Preferred Citation: Zolov, Eric. Refried Elvis: The Rise of the Mexican Counterculture. Berkeley:  University of California Press,  c1999 1999. http://ark.cdlib.org/ark:/13030/ft5q2nb3w6/


 
Notes

Notes

Introduction

1. The concept of the "Revolutionary Family" became popularized in the social science literature on Mexico by Frank Brandenburg's The Making of Modern Mexico (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice Hall, 1964 [1967]), esp. chap. 1, "The Revolutionary Family and the Mexican Proposition." He writes: "For the sake of convenience, and to suggest the nature of leadership of this [elite] revolutionary group, it will be assigned the label of 'Revolutionary Family,' or simply 'Family.' The Revolutionary Family is composed of the men who have run Mexico for over half a century, who have laid the policy-lines of the Revolution, and who today hold effective decision-making power" (p. 3). Although the extent to which the term was actually employed by Mexicans themselves is less clear, certainly the imagery of a patriarchally defined revolutionary state was prominent.

2. Popular support, as well as opposition to the students, came from various quarters, a point I address later in the book. The manner in which I am using the plural middle classes roughly corresponds with John J. Johnson's preference for the term middle sectors (John J. Johnson, Political Change in Latin America: The Emergence of the Middle Sectors [Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press 1958]).

3. Ulf Hannerz, "Notes on the Global Ecumene," Public Culture 1, no. 2 (1989): 66-75. While my subject matter is a mass-produced cultural commodity, I am indebted to the methodological argument presented in Arjun Appadurai, ed., The Social Life of Things: Commodities in Cultural Perspective (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986). See also Ian Ang, "Culture and Communication: Towards an Ethnographic Critique of Media Consumption in the Transnational Media System," European Journal of Communication 5 (1990): 239-60.

4. For the revolutionary period see Friedrich Katz, The Secret War in Mexico (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1981); and Alan Knight, The Mexican

Revolution (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1986), vols. 1-2. For post-revolutionary reconstruction and the institutionalization of presidential rule see Alan Knight, "Mexico, c. 1930-1946," in Leslie Bethell, ed., Cambridge History of Latin America (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1990), vol. 7, 3-82.

5. That Mexico did not experience a military coup d'état in 1968 is an important distinction which has much to do as well with the fact that the military was gradually retired from direct participation in politics after the revolution, in contrast to the trend in the Southern Cone, where the military steadily entered politics under the guise of providing a stabilizing element.

6. Gilbert M. Joseph and Daniel Nugent, eds., Everyday Forms of State Formation: Revolution and the Negotiation of Rule in Modern Mexico (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1994); Claudio Lomnitz-Adler, Exits from the Labyrinth: Culture and Ideology in the Mexican National Space (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992).

7. Ilene V. O'Malley, The Myth of the Revolution: Hero Cults and the Institutionalization of the Mexican State, 1920-1940 (New York: Greenwood Press, 1986), 126.

8. Ibid., 47, 85.

7. Ilene V. O'Malley, The Myth of the Revolution: Hero Cults and the Institutionalization of the Mexican State, 1920-1940 (New York: Greenwood Press, 1986), 126.

8. Ibid., 47, 85.

9. Octavio Paz, "Return to the Labyrinth of Solitude," trans. Yara Milos, in Octavio Paz, The Labyrinth of Solitude and Other Writings , trans. Lysander Kemp, Yara Milos, and Rachel Phillips Balash (New York: Grove Press, 1985), 336.

10. O'Malley, Myth of the Revolution , 53. See also Evelyn P. Stevens, " Marianismo: The Other Face of Machismo in Latin America," in Ann Pescatello, ed., Female and Male in Latin America: Essays (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1973), 89-101; Parker and others, Nationalisms and Sexualities (New York: Routledge, 1992); Jean Franco, Plotting Women: Gender and Representation in Mexico (New York: Columbia University Press, 1989).

11. Mathew C. Gutmann, The Meanings of Macho: Being a Man in Mexico City (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1996), 224. See also Franco, Plotting Women , esp. chap. 7, "Oedipus Modernized."

12. This breakdown of idealized family stability and the power of the state to exercise benign paternalism is hauntingly revealed in Luis Buñuel's classic film, Los olvidados (1950), translated as "The Young and the Damned."

13. Jonathan Kandell, La Capital: A Biography of Mexico City (New York: Random House, 1988), 486.

14. José Emiliano Pacheco, Battles in the Desert and Other Stories , trans. Katherine Silver (Mexico City: Ediciones Era, 1982; New York: New Directions, 1987), 82-83.

15. For a discussion of elite and popular cultures during the Porfiriato, see William H. Beezley, Judas at the Jockey Club and Other Episodes of Porfirian Mexico (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1987). For the postwar consumer frenzy see José Agustín, Tragicomedia mexicana I: La vida en México de 1940 a 1970 (Mexico City: Planeta, 1990), 125 (advertisement for Goodyear Tires).

16. Roger D. Hansen, The Politics of Mexican Development (Baltimore, Md.: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1971 [1974]), 41-42.

17. Stephen R. Niblo, War, Diplomacy, and Development: The United States and Mexico, 1938-1954 (Wilmington, Del.: Scholarly Resources, 1995). Niblo writes that " [n]ot until 1971 did the purchasing power of real wages regain the 1938 level" (p. 147).

18. Carlos Monsiváis, "Muerte y resurrección del nacionalismo mexicano," Nexos 109 (January 1987), 13. Unless otherwise noted, all translations from the Spanish throughout this book are mine.

19. Octavio Paz, "The Philanthropic Ogre," trans. Rachel Phillips Balash, in Octavio Paz, The Labyrinth of Solitude and Other Writings , trans. Lysander Kemp, Yara Milos, and Rachel Phillips Balash (New York: Grove Press, 1985), 379-98.

20. Stanley R. Ross, ed., Is the Mexican Revolution Dead? (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1966). See José Luis Cuevas, "The Cactus Curtain," Evergreen Review 2 (1959): 111-20. For a discussion of the apogee of Mexico's revolutionary nationalism as a cosmopolitan force in the world see Helen Delpar, The Enormous Vogue of Things Mexican: Cultural Relations between the United States and Mexico, 1920-1935 (Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 1992).

21. One might argue that this cynicism had always been there but that the right material conditions for expressing it were not yet available. Hegemony in this view is not something that comes undone (in failing to remake itself) but rather something that is sustained through an implicit acceptance of official lies which are backed by force. Thus, hegemony is always fragile and dependent on the willingness of social actors to play their parts (consciously and unconsciously). The problem with this interpretation, however, is that it does not account for why, when, and how social actors choose to expose the lies sustaining hegemonic relations. The answer to this, in part, lies with the importance of popular culture as a vehicle for both inculcating and contesting hegemonic values. See Derek Sayer, "Everyday Forms of State Formation: Some Dissident Remarks on 'Hegemony,' " in Gilbert Joseph and Daniel Nugent, eds., Everyday Forms of State Formation: Revolution and the Negotiation of Rule in Modern Mexico (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1994), 367-77; William Rowe and Vivian Schelling, Memory and Modernity: Popular Culture in Latin America (London: Verso, 1991).

22. See, for example, Linda Martin and Kerry Segrave, Anti-Rock: The Opposition to Rock 'n' Roll (New York: Da Capo, 1993); and Dick Hebdige, "Towards a Cartography of Taste, 1935-1962," in Hiding in the Light (London: Routledge, 1988), 45-76, about the reception of youth culture in Britain.

23. Alan Knight, "Revolutionary Project, Recalcitrant People: Mexico, 1910-1940," in Jaime E. Rodríguez O., ed., The Revolutionary Process in Mexico: Essays on Political and Social Change, 1880-1940 (Los Angeles: UCLA, 1990), 263.

24. Ibid., 264.

23. Alan Knight, "Revolutionary Project, Recalcitrant People: Mexico, 1910-1940," in Jaime E. Rodríguez O., ed., The Revolutionary Process in Mexico: Essays on Political and Social Change, 1880-1940 (Los Angeles: UCLA, 1990), 263.

24. Ibid., 264.

25. This is not to suggest that the student protests were "caused" by rock music or even necessarily characterized by rock music's presence, though many were. Moreover, in the case of the Cultural Revolution in China as well as other radical movements in parts of the Third World, rock music was regarded as "bourgeois" and "decadent," rather than an "authentic'' music of social protest. At the same time, however, the assault on institutional hierarchies, the stress on "communication," and the demand for a democratization of social relations were all values inscribed within the rhythms and later, lyrics, of rock music culture. This is not to argue that contradictions between ideology and practice were not visible; they were often rampant, especially when it came to gender relations. But such contradictions were found among more radical movements as well.

26. See, for example, "Global Report on Rock 'n' Roll," New York Times Magazine , 20 April 1958, 24-25; Roger Wallis and Krister Malm, Big Sounds from Small Peoples: The Music Industry in Small Countries (New York: Pendragon, 1984); Martin and Segrave, Anti-Rock ; Timothy W. Ryback, Rock around the Bloc: A History of Rock Music in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990); Charles Hamm, "Rock 'n' roll in a Very Strange Society," Popular Music 5 (1985): 159-74; Umberto Fiori, "Rock Music and Politics in Italy," Popular Music 4 (1984): 261-78; Lawrence Zion, "Disposable Icons: Pop Music in Australia, 1955-1963," Popular Music 8 (1989): 165-75.

27. Ryback, Rock around the Bloc , 53; "Crackdown on 'Liberal' Pix, Play and Music in Iron Curtain Countries: Only the Twist Okayed by Russos," Variety , 1 May 1963, 25.

28. Rock has been sorely neglected in studies on Latin American culture, which have emphasized the place of "Nueva Canción" and folkloric musical expression over popular music. I wish to thank Susie Trutie of MTV for lending me the tape, "MTV News Latino: Mejor hablar de ciertas cosas, Pequeñas historias del rock argentina," which contains a somewhat frenzied but nevertheless useful musical narrative of rock 'n' roll's early years in that country (Prod. Lily Neumeyer, 12 December 1996, LSPE008). See also Nicolás Casullo, "Argentina: El rock en la sociedad política," Comunicación y Cultura 12 (1984): 41-50; Pablo Vila, " Rock nacional and Dictatorship in Argentina," Popular Music 6 (1987): 129-48; Charles A. Perrone, "Changing of the Guard: Questions and Contrasts of Brazilian Rock Phenomena," Studies in Latin American Popular Culture 9 (1990): 65-83; Pilar Riaño-Alcalá, "Urban Space and Music in the Formation of Youth Cultures: The Case of Bogotá, 1920-1980," Studies in Latin American Popular Culture 10 (1991): 87-106; Peter Manuel, "Rock Music and Cultural Ideology in Revolutionary Cuba," in Simon Frith, ed., World Music, Politics and Social Change (Manchester, U.K.: Manchester University Press, 1991), 161-66.

29. Arjun Appadurai, "Disjuncture and Difference in the Global Cultural Economy," Public Culture 2 (Spring 1990): 5. A problem with Appadurai's approach is that it tends to dehistoricize sociocultural change in its emphasis on

the study of contemporary global "flow." See also "Special Issue on Global Culture," Theory, Culture & Society 7, nos. 2-3 (June 1990).

30. The term is used in Appadurai, "Disjuncture and Difference." See also Robert J. Foster, "Making National Cultures in the Global Ecumene," Annual Review of Anthropology 20 (1991): 235-60. For an interesting study of how by the 1980s First World media shaped and competed with Third World media see Armand Mattelart, Xavier Delcourt, and Michele Mattelart, International Image Markets: In Search of an Alternative Perspective , trans. David Buxton (London: Comedia, 1984). For an important introduction to the issues see John Tomlinson, Cultural Imperialism: A Critical Introduction (Baltimore, Md.: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1991).

31. Ryback, Rock around the Bloc , 26. Ryback points out that a 1958 article in the NATO journal Revue militaire générale indeed proposed the argument that jazz, rock, and other modern dance music might be a useful tactic in the global effort to undermine Communism. Soviet response to Presley's military transfer to West Germany reflected these fears. In fact, Voice of America radio and other U.S. information outlets began promoting the youth culture in earnest by the mid-1960s.

32. Thus Herbert Braun writes: "The students may have listened to the Beatles, followed new hair styles from abroad and thought about how their actions related to those of students elsewhere, but their obsession was with Mexico and with their president.... They did not see Mexico as part of a World [cultural] economy" (Herbert Braun, "Protests of Engagement: Dignity, False Love, and Self-Love in Mexico, 1968" [paper presented at the Washington Seminar for Historians of Latin America, Georgetown University, Washington, D.C., October 1997], p. 34).

33. Information on marketing strategies comes from interviews with company officials, the business archives at Baker Library (Harvard University), and trade magazines, especially Variety . A partial index of Variety , covering all references to Mexico for 1957-1971, may be found in my dissertation as a useful source for future research. Eric Zolov, "Containing the Rock Gesture: Mass Culture and Hegemony in Mexico, 1955-1975" (Ph.D. diss., University of Chicago, 1995), vol. 2, 429-442.

34. George Katsiaficas, The Imagination of the New Left: A Global Analysis of 1968 (Boston: South End Press, 1987); Ronald Fraser, ed., 1968: A Student Generation in Revolt. An International Oral History (New York: Pantheon, 1988); Robert V. Daniels, Year of the Heroic Guerrilla: World Revolution and Counterrevolution in 1968 (New York: Basic Books, 1989).

35. An important exception to this lack of historical memory in Mexico is the continued publication of important works of fiction that were written in the context of the counterculture. For example, José Agustín's Inventando que sueño , originally published in 1968, is now in its fifteenth edition, and works by other authors of the period can also be found. The music, imagery, and other commodified items, however, are much more difficult to access. At the same time, there are indications that a "revival" of countercultural lore may be un-

der way, for example with the recent publication of José Agustín, La contracultura en México: La historia y el significado de los rebeldes sin causa, los jipitecas, los punks y las bandas (Mexico City: Grijalbo, 1996) and the new rock series on Polygram Records, "Las raíces del rock," a collection that features music from La Onda Chicana (Víctor Ronquillo, "El rock tiene su historia," Reforma , 22 June 1997, E4). World Wide Web sites, such as [ http://www.rockeros.com] , also suggest the recovery of a certain historical memory.

1Rebeldismo in the Revolutionary Family Rock 'n' Roll's Early Impact on Mexican State and Society

1. José Agustín, Tragicomedia mexicana I: La vida en México de 1940 a 1970 (Mexico City: Planeta, 1990), 147.

2. Alan Bloom, quoted in Trent Hill, "The Enemy within: Censorship in Rock Music in the 1950s," South Atlantic Quarterly 90 (Fall 1991): 683.

3. Ibid., 684.

4. Ibid.

2. Alan Bloom, quoted in Trent Hill, "The Enemy within: Censorship in Rock Music in the 1950s," South Atlantic Quarterly 90 (Fall 1991): 683.

3. Ibid., 684.

4. Ibid.

2. Alan Bloom, quoted in Trent Hill, "The Enemy within: Censorship in Rock Music in the 1950s," South Atlantic Quarterly 90 (Fall 1991): 683.

3. Ibid., 684.

4. Ibid.

5. Mambo was criticized in some quarters for being "music of savages," but this certainly did not seem to affect its broader impact. See Yolanda Moreno Rivas, Historia de la música popular mexicana (Mexico City: Promociones Editoriales Mexicanas, 1979; Consejo Nacional para la Cultura y las Artes / Editorial Patria, 1989), 242.

6. Música tropical is used to denominate a variety of musical dance styles "in which black or Caribbean influence predominates" (ibid., 236). See also David K. Stigberg, "Foreign Currents during the 60s and 70s in Mexican Popular Music: Rock and Roll, the Romantic Ballad and the Cumbia," Studies in Latin American Popular Culture 4 (1985): 170-84.

7. "Baila el rock and roll," by Frank Domínguez. Copyright © 1957 by Peer International Corporation. Copyright renewed. International copyright secured. Used by permission.

8. Moreno Rivas, Historia de la música , 243. See also Federico Arana, Guaraches de ante azul: Historia del rock mexicano (Mexico City: Posada, 1985), vol. 1, chaps. 1-3.

9. Moreno Rivas, Historia de la música , 242.

10. Stigberg, "Foreign Currents."

11. In 1960 the rural sector dropped below 50 percent of the population for the first time (Michael C. Meyer and William L. Sherman, The Course of Mexican History , 5th ed. [New York: Oxford University Press, 1995], 655).

12. "El can-rock!" Impacto , 2 January 1957, 26.

13. Discos Peerless may have had ties with the U.S. record producer Ralph Peer, who controlled Peer International, a company that marketed "race" and "hillbilly" music in the United States. In 1930 Peer went to Mexico and gained control of a major catalogue of native popular and classical music for exploitation locally and around the world,'' possibly a reference to Discos Peerless (Russell Saniek, American Popular Music and Its Business: The First Four Hundred Years [New York: Oxford University Press, 1988], vol. 3, 180). I

thank Deborah Pacini-Hernández for raising this connection and providing the citation.

14. "La primera fábrica de discos en México," Excélsior , 2 December 1958. See also "History of the Recording Industry in Mexico," Discoméxico 25, (March, 1993). Unfortunately, several dates are cited for the opening of Discos Peerless. Excélsior gives 1926. Discoméxico , a poorly edited trade journal, states that it was in 1933. An article in Billboard (Eliot Tiegel, "Entertainment Fields Sparkle with Diversity!" Billboard Music Week , 16 December 1967, M5) gives the date as 1936, which is what I have chosen to keep.

15. This narrative is pieced together from the following sources: Carlos Beltrand Luján, interview with the author, Mexico City, 18 May 1994; Claudia Fernández and Andrew Paxman, "El Tigre" (unpublished manuscript); Marjorie Miller and Juanita Darling, "The Eye of the Tiger: Emilio Azcárraga and the Televisa Empire," in William A. Orme Jr., ed., A Culture of Collusion: An Inside Look at the Mexican Press (Miami: North-South Center Press / University of Miami, 1997), 59-70. I am also indebted to Andrew Paxman, Latin American correspondent for Variety , for various conversations about the subject.

16. In the late 1960s Audio Devices, Inc. merged with Capitol Records to form Capitol Industries, Inc.

17. Annual Report , Audio Devices, Inc., 1957, found in "Capitol Industries-EMI" (Folder 1: Annual Reports, 1950-66), Historical Corporate Records Collection, Baker Library, Harvard University. (Hereafter cited as HCRC-Harvard Collection.)

18. Annual Report , RCA Corporation, 1963, 4, Cole-Harvard Collection, Baker Library, Harvard University. (Hereafter cited as Cole-Harvard Collection.)

19. Annual Report , RCA Corporation, 1957, 38, Cole-Harvard Collection.

20. Annual Report , CBS, Inc., "CBS, Inc., 1944-73," Reel 104, 1958, 62-63, Cole-Harvard Collection.

21. Annual Report , CBS, Inc., 1961, 10, Cole-Harvard Collection.

22. Annual Report , RCA Corporation, 1959, 24, Cole-Harvard Collection.

23. Kenneth L. Shore, "The Crossroads of Business and Music: A Study of the Music Industry in the United States and Internationally" (Ph.D. diss., Stanford University, 1983), 101.

24. Annual Report , CBS, Inc., 1958, 43, Cole-Harvard Collection.

25. In Mexico, the corporations' historical record was so poorly organized that neither RCA (later purchased by Sony Music) nor CBS was able to offer much beyond the scantest of official documents.

26. Annual Report , RCA Corporation, 1957, 24, 38, Cole-Harvard Collection.

27. Annual Report , CBS, Inc., 1956, 46, Cole-Harvard Collection.

28. Ibid.

27. Annual Report , CBS, Inc., 1956, 46, Cole-Harvard Collection.

28. Ibid.

29. Annual Report , CBS, Inc., 1959, 63, Cole-Harvard Collection; "Col Records 1st LA Convention," Variety , 16 April 1958, 45.

30. "Col Expanding South-of-the-Border," Variety , 9 November 1960, 49.

31. "Only US, Red China, Brazil Top Mexico in Number of Radio Stations," Variety , 21 January 1959, 51. Cheap radio sets were also sold directly by radio stations to low-income families throughout the country.

32. "TV, Radio in Mexico Far Outstrips All Latin American Competish: Conde," Variety , 17 August 1960, 89.

33. "Mex TV & Radio See Big Advances, Prosperity in '60," Variety , 20 January 1960, 47.

34. In 1962 there were approximately 300,000 homes with record players in the country. "Mexico," Billboard Music Week: 1962-1963 International Music Industry Buyers' Guide and Market Data Report , 4 August 1962, 145.

35. Shore, "Crossroads of Business and Music."

36. "Se instalará una fábrica de discos en Argentina para impulsar nuestra mÚsica," Excélsior , 16 February 1957, B6.

37. "RCA Priming Pump of Mex Subsid to Press Disks for U.S. Lingo Mkt.," Variety , 4 February 1959, 59.

38. "Col to Push Hispano Disks in US Market," Variety , 17 August 1960, 40.

39. "Mexican-Made Global Disk Gleam," Variety , 29 July 1959, 101.

40. "Mex Disk Gross Topping '58 Peak of $30,000,000," Variety , 6 January 1960, 209.

41. "Mexican Disk Industry's '60 Exports Hit $1,600,000 Bank's Report Discloses," Variety , 2 August 1961, 83; "Se exportaron, en 1960, discos por 20 Millones," Novedades , 12 July 1961. The principal markets for Mexican music were Venezuela, the United States, El Salvador, Guatemala, and Panama.

42. "Mex Diskeries' Mucho Etcho," Variety , 20 January 1960, 65.

43. "Discos Mexicana Preps Major Expansion Via New Studios, Labels," Variety , 2 September 1959, 60. The new facilities included "recording studios, presses, printing plant, etc. with latest equipment acquired in U.S." ("Hispavox, Orfeon Accent Mexico's Disk Expansion," Variety , 3 December 1958, 73).

44. "Orfeon Mex Disks to Tee Off in Japan," Variety , 28 October 1959, 43; "Hispavox, Orfeon Accent Mexico's Disk Expansion."

45. "Mex Diskeries' Mucho Etcho"; Salvador Minjares, "Tres continentes serán invadidos por grabaciones hechas en México," Excélsior , 13 January 1957, A18.

46. "Rank in Global Deal for RCA Mexicana Disks," Variety , 17 May 1961, 61.

47. "Col Aims at Wider Mkt. for Mex Singers," Variety , 6 September 1961., 47.

48. "Victor in Latino Kick in U.S., Bids for $1-Mil. Sales in Genre," Variety , 31 October 1962, 44.

49. "Mexico Mulling Ban on Imported Disks," Variety , 18 May 1960, 59.

50. "Foreign Diskeries Invading Mexico," Variety , 18 February 1959, 41.

51. Eréndira Rincón, interview with the author, Mexico City, 20 August 1996.

52. See chapter 5, chapter 6, and the conclusions.

53. This meaning is not in any Spanish - language dictionary. The closest reference is to desmadrado , "an animal abandoned by its mother" ( Diccionario enciclopédico de la lengua castellana , 3d ed. [Paris: Sarnier Hermanos, 1900], 830). While in contemporary Spanish usage the term is widely known (especially in, though not limited to, Mexico), my perception is that until the mid-to-late 1960s the term itself was used only among the lower classes, and as an extremely vulgar one at that. A synonym for desmadre that was available for the middle and upper classes was relajo , which has similar connotations but without the offensive, class-oriented overtones. See Jorge Portilla, Fenomenología del relajo y otros ensayos (Mexico City: Ediciones Era, 1966); Claudio Lomnitz-Adler, Exits from the Labyrinth: Culture and Ideology in the Mexican National Space (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992), 10.

54. Rincón, interview.

55. cf. Evelyn P. Stevens, " Marianismo: The Other Face of Machismo in Latin America," in Ann Pescatello, ed., Female and Male in Latin America: Essays (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1973), 89-101.

56. Rincón, interview.

57. For a wonderful representation of the challenges posed by modernization to patriarchal authority in a middle-class family see the film Una familia de tantas (Dir. Alejandro Galindo, 1948). On the question of divorce, see below.

58. Ilene V. O'Malley, The Myth of the Revolution: Hero Cults and the Institutionalization of the Mexican State, 1920-1940 (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1986).

59. See the advertisements in Excélsior , 1 January 1957.

60. Excélsior , 12 February 1957, A18. Unlike in the United States, where earlier dance steps associated with rock 'n' roll have been largely forgotten, in Mexico rock 'n' roll continues to be recognized as a familiar dance pattern, practiced by young and old alike, and by all classes.

61. Emilio García Riera, Historia documental del cine mexicano (Jalisco, Mexico: Universidad de Guadalajara, 1993), Vol. 8, 245.

62. Carl J. Mora, Mexican Cinema: Reflections of a Society, 1896-1988 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1982 [rev. ed., 1989]), 99.

63. Ibid.

62. Carl J. Mora, Mexican Cinema: Reflections of a Society, 1896-1988 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1982 [rev. ed., 1989]), 99.

63. Ibid.

64. See, for example, Anne Rubenstein, "Mediated Styles of Masculinity in the Post-Revolutionary Imagination, or, El Santo's Strange Career" (paper presented at the conference, Representing Mexico: Transnationalism and the Politics of Culture since the Revolution, Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, Washington, D.C., 7-8 November 1997).

65. García Riera, Historia documental , Vol. 8, 130.

66. Mora, Mexican Cinema , 84-85.

67. Interestingly, RCA's Mexican marketing strategy highlighted Presley's darkened, mestizo features ("In Living Cardboard," New York Times Book Review , 17 November 1996, 24).

68. A similar plot is developed in the film Al compás del rock'n roll , in which the women form their own rock 'n' roll band to compete with their boyfriends and an imitator of Presley, "Elvio Prentis," "sings and dances rock ... provoking fainting fits among the women" (García Riera, Historia documental , Vol. 8, 301).

69. See, for example, the advertisements for different schools in jueves de Excélsior during this period. In the short story "Battles in the Desert," by José Emilio Pacheco, this theme of English language within the middle-class family is also explored (José Emilio Pacheco, Battles in the Desert and Other Stories , trans. Katherine Silver [Mexico City: Ediciones Era, 1981; New York: New Directions, 1987]).

70. Rafael Solana, " 'Celos y revueltos,' " Excélsior , 14 February 1957, B4.

71. Linda Martin and Kerry Segrave, Anti-Rock: The Opposition to Rock 'n' Roll (New York: Da Capo, 1993), 7. The film was shown in Mexico City theaters in October 1955.

72. New York Times , 6 March 1955, B4.

73. Excélsior , 26 October 1955, A19.

74. Juventud desenfrenada (Dir. José Díaz Morales, 1956). See "Gloria Ríos habla de Juventud desenfrenada,' " Excélsior , 19 January 1957, B4. I am indebted to Rogelio Agrasanchez Jr. for lending me a copy of this film, for it does not appear in any Mexican film archive.

75. The only female character not prostituted literally, is figuratively "distorted" because she is presented quite obviously as a lesbian. Dressed in trousers and a man's dress shirt, at the end she is shot in the back by a policeman who later exclaims: "It's a woman! If she had worn a skirt, I wouldn't have fired!"

76. Excélsior , 20 January 1957, A29.

77. The numbers of registered divorces for the country are as follows: 1940, 42,559; 1950, 67,810; 1960, 119,045. For Mexico City the numbers are: 1940, 6,456; 1950, 16,556; 1960, 30,379. Whether by accident or design, numbers for 1970 show only a slight increase over 1960. Anuario Estadístico de los Estados Unidos Mexicanos (Mexico City: Dirección General de Estadísticas, 1951-1970).

78. García Riera, Historia documental , Vol. 8, 234.

79. " 'Juventud desenfrenad' en su 4a semana de exhibición," Excélsior , 16 January 1957, B4.

80. I wish to thank Federico Arana for making the original poster available to me.

81. Excélsior , 20 January 1957, A29.

82. "Gloria Ríos le enseñará a usted a bailar rock'n roll," Excélsior , 6 February 1957, B4.

83. "Un médico y una estudiante ganan el certamen de 'Juventud desenfrenada,' " Excélsior , 17 February 1957, B4. See also " 'Juventud desenfrenada,' una lección para todos," Excélsior , 20 January 1957, B4.

84. Arana, Guaraches , Vol. 1, 84.

85. Hill, "Enemy within," 688.

86. O'Malley, Myth of the Revolution , 111. The Wild One was shown in Mexico City in 1954.

87. Not until 1965 did Villa become an "official national hero" (O'Malley, Myth of the Revolution , 112).

88. Parménides García Saldaña, En la ruta de La Onda (Mexico City: Diógenes, 1972), 65.

89. Ibid. García Saldaña also writes that subtitled translations introduced new terms in an effort to avoid more vulgar Mexicanisms. In Rebel without a Cause , for example, "Don't be a chicken" was translated literally as "No seas gallina," rather than the more appropriate "No seas maricón" (p. 63).

88. Parménides García Saldaña, En la ruta de La Onda (Mexico City: Diógenes, 1972), 65.

89. Ibid. García Saldaña also writes that subtitled translations introduced new terms in an effort to avoid more vulgar Mexicanisms. In Rebel without a Cause , for example, "Don't be a chicken" was translated literally as "No seas gallina," rather than the more appropriate "No seas maricón" (p. 63).

90. Johnny Laboriel, interview with the author, Mexico City, 11 August 1996.

91. Rebel without a Cause was shown for eight weeks in Mexico City in 1956. Though its permit technically lasted four years, the film faced problems with its renewal, and it is unclear whether it was actually reissued; interviews and a search of the press suggest that the film was banned during much of the late 1950s. However, in mid-1959 one theater in Mexico City was showing it, though with little promotional fanfare. See "James Dean Echoes Still," Variety , 28 September 1960, 1.

92. García Saldaña, En la ruta de La Onda , 55.

93. "Dos 'niños bien' querían cambiar cheques falsos," Excélsior , 12 June 1959, A29.

94. José de Pascual Janet, "Jóvenes de ayer y de hoy," Jueves de Excélsior , 24 January 1957, 19.

95. J. Ortiz, "Pavoroso aumento de la delincuencia juvenil," Jueves de Excélsior , 14 November 1957, 20-21.

96. Ibid.

95. J. Ortiz, "Pavoroso aumento de la delincuencia juvenil," Jueves de Excélsior , 14 November 1957, 20-21.

96. Ibid.

97. Quoted in Arana, Guaraches , Vol. 2, 77. Siqueiros was jailed from 1960 to 1964 but was later commissioned by the government to create a series of murals for the art and exhibition center named after him, Siqueiros Polyforum. By the late 1950s, his art was considered reactionary by a younger generation of artists who sought to break free of the muralist genre, by then closely associated with the official nationalism.

98. "En febrero harán el primer festival 'rock and roll,' " Excélsior , 4 January 1957, B6.

99. Arana, Guaraches , Vol. 1, 72-75.

100. "En febrero harán."

101. "Certero impacto radiofónico de la emisora 'Radio Exitos,' " Excélsior , 27 January 1957, A23.

102. Herbe Pompeyo, interview with the author, Mexico City, 8 June 1993.

103. Arana, Guaraches , Vol. 1, 113.

104. Ibid., 95.

103. Arana, Guaraches , Vol. 1, 113.

104. Ibid., 95.

105. "A pesar de todo, hoy se estrena 'Los chiflados por [ sic ] el rock'n roll,' " Excélsior , 27 February 1957, B4; Bill Llano, "Los espectáculos," Impacto , 3 April 1957, 44-47.

106. Martin and Segrave, Anti-Rock , 81. Banned under Batista for its associations with immorality, rock was again prohibited under Fidel Castro for its alleged ties to imperialism.

107. Carlos Haro, "Elvis Presley dice en su defensa que: 'Jamás he faltado el respecto a la mujer mexicana,' " Excélsior , 2 March 1957, B8.

108. I thank Emmy Avilés Bretón for raising this point.

109. "Los discos de Presley han sido retirados de 'Radio Exitos,' " El Universal , 22 February 1957, A30.

110. Ibid.

109. "Los discos de Presley han sido retirados de 'Radio Exitos,' " El Universal , 22 February 1957, A30.

110. Ibid.

111. "A pesar de todo."

112. " 'Los chiflados' pagarán los ritmos rotos por Elvis Presley," El Universal , 26 February 1957, A31. Despite initial protests, the film was shown.

113. "Adelita" was the name of a famous revolutionary corrido which told longingly of female companionship during that struggle. The song also popularized the use of the name more generally to identify women who accompanied the male troops in battle, especially among the armies under Pancho Villa. While women participated at various social, intellectual, and military levels during the revolution, the image of the faithful female who followed her man into battle in order to tend to his needs has overshadowed all other historical representations of female participation. See Anna Mathias, Against All Odds: The Feminist Movement in Mexico to 1940 (Westport: Greenwood Press, 1982), chap. 2, "Women and the Mexican Revolution, 1910-1920."

114. "Hoy será la 'quema' de discos de Elvis Presley," El Universal , 7 March 1957, A28. The FEU was formed in 1915 and played a crucial role mediating the relationship between the university and the government. Though still an influential actor in student politics, by the early 1960s the growing size of the university population undermined the monopoly on power the FEU once held. See Donald J. Mabry, The Mexican University and the State: Student Conflicts, 1910-1971 (College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 1982).

115. Excélsior , 9 March 1957, A29.

116. El Universal , 27 February 1957, A21.

117. "Hoy será la 'quema.' "

118. Federico de León, "Un hombre de la calle," Jueves de Excélsior , 28 February 1957, 33.

119. Pascual Janet, "Jóvenes de Ayer y de Hoy."

120. " 'Quema' de Discos de Elvis Presley," Excélsior , 2 March 1957, B4.

121. Pascual Janet, "Jóvenes de Ayer y de Hoy."

122. Excélsior , 6 May 1959, A29.

123. "Vejaciones y attropellos de 600 'rebeldes sin causa' en un cine," Excélsior , 7 May 1959, B1.

124. Ibid.

123. "Vejaciones y attropellos de 600 'rebeldes sin causa' en un cine," Excélsior , 7 May 1959, B1.

124. Ibid.

125. Parménides García Saldaña, El rey criollo (Mexico City: Diógenes, 1970; Mexico: Lecturas Mexicanas, 1987), 164. "Me voy al pueblo" is based on a Cuban son guajiro (folk song) popularized by the Mexican trio Los Panchos. The original lyrics are, "Me voy para el pueblo / Hoy es mi día / Voy a alegrar

toda el alma mía. (I'm going to the country / Today's my day / I'm going to rejoice with my entire soul). To this day, the song continues to be appropriated by political demonstrators and youth, who similarly twist the lyrics.

126. Ibid., 163-64. The reference to a swastika is glaring, though it most likely was not being displayed with an anti-Semitic intent. If the use of the swastika today is any indication of its earlier display, the symbol was used out of ignorance as a show of rebellion, but without an understanding of its (to us, obvious) racist implications.

127. Ibid., 165-66.

125. Parménides García Saldaña, El rey criollo (Mexico City: Diógenes, 1970; Mexico: Lecturas Mexicanas, 1987), 164. "Me voy al pueblo" is based on a Cuban son guajiro (folk song) popularized by the Mexican trio Los Panchos. The original lyrics are, "Me voy para el pueblo / Hoy es mi día / Voy a alegrar

toda el alma mía. (I'm going to the country / Today's my day / I'm going to rejoice with my entire soul). To this day, the song continues to be appropriated by political demonstrators and youth, who similarly twist the lyrics.

126. Ibid., 163-64. The reference to a swastika is glaring, though it most likely was not being displayed with an anti-Semitic intent. If the use of the swastika today is any indication of its earlier display, the symbol was used out of ignorance as a show of rebellion, but without an understanding of its (to us, obvious) racist implications.

127. Ibid., 165-66.

125. Parménides García Saldaña, El rey criollo (Mexico City: Diógenes, 1970; Mexico: Lecturas Mexicanas, 1987), 164. "Me voy al pueblo" is based on a Cuban son guajiro (folk song) popularized by the Mexican trio Los Panchos. The original lyrics are, "Me voy para el pueblo / Hoy es mi día / Voy a alegrar

toda el alma mía. (I'm going to the country / Today's my day / I'm going to rejoice with my entire soul). To this day, the song continues to be appropriated by political demonstrators and youth, who similarly twist the lyrics.

126. Ibid., 163-64. The reference to a swastika is glaring, though it most likely was not being displayed with an anti-Semitic intent. If the use of the swastika today is any indication of its earlier display, the symbol was used out of ignorance as a show of rebellion, but without an understanding of its (to us, obvious) racist implications.

127. Ibid., 165-66.

128. Arana, Guaraches , vol. 1, 145.

129. Abel Quezada, "Maestro de la juventud," Excélsior , 15 May 1959, A7.

130. Abel Quezada, "Al son que le toquen," Excélsior , 18 December 1959, A7. For a discussion of Quezada as a social cartoonist see Víctor Alba, "The Mexican Revolution and the Cartoon," reprinted in W. Dirt Raat and William H. Beezley, eds., Twentieth-Century Mexico (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1986), 223-35.

131. "La causa de los 'rebeldes,' " Excélsior , 14 May 1959, A7.

132. "Crisis en el hogar," Excélsior , 4 June 1959, A6.

133. Arana, Guaraches , vol. 1, 15-16.

134. "Nada de 'rebeldes,' dice el procurador: Los mayores de 18 años son pandilleros," Excélsior , 9 December 1959, A17.

135. Philip B. Taylor, Jr., "The Mexican Elections of 1958: Affirmation of Authoritarianism?" Western Political Quarterly 23, no. 3 (1960): 736.

136. Ibid., 738. See also Evelyn P. Stevens, Protest and Response in Mexico (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1974).

135. Philip B. Taylor, Jr., "The Mexican Elections of 1958: Affirmation of Authoritarianism?" Western Political Quarterly 23, no. 3 (1960): 736.

136. Ibid., 738. See also Evelyn P. Stevens, Protest and Response in Mexico (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1974).

137. "La causa de los 'rebeldes.' "

138. "La autoridad en crisis," Jueves de Excélsior , 3 July 1958, 5.

139. Juventud 5, no. 1 (1959), Publicaciones: Galería 3, Administración Pública; López Mateos, 704/159, Archivo General de la Nación. (Hereafter cited as AGN.)

140. "Crisis en el hogar."

141. Jueves de Excélsior , 4 June 1959.

142. Anne Rubenstein, Bad Language, Naked Ladies, and Other Threats to the Nation: A Political History of Comic Books in Mexico (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1998).

143. Roger D. Hansen, The Politics of Mexican Development (Baltimore, Md.: John Hopkins University Press, 1971 [1974]), 169. Land redistribution under López Mateos accelerated to its highest rate since the time of Lázaro Cárdenas. Meanwhile, friendly ties were maintained with Cuba despite pressures from the United States to rupture them. See Arthur K. Smith Jr., "Mexico and the Cuban Revolution: Foreign Policy-Making in Mexico under President Adolfo López Mateos, 1958-1964" (Ph.D. diss., Cornell University, 1970).

144. Eric Zolov, "Post-War Repackaging of Mexico: The Cosmopolitan- Folklórico Axis" (paper presented at the conference, Representing Mexico: Transnationalism and the Politics of Culture since the Revolution, Woodrow

Wilson International Center for Scholars, Washington, D.C., 7-8 November 1997).

145. "Mex $400 Hex on Radio Stations Not Airing 25% in Native Music," Variety , 8 April 1959, 55.

146. "Mex Radio-TV Beef: Too Many Foreign Ditties," Variety , 15 July 1959, 58. See also, "Mex Ranchero Music in Crisis as Sales Dip Due to Foreign Inroads," Variety , 13 May 1959, 56.

147. "Mex's Song Fair for Sept; Oldies," Variety , 27 May 1959, 55.

148. "Mexican Folk Music Set for a 'Wax' Museum," Variety , 2 September 1959, 61.

149. "Juventudes Musicales de México," 6 December 1958, Publicaciones: Galería 3, Administración Pública; López Mateos, 710.12/1, AGN.

150. "Artistas consagradas ayudarán a nuevos valores que surjan hasta en pueblitos," Excélsior , 7 February 1957, B6.

151. "Guerra sin cuartel al vicio," Jueves de Excélsior , 22 October 1959, 22-23. The curfew remained in place despite pressures from the musicians' union and club owners over the next several years. See Variety , 28 October 1959, 1; 24 January 1962, 47; 28 February 1962, 55.

152. Raúl Vieyra, "La radio mexicana (en todo el mundo) entre las más morales," Excélsior , 12 February 1957, B8.

153. Manuel del Castillo, "Prohibidas las películas de nudistas," Excélsior , 11 January 1957, B4.

154. " 'No más nudismo en el cine,' dice Wallerstein," Excélsior , 12 January 1957, B4.

155. Mario J. Sanromán, "El cine y la cultura," El Universal , 12 March 1957, A2.

156. "Mex Nat'l Board Bans Yank Pic, 'Daughters,' " Variety , 1 January 1958, 2.

157. "Mex Authorities Nix 'Blue Hawaii,'" Variety , 7 November 1962, 2; "Beatles' Pic Okayed by Mexico's Censor," Variety , 30 June 1965, 54.

158. "Mex Pride Can't Be Denied," Variety , 22 June 1966, 13.

159. "Mexicans Find Sinatra Film Insulting, Ban It and Boycott His Disks," Variety , 16 March 1966, 1.

160. Anne Rubenstein, "How the Lombardini Brothers Stayed Out of Jail: Conservative Protest, Pornography, and the Boundaries of Expression in Mexico, 1952-1976" (paper presented at the IX Conference of Mexican, United States and Canadian Historians, Mexico City, 27-29 October 1994), 2.

161. November 30, 1959, "Minutario, enero-diciembre, 1959," Secretaría de Gobernación, Comisión Calificadora de Publicaciones y Revistas Ilustradas. (Hereafter cited as CCPRI.)

162. April 3, 1957, "Minutario, enero-diciembre, 1957," CCPRI.

163. July 19, 1957, "Minutario, enero-diciembre, 1957," CCPRI.

164. "Clean-Up Week on Mex TV-Radio," Variety , 5 August 1959, 47.

165. The chamber was directly represented by two members on the advisory group created by the new legislation (Article 90). In a speech directed to-

ward Congress, the president of the chamber, Guillermo Morales Blumenkron, noted that private and governmental interests were "[u]nited for the same ideal: the constant improvement of broadcasting" ("Inauguró sus labores la VI Asamblea," El Nacional , 5 October 1959). The willingness of the chamber to work closely with the government, especially, for example, in the promotion of public-education campaigns, later led to the resolution of potential conflicts without recourse to judicial sanctions based on a strict interpretation of the law.

166. "Asociación Interamericana de Radiodifusión," 7 August 1959, Comunicaciones: Galería 3, Administración Pública; López Mateos, 512.3/2, AGN.

167. "Ser mexicano es ser libre y la ley de radio y televisión será una plena garantía," El Nacional , 5 October 1959, 1.

168. "Cinco discursos con Loas a la ley de radio y TV," Excélsior , 8 December 1959, A5.

169. "Ley federal de radio y televisión," El Diario Oficial , 19 January 1960, Article 59.

170. Elizabeth Fox, "Media Policies in Latin America: An Overview," in Elizabeth Fox, ed., Media and Politics in Latin America: The Struggle for Democracy (London: Sage, 1988), 15.

171. "Ley federal," Article 7.

172. Ibid., Article 58.

173. Ibid., Article 63.

174. Ibid., Article 73.

175. Ibid., Article 75.

176. Ibid., Article 23.

171. "Ley federal," Article 7.

172. Ibid., Article 58.

173. Ibid., Article 63.

174. Ibid., Article 73.

175. Ibid., Article 75.

176. Ibid., Article 23.

171. "Ley federal," Article 7.

172. Ibid., Article 58.

173. Ibid., Article 63.

174. Ibid., Article 73.

175. Ibid., Article 75.

176. Ibid., Article 23.

171. "Ley federal," Article 7.

172. Ibid., Article 58.

173. Ibid., Article 63.

174. Ibid., Article 73.

175. Ibid., Article 75.

176. Ibid., Article 23.

171. "Ley federal," Article 7.

172. Ibid., Article 58.

173. Ibid., Article 63.

174. Ibid., Article 73.

175. Ibid., Article 75.

176. Ibid., Article 23.

171. "Ley federal," Article 7.

172. Ibid., Article 58.

173. Ibid., Article 63.

174. Ibid., Article 73.

175. Ibid., Article 75.

176. Ibid., Article 23.

177. "Clean-Up Week."

178. Roberto Velasco, "Prohibido para actores e imitadores que usen aman-eramientos en Radio-TV," Excélsior , 7 December 1959, B6.

179. "La juventud olvidó el rock'n roll y prefiere lo antiguo," Excélsior , 20 December 1959, B6.

180. "Mex Announcers to Get All-Expense U.S. Brushup," Variety , 25 December 1959, 43.

2 Containing the Rock Gesture

1. In using the plural cultural industries rather than culture industry I am following the position taken by John Sinclair, "Culture and Trade: Some Theoretical and Practical Considerations," in Emile G. McAnany and Kenton T. Wilkinson, eds., Mass Media and Free Trade: NAFTA and the Cultural Industries (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1996), 30-60.

2. See Federico Arana, Guaraches de ante azul: Historia del rock mexicano (Mexico City: Posada, 1985), vols. 1-2.

3. "The Platters' Mex P.A.s," Variety , 4 November 1959, 61.

4. "Warner Bros Pushes Int'l Mkt with Tri-Lingual Recordings," Variety , 14 August 1963, 55.

5. '''Los Panchos' empezaron con éxito su gira en el Japón," Excélsior , 31 December 1959, B7. This perhaps explains in part the phenomenal popularity of Mexican music in contemporary Japan.

6. "Learning the Lingo of Hits," Variety , 7 December 1960, 61.

7. Ibid.

6. "Learning the Lingo of Hits," Variety , 7 December 1960, 61.

7. Ibid.

8. "Disk Biz Needs O'Seas Market," Variety , 14 September 1960, 61.

9. "Col Expanding South-of-the-Border," Variety , 9 November 1960, 49.

10. "Tax & Technology Hit Disks," Variety , 20 February 1963, 53.

11. José Cruz Ayala, interview with the author, Mexico City, 13 August 1993.

12. Arana, Guaraches , vol. 1, 175.

13. Johnny Laboriel, interview with the author, Mexico City, 11 August 1996.

14. Arana, Guaraches , vol. 1, 175-79.

15. Ibid.

14. Arana, Guaraches , vol. 1, 175-79.

15. Ibid.

16. "RCA's 'New Wave' Disks Clicking in Argentina," Variety , 26 October 1960, 57. In Chile, rock 'n' roll music won in several categories at the Third Annual Song Festival, held in 1962 with record-industry sponsorship ( Variety , 14 March 1962, 57).

17. "Rock 'n' Roll Dominates Mex Disk Biz," Variety , 15 February 1961, 55. For a humorous discussion of how a rock 'n' roll style came to dominate the domestic music market for all performers see Arana, Guaraches , vol. 2.

18. Manuel Ruiz, interview with the author, Mexico City, 6 August 1991.

19. Arana, Guaraches , vol. 2, 175-79, 188-89. According to one count, by 1965 there were some 120 different Mexican rocanrol bands; more than 100 had recorded an album (Arana, Guaraches , vol. 4).

20. Laboriel, interview.

21. Laboriel, interview.

22. Carlos Beltrand Luján, interview with the author, Mexico City, 18 May 1994. Violations of copyright protection were outright. In fact, Orfeón's heavy reliance on translations of Paul Anka's ballads led to a lawsuit brought by his publishing firm, Morrow Music. In the settlement, Orfeón agreed to "ask permission to wax Anka's works and submit Spanish lyrics for approval" in the future ("Mex Diskery Settles Row over Spanka Tunes," Variety , 14 June 1961, 45).

23. Cruz Ayala, interview.

24. Otto Mayer-Serra, "Rock Still Strong as Sales Fall off by 15%," Billboard Music Week , 25 December 1961, 199.

25. "WNEW-TV in Mex Swap on Musicals," Variety , 4 January 1961, 126. Efforts to locate this tape proved futile.

26. "Rock 'n' Roll Dominates Mex Disk Biz," Variety , 15 February 1961, 55.

27. "Mex Tariff Boost Hits Disk Imports," Variety , 3 May 1961, 67. Variety cites the tariff at 30 percent and Billboard at 40 percent. I have chosen to use the latter. See "Mexico," Billboard Music Week: 1962-1963 International Music Industry Buyers' Guide and Market Data Report , 4 August 1962, 145.

28. Otto Mayer-Serra, "Industry Does Well; Maintains '61 Level," Billboard Music Week , 29 December 1962, 192.

29. "Importancia económica de la grabación de discos," El Nacional , 3 November 1962. Other factors noted in the report as contributing to a decline in exports were trade barriers between Latin American countries, insufficient promotion, pirating, and the recording of Mexican artists by transnationals outside the country, where recording facilities were deemed superior.

30. "Mexico's Orfeon Diskery Inks Bill Haley to 2-Yr. Pact," Variety , 2 August 1961, 85. Also under contract with Orfeón were The Platters, who performed on television and in concert in Mexico City in 1959 ( Variety , 4 November 1959, 61).

31. "Twist Girdles Globe, But Syria Bans It in Deference to Bellydancers," Variety , 7 February 1962, 1.

32. "Twisting the Twist," Variety , 24 January 1962, 49.

33. Ibid.

32. "Twisting the Twist," Variety , 24 January 1962, 49.

33. Ibid.

34. "Mex Song Fest as Boost for Native Tunes & Tourism," Variety , 18 April 1962, 49.

35. Ibid.

34. "Mex Song Fest as Boost for Native Tunes & Tourism," Variety , 18 April 1962, 49.

35. Ibid.

36. "Mexican Tooter Union Riled at Rock 'n' Rollers for Undercutting Pros," Variety , 26 October 1960, 56.

37. "Mex Radio Exec Nixes Espagnol Rock 'n' Roll," Variety , 29 June 1960, 62.

38. "Mexican Tooter Union."

39. Ibid.

38. "Mexican Tooter Union."

39. Ibid.

40. "Mex Rock 'n' Roll Units Try 'Dignity' Buildup," Variety , 7 December 1960, 61.

41. "Tooters' Head Vows Clean Sweep of Mex R 'n R's 'Musical Hoodlums,' " Variety , 4 October 1961, 61.

42. "Mexican Tooter Union Accepts R 'n' R Combos, But Strings Attached," Variety , 8 November 1961, 57. At one point, claiming that Televicentro (the filming studios of Telesistema) privileged groups performing rocanrol and música tropical, Venus Rey threatened a walkout by union members in an effort to curtail the "inroads in [ sic ] tv by the smaller combos playing 'exotic' rhythms" ("Mex Tooters' Union in R 'n' R Crackdown," Variety , 24 January 1962, 49).

43. Beltrand Luján, interview.

44. Mayer-Serra, "Industry Does Well," 192.

45. "His Label Thriving, Sez Discos Mexicanos Exec," Variety , 29 November 1961, 53.

46. Beltrand Luján, interview. This figure may have been an exaggeration, but Orfeón's dominance in the market was still considerable.

47. "His Label Thriving"; "Mexican Disk Industry in Middle of a Price War as LPs Drop to $ Level," Variety , 31 August 1960, 43.

48. "Col Steps Up O'Seas Action," Variety , 25 April 1962, 45.

49. Annual Report , CBS, Inc., 1961, 9, Cole-Harvard Collection.

50. Annual Report , CBS, Inc., 1962, 25, Cole-Harvard Collection.

51. "Col Records of Mexico Hiking Capital to $2-Mil," Variety , 20 June 1962, 49.

52. "Orfeon Label Quits Mex Assn. of Record Prods," Variety , 12 December 1962, 47.

53. "Col's CBS Label Invades Spain via Madrid Distrib," Variety , 10 October 1962, 47; "Col Label Goes South-of-Border," Variety , 5 September 1962, 43.

54. Annual Report , CBS, Inc., 1963, 24, Cole-Harvard Collection.

55. "Orfeon Label Quits."

56. Juventino Flores H., "Los Locos del Ritmo," México Canta , 15 October 1965, 6-10.

57. For example, from 1962 to 1964 Los Loud Jets toured Latin America. Afterward they performed in the United States and Europe as "The Mexican Jets" and "The Mexican Jumping Beans." After playing at the Copacabana in New York City for six straight months, where they also appeared on the Ed Sullivan Show , the group traveled to the Netherlands and then in 1966 began a tour of Western Europe and Asia ("Los Loud Jets triunfan en América," Idolos del Rock , December 1966, 20-25). In an interview with me, Johnny Laboriel, of Los Rebeldes del Rock, later expressed his regret at not having switched companies, complaining that Orfeón was less interested in promoting their music (as the transnationals appeared to be doing for other groups) than in exploiting the group financially.

58. In one interesting example, the company Musart contracted a group to record refritos of another group's (Los Teen Tops) own refritos (Arana, Guaraches , vol. 1, 200).

59. "RCA Victor Mexicana Sets TV Musical Series," Variety , 28 October 1959, 22; "Programas de mayor duración, 1950-1980," in Fernando González y González, ed. Historia de la televisión mexicana (privately published, 1989), p. 373. Although "Orfeón a go-go" continued until 1969, the RCA program does not appear in this source, suggesting that it may have been short-lived.

60. See David Shumway, "Rock & Roll as a Cultural Practice," South Atlantic Quarterly 90 (Fall 1991): 753-69; Trent Hill, "The Enemy within: Censorship in Rock Music in the 1950s," South Atlantic Quarterly 90 (Fall 1991): 675-707.

61. Víctor Roura, Apuntes de rock: Por las calles del mundo (Mexico City: Nuevomar, 1985), 32.

62. Víctor Roura, Negros del corazón (Mexico City: Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana, 1984), 22.

63. Beltrand Luján, interview.

64. Roura, Apuntes , 32.

65. Jueves de Excélsior , 1 February 1962, cover.

66. Conchita Cervantes, interview with the author, Mexico City, 22 August 1996.

67. See chapter 1.

68. Dir. Gilberto Martínez Solares. The film features Los Rockin' Devils. I wish to thank the Sotomayor family for making this film accessible for viewing.

69. Dir. Julián Soler. The film features Los Hooligans. I wish to thank the Sotomayor family for making this film accessible for viewing.

70. Simon Frith, Sound Effects: Youth, Leisure, and the Politics of Rock 'n' Roll (New York: Pantheon, 1981), 187.

71. Ibid.

70. Simon Frith, Sound Effects: Youth, Leisure, and the Politics of Rock 'n' Roll (New York: Pantheon, 1981), 187.

71. Ibid.

72. Dir. Miguel M. Delgado, 1962.

73. Dir. Juliín Soler, 1964.

74. See Evelyn P. Stevens, " Marianismo: The Other Face of Machismo in Latin America" in Ann Pescatello, ed., Female and Male in Latin America: Essays (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1973), 96.

75. Emilio García Riera, Historia documental del cine mexicano (Jalisco, Mexico: Universidad de Guadalajara, 1993), vol. 9, 342.

76. Dir. Jaime Salvador, 1966. The film features Los Hooligans.

77. "Prohibida su lectura a los muchachos," México Canta , 15 October 1965, 37.

78. Víctor Cruz, "Twist con Chubby Checker," Míxico Canta , 15 May 1964, 45.

79. Flores H., "Los Locos del Ritmo," 6.

80. 31 January 1962, CCPRI.

81. 2 May 1962, CCPRI.

82. Ibid.

83. Ibid.

81. 2 May 1962, CCPRI.

82. Ibid.

83. Ibid.

81. 2 May 1962, CCPRI.

82. Ibid.

83. Ibid.

84. "Tallahassee Lassie," words and music by Frank C. Slay, Bob Crewe, and Frederick Piscariello. Copyright © 1958, 1959 by Conley Music, Inc. Copyright renewed 1986, 1987 by MPL Communications, Inc. All rights reserved. Used by permission. English translation from the Spanish by the author.

85. Plaga can be translated both as girl (wild one) and gang (raucous group of friends). It also, of course, carries the connotation of a plague.

86. "Good Golly Miss Molly," by Marascalco and Blackwell. Copyright © 1958 by Jondora Music, Robinhood Music, Third Story Music. Reprinted by permission of Jondora Music and Third Story Music. Spanish lyrics by Los Teen Tops. International copyright secured. Used by permission of Jondora Music. All rights reserved.

87. "King Creole," by Jerry Leiber and Mike Stoller. Copyright © 1958 by Elvis Presley Music, Inc. Copyright assigned to Gladys Music (administered by Williamson Music). International copyright secured. Used by permission. All rights reserved.

88. "King Creole," by Jerry Leiber and Mike Stoller. Copyright © 1958 by Jerry Leiber Music, Mike Stoller Music. Spanish lyrics by Los Teen Tops. Copyright renewed. Used by permission. All rights reserved. English translation from the Spanish by the author.

89. Los Locos del Ritmo, Rock! (DIMSA, 1960).

90. José Agustín, Tragicomedia mexicana: La vida en México de 1940 a 1970 (Mexico City: Planeta, 1990), 147.

91. Cervantes, interview.

92. Eréndira Rincón, interview with the author, Mexico City, 20 August 1996.

93. J. Ortiz, "Se pierde la bella tradicién de las posadas," Jueves de Excélsior , 19 December 1963, 18-19.

94. Cervantes, interview.

95. Rincón, interview.

96. Cervantes, interview.

97. "Carnet de 'Lumiere,' " Jueves de Excélsior , 13 September 1962, 30. According to Albert Goldman, Presley never performed abroad—except in Canada—because his manager, Colonel Tom Parker, was actually Dutch-born and not American, as he claimed. Parker refused to allow Presley to perform without his direct supervision and, as Goldman argues, avoided having to apply for a passport in order to conceal his foreign background and likely illegal entry into the United States. See Albert Goldman, Elvis (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1981), 146-52, 496-98. I thank Mike Socolow for bringing this information and citation to my attention.

98. "Mex Riot over Avalon," Variety , 18 August 1965, 22.

99. "Carnet de 'Lumiere,' " Jueves de Excélsior , 8 November 1962, 31.

100. Laboriel, interview. See also the commemorative book edited by Guillermo Chao Ebergenyi, La caravana corona: Cuna de espectáculo en México (Mexico City: Corona, Edición Limitada, 1995).

101. See Flores H., "Los Locos del Ritmo."

102. Rincón, interview.

103. Laboriel, interview.

104. See Federico Arana, "Pasió muerte y milagrosa resurrección de los cafés cantantes," in Carlos Chimal, ed., Crines: Lecturas del rock (Mexico City: Penélope, 1984), 45-53.

105. "Cámara Nacional de la Industria de la Radiodifusión," 24 July 1963, Comunicaciones: Galería 3, Administración Pública; López Mateos, 512.3/4, AGN. The following quotations are all drawn from this document.

106. Roura, Apuntes , 33.

107. From the liner notes of "Los Rebeldes del Rock: 'Rockin Rebels' " (DIMSA, n.d.). DIMSA was a studio owned by Orfeón Records.

108. "Los Loud Jets triunfan en America."

109. Roura, Apuntes , 36.

3La Onda Mexicos' Counterculture and the Student Movement of 1968

1. Federico Arana, Guaraches de ante azul: Historia del rock mexicano (Mexico City: Posada, 1985), vol. 2, 135-36.

2. From the liner notes of "The Rolling Stones: 'Píntalo de Negro' " (Peerless, 1966). Translation from Spanish.

3. José Agustín, La nueva música clásica (Mexico City: Cuadernos de la Juventud, 1968), 67-68.

4. Armando Nava, interview with the author, Mexico City, 5 June 1993.

5. Announcing that the new subsidiary would act "as a launching pad for the company's expansion throughout Latin America," just over a year later Capitol had captured 20 percent of the Mexican market through its distribution of the Beatles, the Animals, the Dave Clark Five, and other well-known British bands. Emilio Azcárraga Milmo was a co-owner of the Capitol subsidiary. See "Cap Spinning into Latino Market via New Mex Diskery," Variety , 12 May 1965, 187; Claudia Fernández and Andrew Paxman, "El Tigre" (unpublished manuscript).

6. Nava, interview.

7. Claudio Lomnitz refers to this phenomenon as "staggered distribution" in his essay, "Fissures in Contemporary Mexican Nationalism," Public Culture 9 (1996): 55-68.

8. Joaquín ("Chas") López, interview with the author, Mexico City, 7 April 1993.

9. Enrique Partida, interview with the author, Mexico City, 7 June 1993.

10. Armando Blanco, interview with the author, Mexico City, 11 March 1993.

11. For a theoretical discussion see Mark Poster, The Mode of Information: Poststructuralism and Social Context (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990), 9-10.

12. Jaime Pontones, interview with the author, Mexico City, 15 August 1991.

13. Manuel Ruiz, interview with the author, Mexico City, 6 August 1991.

14. Eréndira Rincón, interview with the author, Mexico City, 20 August 1996.

15. Iván Zatz-Díaz, interview with the author, New York City, 13 October 1992.

16. Ruiz, interview.

17. Johnny Laboriel, interview with the author, Mexico City, 11 August 1996.

18. Ruiz, interview.

19. Arana ( Guaraches , vol. 2, 273) suggests that cabaret owners actually opposed the cafés cantantes because they drew away customers, though it seems to me that the clientele, if indeed they overlapped at times, still saw the cabarets and the cafés as distinct types of venues, especially since the latter were prohibited from selling alcohol.

20. Alberto Domingo, "Cafés a go-go," quoted in Arana, Guaraches , vol. 4, 92.

21. "Para vigilar los 'cafés cantantes' no hay suficientes inspectores," Las Ultimas Noticias de Excélsior , 3 February 1965, 10.

22. Sergio González Rodríguez, Los bajos fondos: El antro, la bohemia y el café (Mexico City: Cal y Arena, 1990), 97. Uruchurtu was mayor of the Federal

District from 1952 to 1966, during which time he earned a reputation for often repressive policies aimed at cleaning up the city's image, especially its nightlife.

23. See Federico Arana, "Pasión, muerte y milagrosa resurrección de los cafés cantanes," in Carlos Chimal, ed., Crines: Lecturas de rock (Mexico City: Penélope, 1984), 45-53. The essay is reproduced in Arana, Guaraches , vol. 2.

24. "Redada y clausuras en más de veinte cafés existencialistas," El Universal Gráfico , 1 February 1965, 29.

25. Quoted in Arana, Guaraches , vol. 2, 256.

26. Ibid.

25. Quoted in Arana, Guaraches , vol. 2, 256.

26. Ibid.

27. "Son un peligro para la sociedad los llamados 'cafés existencialistas,'" El Universal Gráfico , 6 February 1965, 6.

28. Ramón Gregorio Lara y Chavarría, "Cafés 'existencialistas,'" El Universal Gráfico , 10 February 1965, 7.

29. Ruiz, interview.

30. Alma Luzuriaga, "Derechos de la adolescencia," Jueves de Excélsior , 27 February 1964, "Jueves Femenino" suppl.,., n.p.

31. Jueves de Excélsior , 12 March 1964.

32. Enrique Alvarez Palacios, "Dioses de barro," Jueves de Excélsior , 1 July 1965, 14-15.

33. " 'Ay Ay Ay' Giving Way to 'Yeah, Yeah, Yeah' on Mexico's Rockin' Video," Variety , 10 November 1965, 1.

34. From the liner notes of "Los Yaki: 'El sonido agresivo de Los Yaki" (Capitol, 1966).

35. "Los desenfrenados: 5 muchachos que hacen ruido," México Canta , 15 October 1965, 42-43.

36. "Reportaje gráfico con LOS SPARKS ," Idolos del Rock (December 1966), 32-35.

37. "Los Apson: 5 muchachos triunfadores," México Canta , 15 October 1965, 48-49.

38. Ibid. Malinchismo conveys a notion of cultural treason, of preferring what is foreign to what is native. The term alludes to Doña Marina, Hernán Cortés's aboriginal mistress and translator who abetted his conquest of the Aztecs. When "Mexico became an independent nation and the problem of national identity surfaced ... Doña Marina, transformed into La Malinche, came to symbolize the humiliation—the rape—of the indigenous people and the act of treachery that would lead to their oppression" (Jean Franco, Plotting Women: Gender and Representation in Mexico [(New York: Columbia University Press, 1989], 131). Pulque is an indigenous alcoholic beverage made from the maguey plant.

37. "Los Apson: 5 muchachos triunfadores," México Canta , 15 October 1965, 48-49.

38. Ibid. Malinchismo conveys a notion of cultural treason, of preferring what is foreign to what is native. The term alludes to Doña Marina, Hernán Cortés's aboriginal mistress and translator who abetted his conquest of the Aztecs. When "Mexico became an independent nation and the problem of national identity surfaced ... Doña Marina, transformed into La Malinche, came to symbolize the humiliation—the rape—of the indigenous people and the act of treachery that would lead to their oppression" (Jean Franco, Plotting Women: Gender and Representation in Mexico [(New York: Columbia University Press, 1989], 131). Pulque is an indigenous alcoholic beverage made from the maguey plant.

39. Juventino Flores H.,., "Los Locos del Ritmo," México Canta , 15 October 1965, 6-10.

40. Jueves de Excélsior , 3 June 1965.

41. José Agustín, La contracultura en México: La historia y el significado de los rebeldes sin causa, los jipitecas, los punks y las bandas (Mexico City: Grijalbo, 1996), 21.

42. Rincón, interview.

43. Ruiz, interview.

44. Rincón, interview.

45. Josefina A. de Gutiérrez, "De las posadas de antaño a las posadas a go go," Jueves de Excélsior , 15 December 1966, 18-19. See also chapter 2.

46. Ibid.

45. Josefina A. de Gutiérrez, "De las posadas de antaño a las posadas a go go," Jueves de Excélsior , 15 December 1966, 18-19. See also chapter 2.

46. Ibid.

47. Jueves de Excélsior , 22 September 1966.

48. See Helen Delpar, The Enormous Vogue of Things Mexican: Cultural Relations between the United States and Mexico, 1920-1935 (Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 1992). For references to beatnik travels to Mexico see Jack Kerouac, On the Road (New York: Signet, 1980; Viking Press, 1957); Carolyn Cassady, Off the Road: My Years with Cassady, Kerouac, and Ginsberg (New York: W. Morrow, 1990); D. Wayne Gunn, Escritores norteamericanos y británicos en México , trans. Ernestina de Champourcin (Mexico City: Lecturas Mexicanas, 1985; Fondo de Cultura Económica, 1977); Manuel Luis Martinez, "'With Imperious Eyes': Kerouac, Burroughs, and Ginsberg on the Road in South America," Aztlán 23, no. 1 (1998): 33-53; Mauricio Tenorio, "Viejos gringos: Radicales norteamericanos en los años treinta y su visión de México," Secuencia 21 (September-December 1991): 95-116; Carlos Monsiváis, "Los viajeros y la invención de México," Aztlán 15, no. 2 (1984): 201-29.

49. R. Gordon Wasson, "Seeking the Magic Mushroom," Life Magazine , 13 May 1957, 100-120. See also R. Gordon Wasson, "Foreword," in Alvaro Estrada, Vida de María Sabina: La sabia de los hongos , 9-17 (Mexico City: Siglo XXI, 1977 [1989]).

50. Estrada, Vida de María Sabina , 68.

51. "Road to Endsville," Newsweek , 9 February 1959, 58.

52. The next few sentences are based on Alvaro Estrada, Huautla en tiempo de hippies (Mexico City: Grijalbo, 1996).

53. Estrada, Vida de María Sabina , 81.

54. Ibid.

53. Estrada, Vida de María Sabina , 81.

54. Ibid.

55. Alejandro Ortiz Reja, "Invasión de 'beatniks' en Oaxaca. Parte I," Excélsior , 26 August 1967, A1. Locals previously sold mushrooms by the fistful for 5 to 10 pesos (less than U.S. $1.00). At one point, the town mayor tried to capitalize on the hippies' presence by organizing a "Baile a Go-Go" to raise funds for a school. No one showed up, however, and the town lost more than 400 pesos in the effort.

56. The Ballet Folklórico, a traveling dance troupe sponsored by the INBA, directly conveyed this sense of indigenous wonder, as did other, more explicitly tourist-oriented promotions. See Eric Zolov, "Post-War Repackaging of Mexico: The Cosmopolitan- Folklórico Axis" (paper presented at the conference, Representing Mexico: Transnationalism and the Politics of Culture since the Revolution, Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, Washington, D.C.,., 7-8 November 1997); Néstor García Canclini, Transforming Modernity: Popular Culture in Mexico , trans. Lidia Lozano (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1993 [1997]), 64-68.

57. "México y las drogas alucinantes," Jueves de Excélsior , 7 September 1967, 22-23.

58. Ibid.

57. "México y las drogas alucinantes," Jueves de Excélsior , 7 September 1967, 22-23.

58. Ibid.

59. Estrada, Huautla en tiempo de hippies , 64.

60. Marshall Berman, All That Is Solid Melts into Air: The Experience of Modernity (New York: Penguin Books, 1982 [1988]), 235.

61. Andreas Huyssen, After the Great Divide: Modernism, Mass Culture, Postmodernism (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1986), 218. Marshall Berman seeks to frame a discourse of postmodernism within the practices of modernism itself. Compare David Harvey, The Condition of Postmodernity: An Enquiry into the Origins of Cultural Change (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1989).

62. Huyssen, After the Great Divide , 217. Huyssen makes his argument about postmodernism by discussing shifts primarily occurring in the art world. I am applying his argument here to social actors who, I believe, while not being "artists" in the strictest sense, did incorporate a postmodern aesthetic as part of a critique of everyday life.

63. Ortiz Reja, "Invasión de 'Beatniks.'"

64. "Echan del país a los 'hongadictos' de Oaxaca," Ultimas Noticias , 7 September 1967, 1.

65. "Ya nos invadieron los 'hippies,'" Jueves de Excélsior , 2 May 1968, 22-23. For a description of the hippie/psychedelic scene in Acapulco see José Agustín, El rock de la cárcel (Mexico City: Editores Mexicanos Unidos, 1986), passim.

66. "Lo efectivo y lo negativo de la industria turística," Jueves de Excélsior , 18 April 1968, 22-23.

67. "Ya nos invadieron los 'hippies.'"

68. Berman, All That Is Solid , 194-95.

69. Ruben Salazar, "The Cuevas 'Mafia's' Mexican Mural Revolt," Los Angeles Times , 25 June 1967, Calendar Section, 1. The mural was actually a triptych whose strongest visual feature was a self-portrait of the artist signing his own name. It went up in the midst of a congressional political campaign and was removed by Cuevas after a month.

70. "Ya nos invadieron los 'hippies.'"

71. "Pantalla Citadina," Jueves de Excélsior , 8 February 1968, 33; 22 February 1968, 37.

72. "Aparecen los 'Mexican Hippies,'" Jueves de Excélsior , 3 October 1968, 14-15.

73. Ibid.

72. "Aparecen los 'Mexican Hippies,'" Jueves de Excélsior , 3 October 1968, 14-15.

73. Ibid.

74. René Rebetez, "La guerra de las melenas: Unos y otros," El Heraldo Cultural , 26 May 1968, 6. Following Moctezuma II's death and the retaking of Tenochtitlán from the Spanish, his nephew Cuitláhuac ascended to the Aztec throne. When Cuitláhuac then contracted smallpox and died, the eighteen-year old Cuauhtémoc became the last Aztec emperor; he died a martyr at the hands of Spanish torturers. A statue of Cuauhtémoc was constructed in the

capital during the Porfiriato as part of an incipient, state-sponsored indigenist movement.

75. Carlos Monsiváis, "México 1967," La Cultura en México , 17 January 1968, 7.

76. Domingo, "Cafés a go-go."

77. Carlos Monsiváis, "La nueva generación en Mexico," El Heraldo de México , 21 December 1967, D1.

78. Kevin M. Kelleghan, "Image Battle Shapes in Mexico as Firms Gear for 'Tomorrow,'" Billboard Music Week , 22 July 1967, 49.

79. "'British Sound' Adds Mucho Momentum to Mexico's Emerging Disk Industry," Variety , 20 July 1966, 53.

80. Kelleghan, "Image Battle."

81. "'British Sound.'"

82. Kelleghan, "Image Battle."

83. Todd Gitlin, The Sixties: Years of Hope, Days of Rage (Toronto: Bantam, 1987), 205.

84. Agustín, Nueva música clásica , 5. For a review of Agustín's book by Carlos Monsiváis see "La Nueva Música Clásica," La Cultura en México , 26 June 1968, n.p. Monsiváis argued that rock "seeks to subvert not one, but all structures within its reach." For a later reflection on Agustín's intentions in writing the book see his Rock de la cárcel , 43.

85. A 1975 advertisement for Televisa, the television conglomerate, featured its logo (a series of shaded horizontal lines that create the effect of an eye) deep inside the psychedelic effect of spiraling tunnel vision, with the text: "Siempre estamos en onda." This text plays on the term onda to mean both "with it" (estar en onda) and "wavelength" ("on the air''). See Antena , July 1975, 4.

86. José Agustín, "Cuál es La Onda," Diálogos 10, no. 1 (1974), 12.

87. Ibid.

86. José Agustín, "Cuál es La Onda," Diálogos 10, no. 1 (1974), 12.

87. Ibid.

88. Monsiváis, "México 1967," 5.

89. Ibid., 8.

88. Monsiváis, "México 1967," 5.

89. Ibid., 8.

90. Advertisement, POP , 20 September 1968, 23. For a historical analysis of the commercialization of countercultural trends during the 1960s in the United States, see Thomas Frank, The Conquest of Cool: Business Culture, Counterculture, and the Rise of Hip Consumerism (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1997).

91. "Como tú," POP , 15 February 1968, 1.

92. "Problemas juveniles," POP , 1 March 1968, 6.

93. "Los hippies," POP , 15 March 1968, 49.

94. Conchita Cervantes, interview with the author, Mexico City, 22 August 1996.

95. Ruiz, interview.

96. "Mexican Leader Sees No Harm in Hippies," New York Times , 19 April 1968. Díaz Ordaz's comments were also quoted in other articles in the Mexican press.

97. Robert Marrow, letter to President Gustavo Díaz Ordaz, 22 April 1968, Comunicaciones: Galería 3, Uncataloged boxes, Box 422, AGN. The letter included a copy of the New York Times article.

98. "Night Life Swings, but not for the Peso Counter," Billboard Music Week , 16 December 1967, 11 (M).

99. Ibid.

98. "Night Life Swings, but not for the Peso Counter," Billboard Music Week , 16 December 1967, 11 (M).

99. Ibid.

100. Agustín, Nueva música clásica , 5.

101. Luis de Llano Jr., interview with Andrew Paxman, Mexico City, 18 December 1997.

102. José Agustín wrote several of the first television scripts for the show before leaving to write for Happenings a Go-Go , a show with a similar content theme. During the student movement of 1968 the latter program's constant references to the demonstrators forced a confrontation with Telesistema, which canceled the renewal of its contract. See Agustín, Rock de la cárcel , 62-3.

103. Luis Urías, "¡1, 2, 3, 4, 5 a Go-Go! Al borde del efímero electrónico," Zona Rosa , 15 March 1968, 8-9.

104. This inversion is also reflected in the Walt Disney cartoon film The Three Caballeros (1945), which was distributed by the Office of the Coordinator for Inter-American Affairs throughout Latin America toward the end of World War II. In one of the opening scenes, "Pablo Penguin" repeatedly seeks to leave his "civilized" South Pole habitat in search of "the isle of his dreams,'' located in the "lazy" tropics. For an interesting analysis of the film see Julianne Burton, "Don (Juanito) Duck and the Imperial-Patriarchal Unconscious: Disney Studios, the Good Neighbor Policy, and the Packaging of Latin America," in Andrew Parker and others, eds., Nationalisms and Sexualities (New York: Routledge, 1992), 21-41.

105. "Dug Dugs: Fue o musical! En la pista de hielo," POP , 17 May 1968, 24-25.

106. Oscar Chávez, interview with the author, Mexico City, 5 August 1996. The resurgence of folk music in the United States was also noted. Pete Seeger, in fact, had performed in Mexico in 1966. See, for example, Dalibor Saldátic, "Discos," Punto de Partida 1, no. 1 (1966), 49-51.

107. "Radio Universidad de México," Gaceta de la Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México , 1 July 1968, 15.

108. "El Centro Popular de Cultura," Gaceta de la Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México , 1 April 1968, 10.

109. Rincón, interview.

110. "Cream: Disraeli Gears," Gaceta de la Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México , 1 July 1968, 14-15. The alternative student literary journal Punto de Partida featured several articles on music, ranging from folk to rock. See in particular its first issue, which appeared in 1966.

111. "Beatlemima, una nueva experiencia: Entrevista con Juan Gabriel Moreno," Gaceta de la Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México , 1 August 1968, 15. The concept of the performance involved a "search to integrate the aesthetic movements of dance with a utilization of space and human form."

112. Evelyn P. Stevens, Protest and Response in Mexico (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1974), chap. 6; Sergio Zermeño, México: Una democracia utópica: El movimiento estudiantil del 68 (Mexico City: Siglo XXI, 1978 [1991]).

113. Gilberto Guevara Niebla, La democracia en la calle: Crónica del movimiento estudiantil mexicano (Mexico City: Siglo XXI, 1988), 19-37.

114. Marco Bellingeri, "La imposibilidad del odio: La guerrilla y el movimiento estudiantil en México, 1960-1974," in Ilán Semo, ed., La transición interrumpida: México, 1968-1988 (Mexico City: Universidad Iberoamericana / Nueva Imagen, 1993), 49-73.

115. Guevara Niebla, Democracia en la calle , 45-49.

116. The description that follows is based on the chronologies in Stevens, Protest and Response; and Elena Poniatowska, Massacre in Mexico , trans. Helen Lane (New York: Viking Press, 1975).

117. Quoted in Stevens, Protest and Response , 203. See also "La patria es primero" and related documents, Comunicaciones: Galería 3, Administración Pública; Díaz Ordaz Papers, Box 435, AGN.

118. Guevara Niebla, Democracia en la calle , 40.

119. Ibid., 49.

118. Guevara Niebla, Democracia en la calle , 40.

119. Ibid., 49.

120. Poniatowska, Massacre in Mexico , 128. Despite reservations regarding Lane's translation of Poniatowska, I have chosen for simplicity's sake to retain her versions of the Spanish original when citing from that work.

121. Quoted in Bellingeri, "La imposibilidad del odio," 53. Article 145 was not repealed until 1970.

122. César Gilabert, El hábito de la utopía: Análisis del imaginario socio-político en el movimiento estudiantil de México, 1968 (Mexico City: Instituto Mora / Miguel Angel Porrua, 1993), 153-219; Soledad Loaeza, "México-1968: Los orígenes de la transición," in Ilán Semo, ed., La transición interrumpida: México, 1968-1988 (Mexico City: Universidad Iberoamericana / Nueva Imagen, 1993), 15-47.

123. For an interesting attempt at global analysis see George Katsiaficas, The Imagination of the New Left: A Global Analysis of 1968 (Boston: South End Press, 1987); see also Ronald Fraser, ed., 1968: A Student Generation in Revolt: An International Oral History (New York: Pantheon, 1988); Robert V. Daniels, Year of the Heroic Guerrilla: World Revolution and Counterrevolution in 1968 (New York: Basic Books, 1989).

124. Stevens, Protest and Response , 208.

125. Gilabert, Hábito , 163-65.

126. Rincón, interview.

127. This term was used several times during my interview with Manuel Ruiz.

128. Pontones, interview.

129. Ruiz, interview.

130. The following discussion is based on the article by Deborah Cohen and Lessie Jo Frazier, "'No sólo cocinábamos ...': Historia inédita de la otra mitad del 68," in Ilán Semo, ed., La transición interrumpida: México, 1968-

1988 (Mexico City: Universidad Iberoamericana / Nueva Imagen, 1993), 75-105.

131. Ibid., 103.

132. Ibid., 99.

130. The following discussion is based on the article by Deborah Cohen and Lessie Jo Frazier, "'No sólo cocinábamos ...': Historia inédita de la otra mitad del 68," in Ilán Semo, ed., La transición interrumpida: México, 1968-

1988 (Mexico City: Universidad Iberoamericana / Nueva Imagen, 1993), 75-105.

131. Ibid., 103.

132. Ibid., 99.

130. The following discussion is based on the article by Deborah Cohen and Lessie Jo Frazier, "'No sólo cocinábamos ...': Historia inédita de la otra mitad del 68," in Ilán Semo, ed., La transición interrumpida: México, 1968-

1988 (Mexico City: Universidad Iberoamericana / Nueva Imagen, 1993), 75-105.

131. Ibid., 103.

132. Ibid., 99.

133. Poniatowska, Massacre in Mexico , 17-18.

134. Stevens, Protest and Response , 204. This language, she might have added, was drawn heavily from lower-class slang and was deemed an affront to buenas costumbres.

135. POP , 20 September 1968, 3. Reference to "being a citizen" was directly tied to the proposed lowering of the voting age from twenty-one to eighteen, which took effect under Echeverría. The editor of POP at the time, Víctor Blanco Labra, later went on to work for Televisa. Subsequent editors would take the magazine in a more radical direction that directly supported La Onda.

136. For examples see Poniatowska, Massacre in Mexico , 20-22; and Stevens, Protest and Response , 207.

137. Poniatowska, Massacre in Mexico , 55.

138. The term poach comes from Michel de Certeau, The Practice of Everyday Life , trans. Steven Rendall (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1984 [1998]), 37.

139. Gilabert, Hábito , 204.

140. Poniatowska, Massacre in Mexico , 33.

141. Ibid., 32. Adolfo Gilly later wrote, "In his separation from Cuba and power so that he could begin his struggle anew, in his not belonging to any county but to all, in his gestures, his life, and his death Che Guevara seemed to symbolize the realization of those youth who did not want to substitute for the existing powers that be, but to deny them altogether" (Adolfo Gilly, "1968: La ruptura en los bordes," Nexos 191 [1993]: 32).

140. Poniatowska, Massacre in Mexico , 33.

141. Ibid., 32. Adolfo Gilly later wrote, "In his separation from Cuba and power so that he could begin his struggle anew, in his not belonging to any county but to all, in his gestures, his life, and his death Che Guevara seemed to symbolize the realization of those youth who did not want to substitute for the existing powers that be, but to deny them altogether" (Adolfo Gilly, "1968: La ruptura en los bordes," Nexos 191 [1993]: 32).

142. Poniatowska, Massacre in Mexico , 41. See also Gilabert, Hábito , 217-19.

143. See Carlos Martínez Assad, "La voz de los muros," in Hermann Bellinghausen, ed., Pensar el 68 (Mexico City: Cal y Arena, 1988), 73-75.

144. "Respuesta al apoyo de intelectuales y artistas mexicanos," Fondo Particular, Movimiento Estudiantil, 1968, Expediente 3, Fichas 101-150, Universidad Nacional Autónoma de Mßxico, Hemeroteca, Centro de Estudios sobre la Universidad. (Hereafter cited as CESU.)

145. Poniatowska, Massacre in Mexico , 145. "Gustavo" was the president's first name.

146. Ibid., 47.

145. Poniatowska, Massacre in Mexico , 145. "Gustavo" was the president's first name.

146. Ibid., 47.

147. Stevens, Protest and Response , 204.

148. Gilabert, Hábito , 157.

149. Stevens, Protest and Response , 214.

150. For a personal account of the fear and drama surrounding one leader's life in the aftermath of the army incursion see Gilberto Guevara Niebla, "Volver al 68," Nexos 190 (1993): 31-43.

151. Ibid., 33.

152. Ibid.

150. For a personal account of the fear and drama surrounding one leader's life in the aftermath of the army incursion see Gilberto Guevara Niebla, "Volver al 68," Nexos 190 (1993): 31-43.

151. Ibid., 33.

152. Ibid.

150. For a personal account of the fear and drama surrounding one leader's life in the aftermath of the army incursion see Gilberto Guevara Niebla, "Volver al 68," Nexos 190 (1993): 31-43.

151. Ibid., 33.

152. Ibid.

153. According to Guevara Niebla (ibid., 34), an infiltrator must have passed along the information that the march was canceled in favor of a meeting, which presented an ideal situation for a massacre. One suspects, however, that the secrecy of a public meeting would have been difficult to shield from the authorities.

154. Colin M. MacLachlan and William H. Beezley, El Gran Pueblo: A History of Greater Mexico (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice Hall, 1994), 370.

155. Guevara Niebla, "Volver al 68," 37-42.

156. Stevens, in Protest and Response , uses the New York Times estimate of around 200, which was probably somewhat conservative in its own right (p. 237). The Manchester Guardian reported 325 killed (cited in MacLachlan and Beezley, Gran Pueblo , 369).

157. For a dramatic depiction of the massacre's effect on the life of one Mexican family see the film Rojo amanecer (Dir. Jorge Fons, 1989). Today the Lecumberri serves as the AGN.

158. See Poniatowska, Massacre in Mexico; Cecilia Imaz Bayona, "El apoyo popular al movimiento estudiantil de 1968," Revista Mexicana de Sociología 37, no. 2 (1975): 363-92.

159. "El Poder Juvenil—II. Las Parricidas," El Heraldo Cultural , 15 September 1968, 8-9.

160. Poniatowska, Massacre in Mexico , 82.

161. Jorge Rodríguez Inzunza, "Anónimo 68: Hasta la cirrosis siempre," Vía Libre 1, no. 9 (1988), 34. Alfredo Díaz Ordaz, the president's son, was a known jipi and an aspiring rock musician. He died in 1994.

162. Gilabert, Hábito , 161.

163. Carlos Monsiváis, "Ya nunca nada volverá a ser como antes," Zona Rosa , September 1968, 16-17.

4La Onda in the Wake of Tlatelolco

1. Quoted in Elena Poniatowska, Massacre in Mexico , trans. Helen Lane (New York: Viking Press, 1975), 16.

2. Javier Molina, "Los años perdidos," in Hermann Bellinghausen, ed., Pensar el 68 (Mexico City: Cal y Arena, 1988), 228.

3. Gilberto Guevara Niebla, La democracia en la calle: Crónica del movimiento estudiantil mexicano (Mexico City: Siglo XXI, 1988), 52-56.

4. See Luis González de Alba, Los días y los años (Mexico City: Ediciones Era, 1971). This autobiographical account of life in Lecumberri covers such important events as the hunger strike and the attack on political prisoners by common criminals that was instigated by prison officials.

5. Eréndira Rincón, interview with the author, Mexico City, 20 August 1996.

6. Carlos Monsiváis, Amor perdido (Mexico City: Biblioteca Era, 1977), 230.

7. Letter to the editor, POP, 7 March 1969, 42.

8. Jasmín Solís Gómez, interview with the author, Mexico City, 28 January 1993.

9. Guevara Niebla, Democracia en la calle , 52.

10. "Aparecen los 'Mexican Hippies,' " Jueves de Excélsior , 3 October 1968, 14-15.

11. "El buen camino de la juventud," Jueves de Excélsior , 31 October 1968, 5.

12. Ibid.

11. "El buen camino de la juventud," Jueves de Excélsior , 31 October 1968, 5.

12. Ibid.

13. Carlos Monsiváis, "México 1967," La Cultura en México , 17 January 1968, 7.

14. See Zona Rosa , June 1968, 6; July 1968, 6; November 1968, 25.

15. Francisco Ortiz, "Jóvenes 'in' y 'Mexican Hippies' en la Zona Rosa," Jueves de Excélsior , 1 May 1969, 14-15.

16. "Zonrosadas," Zona Rosa , February 1969, 4-5.

17. Gustavo Castañeda, "Spectrum," Zona Rosa , September 1970, 30.

18. Fernando Cesarman, "Zona Rosa de lo que pudo haber sido y no fue," La Cultura en México , 2 September 1970, 2-4.

19. Carlos Monsiváis, "La cortina de fresa," Zona Rosa , April 1969, 14-15.

20. Jasmín Solís Gómez, interview.

21. Carl Franz, The People's Guide to Mexico (Santa Fe, N.Mex.: John Muir Publications, 1972 [1979]), 322; passage quoted is from the 1972 edition.

22. Quoted in Elena Poniatowska, "Avándaro," Plural 1 (October 1971): 37.

23. Manuel Ruiz, interview with the author, Mexico City, 6 August 1991.

24. Alvaro Estrada, Huautla en tiempo de hippies (Mexico City: Grijalbo, 1996), 60.

25. This is not to suggest that foreign hippies were Mexican youths' sole inspiration for an indigenous encounter, though I am clearly arguing for its contribution. Another important contribution was Fernando Benítez's multivolume Los indios de México (Mexico City: Ediciones Era, 1967-1972). Benítez directly challenged the government's folkloric appropriation of Mexico's indigenous cultures, which he described as both threatened by modernization and yet of vital significance to the nation's cultural and spiritual identity. He also discussed in detail the use of hallucinogenic plants and fungi by certain indigenous groups, thus providing a native "guidebook" for Mexican jipis.

26. The term is from Monsiváis, "México 1967."

27. Joaquín ("Chas") López, interview with the author, Mexico City, 7 April 1993.

28. López, interview.

29. López, interview.

30. Jasmín Solís Gómez, interview.

31. Mary Louise Pratt, Imperial Eyes: Travel Writing and Transculturation (London: Routledge, 1992). Pratt defines contact zones as "social spaces where disparate cultures meet, clash, and grapple with each other, often in highly

asymmetrical relations of domination and subordination—like colonialism, slavery, or their aftermaths as they are lived out across the globe today" (p. 4).

32. See Ana M. Alonso, "The Effects of Truth: Re-Presentations of the Past and the Imagining of Community," Journal of Historical Sociology 1, no. 1 (1988): 33-57. By reparticularization I mean a counterhegemonic strategy that reinscribes local meaning into universalized discourses. Alonso rightly concludes that "National histories are key to the imagining of community and to the constitution of social identity" (p. 50). By introducing the notion of transnationalism, however, I am suggesting that national hegemonic projects are constantly challenged from without, as well as from within. For a review of this literature see Robert J. Foster, "Making National Cultures in the Global Ecumene,'' Annual Review of Anthropology 20 (1991): 235-60.

33. Néstor García Canclini, Hybrid Cultures: Strategies for Entering and Leaving Modernity , trans. Christopher L. Chiappari and Silvia L. López (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1995), 52.

34. Enrique Marroquín, La contracultura como protesta: Análisis de un fenómeno juvenil (Mexico City: Joaquín Mortiz, 1975), 12. Ironically, the spelling xipiteca , despite its self-conscious attempt to legitimize the jipi movement on nationalist terms, never caught on.

35. Ibid., 29.

34. Enrique Marroquín, La contracultura como protesta: Análisis de un fenómeno juvenil (Mexico City: Joaquín Mortiz, 1975), 12. Ironically, the spelling xipiteca , despite its self-conscious attempt to legitimize the jipi movement on nationalist terms, never caught on.

35. Ibid., 29.

36. López, interview.

37. "Concentración de 'hippies' viciosos en la procuraduría," El Universal , 12 July 1969, 1.

38. "Graves peligros," El Universal , 14 July 1969, 3.

39. Jasmín Solís Gómez, interview.

40. I thank Claudio Lomnitz-Adler (letter to the author, 30 December 1994) for this important insight.

41. Jueves de Excélsior , 21 August 1969. In June 1969 the Nixon administration implemented Operation Intercept, which virtually closed down the U.S.-Mexican border for a three-week period under the pretext of stopping drugs. Mexico's expulsions may have been timed to demonstrate its own show of force as reprisal.

42. "Singapore's Chief Drops Visit to Kuala Lumpur in Dispute over Arrest of 3 Long-Haired Malaysians," New York Times , 20 August 1970, 13.

43. "Long Hair Deemed Legal," Rolling Stone , 15 April 1971, 12.

44. "Gobernación y los 'jipis alucinógenos,' " Jueves de Excélsior , 16 July 1970, 5.

45. Sol Carril, "Badges: I Don't Got to Show You No Steenkin' Badges, Gringo Pothead," Rolling Stone , 9 December 1971, 26.

46. Franz, People's Guide , 3. In the 1979 edition, this same advice does not appear until pp. 524-25.

47. Ibid.

46. Franz, People's Guide , 3. In the 1979 edition, this same advice does not appear until pp. 524-25.

47. Ibid.

48. "Archivo de Concentración," 7 October 1971, IV-1280-86, Secretaría de Relaciones Exteriores.

49. Jerry Hopkins, "How Kenya Solved Its Hippie Problem," Rolling Stone , 28 September 1972, 12.

50. V. George, Letter to the president, 25 March 1970, Comunicaciones: Galería 3, Uncataloged boxes, Box 422, AGN.

51. Elmer Belew, Letter to the president, 27 March 1970, Comunicaciones: Galería 3, Uncataloged boxes, Box 422, AGN.

52. Ibid.

51. Elmer Belew, Letter to the president, 27 March 1970, Comunicaciones: Galería 3, Uncataloged boxes, Box 422, AGN.

52. Ibid.

53. Carl Franz, telephone interview with the author, 23 August 1994.

54. Mitch Blank, interview with the author, New York City, 13 September 1992.

55. Marroquín, Contracultura como protesta , 26.

56. Franz, interview.

57. Robert Richter, "Crossing over" (unpublished manuscript, 1972), 3. I wish to thank Robert Richter for lending me his manuscript and allowing me to quote from it.

58. Franz, interview.

59. The number of foreign tourists, largely from the United States, more than tripled between 1960 and 1970, going from 631,000 to 1,986,000 (Mary Lee Nolan and Sidney Nolan, "The Evolution of Tourism in Twentieth-Century Mexico," Journal of the West 27, no. 4 [1988]: 21).

60. Franz, interview.

61. Ken Luboff, telephone interview with the author, 1 September 1994. The People's Guide is presently in its tenth edition.

62. López, interview.

63. Franz, interview.

64. Steve Rogers, telephone interview with the author, 7 September 1994.

65. Rogers, interview.

66. This comment was made by a friend of Steve Rogers's in the early 1970s (Rogers, interview).

67. Catherine LeGrande, telephone interview with the author, 16 February 1995.

68. Franz, interview.

69. Franz, People's Guide , 88.

70. Dean MacCannell, The Tourist: A New Theory of the Leisure Class (New York: Schocken, 1976 [1989]), xv.

71. Ibid.

70. Dean MacCannell, The Tourist: A New Theory of the Leisure Class (New York: Schocken, 1976 [1989]), xv.

71. Ibid.

72. Franz, People's Guide , 91.

73. Robert Richter, "El Colón," Tonantzín (October 1990), 21.

74. "Hippies Flocking to Mexico for Mushroom 'Trips,' " New York Times , 23 July 1970, 6. In the United States conflict erupted between hippies from San Francisco and more politically conscious Chicanos over the settlement of a land grant in New Mexico. "To the Chicano," wrote a journalist covering the story, "poverty is not a trip but a pit from which, until recently, he could escape only by extended servitude as a migrant worker" (Peter Nabokov, ''La Raza, the Land and the Hippies," The Nation , 20 April 1970, 467). For an interesting at-

testation found in literature see Manuel Abreu Adorno, Llegaron los hippies (Río Piedras, Puerto Rico: Huracán, 1978).

75. Jim Hougan, "Mexico Raises a Counterculture," The Nation , 25 September 1972, 239.

76. This presumed monopoly of English by the upper classes is exemplified in scenes from the 1967 classic film Los Caifanes (Dir. Juan Ibáñez). In the film, English is used as a second language by upper-class youth, both as a means of expressing their worldliness with each other and to evade understanding by members of the lower class with whom they are forced to interact. The term pachuco refers to the stylistic invention of a separate identity among Mexican American youth during the 1940s and 1950s through language and fashion. For mention of "Tin Tan" and the influence of pachuco styles among Mexicans in the early 1950s see José Agustín, La contracultura en México: La historia y el significado de los rebeldes sin causa, los jipitecas, los punks y las bandas (Mexico City: Grijalbo, 1996), 17-20.

77. Parménides García Saldaña, En la ruta de La Onda (Mexico City: Diógenes, 1972), 153. The term pocho was used as a derogatory expression by Mexicans as well as Anglos to describe Mexican American youth who grew up in-between cultural worlds in the United States. It was later replaced by the more self-affirming Chicano in the 1960s, though the latter still conveys an absence of cultural identity when used by Mexicans.

78. The term fresa (literally, strawberry) translated as the equivalent of both square and sweet , depending on one's viewpoint and what was being described. At least two rock bands incorporated the label—Fresa Gruesa and Fresa Acida—which suggested a kind of inverted mockery of the term. Today fresa is used to denote youth from the upper class (sheltered) as well as someone or something that is overly stylish (inauthentic).

79. Carlos Monsiváis, "Para todas las cosas hay sasón," in his Días de Guardar (Mexico City: Biblioteca Era, 1970 [1988]), 121. The essay originally appeared, in slightly different format, as "Para todas las cosas hay razón," in La Cultura en México , 26 March 1969, 7-9.

80. Alejandro Lora, with Arturo Castelazo, Lora: Vida y rocanrol ... en sus propias palabras (Mexico City: Castelazo y Asociados, 1993). Lora's father was a high-ranking military figure. While Lora does not explicitly mention his own role in the tocadas in Las Lomas—he does note playing at the elite Terraza Casino club however—one informant I interviewed claims to have seen him perform in Las Lomas. Over the years, Lora has carefully cultivated his mystique as a rock performer of the lumpenproletariat.

81. Ruiz, interview.

82. López, interview.

83. Monsiváis, "Para todas las cosas," 120. See also Carlos Monsiváis, "No es que esté feo, sino que estoy mal envuelto, je-je," La Cultura en México , 14 January 1976, 2-8. Today, naco is still used to refer to someone who is "lacking class" in manners or education, though it is also commonly used by the middle classes to refer to ignorance among the upper classes. Claudio Lomnitz

has written an especially revealing interpretation of naco as a sign of the "dismodernity" of Mexico: "Fissures in Contemporary Mexican Nationalism," Public Culture 9 (1996): 55-68.

84. See, for example, Joanne Hershfield, Mexican Cinema / Mexican Woman, 1940-1950 (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1996).

85. Ruiz, interview.

86. Ruiz, interview.

87. Dressed in tuxedos, they performed a Latin-style version of the Beatles' song, "Michelle," in English ("The Hollywood Palace," 26 October 1968, Access #T80: 0241, Museum of Television and Radio).

88. Armando Molina, "El safarrancho del estadio," POP , 25 April 1969, 8.

89. Ibid.

88. Armando Molina, "El safarrancho del estadio," POP , 25 April 1969, 8.

89. Ibid.

90. For a description of the concert see Monsiváis, "Para todas las cosas," 118-25. According to Variety , the riot began when police refused to allow either band to perform after they arrived an hour late for their scheduled appearance ("Plane Delay Causes Mexico City Riot over Union Gap's Late Show," Variety , 21 March 1969, 59). This version, however, differs from local sources, which I have chosen to follow.

91. Monsiváis, "Para todas las cosas," 123-24. "Porfirian" refers to the thirty-year reign of Porfirio Díaz, which ended with the start of the Mexican Revolution in 1910.

92. The Castro Brothers were subsequently fined 50,000 Pesos (U.S. $4,000) for their negligence in organizing the event ("Popularimiento," México Canta , 15 June 1969).

93. Monsiváis, "Para todas las cosas," 125.

94. Jerry Hopkins, "The Doors in Mexico," Rolling Stone , 23 August 1969, 29.

95. Ibid.

94. Jerry Hopkins, "The Doors in Mexico," Rolling Stone , 23 August 1969, 29.

95. Ibid.

96. No doubt another factor was pending legislation that threatened the television industry with new state taxes. Azcáirraga may have wished to avoid airing the Doors at such a delicate moment in negotiations with the state. Ultimately a compromise was reached on the legislation; to avoid crushing taxes the industry agreed to make available 12.5 percent of air time gratis for public service announcements. I wish to thank Andrew Paxman for our discussion on these and other points concerning Telesistema.

97. Hopkins, "The Doors," 26. See also "Mexico's Pres Takes Bull by the Horns, OKs Breath in the Afternoon for Doors," Variety , 4 June 1969, 56. For another account see Jerry Hopkins and Danny Sugerman, No One Gets out of Here Alive (New York: Warner, 1980).

98. Hopkins, "The Doors," 26.

99. This contrasted with a performance by Paul Anka that same year at the Sports Palace Arena before a crowd of 20,000, in addition to his performance at the Forum ("From the Music Capitols of the World: Mexico City," Billboard Music Week , 12 April 1969, 65).

100. Hopkins, "The Doors," 19.

101. Ibid.

100. Hopkins, "The Doors," 19.

101. Ibid.

102. "Guatemala prohibe 'Siempre en domingo,' " Excélsior , 3 October 1971, B23.

103. Raúl Velasco, "La salúd mental de los jóvenes mexicanos triunfó sobre la proyección sórdida y angustiosa de Morrison y The Doors," El Heraldo , 29 June 1969, D2.

104. Ibid.

105. Ibid.

103. Raúl Velasco, "La salúd mental de los jóvenes mexicanos triunfó sobre la proyección sórdida y angustiosa de Morrison y The Doors," El Heraldo , 29 June 1969, D2.

104. Ibid.

105. Ibid.

103. Raúl Velasco, "La salúd mental de los jóvenes mexicanos triunfó sobre la proyección sórdida y angustiosa de Morrison y The Doors," El Heraldo , 29 June 1969, D2.

104. Ibid.

105. Ibid.

106. Parménides García Saldaña, "Las puertas se han cerrado a las buenas conciencias," POP , 1 August 1969, n.p.

107. Margo Glantz, Onda y escritura en México: Jóvenes de 20 a 33 (Mexico City: Siglo XXI, 1971), 30.

108. Ibid. For works on La Onda as a literary style see June C. D. Carter and Donald L. Schmidt, eds., José Agustín: Onda and Beyond (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1986); Elena Poniatowska, ¡Ay vida, no me mereces! (Mexico City: Joaquín Mortiz, 1985 [1992]); Reinhard Teichmann, De La Onda en adelante: Conversaciones con 21 novelistas mexicanos (Mexico City: Posada, 1987); Inke Gunia, ¿ "Cuál es La Onda"? La literatura de la contracultura juvenil en el México de los años sesenta y setenta (Frankfurt: Vervuert Verlag, 1994).

107. Margo Glantz, Onda y escritura en México: Jóvenes de 20 a 33 (Mexico City: Siglo XXI, 1971), 30.

108. Ibid. For works on La Onda as a literary style see June C. D. Carter and Donald L. Schmidt, eds., José Agustín: Onda and Beyond (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1986); Elena Poniatowska, ¡Ay vida, no me mereces! (Mexico City: Joaquín Mortiz, 1985 [1992]); Reinhard Teichmann, De La Onda en adelante: Conversaciones con 21 novelistas mexicanos (Mexico City: Posada, 1987); Inke Gunia, ¿ "Cuál es La Onda"? La literatura de la contracultura juvenil en el México de los años sesenta y setenta (Frankfurt: Vervuert Verlag, 1994).

109. Poniatowska, Ay vida , 176; Danny J. Anderson, "Creating Cultural Prestige: Editorial Joaquín Mortiz," Latin American Research Review 31, no. 2 (1996): 3-41.

110. José Agustín, La nueva música clásica (Mexico City: Instituto Nacional de la Juventud Mexicana, 1968), 7.

111. José Agustín, El rock de la cárcel (Mexico City: Editores Mexicanos Unidos, 1986), 78.

112. For a discussion of this work see José Agustín, "Vera y ondera: Autoentrevista de José Agustín," La Cultura en México , 3 September 1969, 7-8.

113. José Agustín, in Carlos Chimal, ed., Crines: Lecturas de rock (Mexico City: Penélope, 1984), 40.

114. Parménides García Saldaña, "Three Souls in My Mind," POP , July 1973, 72.

115. Poniatowska, Ay vida , 188. See also Agustín, Contracultura en México , 141-45.

116. For a partial glossary of this vocabulary see Carter and Schmidt, José Agustín .

117. Quoted in Glantz, Onda y escritura , 33.

118. Agustín, Rock de la cárcel , 18.

119. Ibid., 14. La tumba was published by Novaro, before Agustín was offered a new contract by Joaquín Mortíz (who republished it in 1966).

118. Agustín, Rock de la cárcel , 18.

119. Ibid., 14. La tumba was published by Novaro, before Agustín was offered a new contract by Joaquín Mortíz (who republished it in 1966).

120. Parménides García Saldaña, Pasto verde (Mexico City: Diógenes, 1968 [1985]), 51-52. García Saldaña originally meant to title the work La Onda .

121. José Agustín, "Forty Archetypes Draw Their Swords," in Carter and Schmidt, José Agustín , 35. Agustín's father was a pilot who brought him rock 'n' roll and other records from the United States.

122. Bernard Cassen, "La lengua inglesa como vehículo del imperialismo cultural," Comunicación y Cultura 6 (February 1979): 77.

123. Advertisement, Excélsior , 16 March 1969, 12.

124. For a more detailed discussion of editorial changes at various magazines see Víctor Roura, Apuntes de rock: Por las calles del mundo (Mexico City: Nuevomar, 1985), 127-35.

125. Advertisement in Piedra Rodante , 30 October 1971, 31. Discoteca Yoko was owned by Manuel Aceves, editor of Piedra Rodante; his offices were across the street. Contributors to the magazine were often paid in record albums. See Agustín, Contracultura en México , 93.

126. Armando Blanco, interview with the author, Mexico City, 11 March 1993. This was still true up to the late 1980s, before the arrival of imported compact discs. Collections of original rock albums formed a respected treasury of music that was the source (through taped recordings) for diffusion throughout the rock community. Respected rock programs on the radio, for example on Radio Educación (run by the UNAM) or later the commercial station Rock 101, also became important sources for the availability of imported music, where disc jockeys often introduced material from their private collections.

127. Carlos Monsiváis, "Las conquistas juveniles de las [ sic ] decada," POP , January 1970, 44.

128. "Los Dug-Dugs: El grupo de rock revelación (nacional)," POP , 15 February 1969, 22.

129. Ramón García, interview with the author, Mexico City, 18 March 1993.

130. Carlos Baca, "Rock subterráneo," Mexico Canta , 13 February 1970, n.p.

131. Alberto Macias, "Vibraciones," Mexico Canta , 13 February 1970, n.p. For a fuller account of the same incident see Marroquín, Contracultura como protesta , 39. Marroquín writes: "Enrique belted out the Beatle chant then in vogue, 'All Together.' " José Agustín ( Contracultura en México , 78) writes that this incident took place in 1967-that is, before Tlatelolco-but he does not provide documentation to support his claim.

132. Hugo Covantes, "Los estudiantes: Trago amargo para Luis Echeverría," Zona Rosa , January 1970, 14-15.

133. Guevara Niebla, Democracia en la calle , 55.

5La Onda Chicana The Reinvention of Mexico's Countercultural Community

1. Annual Report , RCA Corporation, 1969, 20, Cole-Harvard Collection.

2. Annual Report , RCA Corporation, 1970, 16, Cole-Harvard Collection.

3. Annual Report , CBS, Inc., 1966, 28, Cole-Harvard Collection.

4. Annual Report , CBS, Inc., 1968, 33, Cole-Harvard Collection. For articles on the company's "revolutionary" advertising campaign and its attendant controversy see Rolling Stone , 17 May 1969, 4; 12 July 1969, 10.

5. Annual Report , CBS, Inc., 1970, 17, Cole-Harvard Collection.

6. Annual Report , CBS, Inc., 1971, 22-24, Cole-Harvard Collection.

7. Kevin M. Kelleghan, "Image Battle Shapes in Mexico as Firms Gear for 'Tomorrow,' " Billboard Music Week 22 July 1967, 49.

8. Advertisement, Billboard Music Week , 16 December 1967, 16.

9. When Polydor entered the Indian market in 1970, breaking a sixty-three-year monopoly held by the British company His Masters Voice (HMV), Variety noted that "[t]hrough the Polydor label, the growing young western-oriented Indian audience will be able to buy records by the Bee Gees, the Cream [ sic ], Jimi Hendrix, et al." ("Polydor Invades Indian Disk Market, Ruled by HMV Label for 63 Years," Variety , 26 August 1970, 43).

10. Herbe Pompeyo, interview with the author, Mexico City, 8 June 1993.

11. Enrique Partida, interview with the author, Mexico City, 7 June 1993.

12. Advertisement in Piedra Rodante , August 1971, 7. Polydor also launched a "Soul Series" featuring renowned African American artists.

13. Herbe Pompeyo, interview. See also "Polydor lanza la serie 'Rock Power,' " Piedra Rodante , August 1971, 8.

14. Carlos Baca, "Los Creedence: Misioneros del rock en México," México Canta , 26 February 1971, n.p.

15. Advertisement in Piedra Rodante , August 1971.

16. This program, La respuesta está en el aire (The Answer's Blowing in the Wind), appeared in 1969. Unfortunately, Radio Educación's extensive archives do not begin until the mid-1970s.

17. Gustavo Castañeda, "Spectrum," Zona Rosa , October 1970, 20.

18. Raúl Velasco, " 'Hace falta imaginación a nuestros actuales rocanroleros,' Alfredo Gil," El Heraldo de México , 22 September 1968, D2.

19. Fred Ohm, "Chihuahua pop cultiva a Los Químicos," México Canta , 13 February 1970, n.p.

20. Carlos Santana was born in Jalisco, Guadalajara, but later moved to Tijuana with his family. There he picked up the guitar and befriended Javier Batiz, a blues guitarist, who gave him lessons. Santana left Tijuana as a youth for San Francisco, where he joined the emerging psychedelic rock scene. Batiz, after several recording stints in the United States, stayed in Mexico and became a renowned, if overly pretentious, performer.

21. Ohm, "Chihuahua pop." The word UNDERGROUND was in English.

22. This convergence of musical styles toward an international rock-pop sound was also occurring in other countries outside the United States and Britain (Roger Wallis and Krister Malm, Big Sounds from Small Peoples: The Music Industry in Small Countries [New York: Pendragon, 1984], 302-10).

23. Partida, interview.

24. Armando Molina, interview with the author, Mexico City, 17 June 1993. See also Carlos Baca, "Rock subterréneo," México Canta , 13 February 1970, n.p.

25. Liner notes from La Máquina del Sonido (CBS-Columbia, 1971). The word underground was in English.

26. A later study covering the early 1980s found that "the Mexican sub-

sidiaries of major transnational corporations were not necessarily the most modern or most fully-equipped of record producers in the country" and noted that "all studios in the Mexico City metropolitan area were equipped with 16 and 24 tracks." However, in the late 1960s quite likely only Orfeón and possibly Musart had recording facilities comparable to those of the transnationals. The upgrading of Cisne, another important local company, most likely occurred as a result of the acquisition of a majority share by Televisa in 1980. See Annette Riggio F., "The Gate Keepers of Popular Music in Mexico: National and Transnational Record Producers," Studies in Latin American Popular Culture 5 (1986): 24.

27. Ibid., 25.

26. A later study covering the early 1980s found that "the Mexican sub-

sidiaries of major transnational corporations were not necessarily the most modern or most fully-equipped of record producers in the country" and noted that "all studios in the Mexico City metropolitan area were equipped with 16 and 24 tracks." However, in the late 1960s quite likely only Orfeón and possibly Musart had recording facilities comparable to those of the transnationals. The upgrading of Cisne, another important local company, most likely occurred as a result of the acquisition of a majority share by Televisa in 1980. See Annette Riggio F., "The Gate Keepers of Popular Music in Mexico: National and Transnational Record Producers," Studies in Latin American Popular Culture 5 (1986): 24.

27. Ibid., 25.

28. Rock musicians were not the only ones now recording in English for a foreign market: a new generation of Mexican baladistas was also composing songs "with international style lyrics that are entirely accessible so that they can be easily transported to other languages without changing their original content and adapted to any country," most notably the United States (Cervantes Ayala, "Nuestros compositores enviarán mayor número de canciones a EU," Excélsior , 10 March 1969, B8).

29. Carlos Beltrand Luján, interview with the author, Mexico City, 18 May 1994.

30. Three Souls in My Mind (later, the TRI) became widely popular, especially among the lower and middle classes. In 1980 a 66 percent share of Cisne-Raff was acquired by Televisa. Riggio, "Gate Keepers," 22.

31. Federico Arana lists 122 bands for the year 1971; of that total, some 22 produced at least one album (Federico Arana, Guaraches de ante azul: Historia del rock mexicano [Mexico City: Posada, 1985], vol. 4, 115-17).

32. Many of the most important bands of this period in fact originated in cities other than the capital, especially Guadalajara, Monterrey, Tijuana, and Reynosa. Mexican rock magazines increasingly featured articles on the rock scene in the provinces and published letters from fans around the country. For a discussion of rock music in Veracruz see David K. Stigberg, "Urban Musical Culture in Mexico: Professional Musicianship and Media in the Musical Life of Contemporary Veracruz" (Ph.D. diss., University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 1980), chap. 4.

33. According to Armando Molina, this term was first introduced by the disc jockey Felix Ruano Méndez of Radio Juventud (who was later fined and fired for his participation in the live transmission of the Avándaro rock festival). Its usage became widespread among musicians, radio announcers, music critics, and fans alike. Perhaps coincidentally, La Onda Chicana also emerged around 1967 as a label for a new musical fusion of ranchera, jazz, and rock in Mexican American border communities. According to Manuel Peña the movement in the United States, however, was influenced by Chicano activism. While Peña suggested to me that the term may have filtered into Mexico, it is equally plausible that Mexicans invented the term themselves, independent of what was occurring in the United States (Manuel Peña, telephone interview with the au-

thor, 23 April 1997). See also Manuel Peña, "Hispanic and Afro-Hispanic Music in the United States," in Francisco Lomelí, ed., Handbook of Hispanic Cultures in the United States: Literature and Art (Houston, Tex.: Arte Público Press; Madrid: Instituto de Cooperación Iberoamericana, 1993-1994), 302-3.

34. Armando Molina, "Rock chicano '71," POP , 14 January 1972, 8-10. Molina is the only musician I am aware of who was also actively involved in the promotion of rock in the mass media. More recently he coproduced a radio show that often featured contemporary Mexican rock, Humo en el agua (105.7 FM) and is recording a new album under the Máquina del Sonido bandname.

35. Carlos Muñoz Jr., Youth, Identity, Power: The Chicano Movement (London: Verso, 1989), 15. The latter-day Chicanos had in fact reappropriated the term from its derogatory usage earlier in the century. For an historical and literary analysis see Tino Villanueva, ed., Chicanos (Mexico City: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 1985).

36. On Chicano rock in the United States during this period see David Reyes and Tom Waldman, Land of a Thousand Dances: Chicano Rock 'n' Roll from Southern California (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1998).

37. Some reference points were directly shared, such as the translated writings of Carlos Castañeda. For a discussion of how U.S. Chicano identity was misinterpreted in Mexico see Jorge A. Bustamante, "El poder chicano en el Distrito Federal," La Cultura en México , 3 January 1973, 6-8. See also "A Bi-national Performance Pilgrimage," in Guillermo Gómez-Peña, Warrior for Gringostroika , introduction by Roger Bartra (St. Paul, Minn.: Greywolf Press, 1993), 15-33.

38. See, for example Víctor Roura, Apuntes de rock: Por las calles del mundo (Mexico City: Nuevomar, 1985), 123.

39. He writes, for instance, that 1968 was simply "another year" for national rock, without any evident connections to student politics (Víctor Roura, Negros del corazón [Mexico City: Universidad Autónoma de México, 1984], 26).

40. The term monopoly is often employed by Carlos Monsiváis. See, for example, "Notas sobre el estado, la cultural nacional y las culturas populares en México," Cuadernos Políticos 30 (October-December 1981): 33-43.

41. The term resemanticization comes from William Rowe and Vivian Schelling, Memory and Modernity: Popular Culture in Latin America (London: Verso, 1991), 11.

42. José Agustín, "Cuál es La Onda," Diálogos 10, no. 1 (1974): 12. Elena Poniatowska points out, for instance, that no "Onda Manifesto" was ever produced by the principal literary figures of the movement (Elena Poniatowska, ¡Ay vida, no me mereces! [Mexico City: Joaquín Mortiz, 1985 (1992)], 198).

43. According to Armando Molina, the original manager of La Revolución purposefully had them record in English so that he could present them to Polydor as a band from the United States, which sounds somewhat far-fetched. In

1971 the single of "Nasty Sex" sold some 200,000 copies in Mexico and abroad (Arana, Guaraches , vol. 4, 124).

44. La Revolución de Emiliano Zapata (Polydor, 1971). "Nasty Sex," by Javier Martín del Campo Muriel and Oscar Rojas Gutiérrez. Copyright © 1971. Copyright renewed 1989. Reprinted by permission of Warner Chapel Music. International copyright secured. All rights reserved.

45. Parménides García Saldaña, "La Revolución mexicana se quita el huarache," Piedra Rodante , 1 May 1971, 27.

46. Mario Mora, "La Revolución de Emiliano Zapata: Traducción integra en español del primer L.P.," México Canta , 27 August 1971, 6-9. Ironically, the article featured a Spanish-language translation of the album's songs.

47. García Saldaña, "La Revolución." Garcêa Saldaña was in general quite deprecatory toward Mexican rock (see chapter 4).

48. Cover of Piedra Rodante , 1 May 1971. Venustiano Carranza was leader of the conservative "Constitutional" forces that eventually triumphed over the popular armies of Villa and Zapata.

49. "The [idea] for Three Souls in My Mind was because we were three [musicians], because in our repertoire we had soul tunes [blues] ... and furthermore, because in those days it was cool to have a long name. So that no one knew what the fuck it meant, we threw in the part, In My Mind" (Alejandro Lora, with Arturo Castelazo, Lora: Vida y rocanrol ... en sus propias palabras [Mexico City: Castelazo y Asociados, 1993], 31). Peace and Love in fact changed their name to Náhuatl in 1973, citing the change as contributing "a first step on the long road of creativity" for the Mexican rock movement, which by that point was in severe crisis (quoted from the liner notes, Cisne-Raff, 1973). In addition to the name change, the majority of song titles and lyrics were now in Spanish; songs written while they were still called Peace and Love were mostly in English.

50. Peace and Love (Raff, 1971). The song was written in both English and Spanish.

51. For example, the band 39.4 had a sound resonant of the group Chicago, replete with brass horns.

52. This second album was in fact the sound track of the film La verdadera vocación de Magdalena (Dir. Jaime Hermosillo, 1971). An internal debate among band members over the future direction of the group, combined with the pressures against rock in the wake of Avándaro, resulted in a dramatic shift in style to música tropical, even though the band did not change its name (Joaquín ["Chas"] López, interview with the author, Mexico City, 7 April 1993).

53. López, interview.

54. Carlos Baca, "La 'super onda' del Love Army," México Canta , 17 April 1970, n.p.

55. Roura, Negros del corazón , 134.

56. Before Santana, Latino rock had difficulty breaking into the (White)

mainstream, despite its success on r&b stations (Claude Hall, "Latin-Rock in Sales Upswing," Billboard Music Week, 21 January 1967, 1).

57. Numerous expressions emerged to describe the United States: el gabacho, gabacholándia, gringolándia, and la tierra del Tío Sam among them. Youth in the United States were also sometimes referred to as nuestros primos (our cousins).

58. "Entrevista a Carlos Santana," México Canta, 17 September 1971, 7-11.

59. John Storm Roberts, The Latin Tinge: The Impact of Latin American Music on the United States (New York: Oxford University Press, 1979), 184.

60. Peace and Love (Cisne, 1970).

61. "Guadalajara, ¿capital del rock?" Piedra Rodante, August 1971, 16.

62. José Enrique Pérez Cruz, interview with the author, Mexico City, 5 March 1993.

63. Quoted in Roura, Negros del corazón, 77.

64. Partida, interview.

65. "El buen ROCK aguanta el español," México Canta, 12 October 1973, 29-31.

66. Partida, interview.

67. Ramón García, interview with the author, Mexico City, 18 March 1993.

68. Roura, Apuntes de rock, 38.

69. Pompeyo, interview.

70. Los Locos (Musart, 1971).

71. Love Army (Raff, 1971). The translation of "Caminata cerebral" from the Spanish is my own, as I never came across the English-language version.

72. Roura, Apuntes de rock, 48.

73. Lora, with Castelazo, Lora, 35.

74. Letter to the editor, POP, 18 June 1971, n.p.

75. One should add, however, that the compelling necessity to unravel this mystery is an important indicator of U.S. global hegemony.

76. Partida, interview.

77. Pompeyo, interview.

78. Advertisement, Piedra Rodante, October 1971, 35.

79. "Mexican-U.S. Rock Groups Competing," Billboard Music Week, 25 September 1971, 12.

80. "El grupo 'La Revolución de Emiliano Zapata' actuará en universidades de EU," Excélsior, 25 October 1971, B11. Herbe Pompeyo, who accompanied the group, later commented on the "extraordinary" reception they received (Pompeyo, interview).

81. Armando Nava, interview with the author, Mexico City, 5 June 1993.

82. Benedict Anderson, Imagined Community: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism (London: Verso, 1983). One of the shortcomings of Anderson's analysis is that he fails to discuss the ways in which alternative "imagined communities" arise, often by reappropriating the nationalist discourse, in opposition to official cultures. The transnationalization of the mass

media has introduced a new set of challenges to official nationalism in the latter half of this century.

83. The first political prisoners were released in December 1970, immediately after Echeverría's swearing-in ceremony. However, the principal leaders were not released until that spring and were exiled to Chile. They were let back into Mexico several months later. See Gilberto uevara Niebla, La democracia en la calle: Crónica del movimiento estudiantil mexicano (Mexico City: Siglo XXI, 1988), 67; Yoram Shapira, ''The Impact of the 1968 Student Protest on Echeverría's Reformism," Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 19, no. 4 (1977): 557-80.

84. Carl J. Mora, Mexican Cinema: Reflections of a Society, 1896-1988 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1982 [rev. ed., 1989]), 112-37; José Agustín, Tragicomedia mexicana 2: La vida en México de 1970 a 1982 (Mexico City: Planeta, 1992), 59-82; Enrique Cisneros, ' Si me permiten actuar ' (Mexico City: CLETA, n.d.).

85. See Américo Saldívar, Ideología y política del estado mexicano (1970-1976) (Mexico City: Siglo XXI, 1980), esp. chap. 3, "La política económica del nuevo gobierno"; Judith Hellman, Mexico in Crisis (New York: Holmes and Meier, 1983), chap. 7; Carlos Bazdresch and Santiago Levy, "Populism and Economic Policy in Mexico, 1970-1982," in Rudiger Dornbusch and Sebastian Edwards, eds., The Macroeconomics of Populism in Latin America (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991), 223-62.

86. In the 1970 presidential elections, 34 percent of total eligible voters abstained. Of the remaining votes, 25 percent of the ballots were annulled, and another 20 percent were cast for opposition parties (Shapira, "Impact of the 1968 Student Protest," 566-67).

87. Agustín, Tragicomedia mexicana, 15.

88. Guevara Niebla, Democracia en la calle, 68. Emphasis in original.

89. Hellman, Mexico in Crisis, 202-4; Jorge Basurto, "The Late Populism of Luis Echeverría," in Michael L. Conniff, ed., Latin American Populism in Comparative Perspective (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1982), 93-111.

90. Guevara Niebla, Democracia en la calle, 64-88.

91. This point is made, though somewhat too uncritically, by Adrián de Garay Sánchez, who writes that "rock is characterized ... for its transcendence of class. Whether in the popular barrio, or in the wealthiest residential zones of the city, people listen to and participate in the culture of rock" (Adrián de Garay Sánchez, El rock también es cultura, Cuadernos de Comunicación y Prácticas Sociales, no. 5 [Mexico City: Universidad Iberoamericana, 1993], 10 [emphasis in the original]).

92. Gustavo Castañeda, "Chapultepec: Festival del naranjazo," Piedra Rodante, 1 May 1971, 1. Before the violence of 1968 the regime had sponsored free Sunday entertainment in parks throughout the capital, reportedly offering "[a] n extremely varied format ... from poetry readings to classical music to mariachi, bolero, tropical and even rock groups both local and foreign" ("Surge

nuevamente el interés en la música folklórica," Billboard Music Week, 16 December 1967, M14). It is unclear, however, how the student movement affected the programming of these Sunday performances, though one imagines either that they were canceled or that rock was excluded until the apertura under Echeverría. These domingos culturales dated back to the 1920S, when the first postrevolutionary regime began sponsoring cultural events. It is noteworthy, moreover, that guidelines for such events dating from 1924 specified that "foreign music whose morbid character depresses the spirit of the people must be eliminated absolutely" (quoted in Ilene V. O'Malley, The Myth of the Revolution: Hero Cults and the Institutionalization of the Mexican State, 1920-1940 (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1986), 119.

93. Castañeda, "Chapultepec."

94. Ibid., 6.

93. Castañeda, "Chapultepec."

94. Ibid., 6.

95. López, interview.

96. Castañeda, "Chapultepec," 1.

97. Ibid., 6.

96. Castañeda, "Chapultepec," 1.

97. Ibid., 6.

98. Roura, Negros del corazón, 63. Not all bands could or desired to accommodate themselves to this relationship: Armando Nava of Los Dug Dugs said, "Look ... I have never gotten on stage and told off the audience. And I doubt that I ever will.... It's likely that I'm fighting against the current" (p. 72).

99. García, interview.

100. Jasmín Solís Gómez, interview with the author, Mexico City, 28 January 1993.

101. Ana Lau Jaiven, La nueva ola del feminismo en México (Mexico City: Planeta, 1987), 75-138. The Echeverría regime responded to feminists' demands by proposing changes in the Constitution but stopped short of legalizing abortion. In 1975 Mexico served as host to the U.N. International Year of the Woman conference. Family planning received government support after 1972, but birthrates were not brought under control until the 1980s.

102. Jasmín Solís Gómez, interview.

103. Lila Orta, interview with the author, Mexico City, 13 January 1993.

104. La verdadera vocación de Magdalena (dir. Jaime Hermosillo, 1971).

105. La Revolución de Emiliano Zapata, La verdadera vocación de Magdalena (Polydor, 1972).

6 The Avándaro Rock Festival

1. Pilar Riaño-Alcalá ("Urban Space and Music in the Formation of Youth Cultures: The Case of Bogotá, 1920-1980," Studies in Latin American Popular Culture 10 [1991]: 87-106) notes that Colombia also had a native rock festival at about this time, but she fails to provide a date. Puerto Rico was used as a backdrop for U.S. rock festivals in July 1970 and April 1972. Yet Saigon can claim credit for being the first Third World city to sponsor its own rock festival. That event featured bands from South Vietnam, Taiwan, Malaysia, the Philippines, Indonesia, and Australia. Rolling Stone reported that the one-day con-

cert was "a definite copy of festivals stateside" and cited protest from the opposition press: "This festival legalizes a degenerate foreign culture which is harmful to Vietnamese culture and tradition" ("The Saigon Rock Festival Rolls," Rolling Stone, 8 July 1971, 16). Estimates of the number of people at Avándaro vary. Víctor Roura states that 500,000 attended( Apuntes de rock: Por las calles del mundo [Mexico City: Ediciones Nuevomar, 1985], 27); Carlos Monsiváis, 300,000 ("No es que esté feo, sino que estoy mal envuelto, je-je," La Cultura en México, 14 January 1976, 3); and Federico Arana, 150,000 ( Guaraches de ante azul: Historla del rock mexicano [Mexico City: Posada, 1985], vol. 3, 100). Meanwhile, Variety, calling the festival "a carbon of Woodstock,'' placed the number at 180,000 ("Rock Festival in Mexico Draws 180,000 Youths in a Carbon of Woodstock," Variety, 29 September 1971, 49).

2. According to Armando Molina (interview with the author, Mexico City, 17 June 1993), who was hired to contract bands for the event, the organizers had little intention of promoting rock per se; the idea was simply to organize a "Mexican Night" of revelry to "commemorate and complement" the annual car races held at the Valle de Bravo site. Still, the precedent for Coca-Cola's involvement in a Latin American rock festival was set a year earlier when the soft-drink conglomerate cosponsored the "Rock Festival '70" (featuring U.S. bands) in Puerto Rico ("July 4 Rock Festival Set for Puerto Rico with Coca-Cola Coin," Variety, 10 June 1970, 56).

3. Quoted in Eligio Calderón and others, Avándaro: ¿Aliviane o movida? (Mexico City: Editorial Extemporáneos, 1971), 85-86. Sections of this book also appeared in "Una guerra sin soldados," La Cultura en México, 6 October 1971, 2-7.

4. The film version of Woodstock produced by Warner Brothers and the sound track released by Atlantic Records recuperated losses incurred from the festival itself and in general spurred a closer relationship between capitalist interests and the counterculture. See Rolling Stone, 21 January 1970; 7 February 1970; 15 October 1970.

5. Herbe Pompeyo, interview with the author, Mexico City, 8 June 1993.

6. The song was written by Lalo Guerrero and later appeared in the film Zoot Suit . The lines from the song go in part, "I like marihuana, you like marihuana, we like marihuana too!" However, Peace and Love apparently added the line: "I want to be a hippie and I want to get stoned." This was all sung in English.

7. Luis de Llano Jr. of Telesistema afterward defended the television station's position by stating: "I went to Avándaro to produce a film for television. I brought my equipment to do this, and I want to clarify that we aren't trying to exalt the negative side which the festival has had" (Roberto Ramírez S., "La reunón de más de cien mil jóvenes en el festival musical de Avándaro sí rue autorizada," Excélsior, 20 September 1971, B15). According to Armando Molina, Telesistema filmed during the day on Friday and from around 7: 00 P.M. to 1: 00 A.M. the night of the festival. The event itself lasted all night long, unlike the Woodstock festival, which paused until morning.

8. Luis González Reimann, "Ceremonia cósmica, poca música," Piedra Rodante, 30 October 1971, 18.

9. Marcos Mendoza, "Paz, amor: Cortesía de Coca-Cola," Piedra Rodante, 30 October 1971, 26. For a photograph of the Coke banner see Humberto Rubalcaba and others, eds., Nosotros (Mexico City: Nosotros, 1972).

10. Javier Batiz famously rejected the amount as too little for his services.

11. While the real political stakes were arguably quite different for Avándaro and Woodstock, I believe a similar rejection of explicit political organizing by those present applied to both festivals. Rock was seen by most bands and fans as an alternative to politics rather than as a vehicle for political activism. Political speeches that fell out of line with the anarchic mood of a rock performance were often rejected; Abbie Hoffman was clubbed off stage at Woodstock by guitarist Pete Townshend of the Who. See Abbie Hoffman, Woodstock Nation (New York: Vintage, 1969); and Greil Marcus, "The Woodstock Festival," Rolling Stone, 20 September 1969, 16-18. On the other hand, politicians have since sought to appropriate rock music as a campaign tactic. This was true also in Mexico beginning in the 1980s, when the PRI, as well as leftwing parties, began to sponsor rock events (see the conclusions).

12. Quoted in Elena Poniatowska, "Avándaro," Plural 1, no. 1 (1971), 37.

13. Calderón and others, Avándaro, 38.

14. Ibid.

13. Calderón and others, Avándaro, 38.

14. Ibid.

15. In fact, the police would later be criticized for not arresting drug users and allegedly even for distributing marijuana. Reports of the actual number of soldiers and police are mixed. One report put the total number at 530: 120 federal soldiers, 50 judiciales, 350 general police, and various transit agents ("En Avándaro, una juerga increíble," Excélsior, 12 September 1971, A17). Another report, cited by Piedra Rodante as the official statement by the attorney general, noted the presence of "more than 800 police elements, belonging to the federal and state judiciales, Department of Interior Affairs, General Public Security Agency, State Police, Municipal Police, and elements of the army" ("Fiestas: 21 muertos, 665 heridos, 275 arrestados," Piedra Rodante, 30 October 1971, 10). An earlier story in Excélsior reported that "Just before arriving in the Valle de Bravo one sees soldiers from the 43d Infantry Battalion, who number [some] 1,200 and were mobilized under the orders of Colonel Javier Vãzquez Félix" (''La locura del rock en Avãndaro," Excélsior, 11 September 1971, A4). Finally, Variety claimed that the "fest was guarded by more than 700 soldiers" ("Rock Festival").

16. Quoted in Poniatowska, "Avãndaro," 37.

17. González Reimann, "Ceremonia cósmica," 22.

18. Oscar Sarquiz, "Humillacíon, fraude con los músicos," Piedra Rodante, 30 October 1971, 16. It was estimated that one-third of all Mexico City youth between the ages of fifteen and twenty were present ("Castigo a los organizadores," Excélsior, 18 September 1971, A1).

19. Sol Arguedas, "Lodo sobre lodo," La Cultura en México, 6 October 1971, 7-9.

20. Calderón and others, Avándaro, 28-29.

21. Excélsior, for example, claimed that 93 percent of the audience were men (Raúl Cervantes, "Avándaro, insuficiente para albergar a los espectadores del festival 'Pop,' " Excélsior, 12 September 1971, B25).

22. Poniatowska, "Avándaro," 39.

23. Lila Orta, interview with the author, Mexico City, 13 January 1993.

24. Orta, interview.

25. Piedra Rodante, 30 October 1971, 24. The Spanish text reads: "¡Qué buen patín agarró la torta ésa!"

26. Quoted in Poniatowska, "Avándaro," 40.

27. José Enrique Pérez Cruz, interview with the author, Mexico City, 5 March 1993.

28. Catherine LeGrande, telephone interview with the author, 16 February 1995. In the interview, LeGrande mispronounced "Avándaro" (stressing the fourth syllable), reflecting how she probably remembered her pronunciation at the time, when she was just learning to speak Spanish.

29. Rubalcaba and others, Nosotros . This commemorative collection of photographs and text from the event was apparently published with the collaboration, at least in part, of Telesistema. Jacobo Zabludovsky, creator and anchorman for Telesistema's nightly news broadcast, 24 horas —which first aired on 7 September 1970—wrote the opening editorial for the book. Also noteworthy were the high production quality of the photographs and the fact that 10,000 copies were printed, an extraordinary quantity for any print run in Mexico. In an interview, Luis de Llano Jr. stated categorically that Telesistema was not directly responsible for the book's publication, thus countering a rumor that was widely circulated during the period of my research. Luis de Llano Jr., interview with Andrew Paxman, Mexico City, 18 December 1997.

30. Pérez Cruz, interview.

31. A 1967 Mexican law prohibited all nonofficial usage of the national flag, anthem, and coat of arms ("Respeto a la bandera, al himno y al escudo nacionales," Jueves de Excélsior, 28 December 1967, 5). For an instance of an individual's being prosecuted for illegal appropriation of the U.S. flag see "19-Yr. Old Busted in Mass. for Using Flag as Patch on Pants," Rolling Stone, 2 April 1970, 4. Jimi Hendrix's widely commodified, acid-rock rendition of the national anthem at Woodstock became a landmark reference point for the counterculture in the United States and elsewhere.

32. U.S. and British flags were present, both on T-shirts and hanging from posts. And at least one Canadian flag can also be spotted in photographs. One observer commented on "the large numbers of foreigners, above all from the U.S. and Britain." However, this remark should be taken in the context of negative reaction to the festival as "colonialist." Although some foreigners were indeed present, my sense is that the foreign flags belonged overwhelmingly to Mexicans. See Cervantes, "Avándaro."

33. See also "El símbolo de la paz," POP, 25 February 1971, 3.

34. A fifteen-minute color video of Avándaro (transferred from 8 mm) is

available from Sergio García, at the Tianguis del Chopo rock flea market in Mexico City. A 16 mm black-and-white film is in the Filmoteca Archives of the UNAM. Both make reference to the use of the U.S. flag. See also Rubalcaba and others, Nosotros . While this book was in press I also received news of a newly released documentary, A 25 años de Avándaro . See Hugo Lazcano, "Muestran Avándaro," Reforma, 14 September 1996, E5.

35. Armando Molina, "Rock chicano '71," POP, 14 January 1972, 8-10.

36. Enrique Marroquín, " 'Dios quiere que Ilueva para unirnos,' " Piedra Rodante, 3 October 1971, 12. Marroquín was a liberal priest who publicly supported the youth counterculture. See also Enrique Marroquín, La contracultura como protesta: Análisis de un fenómeno juvenil (Mexico City: Joaquín Mortiz, 1975), 47-51. Significantly, on the Día de la Raza (celebrated in the United States as Columbus Day) a native rock festival has been held annually for many years. This takes place at the base of the National Monument to the Revolution in Mexico City.

37. For a reproduction of the promotional pamphlet for Avándaro see Luis Carrión and Graciela Iturbide, Avándaro (Mexico City: Diógenes, 1971). The original promotional pamphlet from Woodstock was photocopied, with permission, from the personal archives of Mitch Blank of New York City.

38. See Marroquín, "Dios quiere," 11. References to Woodstock abounded in the criticism and support of the festival that followed. See for example, José Emilio Pacheco, "Woodstocktlán: Pintar el coco y luego tenerle miedo," Excélsior, 18 September 1971, A7. While Polydor distributed the live album (pressed in Mexico), the film of Woodstock was banned for several years.

39. Calderón and others, Avándaro, 17.

40. "Festival de rock y ruedas en Avándaro," in Carrión and Iturbide, Avándaro, n.p.

41. From the movie Woodstock (Dir. Michael Wadleigh, 1970).

42. Compare Fredrick B. Pike, The United States and Latin America: Myths and Stereotypes of Civilization and Nature (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1992), esp. chap. 9.

43. Editorial, "Culpables de la orgía de Avándaro," Jueves de Excélsior, 23 September 1971, 5.

44. "Moya reprueba lo de Avándaro; la procuraduría investiga," Excélsior, 14 September 1971, A1.

45. Jesus Pavlo Tenorio, "Avándaro 1991: Veinte años después," Jueves de Excélsior, 23 September 1971, 14-15.

46. Quoted in "Avándaro y el fascismo," Siempre, 29 September 1971, 55. Interestingly, no author was given for the article (which in fact denounced the Puebla meeting as "fascistic").

47. "Moya reprueba lo de Avándaro."

48. "Avándaro '71, gobierno, iglesia, padres de familia: Todos hemos sido culpables de esto!" Siempre, 29 September 1971, 9.

49. Letter to the editor, Siempre, 22 September 1971, 4.

50. Alberto Domingo, "Avándaro: ¿Una conjura política?" Siempre, 29 Sep-

tember 1971, 22-23. According to Domingo, attacks on Hank González were instigated by local political interests threatened by reforms González was instituting as governor.

51. Quoted in Calderón and others, Avándaro, 19-20.

52. Ramírez, "Reunión." Advertisements for lots on which to build private country estates at Avándaro first appeared in Mexico City newspapers in the early 1950s; one labeled it "The Dream City" ( Excélsior, 21 May 1954, A15).

53. Pérez Cruz, interview.

54. Arana, Guaraches, vol. 3, 109.

55. "Medidas de seguridad," from the pamphlet "Festival de rock."

56. This more conspiratorial view came through in several interviews. One informant, Armando Blanco (interview with the author, Mexico City, 11 March 1993), went so far as to suggest that Echeverría had assembled the nation's leading social and cultural critics for a "private live screening" of the concert at the president's office. A more cynical but certainly no less fantastic view is that Echeverría authorized the festival precisely in order to produce a backlash that warranted a fullfledged crackdown on the rock movement itself.

57. From the provincial newspaper, El Diario de Puebla, quoted in Arana, Guaraches, vol. 3, 136.

58. Pedro Ocampo Ramírez, "Los jóvenes y el anti-Avándaro," Jueves de Excélsior, 30 September 1971, 8.

59. Luis Cervantes Cabeza de Vaca, "La fuga de la realidad, la nausea," Siempre, 29 September 1971, 43.

60. Carlos Monsiváis, Amor perdido (Mexico City: Biblioteca Era, 1977), 251.

61. Carrión and Iturbide, Avándaro, n.p.

62. Pacheco, "Woodstocktlán." Relajo was a more printable expression for desmadre. See chapter 1 for a discussion of these terms.

63. Rubalcaba and others, Nosotros .

64. Enrique Marroquín, "Cultura pop y represión," Piedra Rodante, 15 November 1971, 29. His phrase, "por nuestra gente hablará el rock" was an explicit reappropriation of José Vasconcelos's famous statement: "Por mi raza hablará el espíritu." (Alan Knight translates this as, "By virtue of my race the spirit shall speak" [''Racism, Revolution, and Indigenismo: Mexico, 1910-1940," in Richard Graham, ed., The Idea of Race in Latin America, 1870-1940 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1990), 92].)

65. Ricardo Garibay, "Dar juntos la batalla: Urgencia del diálogo entre la juventud y el poder," Excélsior, 28 October 1971, 6.

66. Quoted in José Agustín, La contracultura en México: La historia y el significado de los rebeldes sin causa, los jipitecas, los punks y las bandas (Mexico City: Grijalbo, 1996), 88-89.

67. Carlos Monsiváis, "Carlos Monsiváis refuta a C.M.," La Edad del Rock, 30 November 1971, 25.

68. Three Souls in My Mind (Discos Cisne-Raff, 1971).

69. "Colonialismo cultural," Excélsior, 14 September 1971, A6.

70. Cervantes Cabeza de Vaca, "Fuga de la realidad."

71. Quoted in Arana, Guaraches, vol. 3, 127. For the magazine's earlier criticism of the government in 1968 see "Esta es ¡la verdad!," ¿Porqué? Special issue, 1968, n.p.

72. José Agustín, Tragicomedia mexicana 2: La vida en México de 1970 a 1982 (Mexico City: Planeta, 1992), 17.

73. Jueves de Excélsior, 24 February 1972. Charro means, roughly, "cowboy."

74. Pompeyo, interview.

75. Agustín Salmón, "Prohibieron la grabación de la música que se tocó en Avándaro," Excélsior, 23 September 1971, B10.

76. The song was written in English and Spanish by the group Rosario. The English version actually loses much of the sentiment conveyed by the Spanish version, and it contains several grammatical errors. Thus the version I have used incorporates my translation from the Spanish, which I based on the linguistic structure of the original version in English.

77. "Telecomentarios," Excélsior, 19 September 1971, B21; Salmón, "Prohibieron la grabación"; Roberto Ramírez S., " 'Radio Juventud' aclara su intervención en Avándaro," Excélsior, 18 September 1971, B11.

78. "Exhortó a locutores para que hagan buen uso del lenguaje," Excélsior, 27 September l971, B15. The Federal Radio and Television Law, dating from 1960, required programming to "conserve national characteristics, the country's customs and traditions, the essence of language, and to exalt the values of Mexican nationality" ( El Diario Oficial, 19 January 1960, 2). See also chapter 1.

79. Ramírez, "Reunión." Ten minutes of the festival were actually shown on Telesistema's 24 horas news program the following night, but Emilio Azcárraga Milmo confiscated the tapes and locked them away in a company vault. Luis de Llano Jr. tried on several occasions to persuade Azcárraga to release the tapes, but he always refused to do so (de Llano, interview).

80. Luis de Llano Jr. later explained in an interview: "It was all shot on videotape. At the time our technology was not that advanced, as well. We didn't have the lighting equipment that was necessary, and we didn't have the consoles to mix the sound correctly. So the sound was pretty bad, and the video was not that good, either" (de Llano, interview). Armando Molina was compensated for his organizing efforts with the rights to record an album from the festival, but a combination of government censorship and poor technical quality kept the album from being produced (Molina, interview).

81. Vivianne Klein, "Cotorreando con las grabadoras," POP, 14 January 1972, 44-46.

82. Pompeyo, interview.

83. Advertisement in Piedra Rodante, 30 October 1971.

84. "Expanding Int'l Disk Mkt. Still Strongly Regional in Tastes, Sez RCA's

Soria," Variety, 11 June 1969, 73. CBS Records, for example, used a bilingual advertising strategy to promote Carlos Santana's new album in the United States ( Rolling Stone, 23 November 1972, 40).

85. I reviewed this catalog at Polygram Studios in Mexico City. Unfortunately, it was the only available catalog for this entire period for all companies and the earliest one archived for Polygram. Outdated catalogs were simply thrown away. Not one company kept careful records of the quantity or market destinations of records sold.

86. Pompeyo, interview.

87. Pompeyo, interview.

88. Salmón, "Prohibieron la grabación."

89. Piedra Rodante, 15 May 1971, 4-5.

90. Piedra Rodante (January 1972). This issue did not have a specific date.

91. Piedra Rodante (October 1971). This issue did not have a specific date.

92. See Anne Rubenstein, Bad Language, Naked Ladies, and Other Threats to the Nation: A Political History of Comic Books in Mexico (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1998).

93. "Minutario, January-April 1972," 29 March, CCPRI; Roura, Apuntes de rock, 137-39. Curiously, Rolling Stone never mentioned the creation of a Mexican counterpart. When later queried on the issue, editors at Rolling Stone responded that they had no knowledge of the Mexican version (Eric Etheridge, senior features editor of Rolling Stone, letter to the author, 18 November 1992).

94. Marcos Mendoza, "Un chavo consigue el auditorio nacional," Piedra Rodante, October 1971, 25.

95. Joaquín ("Chas") López, interview with the author, Mexico City, 7 April 1993.

96. Ramón García, interview with the author, Mexico City, 18 March 1993.

97. García, interview. The "Rock sobre Ruedas" effort was organized by the bands Three Souls in My Mind (now the TRI) and Tinta Blanca.

98. Víctor Roura, Negros del corazón (Mexico City: Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana, 1984), 29.

99. Carlos Baca, "Rock subterráneo," México Canta, 16 June 1972, 4-5.

100. Roura, Apuntes de rock, 28. At the same time, however, Mexican rock performances still took place abroad. One year after Avándaro the group Three Souls in My Mind performed for a month in El Salvador with several other bands, including Peace and Love. To their surprise, songs by both Three Souls in My Mind and Peace and Love were already on the "Hit Parade" charts and were featured constantly on local radio (Alejandro Lora, with Arturo Castelazo, Lora: Vida y rocanrol ... en sus propias palabras [Mexico City: Castelazo y Asociados, 1993], 46-48).

101. "Páginas de la chaviza ondera," México Canta, 16 June 1972, 14.

102. Roura, Apuntes de rock, 44.

103. Roura, Negros del corazón, 28.

104. Iván Zatz-Díaz, interview with the author, New York City, 13 October 1992.

105. David Ramón, "¿Rock meshica? Un concierto Zapatista," Diorama de la Cultura (Sunday Supplement), Excélsior, 26 September 1971, 3.

106. López, interview.

107. Quoted in Roura, Apuntes de rock, 42.

108. See Fernando Reyes Matta, "The 'New Song' and Its Confrontation in Latin America," in C. Nelson and L. Grossberg, eds., Marxism and the Interpretation of Culture (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1988), 447-60; Patricia Oliart and José A. Lloréns, "La nueva canción en el Perú," Comunicación y Cultura 12 (1984): 73-82; Jan Fairley, "La Nueva Canción latinoamericana," Bulletin of Latin American Research 3, no. 2 (1984): 107-15; Jan Fairley, "Annotated Bibliography of Latin-American Popular Music with Particular Reference to Chile and to Nueva Canción," Popular Music 5 (1985): 305-56; Jeffrey E. Taffet, " 'My Guitar Is not for the Rich': The New Chilean Song Movement and the Politics of Culture,'' Journal of American Culture 20, no. 2 (1997): 91-103.

109. Reyes Matta, " 'New Song,' " 448.

110. Oliart and Lloréns, "Nueva canción," 77.

111. Citing "new forms of alienation probably influenced by Western music and fashions," the Cuban government abruptly banned all U.S. and British pop music from the airwaves in 1973 ( Rolling Stone, 21 June 1973, 5). But even prior to this the slogan "Inside the Revolution, everything; Outside the Revolution, nothing" severely limited access to and popularization of "Western" music and fashions. See also Michele Mattelart, "El conformismo revoltoso de la canción popular," Cine Cubano 69/70 (1972): 144-55.

112. See Ariel Dorfman and Armand Mattelart, How to Read Donald Duck: Imperialist Ideology in the Disney Comic (New York: International General, 1991). Originally published in Chile in 1971, How to Read Donald Duck launched a leftist crusade against the influence of U.S.-inspired mass culture. Based on a structuralist interpretation of how mass culture "works," this early cultural-imperialist critique came under attack in the 1980s as new interpretations emerged. For an extremely useful discussion of the origins and historical development of the discourse on cultural imperialism see John Tomlinson, Cultural Imperialism: A Critical Introduction (Baltimore, Md.: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1991).

113. "Música y Liberación (mesa redonda)," Cine Cubano 13, no. 76 (1973): 19-20.

114. "Declaración final del Encuentro de Música Latinoamericana," Casa de las Américas 13, no. 75 (1972). See also Leonardo Acosta, Música y descolonización (Havana: Editorial Arte y Literatura, 1982).

115. Luz Lozano, interview with the author, Mexico City, 2 March 1993. The song included an instrumental track by the Peruvian group Los Incas. Its commercial appropriation by Simon and Garfunkel created considerable

controversy in Peru, where the duo was widely denounced in the press for their imperialism. I am indebted to Iván Hinojosa and Elizabeth Howorth for our conversations on radical responses to rock music in Lima during this period.

116. "Soledad Bravo habla de la canción con mensaje social," Excélsior, 7 November 1974, B8. For an important discussion of the cultural politics behind the creation of the Polyforum, see Leonard Folgarait, So Far from Heaven: David Alfaro Siqueiros' The March of Humanity and Mexican Revolutionary Politics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987).

117. Federico Arana, interview with the author, Mexico City, 13 August 1991. Arana was a guitar player and band leader for several different rock 'n' roll, rock, and, later, folk-music groups dating from the late 1950s. In 1973 he was awarded the Xavier Villaurrutia Prize for his novel Las jiras (Mexico City: Joaquín Mortiz, 1973), which chronicles the travails of a Mexican rock group touring in the United States. The author of several books on rock music in Mexico, Arana teaches biology and methodology at the UNAM. See also his Roqueros y folcloroides (Mexico City: Joaquín Mortiz, 1988).

118. From the album cover of Los Folkloristas: Repertorio, 1967-1970. Vol. 3 (Discos Pueblo, 1970).

119. René Villanueva, Cantares de la memoria: 25 años de la historia del grupo Los Folkloristas, alma y tradición de la música popular mexicana (Mexico City: Planeta, 1994), 225 and passim.

120. Ibid., 156-57.

119. René Villanueva, Cantares de la memoria: 25 años de la historia del grupo Los Folkloristas, alma y tradición de la música popular mexicana (Mexico City: Planeta, 1994), 225 and passim.

120. Ibid., 156-57.

121. Lozano, interview.

122. Zatz-Díaz, interview.

123. Zatz-Díaz, interview.

124. Quoted in Arana, Roqueros y folcloroides, 26.

125. "Santana Concert Undermined by Leftists/Government," Rolling Stone, 6 January 1972, 4. During a tour of Central America in late 1973, the band encountered "crowds [that] were so huge in El Salvador that the group had to be escorted to their plane by the Red Cross" ( Rolling Stone, 22 November 1973, 33).

126. Oliart and Lloréns, "Nueva canción."

127. Simon Frith, " 'The Magic That Can Set You Free': The Ideology of Folk and the Myth of the Rock Community," Popular Music 1 (1981): 159-68.

128. New Song and folk music performances and discussions were widely sponsored by the UNAM, for instance. See the poster archive, "Difusión Cultural / UNAM," CESU. See also Lucía Martínez Villegas and Hilda Rivera Delgado, La Extensión Universitaria en la Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México: Información General, 1973-1978 (Mexico City: Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, 1979), vol. 6.

129. Lozano, interview.

130. Arana, Roqueros y folcloroides, 122.

131. Zatz-Díaz, interview.

132. Jaime Pontones, interview with the author, Mexico City, 15 August 1991.

133. Army Rivera and others, El público del canto popular (Santiago, Chile: CENECA, 1980), 14. See also Armand Mattelart and Michele Mattelart, Juventud chilena: Rebeldía y conformismo (Santiago, Chile: Editorial Universitaria, 1970).

134. Pérez Cruz, interview.

135. García, interview.

7 A Critique of the "Obvious Imperialist" The USIA

1. "De como U.S.A. usa la música como arma de penetración," Cine Cubano 66/67 (1970), 70.

2. Ibid., 68.

1. "De como U.S.A. usa la música como arma de penetración," Cine Cubano 66/67 (1970), 70.

2. Ibid., 68.

3. Gerald K. Haines, "Under the Eagle's Wing: The Franklin Roosevelt Administration Forges an American Hemisphere," Diplomatic History 1 (1977): 373-88.

4. For an analysis of how this worked with cartoons see Julianne Burton, "Don (Juanito) Duck and the Imperial-Patriarchal Unconscious: Disney Studios, the Good Neighbor Policy, and the Packaging of Latin America," in Andrew Parker and others, eds., Nationalisms and Sexualities (New York: Routledge, 1992), 21-41.

5. Robert E. Elder, The Information Machine: The United States Information Agency and American Foreign Policy (Syracuse, N.Y.: Syracuse University Press, 1968), 34-44.

6. Ibid., 6-7.

5. Robert E. Elder, The Information Machine: The United States Information Agency and American Foreign Policy (Syracuse, N.Y.: Syracuse University Press, 1968), 34-44.

6. Ibid., 6-7.

7. "De como U.S.A.," 72.

8. Quoted in Elder, Information Machine , 3.

9. Ronald I. Rubin, The Objectives of the United States Information Agency: Controversies and Analysis (New York: Praeger, 1968), 9.

10. Ibid., 61.

9. Ronald I. Rubin, The Objectives of the United States Information Agency: Controversies and Analysis (New York: Praeger, 1968), 9.

10. Ibid., 61.

11. USIA Record Group no. 306, Country Project Correspondence, Box 15, "1952-1963," 16 December 1960, National Archives and Records Administration, Suitland Reference Branch. (Hereafter cited as Suitland Archives.)

12. Ibid.

11. USIA Record Group no. 306, Country Project Correspondence, Box 15, "1952-1963," 16 December 1960, National Archives and Records Administration, Suitland Reference Branch. (Hereafter cited as Suitland Archives.)

12. Ibid.

13. This count is based on a conservative interpretation (that is, counting overlapping installations only once) of total USIA activity in Mexico taken from the agency's 1965 semiannual report to Congress. That report lists installations at the following locations: Mexico City, Guadalajara, Hermosillo, Monterrey (mission post, information center, branch post, or subpost); Mexico City, Guadalajara, Monterrey, Mérida, Morelia, San Luís Potosí, Veracruz (binational centers); Mazatlán, Puebla, Tampico (reading room or distribution outlet) ( USIA 24th Semiannual Report to the Congress , January-June 1965, 33).

14. USIA Record Group no. 306, S-30-64, Box 1, December 1964, Suitland Archives.

15. USIA 30th Semiannual Report to the Congress , January-June 1968, 16. The article does not specifically mention Latin America, but judging from other evidence it would be apparent that this was the case for Spanish-language broadcasts as well.

16. "Latinos to Get Own 'Hit Parade' on VOA," Variety , 3 August 1966, 52.

17. USIA 30th Semiannual Report , 16.

18. Ibid., 6.

19. Ibid.

17. USIA 30th Semiannual Report , 16.

18. Ibid., 6.

19. Ibid.

17. USIA 30th Semiannual Report , 16.

18. Ibid., 6.

19. Ibid.

20. Rubin, Objectives , 48-61.

21. "Music Opens Doors," USIA 36th Semiannual Report to the Congress , January-June 1971, 17. For an article on VOA's programming of rock in the 1980s see "Voice of America: Rock & Roll with Uncle Sam," Rolling Stone , 18 August 1983, 37.

22. Frank Ninkovich, "The Currents of Cultural Diplomacy: Art and the State Department, 1938-1947," Diplomatic History 1 (1977): 215-37.

23. "Music Opens Doors," 13-14.

24. In the course of my research I filed for access under the Freedom of Information Act, and as I was finishing writing, much of the official documentation from the period under discussion became declassified. I hope to explore this newly released archival material in future projects.

25. "Music Opens Doors," 14.

26. Peter P. Cecere, interview with the author, Mexico City, 20 April 1993.

27. "Blood, Sweat & Tears in Iron Curtain Tour," Variety , 6 May 1970, 1. Significantly, the tour coincided with a USIA psychedelic poster exhibit held in Poland ( USIA 36th Semiannual Report , 6). In both Poland and Czechoslovakia, local rock movements had developed by the late 1960s. See "Czechoslovakia Has Own Pop Festival," Rolling Stone , 24 February 1968, 6; "Would You Believe ... Polish Rock & Roll," Rolling Stone , 17 September 1970, 34-37; Timothy W. Ryback, Rock around the Bloc: A History of Rock Music in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union (New York.: Oxford University Press, 1990); Sabrina Petra Ramet, ed., Rocking the State: Rock Music and Politics in Eastern Europe and Russia (Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1994).

28. "Music Opens Doors," 15.

29. A USIA official also made this point, noting that the philosophy of the agency was, "Don't do things that commercial traffic can handle" (William J. Dieterich, interview with the author, Mexico City, 20 September 1993).

30. The information for the following discussion comes from the folder entitled, "Publications: Estilos y protestas entre la juventud norteamericana," which was given to me by Peter Cecere of the USIA (hereafter cited as Estilos y protestas Folder). This folder contains original and carbon copies of documents relevant to the development and authorization of the full-color pamphlet, Protestas y estilos entre la juventud norteamericana , produced in large part by Peter Cecere and distributed by the USIA to posts in Latin America and

Spain in late spring 1971. I am very indebted to Peter Cecere for letting me see and later keep these documents and for our discussions regarding his role at the USIA.

31. Cecere, interview.

32. Memorandum, Robert Amerson, Seth Isman, and Peter Cecere to all Posts, 15 January 1971, Estilos y protestas Folder, 2.

33. USIA 29th Semiannual Report to the Congress , July-December, 1967, 9.

34. Memorandum, Robert Amerson to William H. Weathersby, 13 November 1969, Estilos y protestas Folder. I have not yet gained access to a copy of this earlier pamphlet, but, judging from the controversy surrounding the publication of the "successor issue," it is unlikely that it dealt specifically with countercultural values, which at any rate were still incipient at the time of its publication.

35. Memorandum, Amerson and others to all posts, 15 January 1971, 1.

36. Ibid, 2. It is interesting to note that the pamphlet used the term norte-americano , or North American , in its title to refer to youth in the United States, which is the appropriate way of referring to the United States in Latin America. At the same time, however, the term American is used repeatedly in the pamphlet itself, which reflects an important inconsistency and an oversight on the part of the agency.

35. Memorandum, Amerson and others to all posts, 15 January 1971, 1.

36. Ibid, 2. It is interesting to note that the pamphlet used the term norte-americano , or North American , in its title to refer to youth in the United States, which is the appropriate way of referring to the United States in Latin America. At the same time, however, the term American is used repeatedly in the pamphlet itself, which reflects an important inconsistency and an oversight on the part of the agency.

37. According to Peter Cecere, the numbers were based on actual requests made by country operatives. The breakdown of distribution according to a handwritten note found in the file was as follows: Mexico, 10,000; Brazil, 10,000, in Portuguese translation; Argentina, 5,000; El Salvador, 5,000; Paraguay, 1,000; Venezuela, 1,000; Guatemala, 1,000; Uruguay, 1,000; Peru, 1,000; Spain, 1,000; Nicaragua, 600; Honduras, 500; Dominican Republic, 500; Ecuador, 500; and Equatorial Guinea, 100.

38. Memorandum, Amerson and others to all posts, 15 January 1971, 3. This quotation reflects the original English, before it was translated into Spanish for the final product.

39. Draft memorandum, Robert Amerson to Mr. Halsema, 15 December 1970, Estilos y protestas Folder (emphasis in the original). Abroad, the agency was called the U.S. Information Service (USIS).

40. Memorandum, 19 November 1969, Estilos y protestas Folder.

41. Ibid.

40. Memorandum, 19 November 1969, Estilos y protestas Folder.

41. Ibid.

42. Memorandum, Amerson to Weathersby, 13 November 1969.

43. Draft memorandum, Amerson to Halsema, 15 December 1970.

44. USIA 30th Semiannual Report to the Congress , 37.

45. See chapter 3.

46. This is the original English text from the introduction that was later translated into Spanish.

47. Memorandum, James Meyer to Robert Amerson, 28 December 1970, Estilos y protestas Folder.

48. Memorandum, Robert Amerson to Mr. Bielak, 6 January 1971, Estilos y protestas Folder.

49. Cecere, interview.

50. Memorandum, Amerson to Weathersby, 13 November 1969. In reply, Weathersby agreed that the "material can be used for a creditable approach to this widely discussed topic." He argued, ultimately unsuccessfully, for "the addition of one article which shows that there are many students, indeed, the majority, who are not political activists but who are simply pursuing their studies and the usual interests of the young." This criticism was eventually added to the introduction. Memorandum, William H. Weathersby to Robert Amerson, 23 December 1969, Estilos y protestas Folder.

51. I did not meet a single person who had actually seen or heard of this pamphlet.

52. Michael Canning and Peter P. Cecere, "Student Activism in the Americas: A Comparative View," Foreign Service Journal (May 1970): 17. This article was republished by the USIA in Spanish and Portuguese for mass distribution. (Information on this project comes from the folder, "Publications: Article on Student Activism in the Americas," also given to me by Peter Cecere of the USIA.) In conversations with Cecere it was revealed that he was unaware of the existence of a Mexican counterculture, much less the Avándaro music festival.

53. Protestas y estilos , 20.

54. Ibid, 40.

53. Protestas y estilos , 20.

54. Ibid, 40.

Conclusions

1. Nuevo México, Peace and Love (who changed their name to Náhuatl), Enigma, Los Dug Dugs, and Javier Batiz, among others, managed to retain a recording foothold through the 1970s. But only Three Souls in My Mind produced new albums in succession and developed a mass following. By the 1990s, Los Dug Dugs were playing at a restaurant owned by Armando Nava, the only remaining member of the band. Javier Batiz was performing for government-sponsored events.

2. Rafael Molina Domínguez, "La entrevista de encuentro: Alejandro Lora," Encuentro , May 1987, 36.

3. Chavo de Onda (Cisne-Raff, 1975).

4. Quoted in Víctor Roura, Negros del corazón (Mexico City: Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana, 1984), 51.

5. Pablo Vila, "Rock nacional and Dictatorship in Argentina," Popular Music 6, no. 2 (1987): 129-48; Nicolás Casullo, "El Rock en la sociedad política," Comunicación y Cultura 12 (October 1984): 41-50; Jorge Reyes, "Guillermo Briseño: ¿Un rock de izquierda?" El Machete , no. 12 (April 1981): 53-55.

6. Briseño, Carrasco y Flores (CBS, 1978). Interestingly, one of the tracks on this album ("Try") is written in English.

7. These bands included Maldita Vecindad y los Hijos del Quinto Patio, Los Caifanes, and Café Tacuba.

8. "El otro rock nacional," directed by Victor Roura, series Bellas artes en

radio , no. 284, aired 15 August 1983 (Radio Educación, Fonoteca de Programas). For the same text see Víctor Roura, Apuntes de rock: Por las calles del mundo (Mexico City: Nuevomar, 1985), 99.

9. Roura, Apuntes de rock , 99.

10. See Federico Arana, Guaraches de ante azul: Historia del rock mexicano (Mexico City: Posada, 1985), vol. 4, chap. 1.

11. "Los últimos tiempos de rock en México," series Bellas artes en radio , no. 438, aired 6 August 1986 (Radio Educación, Fonoteca de Programas).

12. Ibid.

13. Ibid.

11. "Los últimos tiempos de rock en México," series Bellas artes en radio , no. 438, aired 6 August 1986 (Radio Educación, Fonoteca de Programas).

12. Ibid.

13. Ibid.

11. "Los últimos tiempos de rock en México," series Bellas artes en radio , no. 438, aired 6 August 1986 (Radio Educación, Fonoteca de Programas).

12. Ibid.

13. Ibid.

14. José Agustín, La contracultura en México: La historia y el significado de los rebeldes sin causa, los jipitecas, los punks y las bandas (Mexico City: Grijalbo, 1996), 105. Carlos Monsiváis had earlier labeled the Tianguis del Chopo "a temple to the Mexican counterculture" (Carlos Monsiváis, "Tianguis del Chopo," Aullido (Revista del Tianguis Cultural del Chopo), n.d., 2. The Chopo operates every Saturday from 10:00 A.M. to 2:00 P.M. alongside the Railway Station of the North, near the Monument of the Revolution. The word tianguis is an indigenous term meaning open-air market.

15. Ernesto Fajardo, interview with the author, Mexico City, Fall 1987. The group Fajardo represented was autonomous of all government or other political affiliation, but it is not entirely clear whether the Consejo Popular Juvenil (which existed as early as 1984) was indeed the organizational basis for the group he represented, the Consejo Popular Juvenil de Ricardo Flores Magón (which was based in Santa Fe, a marginalized barrio of the city).

16. From "¡Cámara!" by Victorino, republished in Encuentro , February 1984, n.p.

17. Encuentro , October 1987.

18. Cited in Federico Reyes Heroles, ed., Los partidos políticos mexicanos en 1991 (Mexico City: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 1991), 168. I wish to thank John Coatsworth for bringing this citation to my attention.

19. Santiago Pérez, "El rock en México," Universidad de México , September 1988, 36.

20. Ibid. See also Adrián de Garay Sánchez, El rock también es cultura , Cuadernos de Comunicación y Prácticas Sociales, no. 5 (Mexico City: Universidad Iberoamericana, 1993), 53-79.

19. Santiago Pérez, "El rock en México," Universidad de México , September 1988, 36.

20. Ibid. See also Adrián de Garay Sánchez, El rock también es cultura , Cuadernos de Comunicación y Prácticas Sociales, no. 5 (Mexico City: Universidad Iberoamericana, 1993), 53-79.

21. See, for example, Jorge García-Robles, ¿Qué transa con las bandas ? (Mexico City: Posada, 1985).

22. ¿Qué onda con la música popular mexicana ? (Mexico City: Ediciones del Museo Nacional de Culturas Populares; Cultura/SEP, 1983).

23. Elena Poniatowska, Nothing, Nobody: The Voices of the Mexico City Earthquake , trans. Aurora Camacho de Schmidt and Arthur Schmidt (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1995).

24. Gilberto Guevara Niebla, La democracia en la calle: Crónica del movimiento estudiantil mexicano (Mexico City: Siglo XXI, 1988), 103-61.

25. Jaime Avilés, "Cien mil en la marcha del 2 de octubre," La Jornada ,

3 October 1996, 1. Other recent examples of this relationship, which took place during the course of my research, were the "Rock the Plebiscite" concert held in Mexico City in the summer of 1993 and a series of concerts at the UNAM in protest against government repression of the rebellion in Chiapas.

26. María Elena Fernández, "Meckseecahnose! Tijuana No Blasts Across the Border," Los Angeles Weekly , 2-8 June 1995, 39. "Marcos" is the nom de guerre of one of the subcommanders who compose the Zapatistas' revolutionary army. Due to a combination of intellect, media scrutiny, and commodification of his image, Marcos has come to stand for the Zapatista struggle itself.

27. Ed Morales, "Rock Is Dead and Living in Mexico," Rock & Roll Quarterly , supplement to the Village Voice , Winter 1993, 17.

28. Carlos Monsiváis, interview with the author, Mexico City, 20 August 1991.

29. Morales, "Rock Is Dead."

30. An important source for this material is the Tianguis del Chopo rock flea market. For a description see ibid. The commodification of Mexico's refrito period, on the other hand, has meant continued access to the music from the early 1960s, which continues to be played on the radio and heard at parties.

31. This commercialization strategy was repeated with crass effectiveness with the mass promotion of the Woodstock 94 festival. See, for example, Wood-stock 94: 3 More Days of Peace & Music (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1994); and Woodstock 94: The Guide (New York: Entertainment Weekly Custom Publishing, 1994), which was distributed at the festival and features numerous advertisements for concert paraphernalia. I wish to thank Andrew Zolov for lending me the concert guide.

32. A clear example of this is found on Mexico radio. During the time of my field research, 1993-1994, Mexico City's principal rock station, Rock 101, dealt exclusively in foreign rock, itself a shift away from the Spanish-language rock emphasis on which the station had built its early reputation. One featured program, "Radio Alicia" (conducted by Jaime Pontones), though a deliberate effort to re-create the mood of the 1960s and 1970s, lacked any reference to a Mexican rock movement at that time, while explicitly appropriating U.S. counter-cultural references as belonging to Mexico's own experience. The recommodification of La Onda Chicana is nonetheless partially visible in the recent release of a compact disc, Vibraciones de Avándaro: 25 aniversario (Polygram) (Víctor Ronquillo, "El rock tiene su historia," Reforma , 22 June 1997, E4). Also, a twenty-two-minute color video, "A 25 años de Avándaro" (Víctor Vallejo), was recently produced (Hugo Lazcano, "Muestran Avándaro,'' Reforma , 14 September 1996, E5). Information on certain bands from the era is available at the World Wide Web site [ http://www.rockeros.com].


Notes
 

Preferred Citation: Zolov, Eric. Refried Elvis: The Rise of the Mexican Counterculture. Berkeley:  University of California Press,  c1999 1999. http://ark.cdlib.org/ark:/13030/ft5q2nb3w6/