1. Over the years, Maruyama has published a number of reminiscences and reflections on his work. Some are in the form of round-table discussions; a few are transcribed lectures or essays. For the period prior to 1963, the indispensable bibliographical source is Imai Juichiro * , Maruyama Masao chosaku noto * (Tokyo: Tosho Shinbunsha, 1964). For later periods, see inter alia Maruyama Masao and Kozai Yoshishige, "Ichi tetsugakuto no kunan no michi," in Showa * shisoshi * e no shogen * (Tokyo: Mainichi Shinbunsha, 1968), 1-102, and "Nyozekan san to chichi to watakushi," in Hasegawa Nyozekan: Hito; jidai; shiso * to chosaku mokuroku , ed. Sera Masatoshi et al. (Tokyo: Chuo Daigaku * , 1986), 267-317. Recent discussions of the evolution of his methodology include "Shisoshi * no hoho * o mosaku shite—hitotsuno kaiso * ," in Nagoya Daigaku hosei ronbunshu * , no. 77 (September 1978): 1-31, and "Genkei; koso * ; shitsuyo tei'on * —Nihon shisoshi hohoron * ni tsuite no watakushi no ayumi," in Nihon bunka no kakureta kata , ed. Takeda Kiyoko (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1984), 87-152. See also n. 6 to Conclusion for a number of recent essays on Maruyama and his work.

2. Robert N. Bellah, Beyond Belief (New York: Harper & Row, 1970), xvi.

3. Simone Weil, "The Power of Words" (1937), in Selected Essays , ed. Richard Rees (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1963), 154-75, esp. 157; The Need for Roots (1943) (Boston: Beacon Press, 1952); "East and West: Thoughts on the Colonial Problem" (1943) in Selected Essays , 195-210.

4. Maruyama Masao, "The Ideology and Dynamics of Japanese Fascism" (1947), in Thought and Behaviour in Modern Japanese Politics (New York: Oxford University Press, 1969), 60-61.

5. John Dunn, Western Political Theory in the Face of the Future (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979), 1. break

6. Hasegawa Nyozekan, Gendai kokka hihan (1921), in Hasegawa Nyozekan senshu * ( HNSS ) (Tokyo: Kurita Shuppankai, 1970), 2:39.

7. In Maruyama, Thought and Behaviour , 321-48, esp. 332-33. His discussion draws on the work of Milton Mayer, They Thought They Were Free: The Germans, 1933-1945 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1955).

1. See Maruyama, "Kindai Nihon ni okeru shisoshiteki hoho * no keisei," in Seiji shiso * ni okeru Seiyo * to Nihon: Nanbara Shigeru sensei koki kinen , ed. Fukuda Kan'ichi (Tokyo: Tokyo Daigaku Shuppankai, 1961), 2:265-90.

2. Makoto Itoh, Value and Crisis: Essays on Marxian Economics in Japan (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1980), 13.

3. See Ishida Takeshi, Meiji seiji shisoshi kenkyu * (Tokyo: Miraisha, 1966), pt. 1; Joseph Pittau, Political Thought in Early Meiji Japan, 1868-1889 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1967; Fujita Shozo * , Tennosei * kokka no shihai genri , 2d ed. (Tokyo: Miraisha, 1979), discusses the contradiction that surfaced between family and individual, and between family and family-state, under conditions of depression and total war. In this sense, his work is a discussion of the process of "deracination" in Japan.

4. Pittau, Political Thought , 11-17.

5. See the relevant entries in Morohashi Tetsuji, Dai kanwa jiten (Tokyo: Taishukan Shoten * , 1955-60), 2: 1108-27.

6. See B. Schwartz, In Search of Wealth and Power: Yen Fu and the West (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1964), 69-73; Hao Chang, Liang Ch'i-ch'ao and Intellectual Transition in China, 1890-1907 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1971).

7. On this point, see the new and important work by Carol Gluck, Japan's Modern Myths: Ideology in the Late Meiji Period (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1985). As will become clear, my own view of the ideological situation of imperial Japan differs somewhat from Gluck's.

8. See Fukuzawa's editorials in Jiji shinpo * , esp. "Jiji taisei ron" (1882), "Hanbatsu kajin seifu ron" (1881), "Kokkai no zento" (1890), "Teishitsu ron" (1882), all in Fukuzawa Yukichi senshu * (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1981), vol. 6; Meiroku Zasshi: Journal of the Japanese Enlightenment , trans. D. Braisted (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1976), intro., xi-xiv.

9. On the Tokugawa origins of the "new political space" see, inter alia, H. D. Harootunian, Toward Restoration: The Growth of Political Consciousness in Tokugawa Japan (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1970); Matsumoto Sannosuke, "The Idea of Heaven: A Tokugawa Foundation for Natural Rights Theory," in Japanese Political Thought in the Tokugawa Period , ed. Tetsuo Najita and Irwin Scheiner (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1978), 181-99, esp. 189-91; and the locus classicus in Maruyama Masao, Studies in the Intellectual History of Tokugawa Japan (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1979).

10. See I. Scheiner, Christian Converts and Social Protest in Meiji Japan continue

(Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1970), 194-208, for an incisive contrast of Fukuzawa's and the various Christian perspectives.

11. See Irokawa Daikichi, Shinpen Meiji seishinshi (Tokyo: Chuo Koronsha * , 1976), 218-44; Kano Masanao, "The Changing Concept of Modernization: From a Historian's Viewpoint," Japan Quarterly 32, no. 1 (January-March 1976): 28-35.

12. See Byron Marshall, Capitalism and Nationalism in Prewar Japan (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1967); M. Y. Yoshino, Japan's Managerial System: Tradition and Innovation (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1968), 19-28.

13. On Meiji and Taisho * socialism, see Matsuzawa Hiroaki, Nihon shakaishugi no shiso * (Tokyo: Chikuma Shobo * , 1976), pt. 1, passim; I. Scheiner, "Meiji Socialists: The Moral Minority" and "Taisho and Showa * Marxism," forthcoming in the Cambridge History of Japan .

14. Max Weber's observation is germane here: "In addition to the direct and material interests . . . there are the indirectly material as well as ideological interests of strata that are in various ways privileged within a polity and, indeed, privileged by its very existence. They comprise especially all those who think of themselves as being the specific 'partners' of a specific 'culture' diffused among the members of the polity. Under the influence of these circles, the naked prestige of 'power' is unavoidably transformed into other special forms of prestige and especially into the idea of 'nation'" ( Economy and Society [Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1978], 2:922).

15. Fukuzawa, "Teishitsu ron."

16. Kano Masanao, Taisho * demokurashii no teiryu * (Tokyo: NHK, 1978).

17. Oka Yoshitake, Konoe Fumimaro: A Political Biography (Tokyo: Tokyo University Press, 1983), 107-15.

18. Pittau, Political Thought , 159-201.

19. See Gustav Ranis, "The Community Centered Entrepreneur in Japanese Development," Explorations in Entrepreneurial History 8, no. 2 (December 1955), cited in Marshall, Capitalism and Nationalism in Japan , 117.

20. Maruyama, "Kindai Nihon no chishikijin," in id., Koei * no ichi kara (Tokyo: Miraisha, 1982), 124.

21. Ibid., 98.

22. Ibid., 101, where Aizan is also quoted.

20. Maruyama, "Kindai Nihon no chishikijin," in id., Koei * no ichi kara (Tokyo: Miraisha, 1982), 124.

21. Ibid., 98.

22. Ibid., 101, where Aizan is also quoted.

20. Maruyama, "Kindai Nihon no chishikijin," in id., Koei * no ichi kara (Tokyo: Miraisha, 1982), 124.

21. Ibid., 98.

22. Ibid., 101, where Aizan is also quoted.

23. See Earl Kinmonth, The Self-Made Man in Meiji Japanese Thought (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1981), for a stimulating but unsuccessful attempt to reduce the psychic strains of the success ethic to frustrated self-interest. The idea of the "rewards of insideness" (in this case deference from outsiders) is drawn in part from Thomas Huber's suggestive discussion of the ethos of the lower samurai "service intelligentsia," which he identifies as the revolutionary class in the destruction of the Tokugawa system. See Huber, The Revolutionary Origins of Modern Japan (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1981).

24. I wish to thank Takashi Fujitani (University of California, Santa Cruz) and Nimura Kazuo (Hosei * University) for these references.

25. Maruyama, "Chishikijin," 88-92. break

26. Ralf Dahrendorf, Society and Democracy in Germany (New York: Norton, 1979), 267.

27. Maruyama, "Meiji kokka no shiso * " (1946), in id., Senchu * to sengo no aida (Tokyo: Misuzu Shobo * , 1976), 215, 239.

28. See Kobayashi Hajime, "Nihon riberarizumu no dento * to marukusushugi," Shakaigaku hyoron * 23, no. 4 (April 1973): 2-27. Kobayashi sees the "modernists" as combining "Meiji consciousness" ( = nationalism) with "Showa * method" ( = social science), and stresses their interwar roots in the thinking, for example, of Hasegawa Nyozekan and Maruyama Kanji.

29. See Arakawa Ikuo, "1930-nendai to chishikijin no mondai: Chishiki kanryo * ruikei ni tsuite," Shiso * , no. 624 (June 1976): 2-14, esp. 9-13; also see Chalmers Johnson, MITI and the Japanese Miracle (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1982), 3-197 passim. It is interesting to note Yoshino Shinji's comment: "It would not be wrong to call [industrial rationalization] an intellectual movement" (quoted in Arakawa, 12).

30. See C. Wright Mills, "The Cultural Apparatus," in id., Power, Politics and People (New York: Oxford University Press, 1963), 405-7.

31. Ralf Dahrendorf, "Representative Activities," in id., Life Chances (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1979), 141-63, esp. 150, 153, 159-63.

32. For an example, see Nanbara Shigeru, Kokka to shukyo * (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1942), 27.

33. Tsuji Kiyoaki, Nihon kanryo * no kenkyu * (Tokyo: Tokyo Daigaku Shuppankai, 1974), esp. "Nihon fuashizumu ni okeru tochi * no kozo * ," 206-41.

34. See T. Najita, Hara Kei in the Politics of Compromise (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1967).

35. See the special issue of Chuo koron * , "Tenraku jiyushugi * no kento * " (May 1935), and the discussion in Ishida Takeshi, "Waga kuni ni okeru jiyushugi * no issokumen," in id., Nihon kindai shisoshi * ni okeru ho * to seiji (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1976), 221-61.

36. Oka Yoshitake, Konoe Fumimaro , 111.

37. See Ishida Takeshi, Nihon no shakai kagaku (Tokyo: Tokyo Daigaku Shuppankai, 1984), esp. 125-60.

38. Forster is quoted in Thomas Merton, Conjectures of a Guilty Bystander (New York: Image, 1968), 162; for accusations of hubris (directed at liberals in the Law and Economics Faculties at Todai * by one of their own colleagues) see Hon'iden Yoshio, "Daigaku no kakushin," Nihon hyoron * 13, no. 5 (April 1938).

39. James Crowley, "Intellectuals as Visionaries of the New Asian Order," in Dilemmas of Growth in Prewar Japan , ed. J. Morley (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1971), 319-73; Miles Fletcher, The Search for a New Order: Intellectuals and Fascism in Prewar Japan (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1982); Sakai Saburo * , Showa Kenkyukai * : Aruchishikijin shudan * no kiseki (Tokyo: TBS Britannica, 1979); Muroga Sadanobu, Showa Juku * (Tokyo: Nihon Keizai Shinbunsha, 1978); ItoTakashi * , Showa * junendaishi * dansho * (Tokyo: Tokyo * Daigaku Shuppankai, 1981).

40. Fletcher, Search , 5.

41. Royama Masamichi * , "Kokumin kyodotai * no keisei," Kaizo * 21, no. 5 (May 1939), 15; also discussed in Ishida, Nihonkindai shisoshi * , 229-30. break

42. This discussion draws on Fletcher, Search , 121-33, esp. 127-33.

43. Miki's clearest statement of this thesis appears in his Shin Nihon no shiso * genri (1939), reprinted in Miki Kiyoshi zenshu * (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1967), 17:507-88. See also John H. Boyle, China and Japan at War: The Politics of Collaboration (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1972), 141.

44. Royama * , "Kokumin kyodotai * no keisei," 24, quoting from Rudolf Brinkmann, Wirtschaftspolitik als nationalsozialistischen Kraftquell (1939). Brinkmann's ideas are discussed more fully in Franz Neumann, Behemoth (1944) (New York: Harper & Row, 1966), 269.

45. On Kanai, see K. Pyle, "The Advantages of Followership: German Economics and Japanese Bureaucrats, 1890-1925," Journal of Japanese Studies 1, no. 1 (Autumn 1974).

46. On the "invention" of the imperial political tradition and cult, see Takashi Fujitani, "Japan's Modern National Ceremonies: A Historical Ethnography, 1868-1912," Ph.D. diss., University of California, Berkeley, 1986; Gluck, Japan's Modern Myths , esp. chap. 4; Robert Smith, Japanese Society (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 9-36.

47. Tanabe Hajime, "Shakai sonzai no ronri" and "Kokka sonzai no ronri," Tetsugaku kenkyu * 20, no. 1, and 24, no. 11. On Tanabe's Zangedo * , see the new translation and introduction by Takeuchi Yoshinori, Philosophy as Metanoetics (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1986), with the foreword by James Heisig.

48. H. Laski, "The Apotheosis of the State," New Republic , 22 July 1916, quoted in Holmes-Laski Letters (New York: Atheneum, 1963), 1:8.

49. See, for example, R. Paxton, Vichy France: Old Guard and New Order (New York: Norton, 1975), for the Vichy regime's efforts to train a new elite in the early days of the National Revolution; efforts frustrated, of course, by the fragmentation of the elite that accompanied the German occupation of the entire country after the Allied landing in Italy. See also J. Hellman, Emmanuel Mounier and the New Catholic Left, 1930-1950 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1980), for the philosopher Jacques Maritain's warnings to Mounier to steer clear of too close an association with Vichy. Mounier worked briefly for Vichy at its elite training academy at Uriage.

50. On worker sabotage, see Sumiya Mikio, "Les Ouvriers japonais pendant la deuxième guerre mondiale," Revue d'histoire de la deuxième guerre mondiale , no. 89 (January 1973), and A. Gordon, The Evolution of Labor Relations in Japan: Heavy Industry, 1853-1955 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1985), 318-20.

51. The career of the legal scholar and jurist Tanaka Kotaro * (1892-1974) makes for a fascinating illustration. It intersects with Nanbara's at a number of crucial points (see chap. 2 below). A convert, first to Uchimura Kanzo's * nonchurch Christianity, and thence to Catholicism, Tanaka was also deeply anticommunist and fearful of anarchism. His valorization of order must be accounted extreme. Nevertheless, he did not retreat into owlish solitude, but conducted polemics with Marxists such as Tosaka Jun, traveled widely abroad, and used his political acumen to protect the procedural autonomy of Todai against Ministry of Education attack. He was in this sense far more worldly than Nanbara. continue

See Tanaka's essays in Kyoyo * to bunka no kiso (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1937), for a representative statement of his ideas; for a study of Tanaka's intellectual formation, by a scholar who has followed the same path to Catholicism, see Hanzawa Takamaro, "Shiso * keiseiki no Tanaka Kotaro * —chijo * ni okeru kami no kuni no tankyu * ," in Nihon ni okeru sei'o seiji shiso * , ed. Nihon Seiji Gakkai ( Nenpo * seijigaku , 1975), 208-41. Tanaka's activities during the war included lecturing at the Naval College, and authoring articles in support of the shisosen * from a very conservative Catholic, and anticommunist point of view. See for example his "Present-Day Mission of Catholics in Greater East Asia," in Catholicism in Nippon (Tokyo: Mainichi Shinbunsha, 1944), 40-48, where Tanaka argues for the congruence of Catholic teaching with that of the family-oriented, organicist ideologies of China and Japan, as against Anglo-American individualism and communist collectivism. At the same time, Tanaka's belief in natural law was, he knew, anathema to the right. He complained of being unable to publish his studies of "Chinese natural law" for fear of attack. (Comments of Heinrich Dumoulin, S.J., interview, Tokyo, 19 May 1984.) And, as related below (see chap. 2) Tanaka felt it prudent in mid 1945 to involve himself in Nanbara Shigeru's efforts to bring the war to as quick an end as possible through a campaign of lobbying "senior statesmen" ( jushin * ) who seemed sympathetic. The point is this: Where do we place Tanaka? Public man as opportunist? Astute reader of the signs of the times? Player of the double game in service of order? He was all of these.

52. Yoshimitsu made this remark to Heinrich Dumoulin, S.J., who worked with Yoshimitsu at Sophia University, Tokyo. They were intimate friends for a decade before Yoshimitsu's death from tuberculosis in October 1945. Dumoulin interview, 9 May 1984.

53. Quoted in Maruyama, Thought and Behaviour , 309.

54. Dunn, Western Political Theory , 55:

Nationalism is the starkest political shame of the twentieth century, the deepest, most intractable and yet most unanticipated blot on the political history of the world since the year 1900. But it is also the very tissue of modern political sentiment, the most widespread, the most unthinking and the most immediate political disposition of all at least among the literate populations of the modern world. The degree to which its prevalence is still felt as a scandal is itself a mark of the sharpness of the check which it has administered to Europe's admiring Enlightenment vision of the Cunning of Reason. In nationalism at last, or so it at present seems, the Cunning of Reason has more than met its match.

1. Minoda Muneki, Kokka to daigaku (Tokyo: Genri Nihonsha, 1942), 219.

2. Nanbara Shigeru, Keiso * (Tokyo: lwanami, 1984), 56. The poem dates from 1937. Keiso is a waka journal covering the years 1936-45, and was published originally in 1946. For biographical data, see Fukuda Kan'ichi, "Nanbara Shigeru sensei no gakuteki shogai * ," in Seiji shiso ni okeru Seiyo * to Nihon: Nanbara Shigeru sensei koki kinen , ed. Fukuda (Tokyo: Tokyo Daigaku Shup- soft

pankai, 1961), 2:293-328, and Iwamoto Mitsuo, Waga nozomi: Shonen * Nanbara Shigeru (Kyoto: Yamaguchi Shoten, 1985).

3. In putting together this discussion I have consulted the following works: Frank O. Miller, Minobe Tatsukichi, Interpreter of Constitutionalism in Japan (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1965), 158-59, 202-7; Maruyama, Thought and Behaviour , esp. 25-83; R. Storry, The Double Patriots (London: Chatto & Windus, 1957).

4. Miller, Minobe , 202. See also Tsurumi Shunsuke, "Yokusan undo * no gakumonron," in Tenko * , ed. Shiso * no Kagaku Kenkyukai * , 2:81, on the anti-Todai * attitude.

5. Miller, Minobe , 202.

6. Fujisawa Toshiro * , Saikin ni okeru uyoku gakusei undo ni tsuite (Tokyo: Shihosho Keijikyoku * , 1940), 87.

7. Miller, Minobe , 203. Minoda's diatribe appears as Jinken jurin * , kokka hakai, Nihon ban'aku no kakon: Minobe hakase no daiken jurin * (Tokyo: Genri Nihonsha, 1935).

8. The term is used by Akamatsu Katsumaro in the panel discussion on "fallen liberalism." See n. 35 to Introduction above.

9. Quoted in Miller, Minobe , 15. Cf. also Ralf Dahrendorf, Society and Democracy in Germany , 143, for a more general formulation of this problem.

10. Quoted in Richard Mitchell, Thought Control in Prewar Japan (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1976), 41.

11. According to Harada Kumao, Saionji ko * to jikyoku , entry for 3 May 1935, quoted in Storry, Double Patriots , 165.

12. Minobe, Nihon kenpo * (1924), quoted in Miller, Minobe , 70.

13. Miller, Minobe , 83.

14. Minobe, Kenpo kowa * (1914), quoted in Miller, Minobe , 83.

15. Miller, Minobe , 61-113; quote, with emphasis added, from 66.

16. Miller, Minobe , 65.

17. Byron Marshall, "The Tradition of Conflict in the Governance of Japan's Imperial Universities," History of Education Quarterly 17, no. 4 (Winter 1977): 398.

18. Ibid., 399.

17. Byron Marshall, "The Tradition of Conflict in the Governance of Japan's Imperial Universities," History of Education Quarterly 17, no. 4 (Winter 1977): 398.

18. Ibid., 399.

19. "Ronoha kohan * ni okeru Sakisaka Itsuro * , Nanbara Shigeru shonin * jinmon chosho * " (1944), in Zoku gendaishi shiryo * , VII, Tokko to shiso kenji * (Tokyo: Misuzu Shobo * , 1982), 731-33.

20. Paraphrase of Miller, Minobe , 203, "academic vigilantism."

21. Maruyama, "Nanbara sensei o shi toshite," KGZ , 88, nos. 7-8 (July 1975): 19-21.

22. Marshall, "Tradition," 399. On this episode, see also Tanaka Kotaro * et al., Daigaku no jichi (Tokyo: Asahi Shinbunsha, 1963), 116-41; Yabe Teiji, Yabe Teiji nikki ( YTN ) (Tokyo: Yomiuri Shinbunsha, 1974), 1:129ff. On Araki's ideology, see Maruyama, Thought and Behaviour in Modern Japanese Politics , 1-134, passim. The "Tomizu incidents" were the campaign to influence government policy carried out by a group of Hogakubu * professors in 1903. These were the "Seven Doctors" ( Shichi hakase ), hawks led by Tomizu Hiroto (and continue

including Onozuka Kiheiji) who broke precedent with a public call for a "hard" policy against czarist Russia. The government's attempt to punish the group and enforce conformity among its civil servants led to the first concerted defense of academic autonomy at the university. See Marshall, "Tradition," 391-95; Tanaka et al., Daigaku no jichi , 10-22; and Ishida, Meiji seiji shisoshi * kenkyu * , 250-72.

23. On the "Hiraga Purge," see Marshall, "Academic Factionalism in Japan: The Case of the Todai * Economics Department," Modern Asian Studies 12, no. 4 (1978): 529-51, esp. 546-48; Tanaka et al., Daigaku no jichi , pp. 144-83; Yabe, YTN 1:176-203; Nanbara, Onozuka Kiheiji ( Nanbara Shigeru chosakushu * ( NSCS ) (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1974), 8:463 ff; Okochi Kazuo * , Kurai tanima no jiden: Tsuioku to iken (Tokyo: Chuo Koronsha * , 1979), 63-170, passim; and the new work by Atsuko Hirai, Individualism and Socialism: Kawai Eijiro's * Life and Thought (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1986), 177-99.

24. Marshall, "Academic Factionalism," 548.

25. See Yabe's comments in YTN 1:199 (2 March 1939).

26. Teikoku Daigaku shinbun , 22 May 1939, 1. Also reprinted in Nanbara, NSCS 3:71-81.

27. Minoda, Kokka to daigaku , 5, 8, 219.

28. Ibid., 227-30.

27. Minoda, Kokka to daigaku , 5, 8, 219.

28. Ibid., 227-30.

29. Maruyama, "Nanbara sensei," 22.

30. Minoda, Kokka to daigaku , 237; Joseph Bendersky, Carl Schmitt: Theorist for the Reich (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1983), 222ff; Maruyama, review of Schmitt's Staat, Bewegung, Volk (1933) in Senchu * to sengo noaida , 36-42.

31. Nanbara, Keiso * , 86.

32. YTN , 1:136 (29 August 1938), 141 (10 September 1938), 144 (19 September 1938), 342 (23 August 1940).

33. Maruyama, "Nanbara sensei," 23-27. On "national narcissism," see Robert Bellah, "Japan's Cultural Identity: Some Reflections on the Work of WatsujiTetsuro * ," Journal of Asian Studies 24, no. 3 (August 1965), 573, and Maruyama, Thought and Behaviour , xiii, referring to Karl Löwith on Japanese "self-love." Löwith's article appeared in Shiso * , nos. 220-22 (September-November 1940).

34. Maruyama, "Nanbara sensei," 24.

35. Maruyama, Studies , xxii; on Tsuda, see lenaga Saburo * , Tsuda Sokichi * no shisoshiteki * kenkyu * (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1972).

36. Trial records available in Gendaishi shiryo * , vol. 42; Shiso tosei * , ed. Kakegawa Tomiko (Tokyo: Misuzu Shobo * , 1977), 353-1089.

37. Maruyama, "Nanbara sensei," 25-27; Minoda, 239-42.

38. YTN , 1:134 (20 August 1938).

39. Maruyama, "Nanbara sensei," 18.

40. Biographical data from Iwamoto, Waga nozomi: shonen * Nanbara Shigeru , Fukuda, "Nanbara Shigeru sensei no gakuteki shogai * ," and Nanbara, "Shukyo * wa fuhitsuyo * ka?" (1960), NSCS 9:246-68.

41. Nanbara, "Shukyo," 247-48. break

42. Nanbara, "Shukyo * ," 249; Maruyama, commentary to NSCS 5:505.

43. Fukuda, "Nanbara Shigeru sensei," 297.

44. Nanbara, "Waga nozomi," MS.

45. See Maruyama, "Meiji kokka no shiso * " (1946) and "Kuga Katsunan: hito to shiso" (1947), in Senchu * to sengo no aida , esp. 214, 238-39, 243, 281-95.

46. Oka Yoshitake, "Generational Conflict after the Russo-Japanese War," in Conflict in Modern Japanese History , ed. Tetsuo Najita and Victor Koschmann (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1982), 197-225; Fukuda, 296; H. D. Harootunian, "The Sense of an Ending and the Problem of Taisho * ," in Japan in Crisis , ed. Harootunian and Bernard Silberman (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1974), 3-28.

47. Nanbara, "Minami ryo * hachiban no omoide" (1971), NSCS 10:395-405. For background, see Donald Roden, Schooldays in Imperial Japan (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1982).

48. Text in Tokutomi Roka shu * , ed. Kanzaki Kiyoshi (Tokyo: Chikuma Shobo * , 1966), 369-74.

49. Nanbara, "Shukyo," 251-52.

50. Nanbara, "Shukyo," 250-51; Roden, Schooldays , 200-210.

51. Fukuda, "Nanbara Shigeru sensei," 297; Yamazaki Masakazu describes Ebina's attempt to set up an identity between the persons of the Trinity and the creator deities of Shinto. See Yamazaki, Kindai Nihon shiso tsushi * (Tokyo: Aoki Shoten, 1971), 110-17, esp. 112-13, re Ebina's "Nihonteki kirisutokyo * ." See also the new study by Yoshinare Akiko, Ebina Danjo * no seiji shiso * (Tokyo: Tokyo Daigaku Shuppankai, 1983). This reference courtesy of Matsumoto Sannosuke.

52. See Suzuki Toshiro * , "'Kashiwagi' to 'Hakuukai' no kotodomo," in Kaiso * no Nanbara Shigeru (Tokyo: Iwanami, 1974), 71-82. The minutes of the Hakuukai meeting on 29 March 1915 note: "Although Brother Nanbara's sermon lasted only twenty minutes, all present were greatly edified by it" (80). On the Sairin undo * , in Japanese, see Yamamoto Taijiro * , Uchimura Kanzo * : Shinko * , shogai * , yujo * (Tokyo: Tokai * Daigaku Shuppankai, 1966), 210-19; in English, Culture and Religion in Japanese-American Relations: Essays on Uchimura Kanzo * , 1861-1930 , ed. R. Moore, Michigan Papers in Japanese Studies, no. 5 (Ann Arbor: Center for Japanese Studies, 1982); a good philosophical discussion of Uchimura is Mori Arimasa, Uchimura Kanzo (1946) (Tokyo: Kodansha * , 1976), esp. 48-61.

53. Suzuki, "'Kashiwagi' to 'Hakuukai' no kotodomo," 81.

54. A problem for future research would be to explore how conscience spoke, and when, to others among Uchimura's disciples. The colonial economist Yanaihara Tadao, Nanbara's friend and Todai * colleague, took a public stand against the government's war policy in China, which resulted in his expulsion from the university in 1938. He differed from Nanbara on a number of fundamental issues, notably in his pacifism and evangelism. A contrast to both Yanaihara and Nanbara is Yoshimitsu Yoshihiko (1904-45), a philosopher who eventually left the Mukyokai * for the Catholic church and an extraordinarily ecumenical intellectual life. This three-way contrast illustrates the inherent continue

"centrifugal" dynamic in Mukyokai * ideology in the context of state pressure applied within an imperial university. (See also Introduction, n. 50.)

55. See Albert O. Hirschman, Exit, Voice and Loyalty (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1969).

56. Nanbara, Kokka to shukyo * [ KTS ] (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1942), 380-81: "Uchimura stood as a Japanese before God" (emphasis added). In this respect, Nanbara considered Uchimura the superior figure. But he recognized as common to both thinkers the intuition of the "infinite qualitative distinction" that is the sign of true wisdom and the key to faith. For Uchimura's concept of bushido * , see Ouchi * Saburo * , "Kirisutokyo * to bushido * ," in Nihon shisoshi * koza , ed. Furukawa Tesshi and Ishida Ichiro * , vol. 8 ( Kindai no shiso * , vol. 3) (Tokyo: Yusankaku * , 1977), 99-128, esp. 101-6. Note in this connection Nanbara's effort in Kokka to shukyo to distinguish Uchimura from Karl Barth, whom he regarded as having positively rejected human culture. This is a judgment possible on the basis of Barth's major work on Paul's letters to the Romans (1912), but becomes questionable when his contemporary political activity (socialist) and later writings are taken into account. See Herbert Hartwell, An Introduction to the Theology of Karl Barth (London: Duckworth, 1964), 11-12, and Ulrich Simon, Theology of Crisis (London: S.P.C.K., 1948), 183-91. At the same time, Nanbara vigorously defended Barth's work against association with the "roots of Nazism" ( KTS , 262-71, 364-65).

57. Nanbara, Gakumon , kyoyo * , shinko * ( GKS ) (Tokyo: Kondo Shoten * , 1946), 125, 127.

58. Nanbara, GKS , 135-36; Uchimura's original essay (1914) is reprinted in Uchimura Kanzo * zenshu (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1984), 20:239-40.

59. Quoted by Nanbara in "Uchimura Kanzo * sensei seitan hyakunen niomou," in NSCS 9:349-50.

60. See his famous "Justification of the Corean War" (1894) in The Complete Works of Kanzo Uchimura (Tokyo: Kyobunkwan, 1972), 5:66-75.

61. Nanbara, GKS , 158.

62. Nanbara, GKS , 149.

63. Nanbara, Fichte no seiji tetsugaku (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1970), 114-15; KTS , 79. The quote comes from notes taken by Maruyama Masao, April 1936. See his commentary to NSCS, 4:583-85. This reference to conflict as a premise of politics is extremely rare in Nanbara's writings, both of the preand postwar periods.

64. Sheldon Wolin, Politics and Vision (Boston: Little, Brown, 1960) was very helpful to me in reading Nanbara historically. Nanbara's Kokka to shukyo was reviewed with respectful criticism by Tanaka Kotaro * , Nanbara's colleague and a "renegade" convert from the Mukyokai to Catholicism. See KGZ 57, no. 5 (May 1942): 102-13, and Nanbara's long response in KTS , 311-86.

65. Nanbara, "Kojinshugi to chokojinshugi * " (1929), NSCS 3:59.

66. Hata Ikuhiko, Kanryo * no kenkyu * (Tokyo: Kodansha * , 1984), 172-91, esp. 186.

67. Ishida Takeshi et al., "Zadankai," in Naimusho shi * , ed. Taikakai (Tokyo: Chiho Zaimu Kyokai * , 1971), 4:231-86, esp. 271.

68. For background on this question, see Miller, Minobe , Pittau, Political continue

Thought ; Maruyama, "Politics as a Science in Japan" ( Thought and Behaviour , 225-44); Pyle, "Advantages of Followership"; Hata, Kanryo * ; and finally the classic work of Royama Masamichi * , Nihon ni okeru kindai seijigaku no hattatsu (1949) (Tokyo: Shinsensha, 1971).

69. Ishida, "Zadankai," 248-70, esp. 262ff.

70. Ibid., 273-74; Pyle, "Advantàges of Followership," 153.

69. Ishida, "Zadankai," 248-70, esp. 262ff.

70. Ibid., 273-74; Pyle, "Advantàges of Followership," 153.

71. Ishida, "Nanbara Sensei to Naimusho jidai * ," in Kaiso * no Nanbara Shigeru , 336, 339-40. See also Pyle, "Advantages of Followership," for the hopes placed by adherents of social policy thought in the capacity of the still healthy "village community" to hold back the rootlessness and discontent that led to radicalization (154ff, 161).

72. "Left-wing" in the sense that they called in effect for a dialogue with socialism. While still rejecting its premises, they were not opposed to incorporating socialist insights into their reform programs. See Ishida, Nihon no shakai kagaku , 51-71; Pyle, "Advantages of Followership," 152-53, esp. re the Kyochokai * ; and Itoh, Value and Crisis , 12-15, 167.

73. I owe this phrase to Sheldon Garon, Princeton University, with thanks for some stimulating talk about Nanbara, whose early work he knows well. See also Fukuda, "Nanbara Sensei," 297-98, and Ishida, "Nanbara Sensei to Naimusho Jidai." Nanbara's draft appears in Rodo gyosei shi * (Tokyo: Rodo Horei Kyokai * , 1961), 1:135-40.

74. See Thomas C. Smith, "The Right to Benevolence: Dignity and Japanese Workers, 1890-1920," Comparative Studies in Society and History 26, no. 4 (October 1984): 587-613.

75. On Yoshino, see Tetsuo Najita, "Some Reflections on Idealism in the Thought of Yoshino Sakuzo * ," in Japan in Crisis , ed. Harootunian and Silberman, 29-66; main texts by Yoshino collected in Yoshino Sakuzo * hyoronshu * , ed. Oka Yoshitake (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1975); on personalism, cf. Yoshino, "Kirisutokyo * to demokurashii" (1919), in Gendai Nihon shiso * taikei , VI, Kirisutokyo * , ed. Takeda Kiyoko (Tokyo: Chikuma Shobo * , 1965), 236-41.

76. I draw here upon language used by Maruyama, "Politics and Man in the Contemporary World," in Thought and Behaviour , esp. 333-48.

77. Nanbara discusses the progress and fate of the draft in "Naimusho * rodo * kumiai hoan * no koto nado," in Rodo gyosei shi , 1: appendix, 27-30.

78. Hata, Kanryo , 187.

79. Uchimura Kanzo * in 1898 lamented this influence in these words: "One of the many foolish and deplorable mistakes which the Satsuma-Choshu Government have committed is their having selected Germany as the example to be followed in their administrative policy. Because its military organization is wellnigh perfect, and its imperialism a gift of its army, therefore they thought that it ought to be taken as the pattern of our own Empire. . . . Germany is certainly a great nation, but it is not the greatest, neither is it the most advanced. It is often said that Art, Science, and Philosophy have their homes in Germany, that Thought has its primal spring there. But it is not in Germany that Thought is realized to its fullest extent. Thought may originate in Germany, but it is actualized somewhere else. The Lutheran Reformation bore its greatest fruit in England and America." Quoted in Bellah, Beyond Belief , 58. break

80. Yamazaki Masakazu, Kindai Nihon shiso tsushi * , 202-3.

81. Maruyama, Thought and Behaviour , 20.

82. Ibid., 227-32; Ishida, Nihon no shakai kagaku , 15-34. See also Louis Wirth's preface to Mannheim, Ideology and Utopia (New York: International Library, 1936), xiii-xv.

81. Maruyama, Thought and Behaviour , 20.

82. Ibid., 227-32; Ishida, Nihon no shakai kagaku , 15-34. See also Louis Wirth's preface to Mannheim, Ideology and Utopia (New York: International Library, 1936), xiii-xv.

83. Pyle, "Advantages of Followership," 148-60.

84. Nanbara, GKS , 107-8, 115. See also Ishida, Nihon no shakai kagaku , 42-43. Maruyama Masao also remarks on this self-censorship, not only in Onozuka, but in Odaka Tomoo, whose Kokka kozo ron * (1936) attempted to place kokkagaku at the shared core of sociology, political science, and law; and who yet declared in his preface that his inquiries had "no direct relation to any effort to display the special State structure of the Japanese Empire in its practical significance" (Maruyama, Thought and Behaviour , 231n.).

85. Tetsuo Najita, Japan: The Intellectual Foundations of Modern Japanese Politics (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1974), 87, 114-27; Harootunian, "Sense of an Ending."

86. Najita, Japan , 109. See also Miller, Minobe , 8-14, and Ishida, Nihon no shakai kagaku , 88ff.

87. Najita, Japan , 110-12.

88. Gordon Berger, Parties out of Power in Japan , 1931-1941 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1977), tries in excessively "positivist" fashion to disengage the vicissitudes of party influence from the failure or otherwise of the "democratic movement": "Prewar party power at its height was not contingent upon the democratic movement; nor was the decline of party power necessarily occasioned by the weaknesses of Japanese liberalism. The continuing interest in organizing parties during the war likewise had little to do with liberalism or democratic thought. The large majority of politicians who associated themselves with party organizations did so not out of ideological commitment but rather as a means of pursuing power and implementing policy objectives. It is clear, then, that the history of the political parties in imperial Japan must be examined apart from the study of democracy's failures, and in the dual context of how policies were made and how men competed for political power" (viii-ix).

89. Mandarin is Fritz Ringer's term. See his Decline of the German Mandarins (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1969), 5-6.

90. For a good introduction to Stammler's thinking, see his The Theory of Justice (New York: Macmillan, 1925) and the critical essay by François Geny, "The Critical System of Stammler," which appears as an appendix to the volume (493-552). Also of interest is the second appendix, "Stammler and his Critics" by John C. H. Wu (553-86), in which Wu locates Stammler in relation to contemporary trends in German epistemology, social philosophy, legal history, and jurisprudence.

91. For a topical discussion of Stammler criticism, see Geny, "Critical System of Stammler," 542-52; "infinitely rich" is Geny's phrase (494); contemporary critics of Stammler ranged from Max Weber and Karl Barth to Benedetto Croce, Oliver Wendell Holmes, and Georg Lukács; for Nanbara's differences with Stammler (on the interpretation of the Critique of Practical Reason ), see Fukuda, commentary to NSCS, 1:392. break

92. Stammler, "Wirtschaft und Recht" (1906), quoted in Geny, "Critical System of Stammler," 514.

93. Stammler, "Wirtschaft und Recht," quoted and discussed by Geny, "Critical System of Stammler," 515-16.

94. Ogata Norio, commentary to NSCS 3:382-87.

95. See P. Gay, Weimar Culture , 147-55; Bendersky, Carl Schmitt , 21-22.

96. Richard Rees, Simone Weil: A Sketch for a Portrait (London: Oxford University Press, 1966), 4-5 ("Entre deux guerres").

97. Nanbara, KTS , 200; on Konoe see Oka, Konoe Fumimaro , 10-18.

98. Fukuda, interview, 19 May 1984. Quote from KTS , 165. See also Mitani Taichiro * , Taisho * demokurashii ron (Tokyo: Chuo Koronsha * , 1974), 122-54, on the Japanese image of America after World War I, and Uchimura's disillusionment (127, 146); and Hirakawa Sukehiro, "Uchimura Kanzo * and America: Some Reflections on the Psychological Structure of Anti-Americanism," in Moore, Culture and Religion , 35-53.

99. Ogata Norio, commentary to NSCS 3:383-84; see also Kobayashi Naoki and Miyazawa Toshiyoshi, "Meiji kenpo * kara shin kenpo * e," in Showa * shisoshi * e no shogen * (Tokyo: Mainichi Shinbunsha, 1968), 150ff., for the influence of Kelsen's relativistic "pure theory" as a (less than effective) defense of liberalism.

100. Ringer, Decline , passim.

101. See Thomas Willey, Back to Kant: The Revival of Kantianism in German Social and Historical Thought , 1860-1914 (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1978), passim, and David Lipton, Ernst Cassirer: The Dilemma of a Liberal Intellectual in Germany , 1914-1933 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1978), passim.

102. Willey, Back to Kant , 142.

103. See Jürgen Habermas, "Life-forms, Morality and the Task of the Philosopher," transcript of interview in Autonomy and Solidarity , ed. P. Dews (London: Verso, 1986), 195-97.

104. Lipton, Cassirer , 108.

105. Willey, Back to Kant , 23.

106. Ibid., 181.

105. Willey, Back to Kant , 23.

106. Ibid., 181.

107. Dahrendorf, Society and Democracy in Germany , 6.

108. Willey, Back to Kant , 135, 142.

109. Nanbara's essay on liberalism, "Jiyushugi * no hihanteki kosatsu * " (1928), first appeared in KGZ 42, no. 10, and is reprinted in NSCS 3:14-7. See also Steven Lukes, Individualism (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1973), 16-22. The essay on Kant's idea of international order first appeared in Onozuka Kiheiji zaishoku niju-gonen * kinen ronbunshu * (1928), and later under the title "Kantniokerusekai chitsujo no rinen" as chap. 3 of Kokka to shukyo * (1942).

110. KTS , 142.

111. In addition to the work of Willey, I have also relied heavily on Leonard Krieger, The German Idea of Freedom (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1957) and Herbert Schnädelbach, Philosophy in Germany , 1831-1933 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984).

112. KTS , 147, 162-64, 191-206, 209-12, 366. See also Michel Despland, continue

Kant on History and Religion (Montreal: Montreal and Queens University Press, 1973), for a discussion of this issue.

113. KTS , 148-49.

114. KTS , 171-72.

115. KTS , 165. See also W. B. Gallie, Philosophers of Peace and War: Kant, Clausewitz, Marx, Engels and Tolstoy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1978), 16-17; Fukuda, "Nanbara Shigeru sensei," 302.

116. KTS , 167.

117. Gallie, Philosophers , 13.

118. Kant's Political Writings , ed. H. Reiss (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1970), 183; KTS , 154. "War is the scourge of mankind."

119. KTS , 170 n. 2.

120. On the grounds that any state has the right to defend itself, Nanbara opposed the inclusion of Article 9 in the 1946 Constitution, opposition in which he was joined by the communist (then returned hero) NozakaSanzo * . Fukuda interview, July 1984.

121. Gallie, Philosophers , 21; KTS , 178-80, 325-27.

122. KTS , 207.

123. Nanbara, Fichte no seiji tetsugaku , 92, 123.

124. Originally published in KGZ 54, no. 9 (September 1931). Appears as pt. 1, chap. 4 of Fichte no seiji tetsugaku , 101-22.

125. KTS , 285-86.

126. Nanbara, Fichte , 100; See also I. M. Bochénski, Contemporary European Philosophy (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1969), 88-99; Schnädelbach, Philosophy , 161-91; Willey, Back to Kant , 147. The whole point about values, Nanbara would say, is that they do not exist in the sense of being susceptible to corruption. They are not contingent. As Rickert put it, "In regard to values considered in themselves, one cannot ask whether they are real , but only whether they are valid " (quoted in Willey, Back to Kant , 147). See also Nanbara's late work Seiji tetsugaku josetsu (1973), NSCS 5:117, 134, and Fukuda commentary, 5:444-45.

127. See esp. NSCS 3:162-224.

128. Nanbara, Fichte , iii.

129. Ibid., 108.

130. Ibid., 105-6. One of the few references to power in Nanbara's writings. See also his "Gendai seiji riso * to Nihon seishin" (June 1938), the text of a public lecture, NSCS , vol. 3, esp. 82-84, where Nanbara describes politics as reflecting the inherent dualism in human nature, in which power (the tradition of the ba dao , Xunzi, Machiavelli, and Hobbes) is "tamed" by ideal (the tradition of the wang dao , Mencius, Plato, Aristotle, and Locke) through the realization of the ideal state.

128. Nanbara, Fichte , iii.

129. Ibid., 108.

130. Ibid., 105-6. One of the few references to power in Nanbara's writings. See also his "Gendai seiji riso * to Nihon seishin" (June 1938), the text of a public lecture, NSCS , vol. 3, esp. 82-84, where Nanbara describes politics as reflecting the inherent dualism in human nature, in which power (the tradition of the ba dao , Xunzi, Machiavelli, and Hobbes) is "tamed" by ideal (the tradition of the wang dao , Mencius, Plato, Aristotle, and Locke) through the realization of the ideal state.

128. Nanbara, Fichte , iii.

129. Ibid., 108.

130. Ibid., 105-6. One of the few references to power in Nanbara's writings. See also his "Gendai seiji riso * to Nihon seishin" (June 1938), the text of a public lecture, NSCS , vol. 3, esp. 82-84, where Nanbara describes politics as reflecting the inherent dualism in human nature, in which power (the tradition of the ba dao , Xunzi, Machiavelli, and Hobbes) is "tamed" by ideal (the tradition of the wang dao , Mencius, Plato, Aristotle, and Locke) through the realization of the ideal state.

131. Nanbara, Fichte , 110 n.

132. Ibid., 116.

133. Ibid., 115.

131. Nanbara, Fichte , 110 n.

132. Ibid., 116.

133. Ibid., 115.

131. Nanbara, Fichte , 110 n.

132. Ibid., 116.

133. Ibid., 115.

134. The first part of Fichte no seiji tetsugaku consists of a lengthy, intricate, and, I am told, superb exploration of the Wissenschaftslehre in all its aspects. It was originally written in 1930 and published in KGZ 44, nos. 11-12, and 45, continue

nos. 5 and 9. For an evaluation, see Murakami Takao, "Fichte kenkyusha * toshite1 no Nanbara Shigeru," in Tetsugaku to Nihon shakai , ed. Ienaga Saburo * and Komaki Osamu (Tokyo: Kobundo * , 1978), 123-47. The discussion here concerns the essays on Fichte's nationalism and socialism. They appear as pt. 2, chaps. 2-4 of Fichte , and were published originally as follows:

a. "Fichte ni okeru shakaishugi no riron" ( KGZ 53-54, no 12 [1939-40]).

b. "Fichte ni okeru minzokushugi no riron" ( Kakehi Katsuhiko sensei kanreki shukuga ronbunshu * , 1934).

c. "Kokka to keizai—Fichte o kiten toshite" (Tokyo * Teikoku Daigaku1, Gakujutsu tai-kan , 1942).

135. Nanbara, Seiji riron shi (Tokyo: Tokyo * Daigaku Shuppankai, 1968), 292.

136. Nanbara, Fichte , 101.

137. Nanbara, Seiji riron shi , 281-82; Leszek Kolakowski, Main Currents of Marxism (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1978), 1:50-56, esp. 52.

138. G. A. Kelly, introduction to Fichte, Addresses to the German Nation (1807-8) (New York: Harper & Row, 1968), xxix.

139. Nanbara, Fichte , 271, 290-94.

140. It is interesting that, just where Nanbara begins to find the greatest relevance in Fichte's life and work, his student Maruyama turns away. Maruyama, in a sensitive, but critical, review of the postwar work, writes of his disappointment at Fichte's abandonment of the cosmopolitan ideal of the Enlightenment. Aside from his difficulties with Nanbara's idealism, Maruyama obviously remained uncomfortable with his mentor's ardent nationalism. The fact that he felt uncomfortable with it, it remains to add, did not prevent him from absorbing it unconsciously and making it the critical standpoint of his entire intellectual life. See Maruyama, "Nanbara Shigeru cho, Fichte no seiji tetsugaku o yonde," Tosho , no. 117 (June 1959): 21-23; and his commentary to NSCS 4:583-85; Ikeda Hajime, Nihon shimin shiso * to kokkaron (Tokyo: Ronsosha * , 1983), 110-11, discusses the nationalism Maruyama shares with Nanbara.

141. A reference to the "third stage" in Fichte's world-historical conception, which he set forth in his Characteristics of the Present Age . See Nanbara, Fichte , 280-88. Kelly, introduction to Fichte, Addresses , xx-xxi.

142. Nanbara, Fichte , 305 ff; Kelly, introduction to Fichte, Addresses , xxxii, notes that while Fichte did not envision a national imperialism, nothing prevented him from embracing the "spiritual imperialism . . . of a professor determined to act on the world and seeking to tie his vision of truth to the raw materials of life in a volcanic age."

143. Kelly, introduction to Fichte, Addresses , xxvii.

144. Windelband, Fichtes Idee des deutschen Staates (1921), quoted in G. A. Kelly, Idealism, Politics and History: Sources of Hegelian Thought (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1969), 252.

145. Nanbara, Fichte , 322, 334-35.

146. Frederick Copleston, A History of Philosophy , vol. 7, Fichte to Nietzsche (London: Search Press, 1971), 73.

147. Nanbara, Fichte , 174. break

148. Ibid., 230, 334-35.

149. Ibid., 195.

150. Ibid., 335.

151. Ibid., 243-45.

152. Ibid., 237-38.

153. Ibid., 111, 245-46.

147. Nanbara, Fichte , 174. break

148. Ibid., 230, 334-35.

149. Ibid., 195.

150. Ibid., 335.

151. Ibid., 243-45.

152. Ibid., 237-38.

153. Ibid., 111, 245-46.

147. Nanbara, Fichte , 174. break

148. Ibid., 230, 334-35.

149. Ibid., 195.

150. Ibid., 335.

151. Ibid., 243-45.

152. Ibid., 237-38.

153. Ibid., 111, 245-46.

147. Nanbara, Fichte , 174. break

148. Ibid., 230, 334-35.

149. Ibid., 195.

150. Ibid., 335.

151. Ibid., 243-45.

152. Ibid., 237-38.

153. Ibid., 111, 245-46.

147. Nanbara, Fichte , 174. break

148. Ibid., 230, 334-35.

149. Ibid., 195.

150. Ibid., 335.

151. Ibid., 243-45.

152. Ibid., 237-38.

153. Ibid., 111, 245-46.

147. Nanbara, Fichte , 174. break

148. Ibid., 230, 334-35.

149. Ibid., 195.

150. Ibid., 335.

151. Ibid., 243-45.

152. Ibid., 237-38.

153. Ibid., 111, 245-46.

147. Nanbara, Fichte , 174. break

148. Ibid., 230, 334-35.

149. Ibid., 195.

150. Ibid., 335.

151. Ibid., 243-45.

152. Ibid., 237-38.

153. Ibid., 111, 245-46.

154. These were written in 1941, and appeared in KGZ 55 no. 12, under the title "Nachisu sekaikan to shukyo * no mondai," and again as chap. 4 of KTS . Nanbara read the paper at a regular meeting of the Seijigaku Kenkyukai * , which Onozuka Kiheiji had founded in 1928. Commenting on Nanbara's work, Onozuka remarked in his booming voice that it seemed to him a waste of time to write about the Nazi worldview since "there was no such thing." Fearing that this impolitic view would be heard outside the room, junior members of the group rushed to close the doors (Maruyama, interview, 16 June 1984). Prior to the signing of the Tripartite Pact (May 1940) and launching of the New Order, there were Japanese who disparaged Nazism as a base approximation of the sublime Nihon seishin . (Minoda Muneki was one of these. An attack on Nazism, therefore, did not make one a liberal.) After this time it was "extremely dangerous" to take a view such as Onozuka's (Fukuda interview, 21 July 1984). Nanbara's paper, it will be recalled, was delivered while Axis power was at its height.

155. See inter alia Nanbara, Fichte , 176ff, 236ff, 324ff; KTS , 219ff; "Gendai no seiji riso * to Nihon seishin," NSCS 3:101.

156. Nanbara, Fichte , 136.

157. KTS , 236-37, 288.

158. KTS , 243-44; Nanbara, Fichte , 265-66. On the "all-politicism" of totalitarian systems and Japan's "tendencies" in that direction, see "Gendai no seiji riso to Nihon seishin," NSCS 3:99-108, 109, 114; KTS , 283.

159. Nanbara, Fichte , 338.

160. Kelly, introduction to Fichte, Addresses , xii, quotes the liberal legal philosopher Erhard: "God forbid that Fichte should be persecuted, or else there might very well emerge a Fichtianity a hundred times worse than Christianity."

161. Nanbara, Fichte , 280-81.

162. Maruyama, review of Nanbara, Fichte (see n. 140 above).

163. Nanbara, KTS , 115.

164. Nanbara, KTS , 23-24, 42-43. See also NSCS 3:61-70, 119-22.

165. Nanbara, KTS , 271.

166. Nor did the end of the war in 1945 end the crisis. Japan had reached the point where reconstruction could begin, but remained susceptible to all those currents that had brought the catastrophe of 1931-45. See Nanbara's preface to the third edition of KTS (September 1945): "Is the 'crisis' of European culture—of all humankind—now past? No. As long as we recognize one of its aspects in a deeply rooted positivism and Marxism, we must face the fact that it is not" (5). And in the preface to Jiyu * to kokka no rinen (1959) ( NSCS 3:6), Nanbara asserts that the "spirit and ideas" of fascism remain despite the defeat in 1945. The possible reemergence of fascism in Japan was a common topic in the years leading to the revision of the U.S.—Japan Security Treaty in continue

1960. The Japanese left considered that the government had undermined the Diet (and thus the 1946 Constitution) in its efforts to ensure ratification. For an argument against the thesis of renascent fascism, see Hayashi Kentaro * , "Waimaru Kyowakoku * to gendai Nihon," in id., Rekishi to taiken (Tokyo: Bungei Shunju * , 1972), 122-35; the article appeared originally in Jiyu * (January 1961).

167. Nanbara, KTS , 25.

168. Ibid., 25-26.

169. Ibid., 27.

170. Ibid., 29-30. See also Ernst Cassirer, The Myth of the State (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1946), 61-77, for a similar treatment of Plato. Cassirer died in April 1945.

167. Nanbara, KTS , 25.

168. Ibid., 25-26.

169. Ibid., 27.

170. Ibid., 29-30. See also Ernst Cassirer, The Myth of the State (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1946), 61-77, for a similar treatment of Plato. Cassirer died in April 1945.

167. Nanbara, KTS , 25.

168. Ibid., 25-26.

169. Ibid., 27.

170. Ibid., 29-30. See also Ernst Cassirer, The Myth of the State (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1946), 61-77, for a similar treatment of Plato. Cassirer died in April 1945.

167. Nanbara, KTS , 25.

168. Ibid., 25-26.

169. Ibid., 27.

170. Ibid., 29-30. See also Ernst Cassirer, The Myth of the State (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1946), 61-77, for a similar treatment of Plato. Cassirer died in April 1945.

171. Nanbara, KTS , 105-6. According to Maruyama Masao, Nanbara had originally intended to use the phrase saisei itchi , but decided that the reference to the current regime was too obvious, and settled for the more Westernsounding shinsei seiji (Maruyama, interview, 16 June 1984).

172. Nanbara, KTS , 37.

173. See, inter alia, "Theory and Psychology of Ultranationalism" (Maruyama, Thought and Behaviour , 1-24, passim). Maruyama calls himself Nanbara's "unworthy" disciple in his review of Fichte . See n. 140 above.

174. Nanbara, NSCS 3:81.

175. Nanbara, "Gendai no seiji riso * to Nihon seishin" (1938) in NSCS 3:115.

176. Nanbara, NSCS 3:111-13.

177. Rees, Simone Weil , 58.

178. Nanbara, Fichte , 279. That is, it was not something to be "overcome," no mere "way station," but the very condition under which "universality" on the temporal plane, and salvation on the eternal, were to be sought.

179. Nanbara, NSCS 3:115-16. On "communitarian democracy" compare, however, the following passage from the diary of Nanbara's colleague, Yabe Teiji ( YTN , 1:124-25 [26 July 1938]):

Beginning at four, meeting of Seijigaku Kenkyukai *  . . . I gave a presentation, 'On the Principles of Communitarian Democracy' (Kyodotaiteki * shuminsei * no genri ni tsuite). Bit off a bit more than I could chew, and had to rush through it. After dinner there was discussion. Dr. Onozuka kindly encouraged me to put it out in book form, then left. Dr. Nanbara called attention to the point that communitarian democracy would become in effect a principle of dictatorship, and made the criticism that while the community and purposive society [ mokuteki shakai ] were logical forms [ideal types?], my intermediate form [ chukangata * ] represented a compromise rather than any logic of its own. Not a very telling criticism, I think. Dr. Kawai remarked on its differences from the English way of thinking. Quite beside the point, if you ask me. Dr. Royama * offered the criticism that it is impossible to theorize a 'crisis' phenomenon such as the present, and that it is futile to link consideration of stereotypes to actual trends. Dr. Tozawa was alarmed at what he thought was its closeness to dictatorship. . . . None of these criticisms seems damaging in any basic way.

180. That the civil and military bureaucracy, along with "evil officials around the throne" ( kunsoku no kan ) had privatized power was, of course, the accusation made by the Young Officers at the time of the 26 February incident in 1936. Nanbara, in fact, had stunned an audience of students when he referred to the continue

incident in his inaugural lecture on the history of political thought in 1936: "The Young Officers who rose because they deplored the 'privatization' [ shiheika ] of the imperial forces themselves took action that privatized the imperial forces. Wherein does such a contradiction arise? In the end it speaks for the fact that no thoroughgoing consideration was made of the intellectual significance of their action." It should be recalled that Nanbara's statement came at a time when Tokyo was still partly under martial law. The statement comes from notes made by Maruyama Masao. See his commentary to NSCS ( Seiji riron shi ), 4:582-83.

181. Miller, Minobe , 44.

182. Nanbara, NSCS 3:113-14.

183. Nanbara, KTS , 295-301.

184. Toyama Shigeki * et al., Showa shi * (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1980),227ff.

185. Nanbara, Keiso * , 195, 205.

186. Ibid., 8.

187. Ibid., 34, 43, 47, 77, 104.

188. Ibid., 113.

189. Ibid., 122, 123, 138.

190. Ibid., 138, 139.

191. Ibid., 139, 140.

192. Ibid., 138. Nanbara very seldom gave in to this sort of feeling.

193. Ibid., 220.

194. Ibid., 157.

195. Ibid., 156.

196. Ibid., 56, 57, 65, 81, 83, 100, 156, 168, 205, 212, 219. "Yanaihara" refers to the colonial economist Yanaihara Tadao. See n. 54 above.

185. Nanbara, Keiso * , 195, 205.

186. Ibid., 8.

187. Ibid., 34, 43, 47, 77, 104.

188. Ibid., 113.

189. Ibid., 122, 123, 138.

190. Ibid., 138, 139.

191. Ibid., 139, 140.

192. Ibid., 138. Nanbara very seldom gave in to this sort of feeling.

193. Ibid., 220.

194. Ibid., 157.

195. Ibid., 156.

196. Ibid., 56, 57, 65, 81, 83, 100, 156, 168, 205, 212, 219. "Yanaihara" refers to the colonial economist Yanaihara Tadao. See n. 54 above.

185. Nanbara, Keiso * , 195, 205.

186. Ibid., 8.

187. Ibid., 34, 43, 47, 77, 104.

188. Ibid., 113.

189. Ibid., 122, 123, 138.

190. Ibid., 138, 139.

191. Ibid., 139, 140.

192. Ibid., 138. Nanbara very seldom gave in to this sort of feeling.

193. Ibid., 220.

194. Ibid., 157.

195. Ibid., 156.

196. Ibid., 56, 57, 65, 81, 83, 100, 156, 168, 205, 212, 219. "Yanaihara" refers to the colonial economist Yanaihara Tadao. See n. 54 above.

185. Nanbara, Keiso * , 195, 205.

186. Ibid., 8.

187. Ibid., 34, 43, 47, 77, 104.

188. Ibid., 113.

189. Ibid., 122, 123, 138.

190. Ibid., 138, 139.

191. Ibid., 139, 140.

192. Ibid., 138. Nanbara very seldom gave in to this sort of feeling.

193. Ibid., 220.

194. Ibid., 157.

195. Ibid., 156.

196. Ibid., 56, 57, 65, 81, 83, 100, 156, 168, 205, 212, 219. "Yanaihara" refers to the colonial economist Yanaihara Tadao. See n. 54 above.

185. Nanbara, Keiso * , 195, 205.

186. Ibid., 8.

187. Ibid., 34, 43, 47, 77, 104.

188. Ibid., 113.

189. Ibid., 122, 123, 138.

190. Ibid., 138, 139.

191. Ibid., 139, 140.

192. Ibid., 138. Nanbara very seldom gave in to this sort of feeling.

193. Ibid., 220.

194. Ibid., 157.

195. Ibid., 156.

196. Ibid., 56, 57, 65, 81, 83, 100, 156, 168, 205, 212, 219. "Yanaihara" refers to the colonial economist Yanaihara Tadao. See n. 54 above.

185. Nanbara, Keiso * , 195, 205.

186. Ibid., 8.

187. Ibid., 34, 43, 47, 77, 104.

188. Ibid., 113.

189. Ibid., 122, 123, 138.

190. Ibid., 138, 139.

191. Ibid., 139, 140.

192. Ibid., 138. Nanbara very seldom gave in to this sort of feeling.

193. Ibid., 220.

194. Ibid., 157.

195. Ibid., 156.

196. Ibid., 56, 57, 65, 81, 83, 100, 156, 168, 205, 212, 219. "Yanaihara" refers to the colonial economist Yanaihara Tadao. See n. 54 above.

185. Nanbara, Keiso * , 195, 205.

186. Ibid., 8.

187. Ibid., 34, 43, 47, 77, 104.

188. Ibid., 113.

189. Ibid., 122, 123, 138.

190. Ibid., 138, 139.

191. Ibid., 139, 140.

192. Ibid., 138. Nanbara very seldom gave in to this sort of feeling.

193. Ibid., 220.

194. Ibid., 157.

195. Ibid., 156.

196. Ibid., 56, 57, 65, 81, 83, 100, 156, 168, 205, 212, 219. "Yanaihara" refers to the colonial economist Yanaihara Tadao. See n. 54 above.

185. Nanbara, Keiso * , 195, 205.

186. Ibid., 8.

187. Ibid., 34, 43, 47, 77, 104.

188. Ibid., 113.

189. Ibid., 122, 123, 138.

190. Ibid., 138, 139.

191. Ibid., 139, 140.

192. Ibid., 138. Nanbara very seldom gave in to this sort of feeling.

193. Ibid., 220.

194. Ibid., 157.

195. Ibid., 156.

196. Ibid., 56, 57, 65, 81, 83, 100, 156, 168, 205, 212, 219. "Yanaihara" refers to the colonial economist Yanaihara Tadao. See n. 54 above.

185. Nanbara, Keiso * , 195, 205.

186. Ibid., 8.

187. Ibid., 34, 43, 47, 77, 104.

188. Ibid., 113.

189. Ibid., 122, 123, 138.

190. Ibid., 138, 139.

191. Ibid., 139, 140.

192. Ibid., 138. Nanbara very seldom gave in to this sort of feeling.

193. Ibid., 220.

194. Ibid., 157.

195. Ibid., 156.

196. Ibid., 56, 57, 65, 81, 83, 100, 156, 168, 205, 212, 219. "Yanaihara" refers to the colonial economist Yanaihara Tadao. See n. 54 above.

185. Nanbara, Keiso * , 195, 205.

186. Ibid., 8.

187. Ibid., 34, 43, 47, 77, 104.

188. Ibid., 113.

189. Ibid., 122, 123, 138.

190. Ibid., 138, 139.

191. Ibid., 139, 140.

192. Ibid., 138. Nanbara very seldom gave in to this sort of feeling.

193. Ibid., 220.

194. Ibid., 157.

195. Ibid., 156.

196. Ibid., 56, 57, 65, 81, 83, 100, 156, 168, 205, 212, 219. "Yanaihara" refers to the colonial economist Yanaihara Tadao. See n. 54 above.

185. Nanbara, Keiso * , 195, 205.

186. Ibid., 8.

187. Ibid., 34, 43, 47, 77, 104.

188. Ibid., 113.

189. Ibid., 122, 123, 138.

190. Ibid., 138, 139.

191. Ibid., 139, 140.

192. Ibid., 138. Nanbara very seldom gave in to this sort of feeling.

193. Ibid., 220.

194. Ibid., 157.

195. Ibid., 156.

196. Ibid., 56, 57, 65, 81, 83, 100, 156, 168, 205, 212, 219. "Yanaihara" refers to the colonial economist Yanaihara Tadao. See n. 54 above.

185. Nanbara, Keiso * , 195, 205.

186. Ibid., 8.

187. Ibid., 34, 43, 47, 77, 104.

188. Ibid., 113.

189. Ibid., 122, 123, 138.

190. Ibid., 138, 139.

191. Ibid., 139, 140.

192. Ibid., 138. Nanbara very seldom gave in to this sort of feeling.

193. Ibid., 220.

194. Ibid., 157.

195. Ibid., 156.

196. Ibid., 56, 57, 65, 81, 83, 100, 156, 168, 205, 212, 219. "Yanaihara" refers to the colonial economist Yanaihara Tadao. See n. 54 above.

197. Maruyama, interview 16 June 1984, informed me that the planning had begun at this early date. Printed sources include Mukoyama Hiroo * , "Minkan ni okeru shusen * kosaku * ," in Taiheiyo * senso shuketsuron * , ed. Nihon Gaiko Gakkai * (Tokyo: Tokyo Daigaku Shuppankai, 1958), 95-181, esp. 133-36; and Ito Takashi * , Showa * junendaishi * dansho * (Tokyo: Tokyo * Daigaku Shuppankai, 1981), which is based on the Yabe diary, supplemented by other sources. Among these is the Memorandum ( Oboegaki ) composed by Takagi Sokichi * .

198. Mukoyama * , "Minkan," 134. Nanbara also had in mind the "Seven Doctors" affair of 1903 (see n. 22 above). The parallel, given the aims of the two groups, makes for a nice irony, which it is hard to believe was lost on any of the principals.

199. I owe this suggestion to Thomas C. Smith, University of California, Berkeley. It jibes well with the fact that Nanbara had, in February 1939, been elected chairman of the Law Faculty but declined to serve, feeling that the political atmosphere was too reactionary for him to accept; it would only have exposed the institution to attack for having appointed a "liberal" to a sensitive and prestigious position at a time of national crisis. Yabe Teiji, nevertheless, was among those who found Nanbara's refusal unfortunate and annoying. YTN 1:197-99.

200. Ito * , Showa * , 82-84. Tanaka had in fact preceded Yabe as a consultant. continue

But unlike Yabe he engaged in no research or planning; his duties were limited to lecturing at the Naval College.

201. KonakaYotaro * , ed. Todai * Hogakubu * : Sonokyozo to jitsuzo * (Tokyo: Gendai Hyoronsha * , 1976), 27.

202. Mukoyama * , "Minkan," 134.

203. See KTS , 181, for Nanbara's statement. For examples of Yabe's political ideas, see Miles Fletcher, The Search for a New Order: Intellectuals and Fascism in Prewar Japan (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1982), 139-42, summarizing Yabe's "Seiji kiko * kaishin taiko * ," which Yabe claimed to have written for the Showa Kenkyukai * ; Yabe, "Kyodotai * no seiji," in Tokyo * Teikoku Daigaku, Gakujutsu taikan , 396-408.

204. See Fletcher, Search ; Berger, Parties out of Power . Maruyama, interview, 16 June 1984, also discussed Yabe's personality.

205. YTN 1:796.

206. YTN 1:799.

207. YTN 1:798-99; Ito * , Showa * , 283-84. Yabe expanded on this feeling in his diary for 3 June: "Vis-à-vis the Navy Ministry, matters remain as they have since my resignation. Since I am no longer required to serve at the ministry, I feel incomparably more at ease. I am no longer forced to think about the problems of the nation that crop up one after the other. I no longer have to win favor for the navy with everyone I meet, or spend money to do it. Most of all I no longer have to keep saying things I don't even believe out of consideration for the navy people—the stupid ones I mean. And I have time " ( YTN 1:807).

208. YTN 1:807.

209. Ito, Showa , 81, 83-84.

210. Takagi Sokichi * , Shikan Taiheiyo senso * (Tokyo: Bungei Shunju * , 1969), 232. Takagi had some rather disparaging—and self-serving—remarks on the "sporadic, unorganized and badly timed" unofficial efforts to bring hostilities to an end (as if the navy would have done so without civilian "interference"!): "Besides [Nanbara], there were others, such as former Foreign Minister Arita Hachiro and Admiral Yamamoto Eisuke, who undertook, chiefly through written memorials [ ikensho ], to bring the war to a close. I do not believe that they had any particular effect. There seem to have been quite a few individuals who were unaware that to appeal to His Majesty—who was most scrupulous in following established channels [ kichomen * ni sujimichi o omonzerareta ]—by direct petition or backdoor connections was, indeed, counterproductive" (231-32).

211. Ito, Showa , 284-85.

212. Ibid., 285-86. Such a usage appears nowhere in Nanbara's prewar or wartime writings. The epilogue to a study of prewar Japanese textbooks on ethics, however, contains the following passage, one quite germane to the present discussion: "The Japanese themselves recognized this historical parallel [between the Meiji Restoration and the Allied Occupation of Japan]. On Kigensetsu , Empire Founding Day, in 1946 the President of Tokyo Imperial University, Dr. Nanbara Shigeru, used the clever paraphrase 'Showa Restoration,' coined by militarists in their propaganda of the 1930's, to indicate that this era might become a national renaissance to the lasting honor of the present em- soft

peror" (R. K. Hall, Shushin: The Ethics of a Defeated Nation [New York: Bureau of Publications, Teachers College, Columbia University, 1949], 238).

211. Ito, Showa , 284-85.

212. Ibid., 285-86. Such a usage appears nowhere in Nanbara's prewar or wartime writings. The epilogue to a study of prewar Japanese textbooks on ethics, however, contains the following passage, one quite germane to the present discussion: "The Japanese themselves recognized this historical parallel [between the Meiji Restoration and the Allied Occupation of Japan]. On Kigensetsu , Empire Founding Day, in 1946 the President of Tokyo Imperial University, Dr. Nanbara Shigeru, used the clever paraphrase 'Showa Restoration,' coined by militarists in their propaganda of the 1930's, to indicate that this era might become a national renaissance to the lasting honor of the present em- soft

peror" (R. K. Hall, Shushin: The Ethics of a Defeated Nation [New York: Bureau of Publications, Teachers College, Columbia University, 1949], 238).

213. Yabe, YTN 1:811; Ito * , Showa * , 286, notes that despite the closeness of Nanbara's views to those of Konoe, Yabe does not mention Konoe's meetings with him at all in Konoe Fumimaro (1952), the definitive biography Yabe wrote after he resigned—in preference to being purged—from Todai * .

214. Mukoyama * , "Minkan," 135-36; Yabe, YTN , 1:817.

215. Yabe, YTN , 1:816-17. The same night Yabe paid a visit to an acquaintance in Takanawa. "He had just returned from the Foreign Ministry and was having dinner. Afterward, we had a few whiskies and talked until nine. Main topics were the end of the war and my reasons for resigning from the Navy Ministry. He too says there's nothing to be done through diplomatic channels, not any more " (27 June 1945; emphasis added).

216. Actually, the editors of Nanbara's collected works saw fit to remove a passage from Kokka to shukyo * on Kant's concept of war. The passage underlined was removed: "Nation in this sense is to be understood not merely as a biological or racial entity, but, inasmuch as it is a cultural-spiritual essence, rather in terms of the concept of "national individuality" [ minzoku kosei ]. And the state [ kokka ] is to be understood in its historical actuality as the political expression of this individual value [ kosei kachi ]. Nations, as values of unique and particular historical individuality must maintain and assert their existence. Here, at the root of national existence, lies the reason that 'war,' itself an extralegal and nonrational means [ to that end ] may be regarded as admissible, and not only admissible, but indispensable " ( KTS , 3d ed., 180-81; NSCS 1:167).

217. Maruyama, "Nanbara sensei," 29. See also Nanbara's address "Senbotsu gakusei ni sasagu" (10 March 1946) in Haruka naru sanga ni: Todai * senbotsu gakusei no shuki (Tokyo: Tokyo * Daigaku Shuppankai, 1951), 5-10, esp. 6-7.

218. Maruyama, "Nanbara sensei," 29-30.

219. See Ger van Roon, German Resistance to Hitler: Count von Moltke and the Kreisau Circle (London: Van Nostrand Reinhold, 1971); Alfred Delp, The Prison Meditations of Father Delp (New York: Macmillan, 1963).

220. Van Roon, Resistance , 75-81; Karl Neufeld, S. J., Geschichte und Mensch: A. Delps Idee der Geschichte, Ihr Werden und Grundzüge (Rome: Università Gregoriana Editrice, 1983), 80-117 passim on Delp and Heidegger. Two of Delp's articles are of particular interest: "Das Volk als Ordnungswirklichkeit," Stimmen der Zeit 138, no. 1 (October 1940), and "Weltgeschichte und Heilsgeschichte," Stimmen der Zeit 138, no. 8 (March 1941). The journal was shut down shortly after this point.

1. The German title was Die Tochter des Samurai . The film was made at the invitation of the Ministry of Culture as part of a film exchange program. Fanck himself was noted for his nature films, chiefly of the man versus mountain variety. Evidently Fanck had refused to join the NSDAP and had been forced to chase after work, although later he made short documentaries on Nazi art and continue

architecture. See Cinegraph: Lexikon zum deutschsprachigen Film , ed. Hans-Michael Bock (Munich: edition text + kritik, 1984), 1:D3. Yabe Teiji, incidentally, saw the same film at the end of 1937, and found the story "imbecilic" but the photography "masterful." YTN 1:50.

2. "Musasabi wa kataru: Jibun o hakken shita hanashi," Kaizo * 19, no. 3 (March 1937): 228-31.

3. See Hasegawa Nyozekan, "Meiji, Taisho * , Showa * sandai no seikaku" (1959), in HNSS 5:365-82, esp. 379-80. Here Nyozekan refers to an article he published in Kaizo ("Nihonteki seikaku no saikento * ," June 1935) where, he suggests, he first used the phrase. In point of fact, Nyozekan had used it in his daily column ("Ichinichi ichidai") in the Yomiuri : "Nihonteki seikaku no shiren," 31 January 1935, evening ed.

4. See the special issue of Chuokoron * (May 1935) devoted to "a consideration of fallen liberalism" especially Hasegawa Nyozekan, "Rekishiteki jiyushugi * to dotokuteki hanchu * toshite no ' jiyu * '" (96-101); and the famous article by Tanaka Kotaro * , "Gendai no shisoteki * anakii to sono gen'in no kento * " (1932) reprinted in his Kyoyo * to bunka no kiso (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1937), 1-52. Finally, see Ishida Takeshi, "Waga kuni ni okeru jiyushugi * no issokumen." On liberalism in general, see Dunn, Western Political Theory , 28-54; Isaiah Berlin, Four Essays on Liberty (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1969); L. T. Hobhouse, Liberalism (1911) (New York: Oxford University Press, 1974).

5. Maruyama Masao, Nihon no shiso * (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1961), 55ff; Studies in the Intellectual History of Tokugawa Japan , xxv-xxvi; Tosaka Jun, Nihon ideorogii ron (1937) (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1978), 211ff.

6. For a suggestive contrast of the mainstream democratic thinking represented by Kaizo to that of the soon to be coopted communitarian "undercurrent" represented, for example, by Kita Ikki's Nihon kaizo hoan taiko * , see Kano Masanao, Taisho * demokurashii no teiryu * , 9-35.

7. Soseki * had reviewed Nyozekan's novel Hitai no otoko (the title might translate as "Cerebral man") (1909) for the Tokyo Asahi , and addressed a number of pointed remarks to its author. Soseki admired the novel. He admitted that the absence of plot ("movement"), in place of which one character after another held forth on a range of subjects from the weightiest moral problems to the sheerest trivia, did not make the work a dreadful bore. This was because the opinions of the characters, all so-called "high-class loafers" ( kotoyumin * ) and quite out of touch with the public world, were so thoroughly bizarre. (Nyozekan in turn greatly admired I Am a Cat .) But, Soseki felt, Hitai no otoko was flawed by the very virtuosity with which its characters were drawn. If Nyozekan was seeking to portray the reality of his characters' lives, he did not succeed. Their self-presentation was too consistent in its ostentation. One even felt that wit had been placed before honesty. Natsume Soseki * , " Hitai no otoko o yomu," Asahi shinbun (Tokyo), 5 September 1909, in Sosekizenshu * (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1966), 11:214-19.

8. On the origins of the phrase, see "Koifukonan * [okonau wa yasuku okonawazaru wa katashi]" (1963) in HNSS 7:321-34, where Nyozekan refers to the phrase danjite okonawazu as "the homemade motto of my youth" (321). continue

A memoir of Nyozekan's published in the Mainichi shinbun (29 January 1967) places the date closer to 1896—a period of convalescence. I am indebted to Matsumoto Sannosuke for this reference.

9. See Yamaryo * Kenji, "Aru jiyushugi * janarisuto * Hasegawa Nyozekan," in Tenko * , ed. Shiso * no Kagaku Kenkyukai * (Tokyo: Heibonsha, 1978), 1:324-53, esp. 325-30.

10. Hasegawa Nyozekan, Aru kokoro no jijoden (1950) (Tokyo: Kodansha * , 1984), 10ff; " Warera kara Hihan e" (1930), in Hasegawa Nyozekan senshu * ( HNSS ) (Tokyo: Kurita Shuppankai, 1969), 1:377-78; "Musasabi wa kataru: Rittoru kuritikkusu," Kaizo * 19, no. 2 (February 1937): 177-79. See also the appraisal of Nyozekan by Iida Taizo * , "Hihan no koseki * Hasegawa Nyozekan," in Kindai Nihon no kokkazo * , ed. Nihon Seiji Gakkai ( Nenpo seijigaku * , 1982) (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1983), 157-75. Shortly after the manuscript of this book was completed, Chikuma Shobo * reprinted its 1968 edition of Aru kokoro . This edition brings together much valuable material, otherwise available only from scattered sources, relating to Nyozekan's career after leaving Nihon . It should supersede the Kodansha edition used here.

11. Xunzi , I ("Encouraging Learning"): "The wingless dragon has no limbs and yet it can soar; the flying squirrel has many talents but finds itself hard-pressed." In Hsün-tzu: Basic Writings , trans. Burton Watson (New York: Columbia University Press, 1963), 18. See also Iida, "Hihan," 173-74.

12. The question of Nyozekan's tenko * will be dealt with later in the chapter. See Fujita Shozo * , Tenko * no shisoshiteki kenkyu * Sono issokumen (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1975), passim, and H. D. Harootunian's remarks in "Between Politics and Culture: Authority and the Ambiguities of Intellectual Choice in Imperial Japan," in Japan in Crisis , ed. Silberman and Harootunian, 140 n. 78.

13. See Iida Taizo * , "Hasegawa Nyozekan ni okeru 'bunmei hihyoka * ' no seiritsu," Hogaku shirin * 72, no. 2 (March 1975): 3-8.

14. Maruyama Masao, "Meiji kokka no shiso * " (1946), in Senchu * to sengo no aida , 221.

15. For Aizan's statement, made in 1910, see Maruyama, "Kindai Nihon no chishikijin," 101.

16. Aru kokoro , 180-81.

17. Iida, "Bunmei hihyoka * ," 17; Nyozekan, "Musasabi wa kataru: 'Hanmon jidai'," Kaizo * 19, no. 5 (May 1937): 297-301.

18. Nyozekan was also born Yamamoto. At the age of nine, he was adopted by his great-grandmother, Hasegawa Tami.

19. The park became a gathering place for all classes of society. In addition to the crowds who came in via the ticket booth, frequent visitors included the physician to the imperial family, the future Taisho * emperor, and various cabinet ministers. It is also mentioned in Soseki's * I Am a Cat .

20. Nyozekan, Aru kokoro , 71.

21. Ibid., 56.

22. Ibid., 11-14.

23. Ibid., 115.

24. Ibid., 115-22, 215.

25. Ibid., 149ff. break

26. Ibid., 135.

27. Ibid., 136-37.

20. Nyozekan, Aru kokoro , 71.

21. Ibid., 56.

22. Ibid., 11-14.

23. Ibid., 115.

24. Ibid., 115-22, 215.

25. Ibid., 149ff. break

26. Ibid., 135.

27. Ibid., 136-37.

20. Nyozekan, Aru kokoro , 71.

21. Ibid., 56.

22. Ibid., 11-14.

23. Ibid., 115.

24. Ibid., 115-22, 215.

25. Ibid., 149ff. break

26. Ibid., 135.

27. Ibid., 136-37.

20. Nyozekan, Aru kokoro , 71.

21. Ibid., 56.

22. Ibid., 11-14.

23. Ibid., 115.

24. Ibid., 115-22, 215.

25. Ibid., 149ff. break

26. Ibid., 135.

27. Ibid., 136-37.

20. Nyozekan, Aru kokoro , 71.

21. Ibid., 56.

22. Ibid., 11-14.

23. Ibid., 115.

24. Ibid., 115-22, 215.

25. Ibid., 149ff. break

26. Ibid., 135.

27. Ibid., 136-37.

20. Nyozekan, Aru kokoro , 71.

21. Ibid., 56.

22. Ibid., 11-14.

23. Ibid., 115.

24. Ibid., 115-22, 215.

25. Ibid., 149ff. break

26. Ibid., 135.

27. Ibid., 136-37.

20. Nyozekan, Aru kokoro , 71.

21. Ibid., 56.

22. Ibid., 11-14.

23. Ibid., 115.

24. Ibid., 115-22, 215.

25. Ibid., 149ff. break

26. Ibid., 135.

27. Ibid., 136-37.

20. Nyozekan, Aru kokoro , 71.

21. Ibid., 56.

22. Ibid., 11-14.

23. Ibid., 115.

24. Ibid., 115-22, 215.

25. Ibid., 149ff. break

26. Ibid., 135.

27. Ibid., 136-37.

28. See Kenneth Pyle, The New Generation in Meiji Japan (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1969), 98-117, esp. 114ff; Nyozekan, Aru kokoro , 167ff.

29. Nyozekan, Aru kokoro , 167.

30. Maruyama Masao, Nishida Taketoshi, and Uete Michiari, "Kindai Nihon to Kuga Katsunan" (round-table discussion) in Gyakusetsu toshite no gendai , ed. Misuzu (Tokyo: Misuzu Shobo * , 1983), 149-87, esp. 172-75.

31. Iida, "Bunmei hihyoka * ," Hogaku shirin * 73, no. 2 (March 1976): 62-63, 88-89; Pyle, New Generation , 94; Barbara J. Teters, "Kuga's Commentaries on the Constitution of the Empire of Japan," Journal of Asian Studies 28, no. 2 (February 1969): 321-37.

32. Maruyama, "Kuga Katsunan: Hito to shiso * ," in Senchu * to sengo no aida , 281.

33. Nyozekan, Aru kokoro , 183.

34. According to chronology attached to the Kaizosha * anthology of Nyozekan's literary work (1930) cited in Iida, "Bunmei," 11.

35. Maruyama, Nishida, and Uete, "Kindai Nihon to Kuga Katsunan," 154.

36. Maruyama, "Kuga Katsunan," 289-90. Hasegawa Nyozekan , comp. Yamaryo * Kenji ( Jinbutsu shoshi taikei , 6) (Tokyo: Nichigai Asoshietsu * , 1984), 7. Yamaryo's * work consists of a complete bibliography and detailed chronology of Hasegawa Nyozekan's writings and public activity. Hereafter cited as "Yamaryo * Chronology." It has been incorporated into Hasegawa Nyozekan: Hito; jidai; shiso * to chosaku mokuroku , ed. Sera Masatoshi et al. (Tokyo: Chuo Daigaku * , 1985), which appeared just as the manuscript of this book was being completed. It will be the chief source for researchers looking for background on Nyozekan's life and work.

37. Nyozekan had in fact promised his father, whose contacts had made possible his son's studies, that he would pursue a legal career. But, he remarks, this was only out of giri , only journalism fired his imagination.

38. Nyozekan, Aru kokoro , 232-36.

39. "Futasujimichi" was also Nyozekan's first composition in colloquial Japanese ( Aru kokoro , 215).

40. Salary figures from Yamaryo, Hasegawa Nyozekan , 38.

41. I owe this suggestion to Thomas C. Smith, University of California, Berkeley (personal communication).

42. T. C. Smith, "The Right to Benevolence: Dignity and Japanese Workers."

43. Iida, "Bunmei hihyoka * ," 65-70.

44. Nyozekan, Aru kokoro , 236-38.

45. How ironic, then, to read in Smith's "Right to Benevolence" of the novelist Matsumoto Seicho's * bitter experience as a lithographer at the same Osaka Asahi : not just of being "a cog in a wheel, but a cog of no value" (610-12).

46. Hasegawa Nyozekan, Maruyama Kanji, and Sugimura Takeshi, "Jidai to shinbun: Osaka Asahi hikka jiken kaiko" (round-table discussion), Sekai , no. 103 (July 1954): 170-82, esp. 171, 173; Nyozekan, "Osaka Asahi kara Warera e" [February 1919] HNSS 1:347-75, esp. 348, 351-52, 358-60, 369.

47. "Jidai to shinbun," 158; "Kindai Nihon to Kuga Katsunan," 176. break

48. The following does not pretend to be an account of the Rice Riots, only a suggestion of their magnitude and effects. In addition to the heavily censored reports in the Osaka Asahi itself, I have consulted the following: Akamatsu Katsumaro, Nihon shakai undo shi * (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1965); Matsuo Takayoshi, Taisho demokurashii * (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1980); Yoshikawa Mitsusada, Iwayuru kome sodo * no kenkyu * (Tokyo: Shihosho Keijikyoku * , 1939); Jon Halliday, A Political History of Japanese Capitalism (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1975); Arthur Young, The Social and Labour Movement in Japan (Kobe: Japan Chronicle, 1921) (relevant passage reprinted in Imperial Japan, 1800-1945 , comp. J. Livingston et al. [New York: Pantheon, 1973], 322-26); and Michael Lewis, "The Japanese Rural Rice Riots: Taxation Populaire and the Tenant-Landlord Riots," available from the Asian/Pacific Studies Institute, Duke University.

49. See Osaka Asahi (henceforth OA ), 8, 10, 11, 12, 13 August 1918; Young, Social and Labour Movement , 322-24; Matsuo, Taisho demokurashii * , 174.

50. See OA , 8, 9, 13 August 1918; Nakamura Takafusa, Economic Growth in Prewar Japan (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1983), 141-47, esp. 145.

51. Young, Social and Labour Movement , 323; Yoshikawa presents a comprehensive (but for present purposes too detailed) account of the rise in rice prices in Iwayuru kome sodo * , 31-89, esp. 37ff. There were other costs for stubborn merchants: OA , 11 August 1918, reported that the father of a large Nagoya rice dealer, unable to bear the resentment of neighbors over his son's hoarding and obscene profits, hung himself in shame and chagrin.

52. Yoshikawa, Kome sodo * , 385-435, esp. tables on 403-12, 428-35; Akamatsu, Nihon shakai , 153.

53. Wakukawa Seiyei, "The Japanese Farm-Tenancy System," in Japan's Prospect , ed. D. Haring (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1946), 151, 171-72.

54. Nakamura, Economic Growth in Prewar Japan , 213ff; William Lockwood, The Economic Development of Japan (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1968), 56-57; Halliday, Political History of Japanese Capitalism , 71.

55. Young, Social and Labour Movement , 324-25. This suggests an interesting parallel to the use of peasant troops to crush the warrior forces led by Saigo Takamori * in 1877.

56. Quote from ibid., 325; articles on relief efforts in OA , 14, 15, 16 August 1918; 5 September 1918. Yoshikawa, Kome sodo , 495, quotes a speech by the industrialist Shibusawa Eiichi warning against corruption in relief efforts.

55. Young, Social and Labour Movement , 324-25. This suggests an interesting parallel to the use of peasant troops to crush the warrior forces led by Saigo Takamori * in 1877.

56. Quote from ibid., 325; articles on relief efforts in OA , 14, 15, 16 August 1918; 5 September 1918. Yoshikawa, Kome sodo , 495, quotes a speech by the industrialist Shibusawa Eiichi warning against corruption in relief efforts.

57. Matsuo, Taisho demokurashii , 175; Akamatsu, Nihon shakai , 154.

58. Wakukawa, "Japanese Farm-Tenancy System," 151.

59. Suzuki Bunji, Rodo undo nijunen * (1930), quoted in Matsuo, Taisho demokurashii , 176. The English-language column in OA , 26 August 1918, carried a letter from "A Patriot," calling for "all tribes" under "the sway of his gracious majesty" to be "embraced with equal care and tenderness"; this to include "Formosans, Koreans, not to say [i.e., mention] the Shinheimin and Eta ." Although these groups were regarded as "inferior," and although they had "made the most of the disturbances originally started by the poverty stricken continue

multitude, no distinction should be made among them" since Japan, after all, was "soon to be the Protector of the East." Emphasis added.

60. Tsurumi Yusuke * , Goto Shinpei * , vol. 3 (1937), cited in Matsuo, Taisho demokurashii * , 176.

61. Inoue Narazo * , speech in Nagoya, 16 August 1918, quoted in Yoshikawa, Kome sodo * , 302.

62. See the table in Yoshikawa, Kome sodo , 312-15, which summarizes, in quite hostile terms, thirty newspaper reports on rice prices and on the riots themselves that appeared between 24 July and 11 August. Nine of these reports came from the Osaka Asahi . Yoshikawa in general blamed the press (the "outside agitators" of the time) for much of the upheaval (306, 308).

63. Young, Social and Labour Movement , 324; Hasegawa, Maruyama, and Sugimura, "Jidai to shinbun" ( Sekai ), 172-73. See announcement in OA , 15 August 1918 (morning ed.) with an editorial attacking the ban.

64. Hasegawa et al., "Jidai to shinbun," 173; original in OA , 26 August 1918, 2.

65. Ibid., 174.

66. Ibid., 175.

67. Ibid., 173. There is some discrepancy as to who actually went to trial along with Onishi * . In the Sekai article the other party is named as Tai Shin'ichi. But Yamaryo's * chronology (13) lists the Asahi 's legal publisher, Yamaguchi Nobuo. Yamaguchi's name also appears alongside Onishi's in the resolution passed at the 17 August rally to protest the muzzling of the press by the Terauchi government ( OA , 18 August 1918, 2; Yoshikawa, Kome sodo , 450-51). See OA , 1 December 1918, for article discussing the progress of the entire case as it neared conclusion.

64. Hasegawa et al., "Jidai to shinbun," 173; original in OA , 26 August 1918, 2.

65. Ibid., 174.

66. Ibid., 175.

67. Ibid., 173. There is some discrepancy as to who actually went to trial along with Onishi * . In the Sekai article the other party is named as Tai Shin'ichi. But Yamaryo's * chronology (13) lists the Asahi 's legal publisher, Yamaguchi Nobuo. Yamaguchi's name also appears alongside Onishi's in the resolution passed at the 17 August rally to protest the muzzling of the press by the Terauchi government ( OA , 18 August 1918, 2; Yoshikawa, Kome sodo , 450-51). See OA , 1 December 1918, for article discussing the progress of the entire case as it neared conclusion.

64. Hasegawa et al., "Jidai to shinbun," 173; original in OA , 26 August 1918, 2.

65. Ibid., 174.

66. Ibid., 175.

67. Ibid., 173. There is some discrepancy as to who actually went to trial along with Onishi * . In the Sekai article the other party is named as Tai Shin'ichi. But Yamaryo's * chronology (13) lists the Asahi 's legal publisher, Yamaguchi Nobuo. Yamaguchi's name also appears alongside Onishi's in the resolution passed at the 17 August rally to protest the muzzling of the press by the Terauchi government ( OA , 18 August 1918, 2; Yoshikawa, Kome sodo , 450-51). See OA , 1 December 1918, for article discussing the progress of the entire case as it neared conclusion.

64. Hasegawa et al., "Jidai to shinbun," 173; original in OA , 26 August 1918, 2.

65. Ibid., 174.

66. Ibid., 175.

67. Ibid., 173. There is some discrepancy as to who actually went to trial along with Onishi * . In the Sekai article the other party is named as Tai Shin'ichi. But Yamaryo's * chronology (13) lists the Asahi 's legal publisher, Yamaguchi Nobuo. Yamaguchi's name also appears alongside Onishi's in the resolution passed at the 17 August rally to protest the muzzling of the press by the Terauchi government ( OA , 18 August 1918, 2; Yoshikawa, Kome sodo , 450-51). See OA , 1 December 1918, for article discussing the progress of the entire case as it neared conclusion.

68. Hasegawa et al., "Jidai to shinbun," 175.

69. Kobayashi Hajime, "Nihonriberarizumu no dento * to marukusushugi," Shakaigaku hyoron * 23, no. 4 (April 1973): 23.

70. Hasegawa et al., "Jidai to shinbun," 173-74; Yamamoto Taketoshi, Kindai Nihon shinbun no dokushaso * (Tokyo: Hosei * Daigaku Shuppankyoku, 1982).

71. OA , 4 December 1918 (evening ed.); Hasegawa et al., "Jidai to shinbun," 176-79.

72. Nyozekan, "Osaka Asahi kara Warera e" (February 1919), in HNSS 1:347-75.

73. Marshall, "Academic Factionalism in Japan," 531-36.

74. Morito Tatsuo, Shiso no henreki * (Tokyo: Shunjusha * , 1972), vol. 1 passim; Tanaka Hiroshi, "Hasegawa Nyozekan to 'genron shiso no jiyu * ': Morito jiken kara ́Takigawa jiken made," in Shakai hendo to ho * Hogaku * to rekishigaku no setten , ed. Tanaka Hiroshi and Matsumoto Sannosuke (Tokyo: Keiso Shobo * , 1981), 373-79.

75. Nyozekan, "Osaka Asahi kara," 347.

76. Ibid., 347-48.

75. Nyozekan, "Osaka Asahi kara," 347.

76. Ibid., 347-48.

77. Berlin, Four Essays , 3-6.

78. See 202-22. "Return to the Womb."

79. Nyozekan, Gendai shakai hihan ( GSH ) (1922), HNSS 3:86. break

80. Nyozekan, "Osaka Asahi kara," 365.

81. Ibid., 364.

82. Ibid., 357, 361-65.

83. Ibid., 361-63.

84. Ibid., 349. Emphasis added.

80. Nyozekan, "Osaka Asahi kara," 365.

81. Ibid., 364.

82. Ibid., 357, 361-65.

83. Ibid., 361-63.

84. Ibid., 349. Emphasis added.

80. Nyozekan, "Osaka Asahi kara," 365.

81. Ibid., 364.

82. Ibid., 357, 361-65.

83. Ibid., 361-63.

84. Ibid., 349. Emphasis added.

80. Nyozekan, "Osaka Asahi kara," 365.

81. Ibid., 364.

82. Ibid., 357, 361-65.

83. Ibid., 361-63.

84. Ibid., 349. Emphasis added.

80. Nyozekan, "Osaka Asahi kara," 365.

81. Ibid., 364.

82. Ibid., 357, 361-65.

83. Ibid., 361-63.

84. Ibid., 349. Emphasis added.

85. See "Shorai * o mukauru kokoro," Warera 2, no. 1 (January 1920) ( HNSS 1:43-44).

86. Nyozekan, "Osaka Asahi kara," 368.

87. I am reminded of comments made by the head of France's Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes on Japanese television (May 1984). For a public servant, he said, the really important thing is not to teach the people, but to learn how to listen to them. He had heard little in Japan to suggest that Japanese civil servants felt this way.

88. See Peter Duus, "Liberal Intellectuals and Social Conflict in Taisho * Japan," in Conflict in Modern Japanese History , ed. Najita and Koschmann (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1982), 412-40, on the shift among Taisho * liberals from a "consensus" to "conflict" model of social thought.

89. Hasegawa Nyozekan, "Yoshino Hakase to watakushi," in Yoshino Hakase o kataru , ed. Akamatsu Katsumaro (1934); originally in Hihan 4 (April 1933), 83-85. See also Ishida, Nihon no shakai kagaku , 80-88; Matsuo, Taisho demokurashii * , 166-71.

90. Yamaryo * Chronology (see n. 36 above) does not identify Yeroshenko (14). For detail see Tokubetsu yoshisatsujin josei * ippan (1919) in Nihon shakai undo * shiryo * , ed. Kindai Nihon Shiryo * Kenkyukai * , 2nd ser., no. 3 (Tokyo: Meiji Bunken Shiryo * Kankokai * , 1959), 296-97, item 86D.

91. For a detailed examination of these readings, see Tanaka Hiroshi, "Hasegawa Nyozekan no 'kokkakan': Sei'o * kokka genri no juyo * to dojidaishiteki * kosatsu * ," in Nihon ni okeru seio * seiji shiso , ed. Nihon Seiji Gakkai ( Nenpo * seijigaku , 1975) (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1976).

92. Gianfranco Poggi, The Development of the Modern State: A Sociological Introduction (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1978), 13-14. Poggi goes on to make three cogent criticisms of this theory. First, its claim to "scientific" status has not been borne out: "No one has yet specified mechanisms of social evolution with anywhere near the explanatory power of those for natural evolution worked out by Darwin or Mendel." Second, because the theory "postulates a cumulative, irreversible process of differentiation, it can shed no light, explanatory or otherwise, on those recent phenomena that are tending to displace the distinction between state and society, thus suggesting a process not of differentiation but of de-differentiation." Poggi's third criticism is of particular interest. "Any attempt," he writes, "to render the institutional story of the modern state purely in terms of a general theory of social change can at best trace the diffusion of the state as an existing entity from its European heartland to outlying areas." It cannot deal adequately with the "distinctive forces and interests" at work within a given society "from whose interaction that new system of rule emerged" (14-15). Nyozekan's Critiques may, I think, be accounted an attempt to do precisely the latter. The former point was taken as matter of course. break

93. Nyozekan, Gendai kokka hihan ( GKH ), HNSS 2:36.

94. Herbert Spencer, Education: Intellectual, Moral and Physical (1854-59) (Paterson, N.J.: Littlefield, 1963), 67.

95. Iida, "Hihan no koseki * ," 171-72; Kobayashi, "Nihon riberarizumu," 7-10, 21-22; Royama Masamichi * , "Hasegawa Nyozekan no shisoteki * toku-cho * —sono gendai kokka to seiji no hihan o chushin * toshite," commentary to HNSS 2:409-20, esp. 410; Tanaka Hiroshi, "Hasegawa Nyozekan no 'kokkakan'," 157-207, esp. 176-87.

96. L. T. Hobhouse, Liberalism , 44-55, 66-109 passim.

97. GKH, HNSS 2:222-23.

98. GKH, HNSS 2:53, 142, 275.

99. Spencer, Principles of Sociology (1876-96) (New York: Appleton, 1925-29), 3:321.

100. Like Spencer, Nyozekan refused to conceive of evolution as a unilinear or rectilinear process. As Spencer wrote: "Like other kinds of progress, social progress is not linear but divergent and re-divergent. Each differentiated product gives origin to a new set of differentiated products" ( Principles of Sociology 3:331).

101. GKH, HNSS 2:66.

102. GKH, HNSS 2:97-111 passim, 142; see also Tanaka, "Hasegawa Nyozekan no 'kokkakan'," 170-88.

103. GKH, HNSS 2:128.

104. GKH, HNSS 2:39.

105. Of "scientific truth" Nyozekan made the following pragmatic definition: "When an advance in organization demands that preexisting forms be changed, it is philosophy, science, that makes plain the reasons [ jijo * ]; that work is scholarship, and the resulting clarification is truth" ( GKH, HNSS 2:161).

106. GKH, HNSS 2:42, 104-7.

107. GKH, HNSS 2:74.

108. GKH, HNSS 2:182, 193, 223.

109. GKH, HNSS 2:222-33.

110. GKH, HNSS 2:62, 128.

111. GKH, HNSS 2:77.

112. GKH, HNSS 2:206-7.

113. GKH, HNSS 2:204.

114. GKH, HNSS 2:79, 196-209, 264.

115. Royama * Masamichi, Nihon ni okeru kindai seijigaku no hattatsu , 118.

116. Iida, "Hihan no koseki," 161: "However immense the reality of the state standing implacably before our eyes, from the point of view of what human life and society are meant to be, that same state is nothing other than an alienated presence; it can never be anything but a negative phenomenon. Nyozekan, in other words, invariably seeks to treat the state as a dark and depressive presence." Iida is certainly correct, but I think he overstates the case somewhat. The paradox of the state is that it is both the defender and violator of society ( GKH, HNSS 2:57). Also, Nyozekan was very concerned about the ways in which other forces—industrial organization—served to regiment and exhaust the lives of people in conjunction with, but independently of, the state. That is continue

why, in the Critiques , Nyozekan is so insistent on the need for "positive" social organization rather than direct antistate action. He may at this point have been an anarchist, but never a nihilist. His point is that at that stage, social initiative constituted the constructive force needed to give shape to the future: the destructive movement was already under way.

117. Royama * , Kindai seijigaku , 112.

118. Hasegawa Nyozekan, Gendai shakai hihan [ GSH ] (1922); HNSS 3:32.

119. GSH, HNSS 3:199.

120. GSH, HNSS 3:126, 175; George Lichtheim, A Short History of Socialism (Glasgow: Fontana/Collins, 1975), 200.

121. GSH, HNSS 3:145, 177-78.

122. GSH, HNSS 3:53.

123. GSH, HNSS 3:35-36.

124. GSH , pt. 2 ( HNSS 3:111-52); Iida, "Hihan no koseki * ," 164-65.

125. GSH, HNSS 3:132-33.

126. GKH, HNSS 2:225.

127. GSH, HNSS 3:140ff.

128. Warera 2, no. 6 (June 1920): 3-7. While favoring the Home Ministry Bill, the editorialist also pointed out a glaring contradiction: the same ministry was using Art. 17 of the Public Peace Police Law ( Chian keisatsuho * ) to suppress unions; and the fate of the bill was to be left not to labor and capital, but to capital exclusively. See also Marshall, Capitalism and Nationalism in Prewar Japan , 76-93, esp. 84-85.

129. GSH, HNSS 3:49ff.

130. GSH, HNSS 3:139.

131. GSH, HNSS 3:121.

132. GSH, HNSS 3:117.

133. GSH, HNSS 3:107.

134. GKH, HNSS 2:275.

135. GSH, HNSS 3:238, 242-43, 245.

136. GSH, HNSS 3:219-29; Ivan Illich, Gender (New York: Pantheon, 1982).

137. GSH, HNSS 3:231-35.

138. GSH, HNSS 3:203-4.

139. GSH, HNSS 3:249-50.

140. Takamure Itsue, "Waga kuni dansei shokun ni kenzan," Fujin sensen (May 1930), reprinted in Anakizumu josei kaiho * ronbunshu * Fujin sensen ni tatsu (Tokyo: Kuroiro Joseisha, 1982), 132-40; Nyozekan's article appeared in the Tokyo Asahi in eleven installments between 7 and 17 January 1929.

141. Takamure, "Waga kuni," 138.

142. Ibid., 139-40.

141. Takamure, "Waga kuni," 138.

142. Ibid., 139-40.

143. See Henry D. Smith, Japan's First Student Radicals (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1972), 25.

144. Quoted by Maruyama Masao, "Omoidasu mama ni," in Oyama Ikuo * Hyoden * , kaiso * (Tokyo: Shin Hyoron * , 1980), 215-22.

145. T. Arima, The Failure of Freedom (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1969), 173-213. break

146. " Warera kara Hihan e" (May 1930), in HNSS 1:377-78.

147. Iida, "Hihan no koseki * ," 171, 174 n. 4. This was also true of articles Nyozekan wrote for Chuo koron * and Kaizo * .

148. Tanaka, "Hasegawa Nyozekan no 'kokkakan,'" 187.

149. Royama * , commentary to GKH, HNSS 2:410.

150. Tanaka, "Hasegawa Nyozekan no 'kokkakan,'" 189-90.

151. Yamaryo * Chronology, 35-36.

152. This was the thesis of the 5th Comintern Congress, at which Zinoviev guided the definition of the Comintern's position. Quoted in Gavan McCormack, "Nineteen-Thirties Japan: Fascism?" Bulletin of Concerned Asian Scholars 14, no. 2 (April-June 1982): 21.

153. Perry Anderson, Considerations on Western Marxism (London: Verso, 1979), 20. It should be added that Japanese Marxists retained their interest in Soviet philosophy, and that their knowledge of the field remains unsurpassed outside the USSR. See Gino Piovesana, S.J., Contemporary Japanese Philosophical Thought (New York: St. John's University Press, 1969), 187-88. Piovesana is himself a specialist in Soviet philosophy; Iwasaki Chikatsugu, Nihon marukusushugi tetsugakushi josetsu (Tokyo: Miraisha, 1971).

154. Fernando Claudin, The Communist Movement: From Comintern to Cominform (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1975), 166.

155. McCormack, 22.

156. Hasegawa Nyozekan, Nihon fuashizumu hihan ( NFH ) (1932), HNSS 2:278.

157. NFH, HNSS 2:279-92 passim, 348.

158. NFH, HNSS 2:347-48.

159. Quoted in McCormack, "Nineteen-Thirties Japan," 22.

160. NFH, HNSS 2:280.

161. NFH, HNSS 2:286, 294-96, 360ff.

162. NFH, HNSS 2:312, 365, 372, 375.

163. NFH, HNSS 2:291, 325-29, 334.

164. NFH, HNSS 2:338, 346.

165. NFH, HNSS 2:280, 325-31.

166. Hasegawa Nyozekan, in Toyo keizai shinpo * , no. 1492, quoted in Shinomura Satoshi, "Waga kuni ni okeru fuashizumu ron no hihan," in Fuashizumu kenkyu * , Sassa et al. (Tokyo: Kaizosha * , 1932), 323.

167. Nyozekan defined dictatorship (as distinguished from patriarchal despotism or absolutism) as "absolute control through a power configuration that results from the political supremacy of a social group with distinct political demands" ( NFH, HNSS 2:347).

168. NFH, HNSS 2:293.

169. NFH, HNSS 2:340, 358-59.

170. But historically, he does admit, bureaucracy did constitute an autonomous force (355), and still the Japanese political system was marked by its remaining "feudal" and "factional" tendencies, which had even influenced the parties themselves. This was natural because the parties began as regionally based attempts to take "back" power, which the Meiji state, in their view, had arrogated to itself. break

171. NFH, HNSS 2:317-20, 340-47.

172. Shinomura Satoshi, "Waga kuni ni okeru fuashizumu ron no hihan," 275-336, esp. 287-91, 323, 328. Quote from 328.

173. NFH, HNSS 2:298-303.

174. Misawa Shigeo and Ninomiya Saburo * , "The Role of the Diet and Political Parties" in Pearl Harbor as History , ed. D. Borg and S. Okamoto (New York: Columbia University Press, 1973), 325; Kawahara Hiroshi et al., Nihon no fuashizumu (Tokyo: Yuhikaku * , 1976), 148; on Adachi's early career see E. H. Norman, "The Genyosha: A Study in the Origins of Japanese Imperialism," Pacific Affairs 17 (September 1944).

175. Inukai (8 May 1932) and Wakatsuki (10 May 1932) are quoted by Shiraki Masayuki, Nihon seitoshi * Showa hen * (Tokyo, 1949), 92-94, in Misawa and Ninomiya, "Role of the Diet," 326.

176. NFH, HNSS 2:336, 338-39. Nyozekan's assertion here is unsupported by any statistics. But it is borne out (at least for the period from 1932-34) by the economist Cho * Yukio's examination of sources of investment capital in Manchuria. See "An Inquiry into the Problem of Importing American Capital into Manchuria: A Note on Japanese-American Relations, 1931-1941," in Pearl Harbor , ed. Borg and Okamoto, esp. 385.

177. NFH, HNSS 2:336, 407; see also Berger, Parties out of Power , 40-45, for Adachi's own designs on the premiership.

178. NFH, HNSS 2:296.

179. NFH, HNSS 2:294-95.

180. NFH, HNSS 2:387-89, 396-408.

181. NFH, HNSS 2:376-84.

182. NFH, HNSS 2:294.

183. Maruyama, "Kindai Nihon no chishikijin."

184. NFH, HNSS 2:376-78.

185. This had the same title as the one eventually published.

186. A. Walicki, A History of Russian Thought, From the Enlightenment to Marxism (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1979), 328.

187. Nyozekan's books published from 1935 to 1945 include, for example, collected essays on Laozi ( Roshi * , 1935), Spencer ( Supensa * , 1939), on film ( Nihon eiga ron , 1943), and on the importance of the ceremonial ( Rei no bi , 1944).

188. See Ienaga Saburo * , "Senjika no kojin zasshi" in Shiso * , no. 475 (January 1964): 88-99.

189. The Friends of the Soviet Union was one of the "front organizations" created by the Comintern's Willi Münzenberg in 1928. By 1931 the Friends worldwide (except in Britain) had lost whatever organizational spontaneity they had enjoyed. See E. H. Carr, Twilight of the Comintern, 1930-1935 (New York: Pantheon, 1982), 385 and n.

190. Remarks made to the critic Sugiyama Heisuke. "Nyozekan shi no shinkyo * shindan," Yomiuri shinbun , 27 April 1934 (but note date), quoted in Yamaryo * , "Aru jiyushugi * janarisuto * ," Tenko * 1:334.

191. Kozai Yoshishige and Maruyama Masao, "Ichi tetsugakuto no kunan no michi," in Showa * shisoshi * e no shogen * , 51-52, 61; for a personal account of continue

the organization, activities, and disbanding of the society, see Oka Kunio, "Society for the Study of Materialism: Yuiken," in Science and Society in Modern Japan: Selected Historical Sources , ed. Nakayama, Swain, and Yagi (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1974), 151-57. Oka notes that "even chief secretary Hasegawa himself shamefully contemplated breaking connections with Yuiken" once police suppression began in April 1933 (153); in fact, Nyozekan did break with the organization toward the end of the same year. For other assessments see Iwasaki Chikatsugu, Nihon marukusushugi tetsugakushi josetsu , 173-242; Piovesana, Contemporary Japanese Philosophical Thought , 186-90.

192. Maruyama in Showa shisoshi * , 61.

193. Carr, Twilight , 382.

194. George Beckmann and Okubo Genji, The Japanese Communist Party , 1922-1945 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1969), 236-37; Carr, Twilight , 383-84.

195. On MOPR see Carr, Twilight , 395ff; on MOPR's activity in Japanese universities, see Matsumura Tadahiko, Saikin ni okeru sayoku gakusei undo * (1941), reprinted in Shakai mondai shiryo * sosho * , 1st ser., Shiso * kenkyu * shiryo * (special collection no. 85) (Kyoto: Toyo Bunkasha * , 1972), 80-85.

196. Yamaryo * , Tenko * 1:330-32.

197. Quoted in Yamaryo, Tenko 1:331.

198. Kobayashi Hajime, "Nihon riberarizumu," 20.

199. "'Tenko * '" (July 1933), in HNSS 1:322-23.

200. "Ware wa Ten ni kumi sen," Hihan 5, no. 2 (February 1934), opposite table of contents; also in HNSS 1:339-40. The passage comes from Analects 11:25 ("Xian xin," 11). I have used the translation of Wing-Tsit Chan ( A Source Book in Chinese Philosophy [Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1963], 37-38), modified where Nyozekan's rendering is different: "as if flattered" is Nyozekan's translation; Chan gives a parenthetical "[in disapproval]."

201. Miki Kiyoshi, "Chishiki kaikyu * to dento * no mondai," Chuo koron * (April 1937), in Miki Kiyoshi zenshu * (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1967), 13:332.

202. Hasegawa Nyozekan, afterword to Zoku Nihonteki seikaku (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1942), in HNSS 5:282.

203. Hasegawa Nyozekan, Nihonteki seikaku (Tokyo, 1938), also in HNSS 5 :5-165. It has been translated by John Bester as The Japanese Character: A Cultural Profile (Tokyo: Japanese National Commission for Unesco, 1966; reissued by Kodansha International, 1982).

204. Iida, "Hihan no koseki * ," 167, 170 n. 3, 172-74. See "Ryugen * to boko * no shakaiteki seishitsu," Warera 5, no. 10 (April 1923); "Hando * to boryoku * to ' kenkyu * ' no ichinen," Warera 6, no. 11 (December 1924).

205. Ralf Dahrendorf, The New Liberty (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1976), 6.

206. See n. 39 to Introduction for sources on the Showa Kenkyukai * .

207. James Crowley, "Intellectuals as Visionaries of the New Asian Order," in Dilemmas of Growth in Prewar Japan , ed. Morley, 320-21.

208. Heinrich Dumoulin, S.J., the German scholar of Buddhism, who arrived in Japan in 1935, knew Miki. Dumoulin said that the deaths of Miki and continue

of the Catholic philosopher Yoshimitsu Yoshihiko (a close friend of both Dumoulin and Miki) deprived Japan of desperately needed philosophical direction in the postwar years (interview, May 1984, Tokyo).

209. The text of the Principles of Thought for a New Japan is summarized in Fletcher, Search , 111-14, who demonstrates the connection between the philosophy of an East Asian Cooperative Body ( kyodotai * ) and actual government policy vis-à-vis China. On the cultural problems committee, see also Ito * , Showa * junendai shi dansho * , 21-29. The text of the Principles (and its successor, Continued Principles ) appears in Miki Kiyoshi zenshu * 17:507-88.

210. Hasegawa Nyozekan, "Shinateki kokka keitai no tokuisei," Kaizo * 19, no. 10 (October 1937), and "Nihon no bunmei to seiji," Jiyu * , January 1938, 1-9. Funayama Shin'ichi, "Bunseki kara koso * e1," Nihon hyoron * 16, no. 4 (April 1941): 216-21, is a discussion of Nyozekan's views.

211. On the Showajuku * see Ito, Showa , 31-34. Nyozekan is named as a member in YTN 1:154 (28 October 1938). Fletcher, New Order , 185 n. 7, notes: "In all, 213 students attended the academy, and many of them became prominent in postwar Japan. The most famous alumnus is probably Okita * Saburo * , an economist who helped direct Japan's postwar economic development and has served as foreign minister of Japan."

212. This account follows Yamaryo * , Tenko * 1: 335-40.

213. Ogura Kinnosuke, Sugakusha no kaiso * , quoted in Yamaryo, Tenko 1:338.

214. Kiyosawa, Ankoku nikki , quoted in Yamaryo, Tenko 1:340.

215. Hasegawa Nyozekan, "Nihon minzoku no yushusei * ," Nihon hyoron 17, no. 4 (April 1942): 14-30.

216. Ibid., 24.

217. Ibid., 19-23. In Greece, Nyozekan remarks, tradition dictated that remaining property ( isan ) be passed on to survivors; in Japan, it is the headship of a living house that is transmitted (23).

218. Ibid., 28. The "spatialization of history" is a concept found in the Shin Nihon no shiso * genri . That is, Japan's world-historical mission was to be historical both in the temporal sense that New Order cooperativism would supersede capitalism in time and in the spatial sense that the Western powers who had brought colonial capitalism to Asia would be driven out and replaced by the forces of the Japan-centered New Order. See Shin Nihon no shiso genri , in Miki Kiyoshi zenshu * 17:508-9.

215. Hasegawa Nyozekan, "Nihon minzoku no yushusei * ," Nihon hyoron 17, no. 4 (April 1942): 14-30.

216. Ibid., 24.

217. Ibid., 19-23. In Greece, Nyozekan remarks, tradition dictated that remaining property ( isan ) be passed on to survivors; in Japan, it is the headship of a living house that is transmitted (23).

218. Ibid., 28. The "spatialization of history" is a concept found in the Shin Nihon no shiso * genri . That is, Japan's world-historical mission was to be historical both in the temporal sense that New Order cooperativism would supersede capitalism in time and in the spatial sense that the Western powers who had brought colonial capitalism to Asia would be driven out and replaced by the forces of the Japan-centered New Order. See Shin Nihon no shiso genri , in Miki Kiyoshi zenshu * 17:508-9.

215. Hasegawa Nyozekan, "Nihon minzoku no yushusei * ," Nihon hyoron 17, no. 4 (April 1942): 14-30.

216. Ibid., 24.

217. Ibid., 19-23. In Greece, Nyozekan remarks, tradition dictated that remaining property ( isan ) be passed on to survivors; in Japan, it is the headship of a living house that is transmitted (23).

218. Ibid., 28. The "spatialization of history" is a concept found in the Shin Nihon no shiso * genri . That is, Japan's world-historical mission was to be historical both in the temporal sense that New Order cooperativism would supersede capitalism in time and in the spatial sense that the Western powers who had brought colonial capitalism to Asia would be driven out and replaced by the forces of the Japan-centered New Order. See Shin Nihon no shiso genri , in Miki Kiyoshi zenshu * 17:508-9.

215. Hasegawa Nyozekan, "Nihon minzoku no yushusei * ," Nihon hyoron 17, no. 4 (April 1942): 14-30.

216. Ibid., 24.

217. Ibid., 19-23. In Greece, Nyozekan remarks, tradition dictated that remaining property ( isan ) be passed on to survivors; in Japan, it is the headship of a living house that is transmitted (23).

218. Ibid., 28. The "spatialization of history" is a concept found in the Shin Nihon no shiso * genri . That is, Japan's world-historical mission was to be historical both in the temporal sense that New Order cooperativism would supersede capitalism in time and in the spatial sense that the Western powers who had brought colonial capitalism to Asia would be driven out and replaced by the forces of the Japan-centered New Order. See Shin Nihon no shiso genri , in Miki Kiyoshi zenshu * 17:508-9.

219. Nyozekan, "Nihon minzoku," 28-29; "Bunka ni okeru kagaku to chokkan, narabi ni kagaku bunka no kokuminsei ni tsuite," Nihon hyoron 16, no. 11 (November 1941): 28-38.

220. Hasegawa Nyozekan, Nihon kyoiku no dento * (Tokyo: Tamagawa Gakuen Shuppanbu, 1943).

221. Nihon kyoiku * , 264-93, esp. 273-79.

222. Dunn, Western Political Theory , 55.

223. Compare Nyozekan, "Nihon minzoku," 28-30, with "Gendai chishiki kaikyu * ron" (1946) HNSS 3:285-303, esp. 297-303. break

1. See Nezu Masashi, Tenno * to Showa * shi (Tokyo: San'ichi Shobo * , 1974), 322.

2. Maruyama, "Nyozekan san to chichi to watakushi," in Hasegawa Nyozekan , 306-8; Yamaryo * Chronology, 26.

3. Oe Kenzaburo * , "From the Ranks of Postwar Literature" (paper delivered at the University of California, Berkeley, May 1983), 1.

4. Oka Yoshitake, Konoe Fumimaro: A Political Biography , 111.

5. See Halliday, Political History of Japanese Capitalism , 140-59; quotes from 149, 159 respectively.

6. See, for example, Kuno, Tsurumi, and Fujita, Sengo Nihon no shiso * (Tokyo: Keiso Shobo * , 1966); Hidaka Rokuro * , "Sengo no 'kindaishugi,'" introductory essay to Kindaishugi , ed. Hidaka, vol. 34 of Gendai Nihon shiso * taikei (Tokyo: Chikuma Shobo * , 1964); Nakamura, Nihon no shisokai * (Tokyo: Keiso Shobo, 1967). Examples of recent discussions of postwar thought include Yoshida Masatoshi, Sengo shiso ron * (Tokyo: Aoki Shoten, 1984); Sugiyama Mitsunobu, Shiso * to sono sochi * ( 1 ): Sengo keimo * to shakai kagaku no shiso * (Tokyo: Shinyosha * , 1983); Ishida Takeshi, Nihon no shakai kagaku , 161-233; Yamada Ko * , Sengo no shisokatachi * (Tokyo: Kadensha, 1985). Much of the important material, of course, is to be found in journals such as Sekai, Shiso * , Shiso no kagaku * , Kokoro , and in many others now defunct.

7. I borrow this phrase from my Wesleyan colleague, the historian of China Vera Schwarcz.

8. Hashimoto Mitsuru, "'Fuhensei o chokoku * suru mono —minzoku," in Senjika Nihon ni okeru minzoku mondai no kenkyu * , ed. Naka Hisao (Kyoto: Minzoku Mondai Kenkyukai * , 1986), 17-30; Ishida, Nihon no shakai kagaku , 147.

9. Even in Japan, the study of the theme of "overcoming the modern" and the work associated with it has barely begun. But a number of works have now appeared that will make substantive research possible. First of all, the papers presented at the actual Kindai no chokoku * conference in 1942, along with the transcript of the discussions, have been reprinted by Fuzanbo * ( Kindai no chokoku , 1979). The volume also includes Takeuchi Yoshimi's famous essay of the same title (also available in the collection of Takeuchi's work, itself with the same title, published by Chikuma Shobo, 1983). In addition, the philosopher Hiromatsu Wataru has published ' Kindai no chokoku * ron (Tokyo: Asahi Shuppansha, 1980), which includes studies of the conference, of the Kyoto school, of Miki Kiyoshi, and a number of other essays immediately relevant to the subject. Finally, we have Kitsukawa Toshitada, Kindai hihan no shiso * (Tokyo: Ronsosha * , 1980), which includes studies of the critique of modernity in its relation to Marxism, to the theory of kyodotai * , and as it is articulated in the work of Yanagida Kunio and Miki Kiyoshi. In this connection, one starting point, in addition to the "Overcoming the Modern" conference, would be the record of the round-table discussions sponsored by the journal Bungakkai in 1934. These attracted philosophers, writers, and critics, many of whom also participated in the continue

later conference. Among the participants (in both) was the Catholic ethical philosopher Yoshimitsu Yoshihiko, discussed briefly in the present book, of whose work I hope soon to begin a more thorough study.

10. Shoji Kokichi * , Gendai Nihon shakai kagakushi josetsu (Tokyo: Hosei * Daigaku Shuppankyoku, 1975), passim; J. Victor Koschmann, "The Debate on Subjectivity in Postwar Japan: Foundations of Modernism as a Political Critique," Pacific Affairs 54, no. 4 (Winter 1981), and "The Fragile Fiction: Maruyama Masao and the 'Incomplete Project' of Modernity" (paper presented at the Conference of the Association for Asian Studies, Boston, April 1987). The "foundation texts" of modernism, including the seminal 1948 debate over "subjectivity," have been collected under the title Kindaishugi , edited by Hidaka Rokuro * . See n. 6 above.

11. Shoji * , Gendai Nihon , chap. 1.

12. Maruyama, "Kindai Nihon no chishikijin," 118.

13. Nakamura, Nihon no shisokai * , 239-40.

14. Quoted in Authority and the Individual in Japan , ed. J. V. Koschmann (Tokyo: Tokyo University Press, 1974), 150.

15. Koschmann, Authority , 150; Shoji, Gendai Nihon , 20-21, 66ff; Matsumoto Sannosuke et al., "Maruyama riron to genzai no shiso jokyo * " (roundtable discussion, May 1972), in Gendai no riron: shuyo * ronbunshu , ed. Ando * Jinbei et al. (Tokyo: Gendai no Rironsha, 1978), 93ff.

16. Maruyama, "Kindai Nihon no chishikijin," 113-30.

17. Ivan Morris, Nationalism and the Right Wing in Japan (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1960), 105.

18. The preceding discussion is based on Andrew Gordon, The Evolution of Labor Relations in Japan: Heavy Industry , 1853-1955 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1985), 329-48.

19. Maruyama, "Kindai Nihon no chishikijin," 116.

20. Ishida Takeshi, Nihon no shakai kagaku , 174-93.

21. Tanabe, Philosophy as Metanoetics , xvi-xviii, xxxv.

22. Maruyama, "Senso sekinin * ron no moten * ," in id., Senchu * to sengo no aida , 596-602. Quote from 597.

23. Ralf Dahrendorf, Society and Democracy in Germany , 16.

24. Takeuchi Yoshimi, "Kindai to wa nani ka? (Nihon to Chugoku * no bawai)" (1948), in id., Kindai no chokoku * (Tokyo: Chikuma Shobo * , 1983), 22.

25. See Maruyama Masao, "Genkei; koso * shitsuyo * tei'on * —Nihon shisoshi hohoron * ni tsuite no watakushi no ayumi," in Nihon bunka no kakureta kata , ed. Takeda Kiyoko, 87-152; Fujita Shozo * , "Shakai kagakusha no shiso * ," in Kuno, Tsurumi, and Fujita, Sengo Nihon no shiso * , 150-81.

26. Ishida Takeshi, Japanese Society (New York: Random House, 1971), 31.

27. Ibid., 32-33.

26. Ishida Takeshi, Japanese Society (New York: Random House, 1971), 31.

27. Ibid., 32-33.

28. Robert Bellah, introduction to the paperback edition, Tokugawa Religion (New York: Free Press, 1985), xv.

29. Dahrendorf, Life Chances , 141-63; on Ui's work, see for example his "A Basic Theory of kogai * " (1972), reprinted in Science and Society in Modern Japan , ed. Nakayama et al., 290-311. break

30. Matsumoto Sannosuke, "The Roots of Political Disillusionment: 'Public' and 'Private' in Japan," in Authority and the Individual in Japan , ed. Koschmann, 31-51.

31. Germaine Hoston, "Between Theory and Practice: Marxist Thought and the Politics of the Japanese Socialist Party," Studies in Comparative Communism 20, no. 2 (Summer 1987).

32. Shimizu Ikutaro * , "The Nuclear Option: Japan, Be a State!" Japan Echo 7 (Fall 1980), 33-45. I am indebted to Adam Bird for bringing this article to my attention.

33. I make this distinction in response to a challenging informal remark by Hashimoto Mitsuru, now of Osaka University.

34. J. Victor Koschmann, "Is Postwar Really Over?," conference paper sponsored by the Center for Japanese Studies, University of California, Berkeley, May 1983, 6-7.

35. Maruyama, "Sensosekinin * ron no moten * ."

36. Sebastien Castilian, De arte dubitandi (1562), epigram in Oe Kenzaburo * , Hiroshima Notes (Tokyo: YMCA Press, 1981).

37. Peter Nettl, "Power and the Intellectuals," in Power and Consciousness , ed. Conor Cruise O'Brien and William Dean Vanech (New York: New York University Press, 1969), 25. break