Jan. 1909). But the related provision of that protocol covers only the judges.

55. For Yusuf's position, see esp. CL 5/207: nos. 16, 23, 24, 25, 28 (Sept.-Oct. 1908), and no. 39, 13 M 1327 (Feb. 1909). For the defense, see nos. 16, 33, 31, 29, 73, and 34 (Sept. 1908-Jan. 1909). For the parliament analogy, see no. 34 (Jan. 1909).

56. For the State Council's position, see CL 5/207: no. 40, 20 Za 1326 (Jan. 1909); no. 55, 25 M 1327 (Feb. 1909); no. 64, 4 S 1327 (Feb. 1909); no. 75, 20 R 1327 (May 1909); and no. 88, 4 M 1328 (Jan. 1910), in conjunction with nos. 34, 36, 83, 66-67, and 65 (Jan.-March 1909). Compare GG 1019: 4 Ka.s. 1325 (Jan. 1910); and Ahmed Suayb, Hûkûk-i 'dâre (Istanbul, 1909/10), 175ff. and 225-232. The file on Shadid leaves little doubt that the Ottoman justice system performed poorly in this case. Ample evidence in this volume--as well as other sources--indicates that the State Council's performance in the Shadid case was not typical of its usual record and was rather related to the transition it was undergoing. Shadid's and even more so Antuan Faris' aggressive defense may also have been responsible for the outcome. Faris several times accused the State

Council of backing Yusuf Pasha, a remnant of Abdulhamid II's "despotic era" and a "despot" himself. Faris also threatened the State Council with mass demonstrations and even bloodshed (see CL 5/207: esp. nos. 66-67). There were similar threats in at least one petition signed by the people of Matn (see nos. 171-172, Jan. 1909). Yusuf might well have deserved the accusations leveled against him, but it would not be surprising if Fair's overstated, if not uncouth, defense created a reaction among the members of the State Council.

I want to add here that Jean Naffah's concepts of Ottoman "law" and "irade" and her remarks on administrative litigation in the Ottoman system in "Administrative Law'' (in The Lebanese System , ed. Antoine el-Gemayel [Washington, D.C., 1985], 74-75) are entirely misinformed and deeply prejudiced. Quite a few of the problems and features of administrative law in modern Lebanon that she describes have clearly retained the influence of the mustasarrifiyya days.

57. Spagnolo, France , 249-250, 259; Khater, 177-181; and Walid 'Awad, 79-83.

58. CL 6/230. Compare Khater, 180.

59. CL 6/229.

60. For the details of Jirjus Zuain's trial, see CL 6/233-1 and 6/233-2 (1910-11). Compare Khater, 181-184. On the earlier tension, see GG 1019: passim, and CL 6/241 (June 1909).

61. GG 1019: 4 Shu. 1325 (Feb. 1910). Compare CL 6/230: no. 44.

62. CL 6/230: no. 15, a petition signed by the representatives of various groups (24 Apr. 1910); nos. 45-50, several petitions, but the same text, signed by about 900 people from different districts (1-10 Apr. 1910); nos. 16-17 and 23-26, another petition signed by many people (24-30 Apr. 1910). A group of people from Kisrawan sent additional petitions in defense of 'Azar's rights: nos. 20, 27, and 32 (28 March 1910); and 29, 34, 35, and 36 (28 March 1910). Tamar, whose election 'Azar opposed, had somewhat distanced himself from the "liberals," as evidenced by no. 41 in the file.

63. CL 6/230: nos. 38, 39, 41, 42, and 44 (May 1910); CL 6/233-2: nos. 45 and 58 (May 1910); and GG 1019: 8 Mayis-28 Haz. 1326 (May-July 1910). The councillors who defended this position were Sa'adallah Huwayyik (Maronite, Batrun), Khalil 'Aql (Maronite, Matn), Mahmud Junblat (Druze, Jazzin), Muhammad Sabra (Druze, Matn), Ilias Shuairi (Greek Orthodox, Matn), Yusuf Baridi (Greek Catholic, Zahla), and Muhammad Muhsin (Shiite, Kisrawan). The Sunni councillor of Jazzin, the Druze councillor of Shuf (Fuad 'Abd al-Malak), the Maronite councillor of Jazzin, and the deputy chairman (Maronite) Qabalan Abi-l-Lama'--who had replaced Salim 'Ammun in April 1909--did not participate in the demonstrations of the former group.

64. On the considerations of the guarantor powers and the complica-

tions of their Lebanese policy, see Spagnolo, France , 220-221, 234-236, and esp. 255-263. Also see Shorrock, French Imperialism .

65. The file on Khalil 'Aql and Ilias Shuairi (CL 1/21: nos. 44-50, Aug.-Oct. 1910), like the one on Shadid 'Aql (CL 5/207: 173 documents, July 1908-Jan. 1910), provides interesting information on local politics. An edited publication of these two files by a scholar familiar with families and politics in Matn would be most welcome. Here I summarize the charges brought against Khalil and Ilias to give an idea of the type of information available in these files. Khalil had signed a contract with the sheikh of Qurnat al-Hamar, Yusuf Ta'amma, who himself wanted to run for a councillorship and to that end had made arrangements with a number of other sheikhs, paying them a total of 150 gold Ottoman liras and promising to repair the cemetery of Antilias. Sheikh Yusuf agreed to withdraw his candidacy in favor of Khalil, and also to persuade his supporters to vote for Khalil and for his Greek Orthodox ally Ilias. In return, Khalil agreed to pay 200 liras to Sheikh Yusuf, plus the 150 which the latter had spent on other sheikhs. Khalil also pledged to take upon himself the repair of the Antilias cemetery. Finally, Khalil promised to resign after three years (without completing the full six-year term) and to mobilize his own supporters to assure the election of Sheikh Yusuf in his place for the remaining three years. Khalil gave Yusuf a promissory note for 1,000 liras, to be claimed if Khalil did not keep his last promise. The sheikh of Antilias was also brought into the deal. He agreed to cast his vote for Khalil and Ilias, and as an evidence of his pledge signed a promissory note for 300 liras. The parties agreed to leave the last check in the custody of either Kan'an al-Zahir or Habib Sa'ad. A document from Shadid 'Aql's file (the minutes of his inquisition, Father Butrus Nasrallah's statement) makes clear that the promissory notes signed by various parties in these deals had a symbolic value. Indeed, it is difficult to conceive such documents as having much legal worth, especially in light of the fact that elections were based on a secret ballot. (This was a cardinal point in Shadid 'Aql's defense). Nevertheless, the notes seem to have been taken quite seriously by the sheikhs.

66. The arguments in his case concentrated on the severity of the initial charges and on his right to a trial on bail, without being under custody. Jirjus was put on trial on charges of felony at first. His lawyer appealed to the High Court of Appeal in Istanbul and got the initial charge reduced to misdemeanor. Jirjus should have been released from custody automatically, but the prosecutor kept delaying the implementation of the High Court's decision, because, according to Jirjus, he shared the governor's grudge against him for old accounts. Jirjus remained in prison for about seven months. Ultimately, he was sentenced to fifteen months of imprisonment, which was just sufficient to bar him from public service. For the details of his case, see CL 6/233-1 and 6/233-2.

67. CL 1/21: nos. 45-47 (Aug. 1910), petition signed by Councillors Sa'adallah Huwayyik, Khalil 'Aql, Ilias Shuairi, Muhammad al-Hajj Muhammad, Yusuf al-Baridi, and Mahmud Junblat; and no. 48, 27 N 1328 (Oct. 1910), Yusuf's letter to the Porte in response to the councillors' petition.

68. CL 1/21: no. 48 mentioned above, and nos. 50 and 52 (Sept.-Oct. 1910). Compare CL 6/232-2: nos. 45 and 58 (May 1910); CL 1/21: no. 34 (Feb. 1910), and the related documents mentioned in note 44 above.

69. CL 1/21: no. 49, 25 N 1328, and no. 51; and GG 1019: 16 L 1328 (Sept.-Oct. 1910).

70. CL 6/229: no. 13; GG 1019: 8 M 1329 (Jan. 1911); and CL 6/229: no. 16, 29 S 1329 (March 1911).

71. CL 6/229: no. 12, 23 M 1329 (Jan. 1911), and no. 15, 12 Ra 1329 (March 1911); and GG 1019: 23 S 1329 (Feb. 1911). The advice is in this last document. See the previous chapter (p. 76) for a long quotation from Ibrahim Hakki's "advice" to Yusuf.

72. GG 1019: 2 Tem.-8 Ka.e. 1328 (July-Dec. 1912). Sa'adallah Huwayyik was the acting deputy chairman through most of this period. See Khater, 187.

73. Even the petitioners complaining of the councillors in April 1910 argued in terms of the Council's representativeness. See note 62 above. Also see the petitions by Shadid or his lawyers and supporters in CL 5/207: esp. nos. 34, 73, and 171-172. On this point, also see Khater, 186-187; al-Mallah, 43-72; Walid 'Awad, 84; and Spagnolo, France , 274-280. Yusuf Pasha himself complains about this development: CL 6/230: no. 42, 23 Nis. 1326 (May 1910); also see no. 41. On the leading members of al-Arza, see CL 7/275-1: no. 10 (June 1913).

74. Spagnolo, France , 275ff. For the negotiations and the final text: GG 1013: pp. 163-169.

75. The idea was explicitly inspired by the procedures that had applied in Zahla for a long time; see note 3 above.

76. The stipulations of the protocol were deemed nonretroactive, but some members of the 'Imad family in Shuf opposed the application of this principle to the Druze member from Jazzin (Mahmud Junblat), whose constituency had been shifted to Shuf. See GG 1019: 5-14 Shu. 1328 (Feb. 1913).

77. Daud 'Ammun was elected to the post. Elections were also held in Kura, where Niqula Ghusn replaced Jirji Tamar. See al-Hakim, 67-68; but Hakim's assertion about the renewal of all elections (p. 65) is contradicted by Ottoman sources.

78. The advice was from Selim Melhame Pasha, an influential Beiruti in Istanbul. See Khater, 193; and Walid 'Awad, 85.

79. See al-Hakim, 76-77 and passim; Walid 'Awad, 86; and Khater,

194-195. At one point Ohannes, too, considered dismissing the Council, but he was promptly warned against it by the Porte; see GG 1019: 9 and 14 Shu. 1328 (Feb. 1913).

80. Based mainly on al-Hakim's treatment of the relations between Ohannes and the Council under Habib's leadership.

1. A. Lutfi, Târîh , vol. 8: 45n.; Spagnolo, France , 63-64; GG 1013: pp. 9-21. On fiscal organization and the tax burden in the Mountain before the mutasarrifiyya , see Polk, Opening , 32-49 and 141-159, and Chevallier, La société , 108-130. Early in the nineteenth century, one piaster was worth about one French franc, but in the 1830s it was worth 0.25 franc, in the 1840s 0.2-0.22 franc, and by the 1850s 0.2 franc. From the early 1880s until the First World War, 100 piasters or one Ottoman lira (OL) equaled roughly 5 French francs; 18 shillings (0.9 sterling pound); or 4.40 U.S. dollars (Chevallier, La société , 129-130; and Issawi, Economic History , 520-522; compare Cuinet, 233).

2. GG 1014: 13 R 1287 (July 1870).

3. Articles 1, 2, and 16 of the 1861 Règlement . Compare GG 1013: 23-27; and Noradounghian, vol. 3: 144-150.

4. GG 1013: p. 28; and Noradounghian, vol. 3: 149-150. The monetary unit used in the Règlement and its codicil is kese , which equaled 500 piasters or 5 Ottoman liras.

5. For the 1864 Règlement , see GG 1013: pp. 30-35; Düstûr , 1st series, vol. 4: 696-701; or Noradounghian, vol. 3: 223-228.

6. Isma'il Haqqi, 643. See also Rustum, Lubnân , 131-132; and IRADE-Dahiliye: 32083, 6 Ra 1278 (Sept. 1861).

7. Isma'il Haqqi, 625; compare Sa'id, 196-198. The head tax is called the ferdé in the European sources (see Polk, 154).

8. Isma'il Haqqi, 625-626; Rustum, Lubnân , 131-132. A dirhem corresponded to a taxable value of 2,400 piasters, estimated on the basis of productivity measured by weight. According to the survey, then, there was a total of about 300 million piasters worth of taxable agricultural productive capacity in Mount Lebanon. For the decree on the survey, see IRADE-Dahiliye: 32083, 6 Ra 1278 (Sept. 1861).

9. YEE: 35/429/122/104, varak 80, 29 S 1306 (Nov. 1888), from the Porte to Vasa. YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 1, pp. 55-57, 7 R 1306 (Dec. 1888), from Vasa to the Porte. For foreign observations on unequal tax distribution, see Spagnolo, France , 172. Also see GG 1013: pp. 165-169. Compare Sa'id, 191-193, on the distribution of this tax among the people of Matn.

10. In 1912, the Porte and the European powers finally reached an

agreement on the need for a new land survey in Mount Lebanon. The decision could not be implemented, however, because of local opposition. See the section on the 1913-14 budget (pp. 121-123) and note 64 below.

11. GG 1013: p. 46, 15 Ca 1284 (Sept. 1867); pp. 58-59, 26 Sh and 14 L 1288 (Nov. and Dec. 1871); pp. 67 ff., 19 Ca 1290 (July 1873); p. 154, 23 Za 1290 (Jan. 1874); pp. 70 ff., 14 S 1291 (Apr. 1874); p. 72, 2 M 1292 (Feb. 1875); pp. 157-158, 27 May 1876; p. 162, 13 R 1322 (June 1904); YEE: 35/429/122/104, varak 22, 16 Tem. 1302 (July 1886); GG 1016: 8 Za 1303 (Aug. 1886); GG 1014: various documents; and CL 1/22 (1302-1303). Also see AYNIYAT no. 866: 3 S 1294 (Feb. 1877). Quotations in Tarabain's Lubnân , 264-301 and 341-342, from the minutes of the Council and French consular documents, show that the Muaissara issue was taken so seriously because it might lead to an increase in taxation. See GG 1015: 14 S 1291 (Apr. 1874); and CL 7/275-1: no. 33, 27 Ca 1331 (May 1913), and nos. 21-23, 12 Haz. 1329 (July 1913), on the positions of the Finance Ministry and the Administrative Council on the issue.

12. Isma'il Haqqi, 624 and 626.

13. For the Arabic version of the Règlement , see Rustum, Lubnân , 55-61; here, article 15; and Tarabain, 386.

14. GG 1014: 1 Ra 1287 (June 1870), 27 B 1287 (Oct. 1870), and 25 N 1288 (Dec. 1871); Rustum, Lubnân , 133-135; and Isma'il Haqqi, 626-629.

15. For 1867-68, see Rustum, Lubnân , 129; for 1882-83, CL 1/10; and for 1913-14, Isma'il Haqqi, 629.

16. GG 1014: 10 B 1284 (Nov. 1867); Rustum, Lubnân , 83-84 and 128-129.

17. GG 1014: 23 R 1286 (Aug. 1869); GG 1013: 7 Ra 1287 (June 1870); GG 1014: 26 Sh 1288 (Nov. 1871); YEE: 18/527/13/31, 17 N 1288 (Dec. 1871).

18. See GG 1013: pp. 76-77 and 79-80; GG 1014: passim; and Rustum, Lubnân , 117-122.

19. Rustum, Lubnân , 133; and GG 1014: 27 L 1288 (Jan. 1872).

20. GG 1013: pp. 78-79, 9 S 1291 (March 1874). On schools, ibid.; GG 1014: passim; AYNIYAT no. 866, 4 Z 1292 and 1 R 1293 (Jan. and Apr. 1876); and Rustum, Lubnân , 144-145.

19. Rustum, Lubnân , 133; and GG 1014: 27 L 1288 (Jan. 1872).

20. GG 1013: pp. 78-79, 9 S 1291 (March 1874). On schools, ibid.; GG 1014: passim; AYNIYAT no. 866, 4 Z 1292 and 1 R 1293 (Jan. and Apr. 1876); and Rustum, Lubnân , 144-145.

21. GG 1016: 17 Z 1299 (Oct. 1882), and 29 R 1301 (Feb. 1884); YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 1, p. 8, 10 R 1301; and CL 1/10. On tax arrears, see Rustum, Lubnân , 191-200.

22. GG 1019: 29 Z 1331; CL 7/275-1: no. 24, 26 Z 1331 (Nov. 1913); and the 1913 mutiny discussed below.

23. GG 1014: 13 R 1287 (July 1870); GG 1013: pp. 74-75, 28 Ca 1294 (June 1877). As late as 1903, rumors circulated among the Lebanese that the central government might demand the tax arrears accumulated since

the beginning of the mutasarrifiyya (see al-Mallah, 272). But Ottoman documents make clear that these rumors were baseless.

24. Rustum, Lubnân , 197-198; Tarabain, 341-346; and al-Mallah, 271-273. Bishara al-Khuri is grossly mistaken when he argues in his memoirs (vol. 1: 28-29) that the Ottoman government "did not help the Lebanese a penny."

25. See the Maronite patriarch's claim in al-Mallah, 267. This issue played an important role in the dispute over developing Junia into an international port, as discussed in Chapter 3 and below in this chapter.

26. YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 1, p. 8, 10 R 1301 (Feb. 1884); defter 2, pp. 22-23, 12 C 1304 (March 1887).

27. Isma'l Haqqi, 629. See also Rustum, Lubnân , 130.

28. GG 1014: 13 R and 3 C 1287 (July-Aug. 1870); and CL 5/190: no. 9, 29 Sh 1325 (Oct. 1907).

29. See the documents in CL 1/10.

30. Isma'il Haqqi, 629-635.

31. IRADE-Maliye no. 4: 8 Z 1313; GG 1016: 17 Z 1313 (May 1896); and CL 2/97 (May 1896-Apr. 1898), which indicates that in neighboring provinces taxes of 3.5 piasters per sheep or goat and 5 piasters per swine were collected.

32. Isma'il Haqqi, 630-631.

33. IRADE-Meclis-i Mahsus: 9 N 1308 (Apr. 1891); together with Shorrock, French Imperialism , 139-140.

34. Isma'il Haqqi, 600-616; and Cuinet, 224-232.

35. YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 1, p. 13, 26 N 1303 (June 1886); YEE: 35/2332/43/110, 25 L 1304 (July 1887).

36. Isma'il Haqqi, 602, 604-605, and 633-634.

37. See Chapter 2 (pp. 52-53) above.

38. CL 5/190: nos. 1-12 (1906-1907).

39. Isma'il Haqqi, 633-634.

40. GG 1016: 17 Z 1313 (May 1896); Isma'il Haqqi, 230-232.

41. See al-Khuri, vol. 1: 42-43. For more information on the position of the notables, see Chapter 7; also examine the list of officials in the six almanacs of Mount Lebanon, e.g., Sâlnâme: Cebel-i Lübnân , vol. 4 (Bait ul-Din, 1307 [1889-90]).

42. Isma'il Haqqi, 629.

43. Ibid., 630-632.

42. Isma'il Haqqi, 629.

43. Ibid., 630-632.

44. GG 1013: pp. 53, 55, and 75-76, 20 Ca 1286 (Aug 1869), 21 B 1287 (Oct. 1870), and 1 B 1294 (July 1877); GG 1014: 13 B 1292 (Aug. 1875), 25 Ca 1293 (June 1876); and Tarabain, 339-349. To encourage the use of official blank forms, Istanbul gave them to the government of Mount Lebanon at a discount. The Lebanese bought the forms not for the purpose for which they were intended but to sell them at a profit in the neighbor-

ing provinces. The discount was discontinued. See GG 1015: 25 S 1291 (Apr. 1874).

45. GG 1014: 13 B 1292 (Aug. 1875).

46. GG 1014: 25 Ca 1293 (June 1876); CL 1/34: nos. 1-3, Ca-B 1304 (Feb.-March 1887), and nos. 5-6, Ca-C 1293 (June-July 1876); and GG 1013: pp. 158-159, 16 Te.s. 1322 (Nov. 1906). The Porte's 1876 decision was reviewed and reiterated in 1887 and 1906. Also see GG 1019: 13 M 1331 (Jan. 1913).

47. Al-Mallah, 148-152; Spagnolo, France , 224; and CL 1/37: no. 71, 8 Za 1320 (Feb. 1903). Al-Mallah's detailed account is most useful, but it leaves one with the impression that the efforts of the governor and his supporters failed. This is not true.

48. YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 1, p. 9, 3 L 1301 (July 1884). Compare Rustum, Lubnân , 131, for a similar attempt under Franko.

49. YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 1, p. 11, 6 S 1302 (Nov. 1885).

50. YEE: 35/429/122/104, varak 31/1-4, 22 R 1304 (Jan. 1887), and varak 32/2, 19 Feb. 1887. Also GG 1016: 22 R 1304.

51. YEE: 35/439/122/105, deter 1, pp. 68-69 and 21-22, 28 C 1304 and 6 C 1304; and defter 2, pp. 31-32, 26 C 1304 (Feb.-March 1887).

52. Spagnolo, France , 178.

53. Ibid., 238 and 249, and Shorrock, French Imperialism , 148.

52. Spagnolo, France , 178.

53. Ibid., 238 and 249, and Shorrock, French Imperialism , 148.

54. Isma'il Haqqi, 630-632.

55. CL 1/17: 1300-1322 (1883-1904). Also see GG 1019: 8 Sh 1327 (Aug. 1909); 27 Sh 1327 (Sept. 1909); 6 Z 1329 (Nov. 1911); 24 Ra 1330 (March 1912); and 9 Ra 1332 (Feb. 1914).

56. Isma'il Haqqi, 630-633.

57. On tobacco, see GG 1015: 19 C 1291 (Aug. 1874); GG 1016: 22 B 1299 (June 1882); and Isma'il Haqqi, 630-631. On hookah tobacco, see GG 1013: pp. 151-153, 8 N 1314 (Feb. 1897); CL 2/77-1, 2/77-2, 2/77-3, and 2/77-4, 1310-1332 (1892-1914); and Isma'il Haqqi, 630-631. Also see Spagnolo, France , 198, 226-227; GG 1019: 6 N 1332 (Aug. 1914); and Chapter 3 (p. 65) above.

58. Isma'il Haqqi, 629-634.

59. For a clear articulation of this position of the Administrative Council, see CL 7/275-1: no. 33, 27 Ca 1331 (May 1913), from the finance minister to the grand vizier.

60. On judiciary organization, see Chapter 6. On fees, see Isma'il Haqqi, 628-629; and Spagnolo, France , 195. But Spagnolo is not correct when he says that Naum introduced the court fees.

61. On Lebanese emigration and travel permits, see my "Ottoman Attitudes." GG 1019: 8 Ra 1326 (Apr. 1908); CL 6/254: nos. 1-3, B 1328 (July 1910); and Abraham M. Rihbany, A Far Journey (Boston and New York, 1914), 168-172, make clear that the travel permit remained the basic document with which Lebanese traveled abroad until about 1910-11. For

the new passport law, complaints of some Lebanese travelers, and the Porte's related letters to the governor of Mount Lebanon, see GG 1019: 6 R and 17 N 1331 (March and Aug. 1913). On the issuance of regular passports by the local government, see CL 7/277-5: nos. 46 and 48, 28 L 1332 and 2 Agus. 1330 (Aug.-Sept. 1914).

62. On passport fees, see Isma'il Haqqi, 628-629; and CL 7/275-1: nos. 27-29, Mart 1329 (March 1913). Compare CL 7/277-5: no. 48, 2 Agus. 1330 (Aug. 1914), from the Finance Ministry to the Porte.

63. GG 1013: pp. 163-168; and CL 2/275-1: no. 30, correspondence related to the 1912 negotiations and the text of the protocol. The Ottoman Cabinet (or Council of Ministers) interpreted the embassies' nonrefusal of the communication from the Foreign Ministry as acceptance; see GG 1013: p. 168, minutes of the Cabinet.

64. CL 7/275-1: nos. 38-41, proposal of the Société Général d'Enterprises dans l'Empire Ottoman, and Ohannes' letter to the Porte (March 1913); a beautiful and detailed map of Mount Lebanon eventually prepared by this company is included.

65. CL 7/275-1: no. 42, Ohannes reporting the Council's proposal to the Porte, 17 R 1331 (March 1913).

66. On this point, see CL 7/275-1: no. 33, the Finance Ministry's criticism of the Council's position, 27 Ca 1331; no. 16, Ohannes' comments, 13 Haz. 1329; and no. 21-23, the Council's minutes, 12 Haz. 1329 (May-June 1913).

67. CL 7/275-1: nos. 40-42, Ohannes' cover letter and introductory statement to the Council's budget proposal, 17 R 1331; and no. 27, Ohannes' alternative budget proposal forwarded to the Porte by his chief accountant, 14 Mart 1329 (March 1913). Compare no. 32, from the governor of Beirut to the Porte, in partial support of Ohannes' position, 24 Ni. 1329 (May 1913).

68. The following description of the first phase of the mutiny is based on CL 7/275-1: no. 57, Ohannes' telegram to the Porte, 10/11 Ni. 1329 (23/24 April 1913); no. 13, first report of the Ottoman inspectors sent to Mount Lebanon in June 1913; and no. 9, copies of the mutineers' petition and of the decisions of the Council and the governor, 9 Ni. 1329 (22 April 1913); and al-Hakim, 78-83.

69. For gendarmerie salaries, compare Isma'il Haqqi, 636, and CL 7/275-1: no. 7, appendix to no. 11, the second report of the inspectors, 15 Haz. 1329 (June 1913). Compare nos. 36-37, from Ohannes to the Porte, and the appended charts, 26 Ni. 1329 (May 1913).

70. CL 7/275-1: nos. 57 and 13 mentioned in note 67 above, and no. 8, report on Wadi' 'Abud's absence by his commanding officer, 21 mayis 1329 (June 1913). Compare no. 34, from Ohannes to the Porte, 20 Ni. 1329 (May 1913); and al-Hakim, 78-79.

71. CL 7/275-1: nos. 57, 5 and 35, cables from Ohannes to the Porte,

10-17 Ni. 1329 (April 1913). Compare no. 32, from the governor of Beirut to the Porte, and no. 50, from the War Ministry to the Porte (April-May 1913).

72. CL 7/275-1: no. 54-55, 18 Ni. 1329 (May 1913). Also see GG 1019, same date.

73. CL 7/275-1: no. 45, the decision of the Cabinet, 7 C 1331, and no. 33, the Finance Ministry's report on which the Cabinet's decision was based, 27 Ca 1331; compare no. 46, from the Porte to Ohannes, 12 C 1331 (May 1913).

74. CL 7/275-1: no. 21-23, minutes of the Administrative Council dispatched to the Porte, 12 Haz. 1329 (June 1913).

75. Compare excerpts from A. Ruppin in Issawi, 272, and the account of Jalal Bey in Isma'il Haqqi, 456-471, esp. 470. Compare Spagnolo, France , 273.

76. CL 7/275-1: no. 11-12, the second report of the inspectors, Colonel Tayyar and Captain Besim Kâmil Beys, 15 Haz. 1329 (June 1913). According to their instructions, the inspectors prepared two reports, one formal and the other classified. In the latter, they were expected to report on the general political situation in Mount Lebanon and the conduct of Ohannes Pasha. Both inspectors were Unionists who enjoyed the confidence of Grand Vizier Mahmud Sevket Pasha. Mahmud Svket was assassinated, and Said Halim had replaced him, by the time the inspectors completed their mission.

77. CL 7/275-1: Ohannes' comments on the Council's decision in no. 21-23, and his letter to the Porte, no. 16, both 12 Haz. 1329 (June 1913).

78. CL 7/275-1: nos. 24, 25, and 17, minutes of the Cabinet, letters of the grand vizier and the Finance Ministry, and the ordinance issued thereby, 26 Z 1331-29 M 1332 (Nov.-Dec. 1913).

79. The total revenue from the customs of Junia, Jubail, and Batrun was 119,600 piasters in 1910-11, 91,100 piasters in 1911-12, and 72,000 piasters in 1912-13, according to a statement by the Customs Department. See CL 7/275-1, no. 28 (May 1913). The exact nature of these sums is not clear; they may have excluded the amount allocated to the Debt Administration, as well as that spent on the maintenance of the related customs and port facilities, in keeping with common Ottoman practice.

80. Hence Ohannes' insistence on the need to cooperate with the Council. In their second report mentioned in note 76 above, the inspectors also point to the influence of the Council, but they read a conspiratorial mood into this influence. According to the inspectors, this mood was particularly strong among the Maronite councillors and was backed by the Maronite Church and, therefore, the French Consulate in Beirut. Their report, however, though very informative on military matters and useful in fiscal matters, is clearly not cognizant of the intricacies of Lebanese politics.

81. Hence their efforts to influence and appease the mutineers, and their acknowledgment of the need for redistribution of the tax burden, in the minutes mentioned in note 74 above.

82. See al-Hakim, 148-219 and 228-255; and Kawtharani, 259-269. Compare the entries from Z 1332 to N 1333 (Nov. 1914-Aug. 1915) in GG 1019. Also see CL 7/292: nos. 1-13, 10 R-27 C 1333 (Feb.-May 1915). Actually, the pressure on the people of Mount Lebanon had begun to build from August 1914 onward, with the eruption of the war and the central government's mobilization orders. See esp. CL 7/286: nos. 9-14, 30-38, and 43, N-Za 1332; CL 7/277-5: nos. 45, 49-52, 61, and 67-68, L-Z 1332; CL 7/277-6: nos. 1-5, 8-9, 30-32; Za-Z 1332; and entries for N-L 1332 in GG 1019 (Aug.-Oct. 1914).

1. Among these stipulations were such general principles as the openness of hearings to the public and the obligation to keep minutes (1864: art. 12), or specific issues such as the procedures to be observed in crimes involving residents of neighboring provinces (art. 13), or authorization of the bishoprics to decide on disputes between clerics (art. 17). All the references to the Règlement in this chapter are to its 1864 version, unless stated otherwise. For the text of the 1864 Règlement , as well as its original (1861) version, see the works mentioned in note 63 of Chapter 1.

2. Problems concerning commercial litigations will not be dealt with here. For a brief coverage of this issue, see Spagnolo, France , 42, 284-285, and GG 1015: pp. 165-169.

3. Spagnolo, France , 85-86 and 90-91.

4. The sheikhs were also the electors of the district representatives in the Administrative Council, as discussed in Chapter 4. Actually, most of the complaints or problems which reached Istanbul concerning the sheikhs were related not to their regular role as justices of the peace but to their electoral function, which became important once in every six years. For example, see YEE: 35/429/122/104, nos. 54/1 and 54/2; YEE: 35/439/132/105, defter 1, pp. 33-36; GG 1013: pp. 93-95; CL 4/159: nos. 1-31, 1321-24 (1903-1906); and CL 5/200: nos. 1-9, 1325-28 (1907-1910). For measures taken by Muzaffer Pasha to improve the methods used in the election of the sheikhs themselves, see Chapter 4 (p. 94). I have come across in the Ottoman Archives only one important document which is critical of the system of village sheikhs as stipulated in the 1864 Règlement . This is a petition signed by "the Muslims of Mount Lebanon" and most probably written by Mustafa Arslan. It criticizes the Maronite efforts to turn Dair al-Qamar into a full-fledged district with a representative of its own in the Administrative Council. The petitioners argue that

if these efforts persist, then they would demand the restoration of the pre-1864 system of sheikhs, i.e., the election of a sheikh for each confessional group in each canton by the members of that group. For this polemical but quite interesting document, see CL 1/20: no. 21, 19 M 1315 (June 1897).

5. YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 1, pp. 2-5, 26 M 1301 (Nov. 1883); and defter 2, pp. 14-18, 4 Sh 1302 (May 1885).

6. YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 1, pp. 2-5, 26 M 1301 (Nov. 1883); and defter 2, pp. 2-3, 26 R 1301 (Feb. 1884). Also see YEE: 18/527/13/31, IIc, 20 Ra 1301 (Jan. 1884); and YEE: 35/429/122/104, no. 119, 26 R 1301 (Feb. 1884).

7. In addition to the documents mentioned in the previous note, see YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 1, p. 2, 25 Za 1300 (Sept. 1883), and p. 5, 26 M 1301 (Nov. 1883). Also see YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 2, pp. 14-18, 4 Sh 1302 (May 1885); and YEE: 35/429/122/104, no. 1, 26 R 1301 (Feb. 1884). According to the arrangement introduced by Vasa, there could be no more than one judge from each sect in each of the district courts. However, Vasa kept two Maronite judges in Kisrawan and Dair al-Qamar, where the overwhelming majority of the population was Maronite. Still, in conformity to the measures he himself introduced, there should have been a Greek Orthodox judge in the former and a Jewish one in the latter. Only several years later, upon persistent pressure from the Greek Orthodox Church (through the Porte), did Vasa make the necessary replacement in the Kisrawan court. See YEE: 35/429/122/104, no. 103, 21 Sh 1308 (Apr. 1891); and YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 1, p. 83, 18 L 1308 (May 1891); compare CL 1/20: nos. 15-18 (March-May 1891).

8. GG 1016: 2 M 1301 (Nov. 1883); CL 1/20: nos. 1-6, 22 Z 1300-2 M 1301 (Oct.-Nov 1883), correspondence between the Porte, the State Council, and Mount Lebanon.

9. See the documents mentioned in notes 6-8 above; CL 1/10: 20 Ca 1302 (Feb. 1885) from the State Council to the grand vizier; and, especially, YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 2, pp. 5-6, 26 R 1301 (Feb. 1884), a ''private" letter from Vasa to the Palace. In the last-mentioned document, Vasa raises an interesting point against the official counsels: There were eight courts of first instance and one Central Court in the Mountain. If six counsels were elected to each one, that would make a body of 54 elected officials. Add to that the 12 members of the Administrative Council, and the number of elected officials would reach 66, excluding the village sheikhs. Aside from the fact that paying salaries to so many officials was an unbearable burden on Mount Lebanon's budget, their election would totally politicize its administration, rendering it hopelessly difficult and complicated to run. Hamdi Pasha supported Vasa's point of view: see CL 1/20: no. 8, 1 Sh 1302 (May 1885).

10. Spagnolo, France , 85-86 and 91-92.

11. YEE: 35/429/122/105, defter 1, pp. 2-5, 26 M 1301 (Nov. 1883); and GG 1013: p. 57, 27 S 1288 (May 1871).

12. AYNIYAT no. 866: 7 S 1292 (March 1875). Also see YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 2, pp. 14-18.

13. See Chapter 2 above; and Spagnolo, France , 146-147 and passim.

14. For these modifications, see AYNIYAT no. 866: 7 S 1292 (March 1875); YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 1, pp. 2-5; and YEE: 18/527/13/31, IIc, 20 Ca 1301 (Jan. 1884). Also see the documents mentioned in note 16 below. AYNIYAT no. 866, covering the period from May 1867 to Feb. 1877, includes many criminal cases and gives a good idea of the operation of the Central Court. For reforms in the Ottoman judicial system, see Hifzi Veldet Velidedeoglu, "Kanunlastirma Hareketleri ve Tanzimat," in Tanzimat (Istanbul, 1940), 139-209.

15. YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 1, pp. 1-5, 7 L and 25 Za 1300, and 26 M 1301 (Aug.-Nov. 1883). Also see YEE: 18/527/13/31, IIc, 20 Ra 1301 (Jan. 1884); and YEE: 35/429/122/104, varak 119, 26 R 1301 (Feb. 1884).

16. YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 1, pp. 2-5 and 7, and defter 2, pp. 14-18.

17. Article 8 stated that "the decrees of the Grand Judicial Council could not be executed unless the procedures which prevailed elsewhere in the Ottoman State were fulfilled." As the first part of this article was on criminal cases, apparently its latter clause was interpreted to have applied only to criminal cases. At least one document (before Vasa's modifications), however, suggests that some civil cases were appealable. See AYNIYAT no. 866: 27 Za 1292 (Dec. 1875).

18. See the documents mentioned in notes 8 and 9 above; and YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 2, pp. 14-18.

19. YEE: 35/429/122/104, no. 119, 26 R 1301 (Feb. 1884); and YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 2, pp. 14-18, same date.

20. YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 2, pp. 22-23, 12 C 1304 (March 1887). Compare Spagnolo, France , 117-118.

21. Communications dated 27 L 1302 (Aug. 1885) and 13 N 1303 (June 1886) referred to and summarized in YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 2, pp. 22-23. Also see CL 1/20: nos. 7-13, 29 Sh 1302-13 B 1303 (June 1885-Apr. 1886), correspondence of the Porte, the ministries of Justice and Interior, and the State Council. It must be added that a similar situation emerged also at the level of the district courts as part of Vasa's efforts to introduce the procedural laws with minimal financial burden on the mutasarrifiyya 's already strained budget and with maximum attention to maintaining the balance between different denominations. At the district courts, inquisitorial functions were assigned to the two deputy judges who were to alternate in the role for six-month periods. See Isma'il Haqqi, 641; and CL 1/20: no. 33, 4 Tem. 1313 (July 1897), from Naum to the Porte.

22. YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 2, pp. 22-23, 12 C 1304 (March 1887).

23. GG 1013: pp. 105-106, 15 Aug. 1892.

24. GG 1013: pp. 111-112, 29 M 1310 (Aug. 1892).

25. For the correspondence between European ambassadors, the Foreign Ministry, the Porte, the Legal Counseling Office, and Naum on judicial organization, see CL 1/20: nos. 25-33, 4 S-2 Ra 1315 (July-Aug. 1897). For the protocols of 1897, 1902, 1907, and 1912, see GG 1013: pp. 153-154, 160-161, and 165-167.

26. See Chapters 2 and 3 above and Shorrock, French Imperialism , passim.

27. On the reforms introduced by the French in 1934: Salibi, Modern History , 178; for the situation during the Great War: Isma'il Haqqi, 641-642; for "single-judge jurisdiction": Jawad Ossyran, "Civil Procedure," in The Lebanese Legal System , ed. A. E. el-Gemayel, 108-109. Since the Ottoman civil and criminal procedural laws were adaptations from their French counterparts to begin with (see Ülkü Azrak, "Tanzimat'tan sonra Resepsiyon," in Tanzimat'tan Cumhuriyet'e Türkiye Ansiklopedisi 3: 602-606), this must also have been a reason for the French to retain the court system that developed during the mutasarrifiyya period.

28. On reforms and personnel problems of the Ottoman judicial system in general, see Stanford Shaw and Ezel Shaw, History of the Ottoman Empire and Modern Turkey (Cambridge, 1977), vol. 2: 246-249; and the articles by Velidedeoglu, Mustafa Belgesay, and Tahir Taner in Tanzimat , 139-232.

29. See Chapter 2 above; YEE: 14/244/126/7, Hüseyin Riza Pasha's report, 8 Sh 1305 (April 1888); and Spagnolo, France , 53-137 and passim.

30. Shaw and Shaw, vol. 2: 246-247.

31. YEE: 18/417/3/40, 9 M 1300 (Nov. 1882), Hamdi Pasha's report.

32. Hüseyin Riza's report mentioned in note 29; and Spagnolo, France , 147.

33. Hamdi Pasha's report mentioned in note 31. For similar observations of Vasa: YEE: 35/429/122/104, no. 119, 26 R 1301; YEE: 18/527/13/31, IIc, 20 Ra 1301; YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 1, pp. 2-5, and defter 2, pp. 2-3.

34. YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 2, p. 9, 7 Sh 1301 (June 1884). Also see Hüseyin Riza's report mentioned in note 29.

35. See the documents mentioned in note 4 above. Compare Chapter 2 (pp. 48-57), Chapter 4 (pp. 88-91), and Spagnolo, France , 188-189.

36. GG 1013: pp. 93-94, telegram dating 5 Tem. 1308 (17 July 1892).

37. For the legislation referred to in the petition mentioned above, see Findley, Bureaucratic Reform , 273 and 395 n. 154; Düstûr , 1st series, vol. 5: 235-250, and Belgesay in Tanzimat , 216.

38. GG 1013: p. 105, article 5 of the protocol.

39. GG 1013: pp. 111-113; and GG 1016: 29 M 1310 (Aug. 1892).

40. Spagnolo, France , 193.

41. For complaints about Naum's attitude toward the judges, see CL 1/20: nos. 34-36 (June 1897), and CL 3/107: nos. 21 and 45 (Jan. 1902); on the ambassadors' inquiry, see CL 1/20: no. 27 (July 1897); for Naum's defense, CL 1/20: nos. 32-33 (July 1897); and for the 1902 protocol, GG 1013: pp. 154. For other complaints related to judicial affairs under Naum, see GG 1016: 18 B, 21 L and 7 Z 1310; 25 R and 24 Za 1311; 12 M and 16 C 1312 (1893-94); these complaints, however, clearly resulted from procedural ambiguities.

42. Spagnolo, France , 228, and CL 1/37: no. 71, form Muzaffer to the Porte, 8 Za 1320 (Feb. 1903), here pp. 1-2.

43. GG 1016: from the Porte to Muzaffer, 6 M 1321 (Apr. 1903).

44. Spagnolo, France , 228; and al-Mallah, 115-119 and 298-303.

45. GG 1016: 16 Za 1323 (Jan. 1906); and CL 1/21: nos. 18-20, 25 Sh-16 Za 1323 (Oct. 1905-Jan. 1906). Compare al-Mallah, 298-303; the local sources Mallah quotes indicate that Muzaffer was really caught between local rivalries to the extent of being manipulated by them. Consequently, at times he reappointed to new posts judges who were earlier dismissed for misconduct, or he appointed to judgeships people with highly dubious qualifications. Mallah, following Shakib Arslan, points to the conduct of Muzaffer's advisors and the weakness of their public consciousness as the difficulties involved in putting the legal and administrative affairs of Mount Lebanon into order.

46. GG 1019: 6 Haz. 1327 (June 1911), and 17 Mayis 1325 (May 1909). For the measures referred to by the State Council, see Belgesay, in Tanzimat , 215-219, and Shaw and Shaw, vol. 2: 246-249. As early as 1872, Ahmed Cevdet Pasha, the leading Ottoman jurist, was emphasizing the importance of the separation of executive and juridical authorities. See his report published in Târîh-i Osmânî Encümeni Mecmû'asi , no. 44 (Haz. 1333 [1917]): 101-105.

47. See Chapters 2 and 3 above.

1. There were occasional exceptions to the rule. Vasa, for instance, employed his son-in-law Kupelyan Efendi as a director of foreign relations. There were also a few people from Beirut, Tripoli, and other neighboring towns employed in government service. A good example would be the Greek Orthodox Yusuf al-Hakim from Tripoli, employed as the director of Turkish correspondence during Ohannes' governorship.

2. Isma'il Haqqi, 600-616, and Cuinet, 224-232. See Chapters 2 and 3 above on efforts to develop communications under different governors.

3. A list of all government positions is given in Sâlnâme . Committees responsible for administration of the municipalities are also included in this list.

4. In 1861, Mount Lebanon was divided into six districts. In 1864, the large district of Kisrawan in the north was subdivided into the districts of Kisrawan and Batrun.

5. GG 1013: p. 59, 12 Za 1288 (Jan. 1872).

6. See the documents mentioned by Gökbilgin in "Dürzîler," in Islâm Ansiklopedisi , for initial complaints; and CL 1/20: no. 21, 19 M 1315 (June 1897), for the petition mentioned in Chapter 6, note 4. Dair al-Qamar was recognized as a district in accordance with the protocol of 1912.

7. On two occasions the governors expressed a desire to make revisions in the administrative divisions, but the Porte discouraged such requests in the belief that the arrangements made under Davud Pasha and Franko Pasha had proven to be viable and stable. See GG 1016: 1 and 16 R 1310 (Oct.-Nov. 1892), and 4 L 1322 (Dec. 1904). Some revisions in the village boundaries were made, however, by the decision or with the approval of the Administrative Council. For a detailed description of the administrative divisions, see Isma'il Haqqi, 53-71; Sâlnâme , and Cuinet, 234-281.

8. See, for instance, the reaction of the Church to some of Muzaffer's appointments in al-Mallah, 252. On the exception of technical positions from the rule, see al-Khuri, vol. 1: 30.

9. The French version of the Règlement says "feudal privileges." The official Ottoman-Turkish and Arabic versions omit the word "feudal." Kawtharani's argument (74-75), following Chevallier, that land-tenure relations in Lebanon imply at best a mild form of feudalism, and hence the concept was alien to the people of the area, is of some relevance here. But for a review of the debate on "feudalism" in Mount Lebanon, see Schölch, 130-145. On the muqâta'ajis in general, see Chapter 1 above.

10. GG 1013: p. 44, the grand vizier's response of 8 R 1278 to Davud's letter of 2 R 1278 (Oct. 1861). Compare the letter dated 8 Ca 1278 (Nov. 1861) in the same register.

11. YEE: 18/417/3/40, 11 Za 1300 (Sept. 1883), from Hamdi Pasha to the Porte; YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 2, pp. 27-29, 10 S 1305 (Oct. 1887), from Vasa to the Porte; and YEE: 14/244/126/7, 8 Sh 1305 (April 1888), Hüseyin Riza's reports. For the uprising in Kisrawan of the peasants against the notables in 1858, see Chapter 1 above and the works mentioned in notes 56 and 57 of that chapter.

12. GG 1013: pp. 44-45, 7 L 1278 (April 1862).

13. GG 1014: 7 Ra 1287 (June 1870).

14. See Chapters 1 and 2. Compare Spagnolo, France , 53-149 passim.

15. See, for instance, GG 1014: 23 C 1290 (Aug. 1873); and the documents mentioned in note 77 of Chapter 2.

16. For an assessment of the Church's position between the peasants and the notables in the 1850s and 1860s, see Kawtharani, 61-91. The Ottoman documents on land disputes in Mount Lebanon offer little infor-

mation on the situation of the peasants. Besides, it is difficult to make proper use of the Ottoman documents on land disputes without supplementary information from local sources or a very good knowledge of the local scene and personalities--which I do not have.

17. That the distribution of the tax burden favored the Maronites remained a cause of complaint to the end of the mutasarrifiyya ; see Chapter 6 (esp. p. 122). Compare YEE: 14/244/126/7, 8 Sh 1305 (April 1888), Hüseyin Riza's reports.

18. Spagnolo, France , 67-70.

19. GG 1014: 26 Ra 1284 (July 1867), and 19 R 1285 (Aug. 1868).

20. YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 2, pp. 27-29, 10 S 1305 (Oct. 1887), Vasa's report. On the cooperation between Davud and 'Aun, see Spagnolo, France , 61-62 and 105.

21. Tarabain, 73-74.

22. GG 1014: 15 Ca-25 C 1285 (Sept.-Oct. 1868). Compare Tarabain, 246-250, on Druze notables during this period.

23. YEE: 18/417/3/40, 15 Z 1300 (Oct. 1883), Hamdi Pasha's report.

24. See Hamdi Pasha's report mentioned above. Hamdi Pasha was sympathetic toward the Druze. His account of Mustafa is hence all the more credible. On Mustafa's appointment, see Rustum, Lubnân , 162.

25. See Chapter 6, note 43, for mahsûl fee; and al-Khuri, vol. 1: 42-43. Compare Vasa's memoranda mentioned in notes 27 and 28 below.

26. Spagnolo, France , 145-146 and 169-170, and Chapters 2 and 6 above.

27. YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 2, p. 9, 7 Sh 1301 (June 1884), from Vasa to the Interior Ministry.

28. YEE: 34/439/122/105, defter 1, pp. 36-38, 17 Za 1304 (Aug. 1887).

29. YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 1, pp. 25-27, 9 and 23 Sh 1304 (May 1887); and defter 2, pp. 27-29, 10 S 1305 (Oct. 1887).

30. See Chapter 2, note 77.

31. See, for instance, YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 1, p. 6, 11 S 1301 (Dec. 1883); defter 2, p. 8, 22 B 1301 (May 1884); and defter 1, pp. 10-11, 23 M 1303 (Oct. 1885).

32. See Akarli, "Abdulhamid II's Attempt."

33. See YEE: 31/27-8/27/79, memorandum from Ahmed Cevdet Pasha to Abdulhamid II, 16 M 1310 (Aug. 1892). Cevdet wrote this memorandum to warn the sultan against advocating Selim Melhame, a Maronite Ottoman statesman close to the sultan, for the governorship of Mount Lebanon. See GG 1013: p. 102, 11 Tem. 1308 (July 1892), Ismail Kemal Pasha's letter on the same issue. Another document, YEE: 30/2206/51/78, 21 Ra 1317 (July 1899), makes clear that some Lebanese, evidently of not-so-distinctive ancestry, kept soliciting the central government to obtain the title of "amir," which inspired respect in Mount Lebanon. The govern-

ment refused to grant such titles in principle, on the basis of article 5 of the Règlement . On one occasion, however, the sultan bestowed the title of "pasha," as an honorific and not a real rank, to Habib Sa'ad for his efforts in a relief campaign; see al-Hakim, 162, and Walid 'Awad, 65-66.

34. A glance at the list of available officials in the almanac of the mutasarrifiyya printed in Vasa's time ( Sâlnâme ) should illustrate the point. Also see YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 2, p. 7, 7 Ca 1302 (Feb. 1885).

35. I use "statehood" after J. P. Nettl, "The State as a Conceptual Variable," World Politics 20 (July 1968), 559-592. Also see Gabriel Ben-Dor, 1-33. A strong tradition of statehood may help produce a strong modern political center, though not necessarily a modern participative political regime; see Akarli and Ben-Dor, "Comparative Perspectives," in Political Participation in Turkey (Istanbul, 1975), 157-161.

36. Personnel problems related to the districts of Zahla, Kura, and other predominantly Orthodox and Greek Catholic areas appear rarely in Ottoman sources. I take this to indicate the relative smoothness in the handling of personnel problems of these communities. The Shiite areas were dispersed in districts under Maronite and Druze district governors, and they appear to have been affected by intra-Maronite and intra-Druze politics. On judgeships, see Chapter 6.

37. For specific events, see the previous chapters.

38. A glance at the quotations given in Khater's work should suffice to illustrate the "fineness" of political polemics in Lebanese literature. Petitions are numerous, as earlier chapters indicate. For Vasa's comments, see YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 1, pp. 93-94, 17 M 1308 (Sept. 1890).

39. This is evident in many works. One of the most detailed accounts of the cliques for the more recent years is al-Hakim, 42-58 and passim.

40. For Tuaini, see the documents in CL 1/20 and CL 3/107; and Spagnolo, France , 193-201.

41. The Shihabs had good contacts at the Palace, and the Junblats had contacts with the British, though these were not as solid and powerful as those of the Arsland and Khazins.

42. See al-Mallah, 372, and Kawtharani, 177.

43. On the rapprochement between the Arslans and the Junblats, see Spagnolo, France , 237 and 249.

44. See al-Hakim, passim. Hakim, himself a bureaucrat, praises the officials and is cynical of the politicians. For the democratic-participative quality of Lebanese polity, see the chapter on the Administrative Council above and also Sulaiman Kan'an's memoranda mentioned in Chapter 8 (pp. 181-182).

45. Touma (338) mentions that of the 37 people who served as district governors from 1864 to 1914, 23 (62%) came from "feudal" and the rest (38%) from "bourgeois" families; and of the 377 people who served as subdistrict governors, 260 (77%) came from "feudal" and 77 (23%) from

"peasant" families. He does not take into consideration, however, the differences among the so-called feudal families and the changes over the years.

1. GG 1013: pp. 64-67, from Rüstem to the Foreign Ministry, 20 Dec. 1879. For background on the berâts issued to religious dignitaries, see Inalcik, "The Status of the Greek Orthodox Patriarch." For a general discussion on the position of non-Muslims in the Ottoman State, see the Introduction in Braude and Lewis, eds., Christians and Jews in the Ottoman Empire , 1-34. On developments during the Tanzîmât era, see Davison, 114-135.

2. Harik, Politics and Change , 19, 79-80, 85-87, and 125-126; compare notes 3 and 5 below.

3. GG 1013: pp. 64-67.

4. Salibi, Modern History , 74-75, and Harik, Politics and Change , 120 ff.

5. GG 1013: pp. 64-67; and YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 1, pp. 72-73, 17 N 1307 (May 1890), Vasa's memorandum.

6. Kerr, 22-25, and Havemann, 223-243. Also see Chapter 1 above.

7. Spagnolo, France , 52-76, 84-85, and 97-115. Compare Chapter 2 above.

8. See Vasa's account: YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 1, pp. 72-73, 17 N 1307 (May 1890). Compare Spagnolo, France , 114. Franko was one of Fuad Pasha's assistants during the latter's special mission to Mount Lebanon in 1860. Franko's friendship with Bulus Mas'ad dated from those days; see Farah, "Problem," 294, and Khater, 36-37.

9. For Rüstem's account, see GG 1013: pp. 64-67, Dec. 1879. Compare YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 1, pp. 15-16, 24 Za 1303 (Aug. 1886); and YEE: 35/429/122/104, no. 143, 8 N 1309 (April 1892), for church-state relations during Rüstem's governorship. The Porte's approval is referred to retrospectively in GG 1016: 8 Z 1309 (July 1892) and 16 S 1311 (Aug. 1893). Also see the letter dated 5 M 1304 (Oct. 1886) in the same register.

10. See Chapter 2 (pp. 43-45) on the relations between Rüstem and the Maronite Church. Istafan 'Awad was still a bishop with full powers in 1891; see YEE: 35/429/122/104, varak 117 and its appendices.

11. Spagnolo mentions this incident in France , 185. The absence of any reference to this issue in Vasa's numerous letters, even when he talks about Zughbi's activities--as in YEE: 35/436/122/105, defter 2, pp. 38-39, 7 Za 1307--is meaningful. For Vasa's early hopes and later developments concerning his relations with the Church, see Chapter 2 (pp. 47-51).

12. YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 1, pp. 57-58, and defter 2, p. 35, 6 Ca

1306; defter 1, p. 58, 18 C 1306; defter 2, pp. 40-41, and defter 1, pp. 66-67; and YEE: 35/429/122/104, nos. 90 and 121, 18 R-28 C 1307, and varaks 81-83, 19 Ca-15 B 1306 (Jan. 1889-Feb. 1890).

13. On the dioceses, see Harik, Politics and Change , 296. On the patriarch's response, see Spagnolo, France , 185-186.

14. YEE: 35/2332/43/110, no. Ie, 25 Sh 1307, and YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 1, pp. 70-71, and defter 2, pp. 40-41, 10 N 1307 (Apr. 1890). Also see Spagnolo, France , 186-187.

15. YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 1, pp. 71-72, 11 N 1307, and pp. 72-73, 17 N 1307; and YEE: 35/429/122/104, nos. 96 and 122, 22 Ni. 1306 and 13 L 1307 (April-May 1890). Also see the documents mentioned in the previous note.

16. YEE: 35/429/122/104, no. 122, 13 L 1307 (June 1890), the Porte's inquiry; and YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 2, pp. 38-39, 7 Za 1307 (June 1890), Vasa's response.

17. YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 1, pp. 75-76, 7 Za 1307, and defter 2, pp. 38-39, same date (June 1890).

18. YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 2, pp. 38-39, 7 Za 1307 (June 1890), to the Palace.

19. YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 1, pp. 75-77, and defter 2, pp. 38-39, 7-19 Za 1307 (June-July 1890). For relations between the Vatican and Paris, also see Spagnolo, France , 186-187.

20. YEE: 35/439/122/125, defter 1, pp. 78-79, and defter 2, pp. 39-40, 21 Sh-20 N 1308 (April 1891), Vasa's letters to the Porte and the Palace. Compare CL 1/35.

21. YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 1, pp. 80-83, 27 N-18 L 1307, and YEE: 35/429/122/104, no. 123, 12 L 1308, and no. 113, 27 Mayis 1308 (May-June 1891). YEE: 35/429/122/104, nos. 130, 132, 133, 93, 143, 112, 113, and 115, 11 R 1309-19 Za 1309 (Nov. 1891-June 1892), Vasa's letters and telegrams to the Porte and the Palace. See Spagnolo, France , 187, on the pressure France put on Hajj, and the outspoken dissatisfaction of the consul with the small number of people cheering for him in his visit to the Patriarchate in February 1892, and how in May 1892 "he pointedly found a pretext for a second visit during which time he was pleased to observe the customary public manifestations of allegiance."

22. GG 1016: 8 Z 1309 (July 1892).

23. GG 1016: 8 Z 1309 and 3 S 1310 (July-Aug. 1892).

24. GG 1016: 16 S 1311 (Aug. 1893), Ahmed Cevad Pasha responding to Naum's letter of 10 M 1311 (July 1893). Ahmed Cevad was a military general by background and a centrist in his domestic policy.

25. For the correspondence between Naum and the Porte, see GG 1016: 9 L 1316 (Feb. 1899). On Huwayyik's election and Najm's supporters, see Spagnolo, France , 201-202 and 231. On the improvement in Ottoman-French relations during this period, see Chapter 3 (p. 59). The paucity of

documents on this issue dating from Naum's period is itself an indication of the good relations between the Church and the governor.

26. See al-Mallah, 372. Mallah thinks Muzaffer took the lead in the establishment of these societies. From other information he supplies, however, it is clear that the initiative was native, and Muzaffer simply encouraged the efforts.

27. CL 3/118: no. 37, 22 L 1322 (Dec. 1904). Compare no. 36, 18 N 1322 (Nov. 1904), and no. 25, 4 B 1322 (Sept. 1904). On relations between the Church and Muzaffer, also see Chapter 3.

28. On the patriarch's visit to Istanbul, see CL 3/144: nos. 1-35 (Sept. 1905-Jan. 1906).

29. Spagnolo, France , 232.

30. Harik, Politics and Change , 127-166; Salibi, House ; and Hourani, Emergence , 149-169.

31. Yusuf Dibs, the bishop of Beirut, comes to mind in this context.

32. See Patriarch Huwayyik's statement in al-Mallah, 392. This was the attitude of Patriarch Mas'ad as well. In fact, the Patriarchate's position on this matter seems to have changed little as late as the 1960s. See Michael Hudson, The Precarious Republic (New York, 1968), 130. Hudson's account shows clearly that the struggle between the government and the Church continued in the Republic along lines not dissimilar to the situation in the mutasarrifiyya . Compare Kawtharani, 308-309; and Meir Zamir, The Formation of Modern Lebanon (Ithaca, N.Y., 1985), 62-63. David Kerr's Ph.D. dissertation (Oxford University) seems to be the best study of relations between the patriarch and the president of the Republic, but this work was not available to me.

33. It is possible to trace this development in the petitions presented to the Porte. The earlier petitions were almost exclusively drafted by the clergy, and the clergy led the campaign for collecting signatures for them. Gradually, lay leaders initiated campaigns on their own account. The development of a secular concept of Lebanon in more recent petitions is unmistakable.

34. See Spagnolo, France , 233-235, 265-266, and 276, for the French diplomats' opinions of the "liberal" group and the Quai d'Orsay's policy of not receiving Maronites who had not made themselves known through the auspices of the Patriarchate. Also see al-Hakim, 24, who argues that Habib Sa'ad, one of the principal leaders of the liberal group, became fully committed to the French in 1913, in return for their support of his vice-presidency of the Council. Daud 'Ammun, another liberal councillor, like-wise became committed to the French.

35. See al-Hakim, 56, 100-102; compare 277-282. Hakim is clearly praising the Church dignitaries and the patriarch in language they would like to hear.

36. The biggest changes which the Ottoman government introduced

pertained to the judiciary organization. Isma'il Haqqi, 642, however, makes it clear that these changes were not yet implemented as of 1916-17. Another implication of direct Ottoman rule was the enforcement of Ottoman laws. Efforts were made to translate the relevant laws not yet applied in Mount Lebanon; see al-Hakim, 217-219. There was no time, however, for the proper implementation of these laws, except some which pertained to the administration of public forests and property. An effort was made to form a public education department, which did not exist in Mount Lebanon, but it was only partly successful; see Isma'il Haqqi, 594-599.

37. See Sulaiman Kan'an's memorandum in The Political History of Lebanon, 1920-1950 , ed. Walter L. Browne (Salisbury, N. C., 1976), vol. 1: 6; also see vol. 1: 16 for another memorandum by Kan'an.

38. See al-Hakim on changes in the offices, 165-169, 172, 175, 178-179, 182-184, 228-230; on difficulties, 249-255. On the trials, see CL 7/292: nos. 1-13 (Feb.-May 1915); Muhâkamât , 259-278; Nicholas Z. Ajay, ''Political Intrigue and Suppression in Lebanon during World War I," IJMES 5 (1974): 140-160; and al-Hakim, 233-242.

39. CL 7/277-5: nos. 67-68, and CL 7/277-6: nos. 4-5 and 31-32, Za 1332 (Oct. 1914). Hakim, 172-174, mentions a second inquiry by the military authorities in Damascus, but the governor kept the summons and took no action on it.

40. See al-Hakim, 278-280, for a full translation of the berât in Arabic.

41. Ajay, 140-160, and Zamir, 36 and 230 n. 91.

42. Zamir, 38-72; Kawtharani, 285-326; and Khairiyya Qasimiyya, al-Hukûmat al-'arabiyya fi Dimashq bain 1918-1920 (Cairo, 1971), 46-156.

43. For the text of the resolution, see 'Abd al-'Aziz Nawwar, ed., Wathâiq asâsiyya min târîkh Lubnân al-hadîth, 1517-1920 (Beirut, 1974), 520-522, and al-Khuri, vol. 1: 269-271.

44. Zamir, 53-54; Kawtharani, 303-306 and 344-345; and Jurj (Georges) Adib Karam, ed., Qadiyya Lubnân, 1918-1920 (Beirut, 1985), vol. 1: 310-326. For a detailed study of developments leading to the establishment of Greater Lebanon, also see Ahmad R. Haffar, "France in the Establishment of Greater Lebanon" (Ph.D. diss., Princeton University, 1961), 207-300.

45. The Council's resolution dated 20 May 1920 quoted in Nawwar, 528-529, and al-Khuri, vol. 1: 272-273.

46. Quotation from Huwayyik's memorandum to the Peace Conference, dated 25 Oct. 1919, where he describes his "mission"; see Nawwar, 530. See Zamir, 70-71, on the Council's resolution dated June 16 on this matter; and Karam, 327-338, for related news and documents.

47. See al-Khuri, vol. 1: 96.

48. Zamir, 70-72; Kawtharani, 308-310; and Nawwar, 530-531. Compare Haffar, 230-232.

49. Kawtharani, 323-340; Qasimiyya, 145-156 and 189-193; and Zamir, 72-89, 67-69, and 93-94.

50. For the text of the resolution, see Nawwar, 534-537. For the French translation, see Zamir, 281-284. Compare Haffar, 262-263.

51. Zamir, 62-63, 72, 78, 89, 91, 95; Kawtharani, 343; and compare Clemenceau's letter to Huwayyik in Nawwar, 532-533, for the assurance of the patriarch. However, the patriarch obtained the mandate of the Council concerning the third delegation; see Karam, 340-342.

52. Nawwar, 541.

53. Browne, vol. 1: 11; Kawtharani, 335-336; and al-Khuri, vol. 1: 103-104.

54. Kawtharani, 344-345; Zamir, 89-91; and Haffar, 262-263.

55. Of the 13 elected members of the Council, 7 were with this group. Their names and constituencies are as follows: Sa'adallah Huwayyik, Maronite, Batrun; Sulaiman Kan'an, Maronite, Jazzin; Khalil 'Aql, Maronite, Matn; Fuad 'Abd al-Malik, Druze, Matn; Mahmud Junblat, Druze, Shuf; Ilias Shuairi, Greek Orthodox, Matn; and Muhammad Muhsin, Shiite, Kisrawan. Yusuf Baridi, Greek Catholic, Zahla, was with the group; he explicitly expressed his solidarity with them, but was at home sick as the others signed the resolution and left for Damascus (see Kawtharani, 346). Husain al-Hajjar, Sunni, Matn, and Niqula Ghusn, Greek Orthodox, Kura, did not participate in the meetings of the group (but see note 62 below). One position (the Maronite representative of Kisrawan) was vacant. Daud 'Ammun, Maronite, Dair al-Qamar, and the other Druze representative of Shuf (Tawfiq Arslan?) definitely opposed the resolution, as did the appointed chairman of the Council, Habib Sa'ad, Maronite.

56. For the text of the resolution, see Browne, vol. 1: 9-19; Zamir, 285-286; and Nawwar, 542-544.

57. Al-Khuri, vol. 1: 105-107; Qasimiyya, 193-194; Zamir, 89-90; and Kawtharani, 344-347; quotation of the official decree from Kawtharani, 347. On French financial assistance to the first delegation, see Zamir, 52. The councillors were accused of having been bribed by Faisal. They actually seem to have received the money for their expenses from a Lebanese merchant.

58. I owe this observation to Zamir, 91. See Kawtharani, 348, for Gouraud's decision to dissolve the Council.

59. Kawtharani, 351-354; Haffar, 292-295; Zamir, 93-96; and al-Khuri, vol. 1: 107-116. For Millerand's letter to the patriarch's envoy, see al-Khuri, vol. 1: 284-285, and Nawwar, 546-548.

60. For the full text of Kan'an's memorandum, see Browne, vol. 1: 1-8. There is no date on the memorandum, but the Conference on the Limitation of Armaments to which it was presented met in Washington, D.C., from 12 November 1921 to 6 February 1922. Also see another memorandum by Kan'an, presented to the United States secretary of state in Janu-

ary 1922, in Browne, vol. 1: 16-20. Compare the "exposé" he and his friends sent to the French government and Parliament in Karam, 457-470.

61. For instance, Kan'an argued that "the French Military Occupation has driven thousands of Lebanese out of the country" and that the French solidiery "put men, women, and children to the sword and they loot and burn villages. . . ." He also argued that "corruption and graft infest every Department of the Government. . . ." These exaggerations are quite typical of the petitions and the polemical political literature of Lebanese, as argued above. They must be ignored without losing sight of the real issues that concern and bother the petitioner.

For a critique of Lebanese nationalist history, see Youssef Choueiri, Arab History and the Nation-State (London and New York, 1989), 115-164 and 189-205, and Salibi, House .

62. Habib Sa'ad, for instance, accused his friends of being traitors, with amazing ease. However, Husain al-Hajjar and Niqula Ghusn, who were witnesses in the trials, made quite cautious statements and were visibly concerned about their colleagues, despite the intimidating atmosphere of the military court. This intimidation, apparently combined with weakness of purpose, led to the collapse of some of the accused, notably Khalil 'Aql and Mahmud Junblat, during the investigations. On these points, see Karam, 377-379, 399-437 passim, and 448-466; Kawtharani, 347-348; and al-Khuri, vol. 1: 106-107.

63. On these intellectual activities, see Nadim Shehadi, The Idea of Lebanon (Oxford, 1987).

1. There are few Ottoman documents on the municipal administration in Mount Lebanon. On this issue, see Khair, 132-135; al-Mallah, 129-131 and 145-148; and M. Jouplain [Bulus Nujaim], La question du Liban (Paris, 1908), 492-493.

2. Ottoman documents on the organization and problems of the Lebanese security force are numerous, though I treat this issue only tangentially in the present work. The most important documents are in CL 7/275. For a general description of the organization of the security force, see Khair, 118-121; on its problems, see Spagnolo, France , 64-65, 73-76, 105-107, 238, 287, and 177; al-Mallah, 119-129; and al-Hakim, 78-83 and 176.

3. See Isma'il Haqqi, 557-599.

4. Fear of atrocities at the hands of Muslims was/is apparently part of Lebanese Christian and especially Maronite folklore. See the oft-quoted memoirs of Abraham Rihbany; Edward Atiyah, An Arab Tells His Story (London, 1946); and Gregory Orfalea, Before the Flames (Austin, 1988). There were Lebanese emigrants who earned some of their keep by telling

stories of atrocities in France and other Western countries; see my "Ottoman Attitudes." On the fears of Maronites, also see Mackey, 141-147; and Wadi Haddad, Lebanon: The Politics of Revolving Doors (New York, 1985), 9.

5. A good example is Jouplain's work mentioned in note 1 above. Also see Mémoire sur la question du Liban (Paris, 1912) of the Comité Libanais de Paris (summarized in Spagnolo, France , 276-279). Compare Haffar, 292-300.

6. Lubnân , prepared by a committee of Lebanese intellectuals and bureaucrats and published in 1918 under the auspices of Isma'il Haqqi, who was also one of the contributors, is in many ways a monumental testimony to the unfolding sense of nationhood among Lebanese intelligentsia, Christian and Muslim alike; esp. see 112-364 and 667-680 for the emerging historical vision. Isma'il Haqqi (or Ismail Hakki, as it is written in Turkish) was actually a high-ranking official in the Ottoman Interior Ministry and one of the governors appointed to Mount Lebanon after the abrogation of its privileged status in 1915; see Appendix B.

7. See the statistics given in Zamir, 98.

8. Emile Eddé appears to be the most prominent of these leaders; see Salibi, Modern History , 162-163 and 172-173; Mackey, 112; Zamir, 177; and Haffar, 292-294.

9. For general developments under the mandate regime, see Salibi, Modern History , 151-191, and Zamir, 97-223. Also see Ragid Solh, "The Attitude of the Arab Nationalists towards Greater Lebanon during the 1930s," in Lebanon , ed. Shehadi and Mills, 149-165; and C. Ernest Dawn, "The Emergence of an Arab Lebanese Self-View" (Paper delivered at conference on "Processes of Arab Self-Definition," University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign, November 11-12, 1989).

10. See Nadim Shehadi's succinct treatment of the intellectual debates early in the Republican period in The Idea of Lebanon . Also see Hourani, Emergence , 170-178. Compare Zamir, 122-126.

11. Leila Fawaz's Merchants and Migrants in 19th-Century Beirut provides the socioeconomic background for such studies. Also see Michael Johnson's works mentioned in the Bibliography. The Ottoman data on Mount Lebanon clearly imply a tension between the Mountain and the city, as indicated in the preceding chapters, which should be explored more carefully than I have been able to do in this work.

12. Salamé, Lebanon's Injured Identities , 22-23; and Messarra, The Challenge of Coexistence , 4-9.

13. Geertz, The Interpretation of Cultures , 294.

14. The organic statute of the dual-districts regime, though it proved impractical, antedates the Règlement , of course.

15. Gellner, Nations and Nationalism , 141-142; his emphasis. For "technicalization," see Hodgson, The Venture of Islam , vol. 3: 186-196.

16. Gellner, 37-38; his emphasis.

17. Robert Bocock, Hegemony (London and New York, 1986), 28, 34, and 37.

18. See Philip Khoury, Syria and the French Mandate (Princeton, N.J., 1987); and Zamir, 102 and 106-107.

1. For the establishment of this process, see my "Cebel-i Lübnan," 45-56. The Porte tried to avoid calling a formal conference on the appointments of Franko Pasha and Rüstem Pasha (in 1868 and 1873, respectively), though it sought the approval of the ambassadors. In both cases, the ambassadors obliged the Porte to call a formal conference retroactively, after the governors had already taken their positions. Hence the imperial decrees predate the protocols concerning the appointment of these two governors.

2. On these issues, see Carter Findley, Ottoman Civil Officialdom , and "The Acid Test of Ottomanism," in Christians and Jews , ed. Braude and Lewis, vol. 1: 339-368.

3. Khater, 26-27 and 34-35; Tarabain, 15-16; Rustum, Lubnân , 40-41; Kamal S. Salibi, "Dâwûd Pasha," in Encyclopaedia of Islam , new ed.; Spagnolo, France , 77, note 4; GG 1013: pp. 27-29 and 35; IRADE-Dahiliye 31822, 8 M 1278; and de Testa, vol. 6: 343-345 and 403. I have not seen P. E. Poghossian's Karapet Artin Pascha Daoud (Vienna, 1949).

4. Khater, 36-37, 40, and 45-46; Rustum, Lubnân , 116; GG 1013: pp. 48-50 and 61-62; IRADE-Dahiliye 40129, 13 S 1285; and Noradounghian, vol. 3: 278. Franko's fourth son died at a young age.

5. Khater, 47-48 and 134-135; Rustum, Lubnân , 153-154; GG 1013: pp. 61-63 and 81; and Noradoughian, vol. 3: 346-347. Compare Spagnolo, France , 136-137.

6. Khater, 139-142 and 149-150; Spagnolo, France , 168-169 and 206 n. 15; GG 1013: pp. 80-87; and Noradounghian, vol. 4: 314. Also see CL 3/118: nos. 8-16, 17 Haz.-13 Tem. 1320 (June-July 1904).

7. Khater, 151-153, 161, and 175; GG 1013: pp. 99-109 and 153; CL 1/20: nos. 27-33; YEE: 30/2199/51/78; and Noradounghian, vol. 4: 508 and 547-548. Compare Spagnolo, France , 191, who says that Naum was Armenian Catholic.

8. See al-Mallah, 73-80 and 405-406; Spagnolo, France , 222 and 229; Khater, 162 and 175; CL 3/113: nos. 1-31; GG 1013: p. 154; YEE: 30/2199/51/78; and Noradounghian, vol. 4: 599-600. Also see the documents mentioned in Chapter 3, note 42.

9. Khater, 179, 185, and 188-189; GG 1013: pp. 160-161; and Spagnolo, France , 236.

10. Khater, 190-191 and 201; GG 1013: pp. 163-167; Findley, Otto-

man Civil Officialdom , 271 n. 25; and Spagnolo, France , 285. Khater argues that Ohannes' properties were confiscated during the war; this is improbable.

11. GG 1013: p. 170; Khater, 202-209; al-Hakim, 227, 262, and 292-293; and Fuad Bustani's preface to the 2nd edition of Isma'il Haqqi's book.

1. General information about the various groups or categories of archival documents mentioned in this Appendix can be obtained from Midhat Sertoglu, Muhteva Bakimindan Basvekâlet Arsivi (Ankara, 1955); and Atilla Çetin, Basbakanlik Arsivi Kilavuzu (Istanbul, 1979), which are guides to the Ottoman archives.

2. M. Tayyib Gökbilgin, "1840'dan 1861'e." Gökbilgin's references are rather vague, but the names of the files he uses indicate that he relied on the sources mentioned above.

3. The registers marked by an asterisk have been made available to researchers recently. They belong to the so-called "BEO: Vilâyetler Gelen-Giden: 2" category of documents, and must be inquired about under that caption.

4. These registers also include the correspondence on Sisam (Samos), which enjoyed a special administrative status similar to that of Mount Lebanon.

5. Çetin, Basbakanlik , 120.

6. For detailed information on the Yildiz documents, see Atilla Çetin, "Yildiz Arsivi'ne Dair," IUEFTD 32 (1979): 563-586; and Stanford Shaw, "The Yildiz Palace Archives," Archivum Ottamanicum 3 (1971): 211-237.

7. See GG 1016: 24 S ve 27 Ra 1310 (Sept. and Oct. 1892).

8. See YEE: 35/439/122/105, defter 1, pp. 1-2, 7 L 1300 (Aug. 1883); and GG 1019: 11 S 1327 (March 1909) and 6 Mayis 1325 (1909). Also see the previous note.