1. Don Hernando de Toledo [son of the duke of Alba] to Juan de Albornoz, from Madrid, 27 July 1573, in Duquesa de Berwick y de Alba, ed., Documentos escogidos del archivo de la Casa de Alba (Madrid, 1891) [cited henceforth as DECA], p. 457.

2. Ibid.; Gregorio Marañón, Antonio Pérez (Madrid, 1951), vol. I, pp. 29, 174.

3. Luis de Salazar y Castro, Historia genealógica de la Casa de Silva (Madrid, 1685), vol. II, p. 507. The extraordinary honor of this visit was enhanced by the fact that the king was himself ill in the latter days of July 1573 (Juan de Zúñiga to Pedro Manuel, from Rome, 22 or 23 August 1573, Colección de documentos inéditos para la historia de España [Madrid, 1842-1895], vol. CII, p. 225; also Giovanni Soranzo, Leonardo Donà and Lorenzo Priuli to the Senate, from Madrid, 29 July 1573, in Mario Brunetti and Eligio Vitale, eds., La corrispondenza da Madrid dell' ambasciatore Leonardo Donà (1570-1573) [Venice and Rome, 1963], vol. II, p. 725). Philip had paid a similar deathbed visit to Juan de Figueroa in 1565; see Baron de Bolwiller to Granvelle, from Haguenau, 9 May 1565, in Charles Weiss, ed., Papiers d'État du Cardinal de Granvelle, vol. IX (Paris, 1852), p. 181.

4. Archivo Histórico Nacional, Madrid (AHN), Sección Osuna, legajo 2024, no. 13 ¹ . Nos. 13 ² through 13 ⁴ comprise further copies of this will.

5. Ibid.; Manuel Santaolalla Llanas, Pastrana: Apuntes de su historia, arte y tradiciones (Pastrana, 1979), p. 35.

6. Antonio Pérez to Philip II, 29 July 1573, in Marañón, Antonio Pérez , vol. I, p. 29.

7. AHN Osuna, leg. 2024, no. 13 ¹ . The persistent attendance of the royal secretaries at the deathbed may be accounted for by the fact that Escobedo and Pérez (and perhaps Losilla as well) were clients of the dying man. They may also have had a motive more vulturine than respect for their patron. Another secretary, Mateo Vázquez, had greatly enhanced his power at court by gaining and holding the papers of his patron, Cardinal Espinosa, upon the latter's death in September 1572. See A. W. Lovett, Philip II and Mateo Vázquez de Leca (Geneva, 1977).

8. Soranzo, Donà and Priuli to the Senate, from Madrid, 29 July 1573, in Brunetti and Vitale, La corrispondenza, vol. II, p. 725.

9. Antonio Pérez to Philip II, 29 July 1573, in Marañón, Antonio Pérez , vol. I, p. 29; Soranzo, Donà and Priuli to the Senate, from Madrid, 12 August 1573, in Brunetti and Vitale, La corrispondenza, vol. II, p. 727.

10. Brunetti and Vitale, La corrispondenza, vol. II, p. 727; Hernando de Toledo to Juan de Albornoz, 30 July 1573, DECA, p. 458.

11. Marañón, Antonio Pérez, vol. I, p. 29.

12. Dr. Juan Milio to Juan de Albornoz, 14 August 1573, DECA, p. 460.

13. Ormaneto to the Cardinal of Como, 29 July 1573, excerpted in Silverio de Santa Teresa, ed., Obras de Santa Teresa de Jesús, vol. V (Burgos, 1918), p. 132 n. For another expression of loss, see M. de Leni to Monsignor Della Croce, from Turin, 12 August 1573, Archivo General de Simancas, Secretaría de Estado, leg. 1233, no. 109.

14. Salazar y Castro, Casa de Silva, vol. II, pp. 512-513.

15. Hernando de Toledo to Juan de Albornoz, 30 July 1573, DECA, p. 458; Fernando Alvarez de Toledo, Duque de Alba to Dr. Juan Milio, 2 September 1573, in Duque de Alba, ed., Epistolario del III Duque de Alba, Don Fernando Alvarez de Toledo (Madrid, 1952), vol. III, doc. 1.979, p. 519.

16. Dr. Juan Milio to Juan de Albornoz, 14 August 1573, DECA, p. 460. For another report of barely concealed glee among Alba's friends, see St.-Gouard to Charles IX, from Madrid, 23 August 1573, in Louis-Prosper Gachard, ed., La Bibliothèque Nationale à Paris (Brussels, 1877), vol. II, p. 431.

17. José Ortega y Gasset, La rebelión de las masas (Mexico City, 1976), p. 73.

1. William Maltby, Alba: A Biography of Fernando Alvarez de Toledo, Third Duke of Alba, 1507-1582 (Berkeley, 1983), p. 330, n. 17. See also his comments on p. 86. Another scholar has remarked Ruy Gómez's ''almost uncanny ability to hide his feelings and cover his tracks.'' M. J. Rodríguez-Salgado, The Changing Face of Empire: Charles V, Philip II and Habsburg Authority, 1551-1559 (Cambridge, 1988), p. 16. Concerning the scarcity of correspondence, Paul David Lagomarsino suggests, without supplying evidence, that Ruy Gómez's papers may have been burned after his death on the king's orders ("Court Factions and the Formulation of Spanish Policy towards the Netherlands (1559-1567)," Ph.D. dissertation, University of Cambridge, 1973, p. 19).

2. Luis Cabrera de Córdoba, Historia de Felipe II, rey de España (Madrid, 1876-1877), vol. II, libro X, capítulo I, pp. 141-142.

3. A word should be added here about the name Ruy Gómez. Even though the family surname had once been Gómez de Silva, by the time of Ruy Gómez de Silva's birth, Ruy Gómez (often spelled as one word--Rruigomez or Ruigomes--in contemporary documents) had become in essence a forename. The name, as a first name, recurs over several generations of the Silva family, and it should be classified as one of the traditional names honoring prominent ancestors that were adopted by many noble houses. More familiar examples are Iñigo López or Diego Hurtado de Mendoza, or Per Afán de Ribera. (At a somewhat more humble social level, the Loyola clan seems to have been inordinately fond of these compound names; see William W. Meissner, Ignatius of Loyola [New Haven, 1992], p. 13, for the names of the siblings of the Jesuit founder--himself Iñigo López .) Also, since I have gained my knowledge of Ruy Gómez's family from Spanish documents and treatises, I have chosen to use the Castilianized names that appear in the sources.

4. Luis de Salazar y Castro, Historia genealógica de la Casa de Silva (Madrid, 1685), vol. II, p. 456.

5. Ibid., p. 442.

6. Ibid., pp. 419-422; Cabrera de Córdoba, Felipe II , vol. IV, lib. VII, cap. V, p. 158.

7. Cabrera de Córdoba, Felipe II, vol. IV, lib. VII, cap. V,p. 158; Salazar y Castro, Casa de Silva, vol. II, pp. 425-434.

8. Salazar y Castro, Casa de Silva, vol. II, pp. 435-437.

9. Ibid., pp. 435, 437, 438-441.

10. Archivo Histórico Nacional, Madrid (AHN), Sección Ordenes Militares, Pruebas de Caballeros de Alcántara, expediente 1.430 (prueba of Don Diego de Silva y Mendoza).

11. Salazar y Castro, Casa de Silva, vol. II, p. 447; Cabrera de Córdoba, Felipe II, vol. IV, lib. VII, cap. V, p. 158. The Meneses and the Noronhas were among the greatest families of Portugal throughout the early modern period. The Meneses in particular had benefited from the irresponsible alienation of royal lands and revenues by the weak Afonso V (reigned 1438-1481). (See A. H. de Oliveira Marques, History of Portugal [New York, 1976], pp. 178-179, 284, 341.)

12. Salazar y Castro, Casa de Silva, vol. II, pp. 418, 448-456.

13. For examples, see Pedro Aguado Bleye, "Príncipe de Eboli," in Diccionario de historia de España, ed. by Germán Bleiberg (Madrid, 1981), vol. I, p. 1181; John H. Elliott, Imperial Spain, 1469-1716 (Harmondsworth, 1970), p. 406.

14. Salazar y Castro, Casa de Silva, vol. II, p. 456. To my knowledge, there is no extant copy of Ruy Gómez's fe de bautismo, at least in the Spanish archives. I have not encountered any record of his birth or baptism in the papers of the ducal house, nor does such a testimony appear in the proof of Ruy Gómez's pedigree drawn up in 1540 for his admission as a knight of Calatrava (AHN Ordenes Militares, Pruebas de Caballeros de Calatrava, exped. 2472). This is unusual, but the document is incomplete and badly damaged.

15. Federico Badoero, "Relazione delle persone, governo e stati di Carlo V e di Filippo II (1557)," in Eugenio Albèri, ed., Le relazioni degli ambasciatori veneti al Senato durante il secolo decimosesto, ser. I, vol. III (Florence, 1853), p. 241. Confusion persists, however, since J. García Mercadal, in his Spanish version of this relazione, notes that an alternate copy gives Ruy Gómez's age as thirty-six. See J. García Mercadal, ed. and trans., Viajes de extranjeros por España y Portugal (Madrid, 1952), vol. I, p. 1115.

16. José Cornide, Estado de Portugal en el año de 1800, vol. II, in Memorial histórico español, vol. XXVII (Madrid, 1894), pp. 146-147; Salazar y Castro, Casa de Silva, vol. II, p. 445.

17. Salazar y Castro, Casa de Silva , vol. II, p. 443.

18. AHN Ordenes Militares, Pruebas de Caballeros de Alcántara, exped. 1.430, testimony of Andrés Vaes.

19. Salazar y Castro, Casa de Silva , vol. II, p. 445.

20. AHN Ordenes Militares, Pruebas de Caballeros de Alcántara, exped. 1.431 (prueba of Don Diego de Silva y Portugal, 1613).

21. Salazar y Castro, Casa de Silva , vol. II, p. 442; AHN Ordenes Militares, Pruebas de Caballeros de Alcántara, exped. 1.430, testimony of Andrés Vaes.

22. Juan de Zúñiga to Charles V, 20 July 1523, abstract in José M. March, ed., Niñez y juventud de Felipe II (Madrid, 1941-1942), vol. I, ser. IV, no. 1, p. 90.

23. AHN Ordenes Militares, Pruebas de Caballeros de Alcántara, exped. 1.430, testimony of Andrés Vaes.

24. Ibid., testimony of Manuel de Mello Cotiño; Salazar y Castro, Casa de Silva , vol. II, pp. 456-457.

25. Salazar y Castro, Casa de Silva , vol. II, pp. 456-457; Cabrera de Córdoba, Felipe II , vol. IV, lib. VII, cap. V. p. 158; AHN Ordenes Militares, Pruebas de Caballeros de Alcántara, exped. 1.430, testimony of Andrés Vaes.

26. Ruy Gómez de Silva to Francisco de Eraso, from Madrid, 25 November 1552, Archivo General de Simancas (AGS), Secretaría de Estado (Estado), legajo 89, no. 123.

27. Salazar y Castro, Casa de Silva , vol. II, p. 457.

28. Cabrera de Córdoba, Felipe II , vol. IV, lib. VII, cap. V, p. 158; Badoero, "Relazione," p. 240. There is, however, no reason to credit Badoero's suggestion that Ruy Gómez's mother was Philip's wet nurse.

29. Albalá of Charles V, Madrid, 1 March 1535, in March, Niñez y juventud , vol. I, ser. VII, no. 3, pp. 282-283 (quotation at p. 282). The prince's governor was to receive a salary and ayuda de costa totaling 2000 ducats per year. Zúñiga commissioned the Libro de la cámara real of Gonzalo Fernández de Oviedo and doubtless consulted it while arranging Philip's household. See Juan Beneyto Pérez, Historia de la administración española e hispanoamericana (Madrid, 1958), p. 345.

30. Estefanía de Requesens [wife of Juan de Zúñiga] to Hipólita de Liori, Condesa de Palamós [her mother], 17 March 1535, in March, Niñez y juventud , vol. II, ser. XIII, no. 25, pp. 225-227. Presumably the lifelong friendship of Ruy Gómez and Luis de Requesens stemmed from their youthful association in this household.

31. My account of this incident and its aftermath is based on the following documents, printed by March in Niñez y juventud: Estefanía de Requesens to the Condesa de Palamós, from Madrid, 5 December 1535, in vol. II, ser. XIII, no. 53, p. 285; Report of Juan de Zúñiga, 1535 (day and month missing), in vol. II, ser. XVI, III:3, pp. 411-412; El Cardenal presidente (Tavera) to Charles V, 1535 (day and month missing), in vol. II, ser. XVI, III:3, pp. 409-411; Juan de Zúñiga to Charles V, from Madrid, 11 February 1536, in vol. I, ser. VI, no. 11, p. 230. Direct quotations will be identified specifically.

32. The president is not identified in March's volume, but Tavera held this post in 1535. See Jules Gounon-Loubens, Essais sur l'administration de la Castille au XVIe siècle (Paris, 1860), p. 174; Hayward Keniston, Francisco de los Cobos, Secretary of the Emperor Charles V (Pittsburgh, 1960), p. 167.

33. Report of Juan de Zúñiga, in March, Niñez y juventud , vol. II, p. 411.

34. El Cardenal presidente to Charles V, ibid., vol. II, p. 410.

35. Ibid. The two young men were to be held in separate fortresses, "one in Zorita [de los Canes] and the other in another." Later in life, Ruy Gómez de Silva would have a happier connection with the fortress of Zorita. He was named its governor in 1559 by Philip II (AHN, Sección Osuna, leg. 2015, no. 1).

36. El Cardenal presidente to Charles V, in March, Niñez y juventud , vol. II, p. 411.

37. Report of Juan de Zúñiga (Charles V's marginal comment), ibid., vol. II, p. 412. The emperor's acquiescence in leniency contradicts Badoero's dramatic account of this incident. The Venetian ambassador, writing twentyodd years after the fact, claimed that only the pleas of young Philip saved Ruy Gómez from execution by command of Charles V (Badoero, "Relazione," p. 240; for the same version, told even better, see William H. Prescott, History of the Reign of Philip the Second, King of Spain , vol. III [Boston, 1858], p. 399).

38. Salazar y Castro, Casa de Silva , vol. II, p. 458. He quotes from the albalá of Empress Isabel, countersigned by Juan Vázquez de Molina, Madrid, 24 December 1535. Again, Badoero's account, echoed by Prescott, of Philip's tearful intercession with his father to lift Ruy Gómez's exile seems unlikely, not least because Charles was absent from Spain in this period (Badoero, "Relazione," pp. 240-241; Prescott, Philip the Second , vol. III, pp. 399-400).

39. Estefanía de Requesens to the Condesa de Palamós, 5 December 1535, in March, Niñez y juventud , vol. II, ser. XIII, no. 53, p. 285. It may be that Zúñiga too had an interest in dismissing this matter rather lightly, since the other page involved may have been his relative (the ayo 's full name was Juan de Zúñiga y Avellaneda). Niñez y juventud , vol. I, ser. IV, intro., pp. 83-84.

40. On Zúñiga's character, ibid., vol. I, pp. 215-225. Perhaps as a result of his mother's efforts, Philip evinced a marked predisposition toward the Portuguese throughout his life. Both of his privados , and arguably the two men he trusted most, Ruy Gómez de Silva and Cristóbal de Moura, were Portuguese, a fact first remarked by Agustín Manuel de Vasconcelos (quoted in Salazar y Castro, Casa de Silva , vol. II, p. 518).

41. Salazar y Castro, Casa de Silva , vol. II, p. 458. Two months before, Ruy Gómez had been among a select group of the servants of the empress who had accompanied her funeral cortege to Granada (March, Niñez y juventud , vol. II, editor's intro. to ser. XIV, pp. 355-357). It was at the end of this journey that Francisco de Borja, marquis of Lombay and the leader of the funeral retinue, experienced the epiphany that caused him to rededicate his life to religion (March, Niñez y juventud , vol. II, pp. 454-455).

42. "Memoria de las carretas y azemilas," etc., ibid., vol. II, ser. XVI, II:2, pp. 405-408. The document is undated. March makes no estimate, but it must date from the period 1540-1543, since it refers to Siliceo as the bishop of Cartagena (he was named to that diocese upon the death, in March 1540, of the incumbent), and since it makes no mention of the princess or her household (Philip was married in November 1543).

43. AGS, Guerra y Marina, leg. 23, nos. 92-93.

44. "Relación del casamiento del Príncipe Don Felipe con Doña María de Portugal," in March, Niñez y juventud , vol. II, ser. XI, no. 14, p. 87.

45. "Torneo celebrado en Valladolid con ocasión de la Boda del Príncipe Don Felipe con la Infanta Doña María de Portugal (1544)," in Amalio Huarte, ed., Relaciones de los reinados de Carlos V y Felipe II (Madrid, 1941), pp. 87-88.

46. Ibid., p. 94.

47. Salazar y Castro, Casa de Silva , vol. II, p. 458.

48. Ibid.; Juan Cristóbal Calvete de Estrella, El felicissimo viaje del muy alto y muy poderoso principe don Phelippe (1552) (Madrid, 1930), vol. I, pp. 1-2; Cabrera de Córdoba, Felipe II , vol. I, lib. I, cap. II, p. 11.

49. Salazar y Castro, Casa de Silva , vol. II, p. 458. The original grant had covered the period 1546-1555; Ruy Gómez was now to have 1/8 of the mines' yield for 1531-1545 as well. This income had apparently been held in escrow pending the outcome of a legal dispute between the Crown and the heirs of its previous owner.

50. Ibid., p. 459; Calvete de Estrella, El felicissimo viaje , vol. I, pp. 2-5; Francisco López de Gómara, Annals of the Emperor Charles V , trans. R. B. Merriman (Oxford, 1912), p. 257; Maltby, Alba , pp. 66-70; Elliott, Imperial Spain , p. 160. In "Habsburg Ceremony in Spain: The Reality of the Myth," Historical Reflections/Réflexions Historiques 15:1 (1988), Helen Nader refutes the tenacious notion that the introduction of Burgundian ceremonial sparked a xenophobic reaction in Castile.

51. Antonio Ballesteros y Beretta, Historia de España y su influencia en la historia universal (Barcelona, 1927), vol. IV, part II, p. 518. Ballesteros's account condenses that of Antonio Rodríguez Villa, Etiquetas de la Casa de Austria (Madrid, 1913?), pp. 62-64.

52. Calvete de Estrella, El felicissimo viaje , vol. I, p. 19; Salazar y Castro, Casa de Silva , vol. II, p. 459.

53. Salazar y Castro, Casa de Silva , vol. II, pp. 459, 464.

54. Ibid., p. 517, for quote from Garibay; Cabrera de Córdoba, Felipe II , vol. IV, lib. VII, cap. V, p. 158.

55. Prescott, Reign of Philip the Second (Philadelphia, 1904), vol. IV, p. 351.

56. William, Prince of Orange, The Apologie of Prince William of Orange against the Proclamation of the King of Spaine , ed. by H. Wansink after the English edition of 1581 (Leiden, 1969), p. 45.

57. Martin Hume dismissed the notion of a marriage but stated, without offering proof, that "subsequently for some years marital relations certainly existed between them [Philip and Isabel Osorio]." Similarly, A. W. Lovett asserts, again on uncertain evidence, that Philip did indeed have an affair with Isabel Osorio "either just before, or just after, the death of Mary of Portugal." See Hume, Philip II of Spain (1897) (New York, 1969), p. 27; Lovett, Early Habsburg Spain, 1517-1598 (Oxford, 1986), p. 119. Be this as it may, nothing has surfaced to either confirm or refute William the Silent's charges against Ruy Gómez de Silva.

58. Badoero, "Relazione," p. 241.

59. For Lerma, see Ciríaco Pérez Bustamante, Felipe III: Semblanza de un monarca y perfiles de una privanza (Madrid, 1950), pp. 38-41; for Olivares, Gregorio Marañón, El Conde-Duque de Olivares , 15th ed. (Madrid, 1980), p. 41. According to these authors, Lerma and Olivares won points with their young protégés by providing them with money to supplement their rather lean allowances. Ruy Gómez lacked the private financial resources of these men, so it seems unlikely that he was often in a position to advance funds to Philip.

60. Marañón attempted to refute these charges, but his righteous indignation is not altogether convincing ( Conde-Duque de Olivares , pp. 40-41); more recently, R. A. Stradling concluded that "it must be held probable that Olivares was privy to Philip's sexual adventures" ( Philip IV and the Government of Spain, 1621-1665 [Cambridge, 1988], p. 53; for his discussion of this subject, see pp. 20, 51-54).

61. Agustín G. de Amezúa y Mayo, Isabel de Valois, Reina de España (1546-1568) (Madrid, 1949), vol. I, pp. 427, 430 (citing Saint-Sulpice to Charles IX, 7 October 1564).

62. Charles V to Prince Philip, letter of instructions, 4 May 1543, in Francisco de Laiglesia y Auset, Estudios históricos (1515-1555) (Madrid, 1918), vol. I, p. 75. This instruction is also reproduced in March, Niñez y juventud , vol. II, ser. IX, no. I (quoted passage at pp. 18-19).

63. March, Niñez y juventud , vol. II, ser. IX passim .

64. Cabrera de Córdoba, Felipe II , vol. II, lib. X, cap. I, p. 140.

65. Gustav Ungerer, ed., A Spaniard in Elizabethan England: The Correspondence of Antonio Pérez's Exile (London, 1974-1976), vol. II, p. 335.

66. Elliott, Imperial Spain , p. 208. López de Gómara gives 1545 as the year of Zúñiga's death ( Annals of the Emperor , pp. 121-122).

67. López de Gómara, Annals of the Emperor , pp. 121-122.

68. Maltby, Alba , p. 70.

69. See Chapter 5.

70. María of Portugal died in childbirth in 1545.

71. Charles V to Prince Philip, 6 May 1543, in March, Niñez y juventud , vol. II, ser. IX, no. II, p. 27.

72. In the documents and histories consulted in preparing this study, I have never seen Ruy Gómez accorded this title except by Venetian ambassadors.

73. Salazar y Castro, Casa de Silva , vol. II, p. 465; Gregorio Marañón, Antonio Pérez (Madrid, 1951), vol. I, p. 169, n. 6.

74. The most detailed account of this journey is, of course, Calvete de Estrella, El felicissimo viaje . There is also a useful summary, focused on Ruy Gómez's role in these events, in Salazar y Castro, Casa de Silva , vol. II, pp. 459-462.

75. Calvete de Estrella, El felicissimo viaje , vol. I, pp. 14-19.

76. Ibid., vol. I, p. 21.

77. For Ruy Gómez's participation in various festivities in Italy and the Low Countries, see ibid., vol. I, pp. 82-88, 142, 189-204, 306-311; vol. II, 13-15, 396-400, 404-409. For the juego de cañas , Milan, 6 January 1549, see ibid., vol. I, pp. 87-88. For the damas tudescas , see ibid., vol. I, p. 310.

78. Ibid., pp. 396-400.

79. Salazar y Castro, Casa de Silva , vol. II, p. 462.

80. Ibid., pp. 464-465.

81. A rather confusing entry in AGS Estado, leg. 89, no. 195, seems to give the value of Argamasilla in 1552 as 500,000 maravedís , or 1,333 ducats. In the Actas of the general chapter of Calatrava for 1600/1602, one of the order's encomiendas is listed as "Obrería y Argamasilla." Assuming that this is the right encomienda and that it corresponds to the 1523 listing for "La encomienda de la Obra" and to the 1573 designation of "La Obrería," Argamasilla was worth 830 ducats per year in 1523 and 2,256 ducats per year in 1573. See Hermann Kellenbenz, ''El valor de las rentas de las encomiendas de la Orden de Calatrava en 1523 y en 1573," Anuario de historia económica y social 1 (1968), pp. 588, 595, 597. See also Antonio Domínguez Ortiz, La sociedad española en el siglo XVII (Madrid, 1964), vol. I, pp. 199-200.

82. AHN Ordenes Militares, Pruebas de Caballeros de Calatrava, expeds. 1074 bis and 2742. The allowance paid a caballero was probably in the neighborhood of 80 ducats per year (Kellenbenz, "El valor," p. 584).

83. Salazar y Castro, Casa de Silva , vol. II, pp. 464-465.

84. Kellenbenz, "El valor," p. 595.

85. Salazar y Castro, Casa de Silva , vol. II, p. 463.

86. Antonio Domínguez Ortiz, El antiguo régimen: los Reyes Católicos y los Austrias (Madrid, 1973), p. 115, observes that hábitos were greatly prized by lesser noblemen even though they "did not produce income," since the possession of one "afforded public testimony that its holder was of noble and pure blood."

87. Ruy Gómez de Silva to Francisco de Eraso, from Madrid, 25 November 1552, AGS Estado, leg. 89, no. 123; see also AGS Estado, leg. 508, no. 58.

88. AGS Estado, leg. 89, no. 196.

89. Don Diego Hurtado de Mendoza to Ruy Gómez de Silva, March 1550, in R. Foulché-Delbosc, ed., "Cartas de Don Diego Hurtado de Mendoza," Archivo de investigaciones históricas , II (1911), pp. 273-274. Neither the exact object nor the outcome of these negotiations is clear from this letter, but Ruy Gómez had evidently asked Mendoza's aid in securing a papal dispensation, which the latter thought could be obtained more cheaply should the present pope die of his dropsy. Mendoza's comments indicate that the negotiations had been delayed and that Ruy Gómez feared that the family of the prospective bride would back away from the match, but I have been unable to find any other letters that shed light on this affair.

90. Salazar y Castro, Casa de Silva , vol. II, p. 465.

91. Such evidence as there is indicates that further children of this marriage were rendered unlikely because of the personal animosity between the count and the countess, rather than impossible because of sterility. This issue will be taken up below.

92. Maltby, Alba , p. 71.

93. Salazar y Castro, Casa de Silva , vol. II, p. 465; Gaspar Muro, Vida de la Princesa de Eboli (Mexico City, 1883), ch. II, pp. 114-115, 118. The numbering of the pages in this edition is hopelessly muddled; for example, the same page numbers recur in ch. III.

94. Ibid., ch. II, p. 118.

95. "Lo que se asienta, e capitula entre el Principe nro S ^or y conde y condesa de Melito, sobre el Cassamiento que se ha tratado entre Ruy Gomez de Silva sumilier de Corps de Su Alteza y D ^a Ana de Mendoza hija delos dhos condes," Madrid, 18 April 1553, AHN Osuna, leg. 2029, no. 13 ¹ . There is another copy of this document in AGS, Guerra y Marina, leg. 50, no. 171.

1. Diego Gutiérrez Coronel, Historia genealógica de la casa de Mendoza (1772), ed. by Angel González Palencia (Madrid, 1946), pp. 373-379; John H. Elliott, Imperial Spain, 1469-1716 (Harmondsworth, 1970), p. 100; Gregorio Marañón, Antonio Pérez (Madrid, 1951), vol. I, p. 167; Gaspar Muro, Vida de la Princesa de Eboli (Mexico City, 1883), ch. I, pp. 62-64, 97.

2. Genealogy drawn up by Gerónimo de Ponte, quondam notary of the Chancillería de Granada, 1 January 1565, Archivo Histórico Nacional, Madrid (AHN), Sección Osuna, legajo 2224 ² , no. 3 ¹ ; Gutiérrez Coronel, Casa de Mendoza , pp. 378-379. Gutiérrez Coronel speculates that although well born, Doña Mencia did not possess "el mejor recato."

3. "Copia simple de la legitimación . . . ," AHN Osuna, leg. 3350.

4. Gutiérrez Coronel, Casa de Mendoza , pp. 381-384; José M. March, ed., Niñez y juventud de Felipe II (Madrid, 1941-1942), vol. I, ser. VI, p. 239, n. 23, and Inventory at death, March, Niñez y juventud , vol. II, ser. XV, p. 366.

5. "Escriptura de mayoradgo que otorgaron los yll ^s señores don diego hurtado de mendoza Conde de melyto e la señora doña Ana de la cerda su muger," AHN, Sección Consejos Suprimidos, leg. 36,474. The tercias were a portion of the ecclesiastical tithes, usually 2/9, that had been granted to the Crown. Thus the portion of the tercias included in this mayorazgo was equivalent to 2/27 (about 7.5 percent) of the tithes of Guadalajara and its district.

6. AHN Osuna, leg. 2224 ² , no. 3 ¹ , and leg. 2077, nos. 10 ² and 10 ³ ; Gutiérrez Coronel, Casa de Mendoza , pp. 387-390; Muro, Vida , ch. I, pp. 102-105; Juan de Mariana, Historia general de España (Valencia, 1794), vol. II, p. 532; Felipe Picatoste, Estudios sobre la grandeza y decadencia de España (Madrid, 1887), tomo II, Los españoles en Italia , libro II, capítulo III, parte III, pp. 69-78; Marañón, Antonio Pérez , vol. I, p. 167; Giuseppe Galasso, Economia e società enlla Calabria del cinquecento (Naples, 1967), p. 1. The Sanseverini continued to press their claim to the county of Mélito; they did not achieve reinstatement, but in exchange they were allowed to raise the rate of the silk gabelle they collected. See Galasso, Economia e società , pp. 4, 32.

7. See the titles, confirmed by Charles in 1516, catalogued in Jesús Ernesto Martínez Ferrando, Privilegios otorgados por el Emperador Carlos V en el Reino de Nápoles. (Sicilia aquende el Faro) (Barcelona, 1943), p. 138.

8. Gutiérrez Coronel, Casa de Mendoza , pp. 387, 390; Joan Reglà Campistol, Els virreis de Catalunya. Els segles XVI i XVII (Barcelona, 1961), pp. 90-92. Reglà emphasizes that Mélito was "lloctinent de tota la Corona d'Aragó," the last to hold this post before the introduction of viceroys for each kingdom. For a critical assessment of his handling of the Germanías , see A. W. Lovett, Early Habsburg Spain, 1517-1598 (Oxford, 1986), pp. 36-37.

9. Gutiérrez Coronel, Casa de Mendoza , pp. 194-195, 391; Marañón, Antonio Pérez , vol. I, p. 169.

10. Gutiérrez Coronel, Casa de Mendoza , pp. 391-396.

11. AHN Osuna, leg. 2080, no. 13 ³ ; "Escriptura de mayoradgo . . . " (22 April 1529), AHN Consejos, leg. 36,474.

12. "Escriptura de mayoradgo" (22 April 1529), AHN Consejos, leg. 36,474. Galasso describes the Italian lands in terms of modern administrative units, in Economia e società , p. 31. The first counts of Mélito subsequently acquired additional properties, among which only a small annuity drawn on the royal revenues from the Atienza salt mines was added to the mayorazgo . Some of these properties were bestowed on their younger children; almost all of them were sources of litigation and disputes for future generations of the family.

13. Juan de Samano to Francisco de Eraso, 7 May 1553, Colección de documentos inéditos para la historia de España (Madrid, 1842-1895) (cited henceforth as CODOIN), vol. LVI, p. 555.

14. Gutiérrez Coronel, Casa de Mendoza , p. 390. The second count's inheritance of his father's lands, as opposed to his titles, was disputed, as will be seen. This Diego Hurtado de Mendoza should not be confused with the diplomat and writer of the same name (1503-1575), who was a cadet of the house of Mondéjar.

15. Ibid., pp. 396-397, 526-528.

16. Juan de Samano to Francisco de Eraso, 7 May 1553, CODOIN, vol. LVI, p. 555.

17. Marañón, Antonio Pérez , vol. I, p. 168.

18. See Muro, Vida , ch. II, p. 107. Despite the shared apellido of Silva, there was no blood relation between Ruy Gómez and Ana's maternal ancestors. See Erika Spivakovsky, "La Princesa de Eboli," Chronica Nova , no. 9 (1974), p. 8.

19. Muro, Vida , ch. II, p. 110; Marañón, Antonio Pérez , vol. I, p. 169; Spivakovsky, "Princesa de Eboli," p. 13.

20. Reglà, Els virreis , p. 102, states that the second count of Mélito was born "around 1515."

21. Guillermo Hernández Peñalosa, El derecho en Indias y en su metrópoli (Bogotá, 1969), pp. 246-247. The history of the house of Pastrana provides several examples of marriages arranged for very young children.

22. Juan de Samano to Francisco de Eraso, 7 May 1553, CODOIN, vol. LVI, p. 555.

23. Gutiérrez Coronel, Casa de Mendoza , pp. 393, 395.

24. "Lo que se assienta, e capitula entre el Principe nro S ^or y conde y condesa de Melito, sobre el cassamiento que se ha tratado entre Ruy Gomez de Silva sumilier de Corps de Su Alteza y D ^a Ana de Mendoza hija delos dhos condes," AHN Osuna, leg. 2029, nos. 13 ^1-2 .

25. Luis de Salazar y Castro, Historia genealógica de la Casa de Silva (Madrid, 1685), vol. II, p. 465.

26. Hernández Peñalosa, El derecho , pp. 246-247; for a discussion of contemporary attitudes, in France, about the validity of marriages contracted by virtue of paroles de présent , see David Hunt, Parents and Children in History (New York, 1972), pp. 60-62. Heath Dillard, dealing with an earlier period, provides the best available account of Castilian marriage customs and procedures, in Chapter 2 of her Daughters of the Reconquest (Cambridge, 1984). See p. 60 for palabras de presente .

27. AHN Osuna, leg. 2029, nos. 13 ^1-2 . See Dillard, Daughters of the Reconquest , p. 63, for an account of wedding ceremonies.

28. AHN Osuna, leg. 2029, nos. 13 ^1-2 .

29. The arras was a sum promised by the groom to his bride to provide for her support should he predecease her; as such it was the functional equivalent of the English jointure, although unlike the latter it was usually paid in a lump sum rather than as an annuity and was often delivered to the bride at the time of the marriage rather than upon the husband's death. Dillard provides a good discussion ( Daughters of the Reconquest , pp. 47-48) and makes the point that the groom's provision of the arras constituted "a necessary condition of betrothal."

30. In most cases, a widow was entitled to reinstatement of the amount of her marriage portion, with some interest, as well as to payment of her arras .

31. AHN Osuna, leg. 2029, nos. 13 ^1-2 .

32. Juan de Samano to Francisco de Eraso, 7 May 1553, CODOIN, vol. LVI, p. 555; Salazar y Castro, Casa de Silva , vol. II, p. 465; Gutiérrez Coronel, Casa de Mendoza , pp. 565-566.

33. Samano to Eraso, 7 May 1553, CODOIN, vol. LVI, p. 555. According to López de Gómara, Philip also "bestowed great gifts" on another of his household gentlemen, Juan de Benavides, who was married in the same year to the heiress of the marquis of Cortés (Francisco López de Gómara, Annals of the Emperor Charles V [Oxford, 1912], p. 265). See also Ruy Gómez de Silva to Francisco de Eraso, no date (but from internal evidence, early 1554), Archivo General de Simancas (AGS), Secretaría de Estado (Estado), leg. 808, no. 134, for Ruy Gómez's request, on Philip's behalf, that Eraso should expedite the grant of the tenencia of Viana--evidently part of the marriage settlement--to Benavides.

34. ''Diferentes papeles pertenecientes al Estado de Melito," AHN Osuna, leg. 2708, includes a summary of this lawsuit.

35. Gutiérrez Coronel, Casa de Mendoza , p. 195.

36. Cédula of Philip, King of Naples, Brussels, 9 Oct. 1555, AHN Osuna, leg. 2077, no. 28; Martínez Ferrando, Privilegios , nos. 1240 and 1242, p. 139.

37. Cédula of Charles V, Ratisbon, 30 June 1532, AHN Osuna, leg. 2080, no. 2; see also Galasso, Economia e società .

38. See the royal confirmations of these arrangements, Madrid, 21 August and 25 September 1539, summarized in Martínez Ferrando, Privilegios , nos. 668 and 669, pp. 76-77; Luis de Salazar y Castro, Historia genealógica de la Casa de Lara, justificada con instrumentos, y escritores de inviolable fe (Madrid, 1696), vol. I, p. 636; Gutiérrez Coronel, Casa de Mendoza , p. 399.

39. AHN Osuna, leg. 2080, nos. 12, 13 ¹ .

40. AHN Osuna, leg. 2708.

41. AHN Osuna, leg. 2082 ² , no. 2.

42. AHN Osuna, leg. 2080, nos. 6 ¹ , 12, 13 ¹ .

43. AHN Osuna, leg. 2708.

44. Ibid.

45. From the very outset of the wedding negotiations, Ruy Gómez strove to influence favorably Mélito's business at the emperor's court. See Ruy Gómez de Silva to Francisco de Eraso, from Madrid, 5 April 1552, AGS Estado, leg. 89, no. 129: "Esta q[ue] escrivo sera p[ar]a enderezar esta otra de su alteza y suplicar a v.m. por mi parte q[ue] en el negocio q[ue] lescrive del conde de melito ayude loq[ue] pudiere porq[ue] su cristiandad y la hidalgia [ sic ] y condiciones conq[ue] en aquel cargo quiere servir a su mag ^d lo merecen allende de las partes q[ue] para ello tiene."

46. AHN Osuna, leg. 2029, no. 13 ¹ .

47. Spivakovsky, "Princesa de Eboli," p. 9.

48. For this suggestion, I am indebted to an anonymous reader for the University of California Press.

49. Cédula of Prince Philip, countersigned by Juan Vázquez, Madrid, 3 June 1553, CODOIN, vol. LVI, pp. 557-558. A tenth of the groom's property was the long-standing limit on the size of arras ; see Dillard, Daughters of the Reconquest , p. 47.

50. See M. J. Rodríguez-Salgado, The Changing Face of Empire (Cambridge, 1988), pp. 126-127.

51. See Chapter 1, n. 92.

52. Spivakovsky, "Princesa de Eboli," pp. 8-9.

53. Diego Hurtado de Mendoza, Duke of Francavila, to Ruy Gómez de Silva, from Valladolid, 13 September 1557, CODOIN, vol. XCVII, p. 291.

54. Ibid.; see also Spivakovsky, "Princesa de Eboli," p. 18.

55. Joan Reglà Campistol, Felip II i Catalunya (Barcelona, 1956), p. 17.

56. AHN Osuna, leg. 2077, nos. 10 ⁵ , 22 ^1-3 ; the grant of the title of Algecilla and the properties that comprised the marquisate are treated in Gutiérrez Coronel, Casa de Mendoza , p. 396. I have been unable to determine the precise date of the grant, but Mélito was styling himself "Marques de Algezilla" by 13 March 1555 (see AHN Osuna, leg. 2077, no. 6). Some news regarding new titles for Mélito already circulated at the imperial court late in 1554; see (Diego de Varges?) to Ruy Gómez de Silva, from Brussels, 14 December 1554, AGS Estado, leg. 508, no. 242: "Sup[li]co a v.m. me avise del titulo q[ue] pone el Rey p[ríncip]e n[uest]ro señor al s ^r Conde de Melito por que en lo q[ue] de aca se le screviere no discrepemos." Mélito seems to have been accorded the treatment due a grandee from about the time of his appointment to Aragon; Philip's letter of 11 May 1554 (AGS Estado, leg. 808, no. 24) addresses him as ''conde primo."

57. Francavila's tenure as viceroy is most thoroughly examined in Reglà, Felip II i Catalunya , esp. pp. 17-18. The Zaragoza incident and its outcome are also discussed in Luis Cabrera de Córdoba, Historia de Felip II, rey de España (Madrid, 1876-1877), vol. I, lib. I, cap. IX, p. 44; A. Llorente, "La primera crísis de hacienda en tiempo de Felipe II," Revista de España (Madrid), I (1868), pp. 327-328; Rodríguez-Salgado, Changing Face of Empire , pp. 289-290; Fernand Braudel, The Mediterranean and the Mediterranean World in the Age of Philip II (New York, 1976), vol. II, p. 959; John Lynch, Spain under the Habsburgs (New York, 1984), vol. I, p. 209. See below for his adoption of the title of Francavila.

58. Helmut Georg Koenigsberger, The Practice of Empire (Ithaca, 1969), p. 60; Reglà, Felip II i Catalunya , p. 18.

59. Reglà, Felip II i Catalunya , p. 18.

60. Spivakovsky, "Princesa de Eboli," p. 14.

61. Leonardo Donato, "Relación de las cosas de España, leída al senado veneciano por Leonardo Donato, embajador de aquella república," printed (despite its title, in Italian) as an appendix to Cabrera de Córdoba, Felipe II , vol. IV, pp. 403-480. The quotes are from page 417. Francavila's ineffectiveness in the Council of Italy is also remarked in Koenigsberger, Practice of Empire , p. 70. On the other hand, in Felip II i Catalunya Reglà argues that Francavila was a competent and innovative viceroy in Catalonia; he insists that he learned a great deal, at least about the constitutionalist mind-set of the subjects of the eastern kingdoms, from his experience as viceroy in Aragon. Although Francavila's activities as an administrator lie outside the scope of this study, I will add that the correspondence I have seen reveals him as obstinate, volatile and not particularly industrious or well informed. I thus retain doubts about Reglà's assessment. On a minor point, both Koenigsberger and Reglà mention that Francavila left the presidency of Italy when he was named viceroy in Catalonia, without stipulating that the former post was discharged by an acting president (Quiroga) and resumed by Francavila when he left Barcelona in 1571. See Luciano Serrano, ed., Correspondencia diplómatica entre España y la Santa Sede durante el pontificado de S. Pio V (Madrid, 1914), vol. IV, p. 221 (Castagna to Alessandrino, from Madrid, 12 March 1571).

62. Quoted by Manuel Rivero Rodríguez, "La fundación del Consejo de Italia: Corte, grupos de poder y periferia (1536-1559),; in Instituciones y élites de poder en la Monarquía Hispana durante el siglo XVI , ed. by J. Martínez Millán (Madrid, 1992), p. 216.

63. See AHN Osuna, legs. 2077 (esp. no. 6) and 2078, and the "Relacion de loq contienen en suma los assensus Regios y escripturas q passaron antes el duque mi s ^or y el Principe Ruygomez," AHN Osuna, leg. 2708, "Diferentes papeles pertenecientes al Estado de Melito. . . ." This transaction is very well documented.

64. "Philippus/Copia de una provision para que se consiguen al Principe Ruy Gomez 60 U [60,000] ducados en quenta de lo que a de aver en el principado de Melito," AHN Osuna, leg. 2077, no. 28.

65. "Escriptura de donacion, cesion e trespasacion," Valladolid, 7 April 1554, AHN Osuna, leg. 2029, no. 15.

66. Ibid.

67. The donations were made on 14 March and 7 April 1554; the viceregal appointment was announced on 22 April (Reglà, Felip II i Catalunya , p. 17).

68. AHN Osuna, leg. 2029, no. 15.

69. See William Maltby, Alba: A Biography of Fernando Alvarez de Toledo, Third Duke of Alba, 1507-1582 (Berkeley, 1983), p. 75, and the evidence of this relationship presented in this work, below.

70. Ruy Gómez de Silva to Francisco de Eraso, from Valladolid, 21 August 1553, CODOIN, vol. LVI, p. 559.

71. Ruy Gómez de Silva to Francisco de Eraso, no date, AGS Estado, leg. 808, no. 134. This letter was likely written in early 1554, since it opens with the news of the death of Princess Juana's husband (January 1554, according to Rodríguez-Salgado, Changing Face of Empire , p. 5).

72. AHN Osuna, leg. 2029, no. 14. For Philip's original cédula , countersigned by Francisco de Ledesma, Valladolid, 22 February 1554, see AGS, Guerra y Marina, leg. 50, no. 172.

73. AGS, Guerra y Marina, leg. 50, no. 172; AHN Osuna, leg. 2242, no. 5 ² .

74. AGS, Contaduría de Mercedes, leg. 491, nos. 13-14; Mayorazgo of Pastrana, AHN Osuna, leg. 2326, no. 9 ¹ , clause XXX.

75. AHN Osuna, leg. 2029, no. 14.

1. Andrés Muñoz, Sumaria y verdadera relación del buen viaje que el . . . Príncipe . . . don Felipe hizo a Inglaterra (Zaragoza, 1554), reprinted in Pascual de Gayangos, ed., Viaje de Felipe Segundo á Inglaterra, por Andrés Muñoz (impreso en Zaragoza en 1554), y relaciones varias relativas al mismo suceso (Madrid, 1877), p. 34. Despite some confusion of terminology on this point, I refer to the infante in this passage, following Gachard, who records Don Carlos's joy at first being called príncipe in March 1556, after his father's accession as king (Louis-Prosper Gachard, Don Carlos y Felipe II (San Lorenzo de el Escorial, 1984), p. 46).

2. "As a Portuguese and His Highness's servant," Ruy Gómez had been involved from the outset of the negotiations for this match, agreeing to host a reception for the ambassador sent from Portugal to propose it; see Ruy Gómez de Silva to Francisco de Eraso, from Toro, 2 January 1552, Archivo General de Simancas (AGS), Secretaría de Estado (Estado), legajo 89, no. 125. For Ruy Gómez's mission to Portugal and its outcome, see the following documents in Calendar of Letters, Despatches and State Papers relating to the Negotiations between England and Spain, Preserved in the Archives at Vienna, Simancas, Besancon, Brussels, Madrid and Lille (cited henceforth as CalStP-S ), ed. by Royall Tyler, vol. XI, Edward VI and Mary, 1553 (London, 1916): Charles V (at Brussels) to Philip (at Valladolid), 30 July 1553 (pp. 126-127); same to same, 12 August 1553 (pp. 162-163); Philip to Charles V, 22 August 1553 (pp. 177-178); Simon Renard (London) to Antoine Perrenot de Granvelle, Bishop of Arras (Brussels), 7 August 1553 (pp. 153-154); Charles V to Luis Sarmiento de Mendoza (Lisbon), 21 November(?) 1553 (pp. 377-378). For an account of the negotiations, see M. J. Rodríguez-Salgado, The Changing Face of Empire (Cambridge, 1988), pp. 78-79.

3. The negotiations for the marriage can be followed closely in AGS Estado, legs. 807 and 808 (an interesting memorandum on unresolved points of the match is preserved at AGS Estado, leg. 807, no. 23), and in CalStP-S , vol. XI, and vol. XII ( Mary, Jan.-July, 1554 (London, 1949). The vehemence of Philip's objections are evident in a curious "writing ad cautelam " drawn up in Valladolid on 4 January 1554, in which the prince stated that "because by his own free will he had never agreed and never would agree to the articles [of the marriage contract], although he was about to grant the power to enable [various officials in England] . . . to ratify and swear to observe them, and he himself would agree to and swear by them, using the customary legal forms to render the oath binding, he protested before me, the secretary, and the other witnesses mentioned below, against the articles and everything contained therein . . ." ( CalStP-S , vol. XII, pp. 4-6). For the belief that Philip was procrastinating, see Tyler's preface to CalStP-S , vol. XI, pp. x-xii, and the calendared documents cited there. For the journey to England and the events that transpired in the first weeks there, see Gayangos, Viaje de Felipe Segundo; Juan de Varaona [Barahona], ''Viaje de Felipe II á Inglaterra en 1554 cuando fué á casar con la Reina Doña María," Colección de documentos inéditos para la historia de España (Madrid, 1842-1895) (cited henceforth as CODOIN), vol. I, pp. 564-574; Martin A. S. Hume, "The Visit of Philip II," English Historical Review 7 (1892), pp. 253-280; Mariano González-Amao, ''La boda inglesa de Felipe II," Historia 16 9:97 (May 1984), pp. 34-42. Disagreements over the date of Philip's departure have been convincingly settled (in favor of 13 July 1554) by Carl Bratli, Felipe II, rey de España (1909) (Madrid, 1927), p. 176, n. 229.

4. For the accompanying household, see the list in Muñoz, Viaje , pp. 31f. The aristocrats in the entourage are listed in a document of 20 July 1554 that is reproduced in CalStP-S , vol. XII, p. 317, and the ayudas are discussed in Muñoz, Viaje , pp. 1, 4-5. I have found no record of the ayuda paid to Ruy Gómez de Silva, but an approximate figure for the grants made to prominent courtiers can be inferred from the fact that Philip offered a lump sum of 20,000 ducats, plus an annuity of 2,000 ducats for two or three years, to Don Fernando Francisco Dávalos, marquis of Pescara. Pescara seems to have regarded even this sum as insufficient, and he may have received more. Draft memo of Philip for Ruy Gómez de Silva, 2 August 1555, CalStP-S , vol. XIII, Philip and Mary, Jul. 1554-Nov. 1558 (London, 1954), pp. 239-240.

5. On the size of the entourage, see Philip to Simon Renard, 8 February 1554, CODOIN, vol. III, pp. 478-480; Philip to Charles V, 9 February 1554, CalStP-S , vol. XII, pp. 90-92. The quotation is from Philip's minute of 16 February 1554, CODOIN, vol. III, p. 488. Philip's following in England must have been considerably smaller than this prior estimate, since according to Badoero Philip's establishment in the Low Countries in about 1557 amounted to around 1,500 persons. Federico Badoero, "Relazione delle persone, governo e stati di Carlo V e di Filippo II," in Eugenio Albèri, ed., Le relazioni degli ambasciatori veneti al Senato durante il secolo decimosesto , ser. I, vol. III (Florence, 1853), p. 236.

6. Don Juan Hurtado de Mendoza to Arras, 19 March 1554, CalStP-S , vol. XII, pp. 161-162. Similarly, Charles V instructed Alba that under no circumstances should the soldiers accompanying Philip's fleet be allowed to set foot in England. Charles V to the Duke of Alba, from Brussels, 1 April 1554, AGS Estado, leg. 508.

7. Ruy Gómez de Silva to Eraso, from Winchester, 26 July 1554, CODOIN, vol. III, pp. 526-528 (quotation at p. 527); Don Juan de Figueroa to Charles V, from Winchester, 26 July 1554, ibid., pp. 519-525 (see p. 523).

8. CalStP-S , vol. XIII, doc. 11, p. 9.

9. Ibid., p. 12.

10. See the report of Don Juan de Figueroa (sent by the emperor to announce his gift in England) in CODOIN, vol. III, pp. 519-525. Figueroa's account (p. 524) implies that possession of Milan had been made over to Philip some time before but that the transfer had been kept secret. In fact, Philip was invested with the duchy in 1546, but Martin Hume argues that this investiture was "nominal" and that the real transfer took place at the wedding. Martin A. S. Hume, Philip II of Spain (1897) (New York, 1969), p. 62; see also Bratli, Felipe II , p. 77. For the announcement of the gift at the wedding ceremony (at Winchester, 25 July 1554), see also Varaona, "Viaje de Felipe II á Inglaterra en 1554," CODOIN, vol. I, p. 570; the English heralds' account in John G. Nichols, ed., The Chronicle of Queen Jane, and of Two Years of Queen Mary (London, 1850), app. XI, p. 168; and Francisco López de Gómara, Annals of the Emperor Charles V (Oxford, 1912), p. 151.

11. Ruy Gómez de Silva to Eraso, from Winchester, 29 July 1554, CODOIN, vol. III, pp. 528-530 (quotation at p. 530). The original of this letter is at AGS Estado, leg. 808, no. 148.

12. CalStP-S , vol. XIII, doc. 11, p. 11.

13. Ruy Gómez de Silva to Eraso, from Winchester, 29 July 1554, CODOIN, vol. III, p. 530.

14. Privy Council register, 15 August 1554, in Nichols, Chronicle of Queen Jane , app. IX, pp. 135-136.

15. Simon Renard to Charles V, from Twickenham, 3 September 1554, CalStP-S , vol. XIII, doc. 56, p. 45.

16. "An account of what has befallen in the realm of England since Prince Philip landed there, written by a gentleman who accompanied the Prince to England . . .," 17 August 1554, ibid., doc. 37, pp. 30-34 (quotation at pp. 33-34). For some specific departures, see Privy Council register, 13 August 1554, in Nichols, Chronicle of Queen Jane , app. IX, p. 135. See also D. M. Loades, The Reign of Mary Tudo (London, 1979), pp. 212-213, 222.

17. On the growing confusion of lines of authority between the two courts, however, see Diego de Vargas to Ruy Gómez de Silva, from Brussels, 30 November 1554, AGS Estado, leg. 508, no. 236.

18. Many of the state papers concerning Philip's sojourn in England and the Netherlands, 1554-1559, were lost at sea during the return voyage to Spain in 1559. Some of the surviving documents--most of them held at Simancas--have been printed in the British calendars, CODOIN, and other collections.

19. For a detailed account of the Habsburg politics of the 1550s, see Rodríguez-Salgado, The Changing Face of Empire . My account differs on several points from hers, in part because of the narrower focus of my interest in these issues and also because of my somewhat divergent view of Philip's personality and its evolution in these years.

20. Charles V to the Duke of Alba, from Brussels, 1 April 1554, AGS Estado, leg. 508.

21. Ibid.; translation from CalStP-S , vol. XII, p. 185.

22. Badoero, "Relazione," p. 279.

23. Charles V to Philip, "Carta autógrafa e instrucción secreta de 6 de mayo de 1543," in José M. March, ed., Niñez y juventud de Felipe II (Madrid, 1941-1942), vol. II, p. 27.

24. For an early (1544-1545) example of Philip's exasperation with Alba, see Hayward Keniston, Francisco de los Cobos, Secretary of the Emperor Charles V (Pittsburgh, 1960), p. 270.

25. Antonio Ossorio, Vida y hazañas de Don Fernando Alvarez de Toledo, Duque de Alba (1669) (Madrid, 1945), p. 470.

26. Rodríguez-Salgado attempts, not entirely convincingly, to revise the traditional vision of Philip's deference to his father. See The Changing Face of Empire , esp. pp. 7-9, 76.

27. On Perrenot's relations with Philip, see Maurice van Durme, El Cardenal Granvela (1517-1586) (Barcelona, 1957), pp. 109-110, 395-396 and passim; Paul David Lagomarsino, "Court Factions and the Formulation of Spanish Policy Towards the Netherlands (1559-1567)," Ph.D. dissertation, University of Cambridge, 1973, pp. 17-18; Rodríguez-Salgado, The Changing Face of Empire , p. 13 (including remarks about flattery). For Philip's first meeting with Arras and contemporary praise of Perrenot's abilities, see Juan Cristóbal Calvete de Estrella, El felicissimo viaje del muy alto y muy poderoso principe don Phelippe (1552) (Madrid, 1930), vol. I, p. 166. Arras's propensity for making enemies is discussed in Geoffrey Parker, The Dutch Revolt (Ithaca, 1977), p. 45.

28. The best account of this conflict is in Lagomarsino, "Court Factions," esp. ch. 3.

29. CalStP-S , vol. XI, pp. xxi and 222-225; Rodríguez-Salgado, The Changing Face of Empire , p. 75. For a gloomy report on Charles's health in this period, see "Relacion de las cartas del s ^or Fer ^do de vi y xvii de octubre 1553," AGS Estado, leg. 508, no. 32.

30. Arras to Charles V, 3 September 1554, CalStP-S , vol. XIII, doc. 55, p. 44. For a superb account of the feud between Perrenot and Renard, see Lucien Febvre, Philippe II et la Franche-Comté (Paris, 1970), ch. V, sections III and IV, pp. 83-88, and ch. VI, pp. 91-106.

31. Among many others, see Lagomarsino, "Court Factions," pp. 21ff.; CalStP-S , vol. XIII, p. vi; and the evidence of the correspondence between the two men cited in this work.

32. See Louis-Prosper Gachard, ed., Correspondance de Philippe II sur les affaires des Pays-Bas, 1558-1577 , vol. I (Brussels, 1848), p. lviii and n. 1. For criticism of the bishop's "ingratitude" for extravagant royal favor, see Ruy Gómez de Silva to Francisco de Eraso, from Madrid, 20 May 1552, AGS Estado, leg. 89, no. 131.

33. For the alliance in the early 1550s of Arras and Alba, along with the secretary Gonzalo Pérez, see Lagomarsino, "Court Factions," pp. 17-18. The shifting nature of the relations of all of these protagonists up to 1567 is cogently described in subsequent sections of Lagomarsino's dissertation.

34. For Arras's anxiety over the succession, see van Durme, El Cardenal Granvela , esp. p. 192. See also Royall Tyler, The Emperor Charles the Fifth (London, 1956), p. 167. For further discussion of the misgivings of the emperor's Netherlandish and Burgundian advisers, see Febvre, Philippe II et la Franche-Comté , pp. 84, 86, 95, 99; Manuel Fernández Alvarez, Charles V, Elected Emperor and Hereditary Ruler (London, 1975), pp. 167-168. Ethnic resentment was hardly a one-way street; witness Ruy Gómez de Silva to Eraso, from London, 23 August 1554, AGS Estado, leg. 808, no. 141, in which he complains that problems with the English marriage can be attributed to the fact that the negotiations were entrusted to Arras and Renard rather than to Spaniards.

35. Badoero, "Relazione," p. 239.

36. Ruy Gómez de Silva to Eraso, from Winchester, 29 July 1554, CalStP-S , vol. XIII, doc. 7, p. 6.

37. Ruy Gómez de Silva to Eraso, from Richmond, 12 August 1554, CODOIN, vol. III, p. 531; original (from "Rreximon") at AGS Estado, leg. 808, no. 143.

38. Ibid. Regarding Philip's relations with Mary, some confusion has been caused by Carl Bratli's misreading of Badoero (or, to be precise, of Gachard's paraphrase of the relazione ); the Venetian's reference to mutual loathing between Philip and Queen Mary concerns Mary of Hungary, not Mary Tudor. See Bratli, Felipe II , p. 83 and n. 235, p. 177; Badoero, "Relazione," pp. 208-209; Louis-Prosper Gachard, ed., Relations des ambassadeurs vénitiens sur Charles-Quint et Philippe II (Brussels, 1855), pp. 16-17.

39. Ruy Gómez de Silva to Eraso, from London, 2 October 1554, CalStP-S , vol. XIII, doc. 71, p. 60.

40. Rodríguez-Salgado, The Changing Face of Empire , p. 127.

41. Diego de Vargas to Ruy Gómez de Silva, from Brussels, 30 November 1554, AGS Estado, leg. 508, no. 236.

42. In a letter to Charles V, 3 September 1554, Arras wrote "And now that your Majesty has resolved to retire . . ." ( CalStP-S , vol. XIII, doc. 55, p. 44).

43. Rodríguez-Salgado, The Changing Face of Empire , p. 127.

44. See also Loades, Reign of Mary Tudor , pp. 123-124, 211-212; Rodríguez-Salgado, The Changing Face of Empire , p. 90.

45. See van Durme, El Cardenal Granvela , p. 192.

46. See Ruy Gómez de Silva to Eraso, 12 August 1554, CalStP-S , vol. XIII, doc. 30, p. 26.

47. Francisco de Eraso to Ruy Gómez de Silva, from Antwerp, 29 November 1554, AGS Estado, leg. 808, no. 133; printed in CODOIN, vol. III, pp. 532-536 (quotations from pp. 533-534).

48. Rodríguez-Salgado, The Changing Face of Empire , p. 73, suggests that Eraso had started to shift his allegiance to Philip as early as 1552.

49. Eraso to Ruy Gómez de Silva, from Antwerp, 29 November 1554, AGS Estado, leg. 808, no. 133.

50. Ibid.

51. They were in regular correspondence at least from early 1552; see, for example, some of that year's letters from Ruy Gómez to Eraso in AGS Estado, leg. 89, nos. 120-123, 125, 129-131.

52. "E superbissimo, collerico e rustico molto . . ." (Badoero, "Relazione," p. 248).

53. Ambassades de Noailles , reproduced in Nichols, Chronicle of Queen Jane , p. 138. The degree of their intimacy was in some ways rather revolting. See, for example, the memorandum "News from Various Quarters," prepared for Charles V, Brussels, June, 1555: "Ruy Gómez writes to me in a letter dated 4 June that the King had had a pain in the bowels, as he frequently does . . ." ( CalStP-S , vol. XIII, doc. 209, p. 214). Over a decade later Ruy Gómez was still broadcasting privy details of the king's physical ailments; see Ruy Gómez de Silva to Juan de Escobedo, from Pellejeros, 2 October 1566, AGS, Consejo y Juntas de Hacienda (CJH), leg. 50, no. 264.

54. See Charles V to Ruy Gómez de Silva, from Bethune, September 1554, AGS Estado, leg. 508, no. 203, where the emperor praises Ruy Gómez for his assistance, reported by Eraso, to Philip.

55. Ruy Gómez de Silva to Francisco de Eraso, no date (early 1554?), AGS Estado, leg. 808, no. 134.

56. Keniston, Francisco de los Cobos , p. 337; Lagomarsino, "Court Factions," p. 22; Badoero, "Relazione," p. 248. Eraso was accused and convicted in the mid-1560s of massive corruption involving government funds. See Badoero for indications that Eraso's peculations had begun with state contracts negotiated for Charles V.

57. Badoero, "Relazione," p. 248.

58. John M. Headley, The Emperor and his Chancellor (Cambridge, 1983), p. 143.

59. Lagomarsino, "Court Factions," pp. 22-23. In the mid-1560s Figueroa was to be Eraso's chief accuser and prosecutor for corruption. See, for example, Cardinal Granvelle to Viglius, from Besançon, 26 December 1564, in Charles Weiss, ed., Papiers d'État du Cardinal de Granvelle , vol. VIII (Paris, 1850), p. 570, referring to "la guerre que Figueroa fait à Erasso." From the early days of his collaboration with Eraso, Ruy Gómez played upon the secretary's dislike of Gonzalo Pérez, regaling him with tales of the sloth and presumption of his rival. See Ruy Gómez de Silva to Francisco de Eraso, from Aranjuez, 13 October 1552, AGS Estado, leg. 89, no. 122; same to same, from Madrid, 25 November 1552, AGS Estado, leg. 89, no. 123.

60. Ruy Gómez de Silva to Eraso, 12 August 1554, CalStP-S , vol. XIII, doc. 30, p. 26.

61. Ruy Gómez de Silva to Francisco de Eraso, from Hampton Court ("antoncurt"), 22 September 1554, AGS Estado, leg. 808, no. 139.

62. Ruy Gómez de Silva to Francisco de Eraso, from Garcillán (near Segovia), 7 May 1552, AGS Estado, leg. 89, no. 130. Somewhat similarly, the French diplomat Lansac de Saint-Gelais described the sumiller de corp as "celuy qui couche en la chambre du roy d'Espagne" (Lansac de Saint-Gelais to the Cardinal of Lorraine, June 1559, in Louis Paris, ed., Négociations, lettres et pièces diverses relatives au regne de François II (Paris, 1841), p. 177).

63. An extract of the letter of 7 December appears in CalStP-S , vol. XIII, p. 117. For earlier imperial misgivings about the visit, see Philip to Eraso, November 1554, ibid., p. 93.

64. For further indications of this, see (Diego de Vargas?) to Ruy Gómez de Silva, from Brussels, 12 December 1554, AGS Estado, leg. 508, no. 241, with the news that the emperor had decided to remit the accumulated consultas de particulares from Naples and Milan to Philip for resolution; Charles's instructions to Eraso, 1 September 1554, CalStP-S , vol. XIII, p. 39; Rodríguez-Salgado, The Changing Face of Empire , p. 90.

65. See the report of Philip's complaints in Diego de Vargas to Ruy Gómez de Silva, from Brussels, 30 November 1554, AGS Estado, leg. 508, nos. 236-235 (a single letter, numbered out of sequence in the legajo ). In CalStP-S , vol. XIII, pp. 110-112, Ruy Gómez's correspondent is identified as Eraso. This cannot be so, since the writer refers to Eraso in the third person and also because he praises the bishop of Arras, absolving him from any blame for Philip's displeasure. Eraso would hardly have been so charitable to his longtime enemy in a letter to a confidant. Moreover, the cover notation on the original letter suggests what I believe to be the proper attribution to Vargas.

66. Ruy Gómez de Silva to Francisco de Eraso, from London, 2 October 1554, AGS Estado, leg. 808, no. 138, reports the news of the pregnancy and contains a hint of early doubt about its viability.

67. See AGS, Patronato Real, leg. 44, no. 11 ⁽ⁱⁱ⁾ ; the following documents in CalStP-S , vol. XIII: Arras to Simon Renard, 5 January 1555, doc. 136, p. 131; Mary [Tudor] to Charles V, 18 January 1555, doc. 140, p. 135; Arras to Renard, 1 March 1555, doc. 155, pp. 143-144; Renard to Ferdinand, King of the Romans, July 1555, doc. 226, p. 236; draft letter, Eraso to Juan Vázquez de Molina, 20 August 1555, doc. 234, p. 243. See also Loades, Reign of Mary Tudor , p. 217; Rodríguez-Salgado, The Changing Face of Empire , p. 110. Arras's reliance on Ruy Gómez de Silva is evident from his letter of 1 March. Further evidence of recognition at the imperial court of Ruy Gómez's influence as a conduit to Philip is provided by Diego de Vargas to Ruy Gómez de Silva, from Brussels, 6 November 1554, AGS Estado, leg. 508, no. 221, and same to same, 1 August 1555, AGS Estado, leg. 508, no. 182.

68. News of this decision seems to have been brought to the imperial court by Ruy Gómez in February, 1555 (see Arras to Renard, 1 March 1555, CalStP-S , vol. XIII, doc. 155, pp. 143-144), but the duke did not leave England for the Continent until April and only departed Brussels for Italy in June ("From the Imperial Court on 14 April [1555], from the Ambassador in England," ibid., doc. 173, p. 161; Rodríguez-Salgado, The Changing Face of Empire , p. 141).

69. William Maltby, Alba: A Biography of Fernando Alvarez de Toledo, Third Duke of Alba, 1507-1582 (Berkeley, 1983), pp. 86ff. For a more thorough and convincing account of these events, see Rodríguez-Salgado, The Changing Face of Empire , pp. 104-110.

70. For Maltby's depiction of the unwilling but duty-bound Alba, see his Alba , pp. 87-88.

71. Charles V, Instructions for Eraso, 1 October 1554, CalStP-S , vol. XIII, p. 59; Giovan Tommaso Langosco di Stroppiana to Arras, 6 October 1554, ibid., p. 63; Rodríguez-Salgado, The Changing Face of Empire , pp. 104-105.

72. Simon Renard to Charles V, 13 October 1554, CalStP-S , vol. XIII, p. 66; Renard to Arras, 13 October 1554, ibid., p. 69; Stroppiana to Arras, 22 October 1554, ibid., p. 75; Emmanuel Philibert, Duke of Savoy, to Charles V, December 1554, ibid., pp. 122-123; Arras to Charles V, 18 December 1554, ibid., p. 123; Antonio Maria de Savoia to Arras, 25 December 1554, ibid., p. 127.

73. Arras to Charles V, 18 December 1554, ibid., p. 124.

74. Stroppiana to Arras, 22 October 1554, ibid., p. 75; Ruy Gómez de Silva to Eraso, 23 November 1554, ibid., pp. 103-104; same to same, from London, 11 December 1554, AGS Estado, leg. 808, no. 131.

75. Arras to Renard, 1 March 1555, CalStP-S , vol. XIII, p. 143; Rodríguez-Salgado, The Changing Face of Empire , p. 107.

76. For Gonzaga's reaction, see AGS, Patronato Real, leg. 44, no. 11; Renard to Charles V, 13 March 1555, CalStP-S , vol. XIII, p. 146.

77. Anxiety over this competition is evident in Arras's letter to Charles V of 18 December 1554, CalStP-S , vol. XIII, pp. 123-124.

78. AGS, Patronato Real, leg. 44, no. 11 ⁽ⁱⁱ⁾ ; Eraso to Juan Vázquez de Molina, 12 April 1555, CalStP-S , vol. XII, p. 159. Arras claimed credit for pacifying Savoy in his letter to Renard of 1 March 1555 ( CalStP-S , vol. XIII, p. 143).

79. See AGS, Patronato Real, leg. 44, no. 11 ^{(i-ii, v)} --11 ⁽ⁱ⁾ dated Antwerp, 8 April 1555; also, Eraso to Juan Vázquez de Molina, 12 April 1555, CalStP-S , vol. XIII, p. 159. After describing the rather generous monetary settlement and the honors offered to Gonzaga, Eraso continues: "But he [Gonzaga] swept all this aside, insisting on the post of Lord Chamberlain (Mayordomo mayor) saying that nothing else was compatible with his honour and that he must not be inferior to anyone." See also Rodríguez-Salgado, The Changing Face of Empire , pp. 105-107.

80. Ruy Gómez de Silva to Eraso, 15 April 1555, CalStP-S , vol. XIII, p. 162.

81. Ibid., p. 163.

82. Ibid.

83. Ibid.

84. Eraso seems to have worked for Alba's appointment as well. See Rodríguez-Salgado, The Changing Face of Empire , p. 105.

85. Ramón Carande noted Alba's suspicions on this score in his account of the duke's finances in Italy ( Carlos V y sus banqueros (Barcelona, 1983), vol. II, pp. 261ff.), and Lagomarsino makes this charge ("Court Factions," p. 334), while Maltby greatly elaborates the argument ( Alba , pp. 88-89 and notes, p. 333). Lagomarsino and Maltby are concerned to demonstrate a precedent for similar obstruction of Alba's administration in the Netherlands in the late 1560s. Their evidence for the later period is more convincing, although this notion as well may require revision in light of the strenuous efforts to supply the duke reported in Melchor de Herrera to Ruy Gómez de Silva, from Medina del Campo, 10 September 1568, AGS CJH, leg. 90, no. 12. Maltby carries partisanship on this issue to considerable lengths, suggesting at one point that the provisioning of Alba's invasion of Portugal in 1580 was successful largely because "there was now no Ruy Gómez or Eraso to undermine him" (pp. 286-287, quote at p. 287). One might more plausibly argue that the Portuguese expedition benefited from the relative ease of marshaling resources within the peninsula during a period of comparative financial stability.

86. Rodríguez-Salgado, The Changing Face of Empire , pp. 140-141, refutes Maltby. Among a multitude of sources on the faltering finances of those years, see her book and Carande, Carlos V y sus banqueros , vol. II, ch. 4. Alba's financial situation in Italy is discussed on pp. 261-273. On p. 263 Carande remarks that Eraso served the duke as a scapegoat for the problems frustrating him: "era Eraso el blanco predilecto de los tiros del duque."

87. Ruy Gómez de Silva to Francisco de Eraso, from London, 5 December 1554, AGS Estado, leg. 808, no. 132; same to same, 21 December 1554, ibid., no. 130.

88. See Hume, Philip II of Spain , pp. 63-64, for a typical statement of this belief.

89. Maltby, Alba , pp. 70-71.

90. A few identifiable Mendozas--the count of Saldaña, Don Francisco de Mendoza (son of the marquis of Mondéjar) and Don Bernardino de Mendoza, himself an Alba partisan--were among the retinue and household taken to England, while Alba was accompanied by his wife and two sons, and his brother-in-law the caballerizo mayor Don Antonio de Toledo, to mention only the members of his immediate family. Furthermore, in his position as mayordomo mayor , Alba had presumably filled many household posts with his friends and clients. See CalStP-S , vol. XII, p. 317, for a list of the aristocratic retinue, and Muñoz, Viaje de Felipe II , p. 31, for an approximation of the personnel of the accompanying household. Feria became a friend and ally of Ruy Gómez de Silva in later years, and they may have grown close while in England, but there is no direct evidence to support this supposition.

91. The term is used by Loades to describe Mary Tudor's favorites ( Reign of Mary tudor , p. 84).

92. For examples, see Alba to Ruy Gómez de Silva, 3 May 1555, Duque de Alba, ed., Epistolario del III Duque de Alba, Don Fernando Alvarez de Toledo (Madrid, 1952), vol. I, p. 85; same to same, 6 May 1555 (a chatty note concerning Ruy Gómez's younger brother), ibid., p. 93; same to same, 23 July 1555, ibid., p. 268.

93. Carande, Carlos V y sus banqueros , vol. II, p. 262.

94. See, for example, the cordial missive Ruy Gómez de Silva to Alba, 30 March 1556, Duquesa de Berwick y de Alba, ed., Documentos escogidos del archivo de la Casa de Alba (Madrid, 1891), pp. 73-75.

95. Ruy Gómez de Silva to Eraso, 6 June 1555, CalStP-S , vol. XIII, doc. 207, p. 213. Royall Tyler notes that Ruy Gómez had recently received a letter from the marquis of Mondéjar complaining that "that dog Alva has bitten me, too" (ibid.). This may support a suspicion that Ruy Gómez had been mounting a campaign of backbiting against the duke. Certainly he criticized Alba in letters to Eraso even before the journey to England; see, for example, Ruy Gómez de Silva to Francisco de Eraso, 18 May 1554, AGS Estado, leg. 808, no. 152.

96. Maltby, Alba , p. 85. No sources are cited to support this assertion.

97. See D. M. Loades, "Philip II and the Government of England," in Law and Government under the Tudors , ed. by Claire Cross, David Loades and J. J. Scarisbrick (Cambridge, 1988), pp. 177-194. He argues that Philip, handicapped by linguistic shortcomings and ignorance of English law and government, took little interest in the kingdom's affairs; moreover, he concludes that Mary, her pronouncements and subsequent tradition notwithstanding, was jealous of her own prerogatives and did little to empower Philip within England. William Paget, the only english counselor closely allied with Philip, was for the most part out of favor with Mary and thus little help to the king. See ibid., pp. 182-184; James Bassett to Paget, 14 November 1556, in Barrett L. Beer and Sybil M. Jack, eds., "The Letters of William, Lord Paget of Beaudesert, 1547-1563," Camden Miscellany , vol. XXV (London, 1974), p. 140. Rodríguez-Salgado, however, sees evidence of Philip's effective influence in English government and of the potential for more ( The Changing Face of Empire , pp. 94-100).

98. Alone among the Spaniards, Feria married an Englishwoman and stayed on as Philip's ambassador. Joycelyne G. Russell, Peacemaking in the Renaissance (London, 1986), p. 148, suggests that Ruy Gómez de Silva acquired some English, but the evidence is scanty.

99. The allegation of Ruy Gómez's ignorance appears in Loades, "Philip II and the Government of England," p. 188. For his relations with the English lords, see Gustav Ungerer, A Spaniard in Elizabethan England: The Correspondence of Antonio Pérez's Exile (London, 1974-1976), vol. I, p. 33. See also Don Pedro de Córdoba to Ferdinand, King of the Romans, 10 December 1554, CalStP-S , vol. XIII, doc. 127, p. 119. For an English description of the typical Spanish tournament entertainment, the juego de cañas held 25 November 1554, see John Gough Nichols, ed., the Diary of Henry Machyn (London, 1848), p. 76.

100. Arras to Ruy Gómez de Silva, 23 August 1555, CalStP-S , vol. XIII, doc. 235, p. 246.

101. In 1554 Philip had named Ruy Gómez Groom of the Stole in his English household, in addition to his Castilian post of sumiller de corps . See Diego Gutiérrez Coronel, Historia genealógica de la case de Mendoza (Madrid, 1946), p. 565.

102. Arras to Ruy Gómez de Silva, 23 August 1555, CalStP-S , vol. XIII, doc. 235, p. 246; Philip's draft instructions to Ruy Gómez de Silva, late August 1555, ibid., docs. 240-241, pp. 247-248; Ruy Gómez de Silva to Eraso, 4 September 1555, ibid., doc. 243, p. 249.

103. Good accounts of the abdication process are provided by A. W. Lovett, Early Habsburg Spain, 1517-1598 (Oxford, 1986), p. 59; van Durme, El Cardenal Granvela , pp. 190-192; Roger Bigelow Merriman, The Rise of the Spanish Empire in the Old World and in the New , vol. III, The Emperor (New York, 1918), pp. 394-397; and Rodríguez-Salgado, The Changing Face of Empire , pp. 126-132. The circumstances of the transfer of 16 January 1556 are reported by Luis Cabrera de Córdoba, Historia de Felipe II, rey de España (Madrid, 1876-1877), vol. I, libro I, capítulo VII, p. 36, and Merriman, Rise of the Spanish Empire , vol. III, p. 396. Rodríguez-Salgado's account emphasizes conflict in the abdication process between Philip and his father over the emperor's attempts ''to retain power without responsibility'' ( The Changing Face of Empire , p. 128). She also argues, contradicting van Durme and Merriman, that Charles retained control of the county of Burgundy until his death ( The Changing Face of Empire , p. 131).

104. For the revival of the council, see Lagomarsino, "Court Factions," p. 31, and M. J. Rodríguez-Salgado, "The Court of Philip II of Spain," in Princes, Patronage, and the Nobility: The Court at the Beginning of the Modern Age, c.1450-1650 , ed. by Ronald G. Asch and Adolf M. Birke (Oxford, 1991), pp. 222-223; for its desuetude under Charles V, see John H. Elliott, Imperial Spain, 1469-1716 (Harmondsworth, 1970), p. 173.

105. Cabrera de Córdoba, Felipe II , vol. I, lib. I, cap. VII, p. 37; Luis de Salazar y Castro, Historia genealógica de la casa de Silva (Madrid, 1685), vol. II, p. 471. The twelve councilors of state were Ruy Gómez de Silva, Alba, Feria, Arras, Ferrante Gonzaga, the duke of Savoy, Andrea Doria, Don Juan Manrique de Lara, Don Antonio de Toledo, the count of Chinchón (Don Pedro de Cabrera y Bobadilla), Don Bernardino de Mendoza (brother of the second marquis of Mondéjar) and Gutierre López de Padilla. Don Juan de Figueroa was soon added to the list. López de Gómara, Annals , p. 271, provides a shorter and different list (excluding Alba, Feria, Savoy, Doria, Chinchón and López de Padilla, but adding Juan de Vega and Don Luis de Avila).

106. Cabrera de Córdoba, Felipe II , vol. I, lib. I, cap. VIII, p. 41. For a strong recommendation, supporting Cabrera's judgment of this relationship, see Ruy Gómez de Silva to Francisco de Eraso, from Richmond, 12 August 1554, AGS Estado, leg. 808, no. 145. For acknowledgment of Ruy Gómez's patronage, see Gutierre López de Padilla to Ruy Gómez de Silva, from Valladolid, 8 December 1557, AGS CJH, leg. 32, no. 123. López de Padilla accompanied Philip to England, and he sometimes appears as a figure of fun in the correspondence between Ruy Gómez de Silva and Eraso. For example, in a letter of 8 June 1555 Ruy Gómez wrote, regarding the uncertainties of Mary Tudor's pregnancy, that "they say that the calculations got mixed up when they saw her with a girth greater than that of Gutierre López" ( CalStP-S , vol. XIII, doc. 212, p. 222). In 1557, however, Juan de Escobedo warned Ruy Gómez that López de Padilla was a false friend and backstabber (Escobedo to Ruy Gómez de Silva, from Valladolid, 16 October 1557, AGS CJH, leg. 32, no. 121).

107. Van Durme, El Cardenal Granvela , p. 199; Badoero, "Relazione," p. 240.

108. Badoero, "Relazione," p. 248; Cabrera de Córdoba, Felipe II , vol. I, lib. I, cap. VII, pp. 38-39.

109. Badoero, "Relazione," p. 248; José Antonio Escudero, Los secretarios de estado y del despacho (1474-1724) (Madrid, 1969), vol. I, p. 107.

110. Lagomarsino, "Court Factions," p. 32. Antonio Rodríguez Villa, Etiquetas de la Casa de Austria (Madrid, 1913?), p. 62, estimates (without specifying the date) the compensation of the sumiller as 480 maravedís per diem, plus an annual salary of 175,200 maravedís , plus a variety of allowances for tableware, wood and foodstuffs.

111. Badoero to the Doge and Senate of Venice, 24 February 1556, in Calendar of State Papers and Manuscripts, relating to English Affairs, Existing in the Archives and Collections of Venice, and in other Libraries of Northern Italy (cited henceforth as CalStP-V ), ed. by Rawdon Brown and G. Cavendish Bentinck, vol. VI, pt. I (1555-1556) (London, 1877), doc. 410, pp. 356-357.

112. Archivo Histórico Nacional, Madrid (AHN), Sección Osuna, leg. 2078, nos. 4 ¹ and 12 ⁷ , and leg. 2077, no. 10 ⁶ . See Chapter 2 for the 3,000-ducat debt.

113. Badoero to the Doge and Senate, 24 February 1556, CalStP-V , vol. VI, pt. I, doc. 410, p. 357. Note that the Venetian refers to Ruy Gómez de Silva as "don." No Spaniard accorded him this courtesy title.

114. Salazar y Castro, Casa de Silva , vol. II, p. 472; Gutiérrez Coronel, Casa de Mendoza , vol. II, p. 565.

115. See the title of office in AGS, Escribanía Mayor de Rentas, Quitaciones de Corte (EMR-QC), leg. 39, fols. 618ff. See also Cabrera de Córdoba, Felipe II , vol. I, lib. I, cap. VIII, p. 41; Salazar y Castro, Casa de Silva , vol. II, p. 472; Gutiérrez Coronel, Casa de Mendoza , vol. II, p. 565; Modesto Ulloa, La hacienda real de Castilla en el reinado de Felipe II (Madrid, 1986), p. 101.

116. Ulloa, La hacienda real , p. 101. For an example of the specific derechos pertaining to this office in 1564-1565, see AGS EMR-QC, leg. 39, fol. 687.

117. Van Durme, El Cardenal Granvela , pp. 193, 199.

118. Badoero to the Doge and Senate, 6 December 1555, CalStP-V , vol. VI, pt. I, p. 271.

119. See Lagomarsino's comments, "Court Factions," p. 13, and Chapter 5 of the present work.

1. Federico Badoero, "Relazione delle persone, governo e stati di Carlo V e di Filippo II" (1557), in Eugenio Albèri, ed., Le relazioni degli ambasciatori veneti al Senato durante il secolo decimosesto , ser. I, vol. III (Florence, 1853), p. 240.

2. For corroborative comment on this phenomenon, see Jules Gounon-Loubens, Essais sur l'administration de la Castille au XVI ^e siècle (Paris, 1860), p. 148, and G. R. Elton, "Constitutional Development and Political Thought in Western Europe," in The New Cambridge Modern History , vol. II, The Reformation, 1520-1559 , ed. by G. R. Elton (Cambridge, 1976), pp. 446-447.

3. On the institution of the valimiento , see the excellent monograph of Francisco Tomás y Valiente, Los validos en la monarquía española del siglo XVII (1963) (Madrid, 1982); for Philip III's empowerment of Lerma, see pp. 6-7, 157.

4. These observations are drawn from the relazioni of Marino Cavalli (1551), Badoero (1557) and Michele Suriano (1559), in J. García Mercadal, ed. and trans., Viajes de extranjeros por España y Portugal (Madrid, 1952), vol. I, pp. 1056, 1112-1113, 1142-1143, respectively.

5. Cavalli, ibid., p. 1056; Badoero, "Relazione," pp. 235-236; Roger Bigelow Merriman, The Rise of the Spanish Empire in the Old World and in the New , vol. IV, Philip the Prudent (New York, 1918), p. 28.

6. Geoffrey Parker, Philip II (Boston, 1978), p. 23. M.J. Rodríguez-Salgado, in The Changing Face of Empire (Cambridge, 1988), sees Philip as less awed by and deferential to his father, and certainly she demonstrates conflict between them on a variety of issues. Still, despite this evidence of rebellion and ambivalence, the older image of Philip as an obedient and somewhat intimidated son laboring to fill the shoes of a masterful father remains compelling.

7. Parker, Philip II , pp. 17-20; Martin A. S. Hume, Philip II of Spain (1897) (London, 1906), pp. 49-50, 77; Rafael Altamira y Crevea, Ensayo sobre Felipe II hombre de estado (Mexico City, 1950), pp. 30-31; Merriman, Rise of the Spanish Empire , vol. IV, p. 24; Leonardo Donato, "Relazione di Spagna," in Eugenio Albèri, ed., Le relazione degli ambasciatori veneti al Senato durante il secolo decimosesto , ser. I, vol. VI (Florence, 1862), p. 464.

8. See Marino Cavalli's penetrating comparison of Charles V, who was blessed with an ability to accommodate to all manner of customs and get along with a wide variety of people, and Philip, whom he saw as rigid, aloof and awkward in his public dealings (Cavalli, "Relación," in Viajes , vol. I, p. 1056).

9. Parker, Philip II , p. 24.

10. Quoted in ibid., p. 35 (Parker's source is unclear). R. A. Stradling, Philip IV and the Government of Spain, 1621-1665 (Cambridge, 1988), p. 34, quoting Cánovas del Castillo, uses the term rey papelista , the likely original of Parker's "king of paper."

11. Merriman, Rise of the Spanish Empire , vol. IV, p. 20; Badoero, "Relazione," p. 236.

12. Ruy Gómez de Silva to Juan de Escobedo, from Aranjuez(?), 10 April 1563, Archivo General de Simancas (AGS), Consejo y Juntas de Hacienda (CJH), legajo 50, no. 238.

13. For a variety of citations on this point, see Fernand Braudel, The Mediterranean and the Mediterranean World in the Age of Philip II (New York, 1976), vol. II, p. 949. That Philip, upon inheriting his patrimony, hoped to return soon to Spain is agreed by most authors; see, for instance, Merriman, Rise of the Spanish Empire , vol. IV, pp. 3-5.

14. These events are clearly narrated in the opening pages of Merriman's volume on Philip the Prudent in Rise of the Spanish Empire . See also Ludwig von Pastor, The History of the Popes , vol. XIV (London, 1924), chs. V-VI, and Antonio Domínguez Ortiz, The Golden Age of Spain, 1516-1659 (New York, 1971), pp. 64-65. Some reasons for papal rancor toward Philip II and the house of Austria are summarized in Badoero, "Relazione," pp. 306-308. See also Braudel, The Mediterranean , vol. II, pp. 937-940 (for the Ruy Gómez-Montmorency talks, p. 940), and Peter Partner, Renaissance Rome, 1500-1559: A Portrait of a Society (Berkeley, 1976), pp. 42-45.

15. Jean de Vandenesse, "Diario de los viajes de Felipe II," in J. García Mercadal, ed. and trans., Viajes de extranjeros por España y Portugal (Madrid, 1952), vol. I, p. 1070; Royall Tyler, "Preface," Calendar of Letters, Despatches and State Papers relating to the Negotiations between England and Spain, Preserved in the Archives at Vienna, Simancas, Besancon, Brussels, Madrid and Lille (cited henceforth as CalStP-S ), ed. by Royall Tyler, vol. XIII, Philip and Mary, Jul. 1554-Nov. 1558 (London, 1954), pp. vii and xx.

16. Instruction of Philip II to Ruy Gómez de Silva, Brussels, 2 February 1557 ("Lo que vos, Ruygomez de Silva, conde de Melito, del mi consejo destado, haveys de hazer y proveer en el viaje que ys [ sic ] a España por nuestro mandado y commission"), AGS, Secretaría de Estado (Estado), leg. 515, nos. 92, 92 ⁽²⁾ , 92 ⁽³⁾ . This document is printed in Baron Kervyn de Lettenhove, ed., Relations politiques des Pays-Bas et de l'Angleterre, sous le règne de Philippe II , vol. I (Brussels, 1882), pp. 54ff., and for convenience this transcription will be cited. David Loades, among others, has noted that Paget was "very much Philip's man" in England (D. M. Loades, "Philip II and the Government of England," in Law and Government under the Tudors , ed. by Claire Cross, David Loades and J. J. Scarisbrick (Cambridge, 1988), pp. 183-184).

17. Ruy Gómez was still in the Netherlands on 4 February ("A Ruygomez sobre lo de la pimienta y gengibre," Brussels, 4 February 1557, AGS Estado, leg. 515, no. 104). Date of arrival at Valladolid from Louis-Prosper Gachard, Retraite et mort de Charles-Quint au Monastère de Yuste , vol. II (Brussels, 1855), p. 162. Ruy Gómez de Silva to Arras, from "Gramuchu" [Greenwich], 16 February 1557, précis in Baltasar Cuartero y Huerta and Antonio de Vargas-Zúñiga y Montero de Espinosa, eds., Indice de la Colección de Don Luis de Salazar y Castro , vol. V (Madrid, 1951), no. 9.136, p. 358 (announces Ruy Gómez's departure from England). For the ship provided to carry Ruy Gómez de Silva to Spain, see the Instruction of Philip II to Ruy Gómez de Silva, 2 February 1557, in Kervyn de Lettenhove, Relations politiques des Pays-Bas , vol. I, p. 55.

18. AGS Estado, leg. 515, no. 104, as well as Rodríguez-Salgado, The Changing Face of Empire , p. 223, note Gutierre López's participation in this mission.

19. AGS, Escribanía Mayor de Rentas, Quitaciones de Corte, leg. 39, nos. 618ff.

20. For a recent account, focusing on the problems of war finance, see Rodríguez-Salgado, The Changing Face of Empire , esp. chs. 4-6. The basic authorities on Crown finance in this period remain Ramón Carande, Carlos V y sus banqueros (Barcelona, 1977), esp. vol. II, ch. 4, and Modesto Ulloa, La hacienda real de Castilla en el reinado de Felipe II (Madrid, 1986), esp. ch. 4.

21. Carande, Carlos V y sus banqueros , vol. II, p. 289.

22. Juros were perpetual or term annuities, situated on the ordinary revenues of Castile and granted by the Crown in repayment of loans or as rewards for services. By 1556, at least two-thirds of the ordinary revenues were promised to the holders of juros . For a good brief discussion, see Henry Kamen, Vocabulario básico de la historia moderna: España y América 1450-1750 (Barcelona, 1986), pp. 124-127; see also Alvaro Castillo Pintado, "Los juros de Castilla. Apogeo y fin de un instrumento de crédito," Hispania 23 (1963), pp. 45-70.

23. The report of December 1554, drafted by Francisco de Almaguer, is discussed in Carande, Carlos V y sus banqueros , vol. II, pp. 260-261, and in Ulloa, La hacienda real , pp. 133-134, and is reproduced in full in Francisco de Laiglesia y Auset, Estudios históricos (1515-1555) (Madrid, 1918), vol. II, app. V. For advance commitment of income, see Rodríguez-Salgado, The Changing Face of Empire , p. 223.

24. See Rodríguez-Salgado, The Changing Face of Empire , pp. 232-251, for the best and most recent account of the complex and inconclusive financial maneuvers of this period. For a more traditional explanation that in light of Rodríguez-Salgado's work probably overstates the implementation and effects of the suspension of payments or "forced conversion" of 1557, see Ulloa, La hacienda real , pp. 138-143; he considers the expropriation of American treasure at pp. 151-158 and the papal revocations at p. 134. For the latter, see also A. Llorente, "La primera crísis de hacienda en tiempo de Felipe II," Revista de España (Madrid) I (1868), pp. 349-352, and Rodríguez-Salgado, The Changing Face of Empire , pp. 228-229. For Philip's reliance on Castile, see, in addition to these works, John Lynch, Spain under the Habsburgs (New York, 1984), vol. I, pp. 179-180.

25. Instruction of Philip II to Ruy Gómez de Silva, 2 February 1557, in Kervyn de Lettenhove, Relations politiques des Pays-Bas , vol. I, p. 55.

26. "Especialmente lo del dinero, en que no haveys de perder ora ni puncto de tiempo, por que en esto va mas que en todo" (ibid., p. 58).

27. Ibid., pp. 55-56.

28. Ibid., p. 58.

29. Ibid., pp. 56, 58. Provisions also had to be procured for the galleys carrying bullion to Alba; "you will tell the Princess" to order the speedy production of 5,000 quintals of hardtack in Barcelona and Rosas, for this purpose.

30. Ibid., p. 59.

31. Llorente, "La primera crísis," p. 349; Philip II to Arras, from London, 14 June 1557, CalStP-S , vol. XIII, doc. 310, p. 297; Braudel, The Mediterranean , vol. II, pp. 935-936.

32. Luis Cabrera de Córdoba, Historia de Felipe II, rey de España (Madrid, 1876), vol. I, libro IV, capítulo II, p. 169.

33. Again in 1559, while the king considered a replacement as president of Castile for the deceased Vega, Ruy Gómez received a letter from his ally the count of Feria boosting Figueroa for the post. "I am greatly saddened by the death of Juan de Vega . . . because I fear that they will place in the post he has vacated someone unsuitable. . . . God protect us from Gasquilla [Diego de la Gasca, member of the Council of Castile since 1552?], and from the Bishop of Jaen--Tavera--and also from Mondejar" (Feria to Ruy Gómez de Silva, from London, 16 February 1559, AGS CJH, leg. 34, no. 476). A peculiar message to send to the court champion of the Mendozas!

34. Cabrera de Córdoba, Felipe II , vol. I, lib. IV, cap. II, pp. 167, 169-170. Cabrera argues that Philip was concerned about relations between his sister and his son in early 1557; certainly there were rumors some years later about Juana's designs on Don Carlos. See, for example, Paolo Tiepolo to the Doge and Senate of Venice, from Toledo, 22 December 1559, Calendar of State Papers and Manuscripts, relating to English Affairs, Existing in the Archives and Collections of Venice, and in other Libraries of Northern Italy (cited henceforth as CalStP-V ), ed. by Rawdon Brown and G. Cavendish Bentinck, vol. VII (London, 1890), doc. 120, pp. 139-140. Cf. Louis-Prosper Gachard, Don Carlos y Felipe II (San Lorenzo de el Escorial, 1984), pp. 48-49.

35. Llorente, "La primera crísis," pp. 335-342, 350; Braudel, The Mediterranean , vol. II, p. 957.

36. Llorente, "La primera crísis," pp. 350, 354 (quotation from p. 350); Rodríguez-Salgado, The Changing Face of Empire , pp. 226-227.

37. Cabrera de Córdoba, Felipe II , vol. I, lib. IV, cap. II, pp. 167-168; Llorente, "La primera crísis," pp. 354-355.

38. For the background to the dispute, see José M. March, ed., Niñez y juventud de Felipe II (Madrid, 1941-1942), vol. II, pp. 28, 37, and Luis de Salazar y Castro, Historia genealógica de la Casa de Silva (Madrid, 1685), vol. II, pp. 464-465. For Ruy Gómez's initial appointment as adelantado mayor , Salazar y Castro, Casa de Silva , vol. II, pp. 464-465; Diego Gutiérrez Coronel, Historia genealógica de la casa de Mendoza (Madrid, 1946), p. 565. Luciano Serrano provides an admirably brief and clear account of the controversy in Correspondencia diplómatica entre España y la Santa Sede durante el pontificado de S. Pio V (Madrid, 1914), vol. I, p. 259, n. 1. The 1557 confirmation of the appointment is reported in Salazar y Castro, Casa de Silva , vol. II, p. 473; Cabrera de Córdoba, Felipe II , vol. I, lib. IV, cap. II, p. 168; Llorente, "La primera crísis," p. 355. The Mélito stake in the properties of the adelantamiento is revealed in Gutiérrez Coronel, Casa de Mendoza , pp. 367-371.

39. Cabrera de Córdoba, Felipe II , vol. I, lib. IV, cap. II, p. 168; Salazar y Castro, Casa de Silva , vol. II, p. 473.

40. Salazar y Castro, Casa de Silva , vol. II, pp. 465, 474; March, Niñez y juventud , vol. II, pp. 28, 37; Serrano, Correspondencia diplómatica , vol. I, p. 259, n. 1. Juan de Mariana, Historia general de España, compuesta, emendada y añadida por el padre Juan de Mariana de la compañia de Jesus, con el sumario y tablas (Valencia, 1794), vol. II, p. 707, reports, in seeming contradiction to Serrano's contention that it eventually fell to Alba, that the adelantamiento was restored to the see of Toledo in 1608; we should probably assume that litigation continued after 1608.

41. " . . . le tenguo por ruines pulguillas." Count of Feria to Ruy Gómez de Silva, from London, 20 January 1559, AGS CJH, leg. 34, no. 475.

42. Llorente, "La primera crísis," pp. 355-359; Erika Spivakovsky, "La Princesa de Eboli," Chronica Nova 9 (1974), p. 10; Rodríguez-Salgado, The Changing Face of Empire , pp. 226-227.

43. Instruction of Philip II to Ruy Gómez de Silva, 2 February 1557, Kervyn de Lettenhove, Relations politiques des Pays-Bas , vol. I, p. 59 (" U dada orden en todas estas cosas, y especialmente en lo del dinero y la gente, os bolvereys con la mas brevedad que pudieredes"); Spivakovsky, "La Princesa de Eboli," p. 10; Llorente, "La primera crísis," p. 359; Rodríguez-Salgado, The Changing Face of Empire , pp. 208, 238.

44. For this estimate, see Gutierre López de Padilla to Ruy Gómez de Silva, November? 1557, AGS CJH, leg. 32, no. 122. But cf. Carlos Javier de Carlos Morales, "Grupos de poder en el Consejo de Hacienda en Castilla: 1551-1566," in Instituciones y élites de poder en la Monarquía Hispana durante el siglo XVI , ed. by J. Martínez Millán (Madrid, 1992), p. 123, where he asserts that Ruy Gómez brought the somewhat incredible sum of 1,650,000 ducats north with him in the summer of 1557.

45. The remittances are described in Llorente, "La primera crísis," pp. 360-361; Rodríguez-Salgado's figures, for the most part smaller and omitting remittances to Italy, may be found in The Changing Face of Empire , ch. 6, tables 10 and 11. Of the final remittance, López de Padilla wrote (to Ruy Gómez de Silva, from Valladolid, 8 December 1557, AGS CJH, leg. 32, no. 123): "Los DCCC U d°s. que al rrey se an de embiar estan ya todos en Medina de Pomar [north of Burgos] . . . Aqui se a dado toda la priesa possible a pero melendez para que se despachase."

46. Cabrera de Córdoba, Felipe II , vol. I, lib. IV, cap. III, p. 172. Rodríguez-Salgado characterizes the effort to fund the campaigns of 1557 and 1558 as a "chaotic mixture of conflict, deception and bullying" but admits that "it worked" and was "sufficient to fund two vast campaigns that established [Philip's] reputation and reduced French power" ( The Changing Face of Empire , p. 245).

47. Michiel Surian (Michele Suriano) to the Doge and Senate of Venice, from Brussels, 13 November 1557, CalStP-V , vol. VI, pt. III (1557-1558) (London, 1884), doc. 1080, p. 1366.

48. The death of Bernardino de Mendoza (27 August 1557) is reported in Vandenesse, "Diario de los viajes de Felipe II," p. 1071; that of López de Padilla, in AGS CJH, leg. 47, no. 191, and in Llorente, "La primera crísis," p. 348. Mendoza's nasty character and financial acumen are revealed in one of the brilliant sketches of Federico Badoero ("Relazione," pp. 244-245).

49. Michele Suriano, "Relazione di Filippo II, re di Spagna" (1559), in Eugenio Albèri, ed., Le relazioni degli ambasciatori veneti al Senato durante il secolo decimosesto , ser. I, vol. III (Florence, 1853), p. 367.

50. For the alchemy scheme, ibid., and Marcantonio da Mula, "Relazione di Filippo II, re di Spagna" (1559), in Eugenio Albèri, ed., Le relazioni degli ambasciatori veneti al Senato durante il secolo decimosesto , ser. I, vol. III (Florence, 1853), p. 397. On Calderón's treachery, see Surian (Suriano) to the Doge and Senate of Venice, from Brussels, 16 April 1558 ( CalStP-V , vol. VI, pt. III, doc. 1214, p. 1485), in which the Venetian reports the receipt of information from Calderón regarding Ruy Gómez's private negotiations with Anne de Montmorency. Calderón's name and title were enciphered in this letter, the usual Venetian practice for the protection of their agents. Calderón may also have been the source for Venetian knowledge of the contents of Ruy Gómez's private correspondence a year later. See Paolo Tiepolo to the Doge and Senate of Venice, from Brussels, 4 March 1559, CalStP-V , vol. VII, doc. 34, pp. 41-42.

51. Cabrera de Córdoba, Felipe II , vol. I, lib. IV, cap. II, p. 167.

52. For the opening of negotiations with Caraffa, see Bernardo Navagero (Venetian ambassador in Rome) to the Doge and Senate, 15 January 1558, CalStP-V , vol. VI, pt. III, doc. 1143, pp. 1427-1428. The commissioners for the general peace were named in a cédula of Philip II, 11 October 1558, calendared by Julián Paz, Documentos relativos a España existentes en los Archivos nacionales de París (Madrid, 1934), p. 158, item no. 745. See also Alphonse de Ruble, Le Traité de Câteau-Cambrésis (Paris, 1889), pp. 3-4, and Joycelyne G. Russell, Peacemaking in the Renaissance (London, 1986), pp. 140-141.

53. On Granvelle's role, see Russell, Peacemaking , pp. 147-148. For Ruy Gómez's shuttling, see CalStP-V , vol. VII, Venetian reports for February and March 1559, and Thomas Gresham to Cecil, from Antwerp, 21 March 1559, Calendar of State Papers, Foreign Series, of the Reign of Elizabeth, 1558-1559 (cited henceforth as CalStP-F, 1558-1559 ), ed. by Joseph Stevenson (London, 1863), doc. 437, p. 183.

54. Throckmorton to Cecil, from Paris, 6 June 1559, CalStP-F, 1558-1559 , doc. 823, p. 302; Cabrera de Córdoba, Felipe II , vol. I, lib. V, cap. I, p. 261 (embassy to carry the jewels to Isabel). Philip, of course, had once again been widowed, this time by the death of Mary Tudor on 17 November 1558. On the memorial ceremony for the emperor, see Jean de Vandenesse, "Diario de los viajes de Felipe II," pp. 1075-1091, esp. p. 1080.

55. Jean de Vandenesse, "Diario de los viajes de Felipe II," p. 1094; Throckmorton to the Council, from Paris, 8 July 1559, CalStP-F, 1558-1559 , doc. 950, p. 364; Salazar y Castro, Casa de Silva , vol. II, p. 478; Ruble, Câteau-Cambrésis , pp. 229-243. For a good discussion of Philip's motives regarding the Treaty of Cateau-Cambrésis, see Peter Pierson, Philip II of Spain (London, 1975), pp. 34-36.

56. Throckmorton to Cecil, from Paris, 13 July 1559, CalStP-F, 1558-1559 , doc. 985, pp. 377-378; Ruble, Câteau-Cambrésis , pp. 242-243.

57. Giovanni Michiel to the Doge and Senate of Venice, from Paris, 18 July 1559, CalStP-V , vol. VII, doc. 87, p. 111; Throckmorton to Queen Elizabeth, from Paris, 27 July 1559, CalStP-F, 1558-1559 , doc. 1075, p. 417; Ruy Gómez de Silva to Don Francisco de Mendoza y Bobadilla, Cardinal Archbishop of Burgos, from Valladolid, 15 August 1559, Colección de documentos inéditos para la historia de España (Madrid, 1842-1895) (cited henceforth as CODOIN), vol. III, pp. 420-421 ("Yo ha ocho dias que llegue . . . ").

58. Cabrera de Córdoba, Felipe II , vol. I, lib. V, cap. II, p. 268; Challoner to Queen Elizabeth, from Ghent, 3 August 1559, CalStP-F, 1558-1559 , doc. 1114, pp. 438-439.

59. Challoner to Queen Elizabeth, from Ghent, 3 August 1559, CalStP-F, 1558-1559 , doc. 1114, p. 440.

60. This privilege, granted at Brussels, 1 July 1559, countersigned by Juan Saganta and sealed with the great seal of "el Reyno de la Citerior Sicilia," is reproduced in full by Salazar y Castro ( Casa de Silva, vol. II, pp. 479-481). The quotation translated here is from pp. 479-480.

61. See Chapter 3.

62. Salazar y Castro, Casa de Silva, vol. II, pp. 480-481.

63. Gaspar Muro, Vida de la Princesa de Eboli (Mexico City, 1883), ch. II, p. 100.

64. For the royal donation of these properties, Salazar y Castro, Casa de Silva, vol. II, p. 482; for census of 1648, Giovanni Battista Pacichelli, Il Regno di Napoli in prospettiva (1702-1703) (Bologna, 1975), vol. I, p. 336; for revenues, Archivo Histórico Nacional, Madrid (AHN), Sección Osuna, leg. 2078, nos. 4 ¹ and 12 ⁷ , and leg. 2077, no. 10 ⁶ (Eboli); AHN Osuna, leg. 2080, no. 1 (further grant of 236 ducats per year in Eboli, 1 July 1559); AGS, Visitas de Italia, leg. 348, no. 14 (Diano); AGS, Visitas de Italia, leg. 348, no. 14, and AHN Osuna, leg. 2708, "Racon de los papeles que hallado [ sic ] entre los papeles antiguos q[ue] estan en los Archivos tocantes a quentas con Nicolao de Grimaldo" (Lago Picholo); for the servicios of Eboli and Diano, Lope de Mardones to Ruy Gómez de Silva, from Naples, 17 May 1564, AGS CJH, leg. 56, no. 290, and università d'Eboli to Ruy Gómez de Silva, 18 April 1564, AGS CJH, leg. 56, no. 297.

65. For a good dicussion of the Council of State in the early 1560s and of the ascendancy of Ruy Gómez de Silva and Eraso, see Paul David Lagomarsino, "Court Factions and the Formulation of Spanish Policy Towards the Netherlands (1559-1567)," Ph.D. dissertation, University of Cambridge, 1973, pp. 31-34.

66. Antonio Tiepolo, "Relazione," (1567) in Eugenio Albèri, ed., Le relazioni degli ambasciatori veneti al Senato durante il secolo decimosesto, ser. I, vol. V (Florence, 1861), p. 147. For Eboli's dominant position in the financial bureaucracy, see the relazione of Paolo Tiepolo (1563), ibid., p. 65, and Goun-on-Loubens, Essais sur l'administration, pp. 283-284. For the rather loose organization of financial decisionmaking in these years, see Carlos Morales, "Grupos de poder," pp. 128-129.

67. By this time Philip's indefatigable obsession with paperwork seems to have become firmly established; also in the early 1560s, he began his practice of spending large parts of the year at the various rural lodges and palaces in the vicinity of Madrid, accompanied usually by a very small entourage. (On these points, see, for example, Pierson, Philip II of Spain, pp. 64, 119-121.) Many historians have commented on Philip's attempts to insulate himself in the mystery of kingship; among the most cogent remarks are those of Hume, Philip II of Spain, pp, 76-77.

68. See, for example, Badoero, "Relazione," pp. 241-242, for a description of how Philip and Ruy Gómez collaborated in the work of government.

69. J. de Saint-Sulpice to Charles IX, 1 June 1562, in Edmond Cabié, ed., Ambassade en Espagne de Jean Ebrard (Paris, 1903), p. 19.

70. Gonzalo Pérez to the Duke of Sessa, from Monzón, 31 December 1563, in Pio IV y Felipe Segundo, ed. by "F. del V." and "S. K." (Madrid, 1891), pp. 157-158.

71. Granvelle to Bolwiller, from Salins, 26 July 1564, in Charles Weiss, ed., Papiers d'État du Cardinal de Granvelle, vol. VIII (Paris, 1850), p. 174.

72. Thomas de Chantonnay to Ruy Gómez de Silva, from Paris, 28 April 1563, AGS CJH, leg. 50, no. 125. For some of Chantonnay's specific requests for mercedes, see same to same, from Blois, 24 February 1563, ibid., no. 124.

73. Ruy Gómez de Silva to Don Gabriel de la Cueva, Duke of Alburquerque, from Madrid, 27 July 1565, AGS Estado, leg. 1219, no. 16.

74. Ibid.

75. See, for example, Ruy Gómez de Silva to Juan de Escobedo, 7 April 1563, AGS CJH, leg. 50, no. 257, and Ruy Gómez de Silva to Duke of Alburquerque, from Madrid, October(?) 1570, AGS Estado, leg. 1227, no. 196. For some rather sketchy biographical information on Broccardo, see Dizionario biografico degli italiani, vol. XIV (Rome, 1972), pp. 393-394.

76. Quotation from Ruy Gómez de Silva to Juan de Escobedo, 7 April 1563, AGS CJH, leg. 50, no. 257. Salazar y Castro, Casa de Silva, vol. II, p. 487, reports that Broccardo was instrumental in securing from the pope a grant of 20,000 escudos for Ruy Gómez in 1561.

77. Sigismondo Cavalli, "Relazione," in Eugenio Albèri, ed., Le relazioni degli ambasciatori veneti al Senato durante il secolo decimosesto, ser. I, vol. V (Florence, 1861), p. 181.

78. Leonardo Donà and Lorenzo Priuli to the Venetian Senate, from Marid, 29 January 1573, in Mario Brunetti and Eligio Vitale, eds., La Corrispondenza da Madrid dell'ambasciatore Leonardo Donà (1570-1573) (Venice, 1963), vol. II, p. 639.

79. Ruy Gómez de Silva to Juan de Escobedo, from Pellejeros, 5 August 1566, AGS CJH, leg. 74, no. 6.

80. Ruy Gómez de Silva to Francisco de Eraso, from Madrid, 25 November 1552, AGS Estado, leg. 89, no. 123.

81. Philip II to Granvelle, from Monzón, 23 January 1564, in Weiss, Papiers d'État, vol. VII, p. 355.

82. "Relacion de los sueldos y entretenimientos y ventajas hechas por el Duq de Sessa a diversas pers ^as excesviam ^te ," AGS Estado, leg. 1229, no. 150.

83. Countess of Concentaina to Ruy Gómez de Silva, from Valencia, 31 May 1562, AGS CJH, leg. 46, no. 64 bis .

84. Ruy Gómez de Silva to Juan de Escobedo, no date (about 1563-1565), AGS CJH, leg. 50, no. 266.

85. Catherine de' Medici to Sébastien de l'Aubespine, from Fontainebleau, 3 March 1560 (1561 N.S.), in Louis Paris, ed., Négociations, lettres et pièces diverses relatives au regne de François II (Paris, 1841), p. 819.

86. Duke of Savoy to Ruy Gómez de Silva, from Turin, 8 Novermber 1570, AGS Estado, leg. 1229, no. 95.

87. Quoted in Gaspar Muro, Vida de la Princesa de Eboli, ch. II, p. 98.

88. This was the estimate of Badoero, in his "Relazione," p. 241. Some variants of the manuscript give the figure of 36,000 escudos (see García Mercadal, Viajes, vol. I, p. 1115, n. 1). The lower number more closely corresponds to the amount that can be archivally confirmed. Before 1566 the escudo was a coin valued at 350 maravedís, or  14/15ths of a ducat (see Lynch, Spain under the Habsburgs, vol. I, p. 369).

89. See Chapter 2.

90. For the consummation of the marriage and Doña Ana's pregnancy in 1557, see Duke of Francavila to Ruy Gómez de Silva, from Valladolid, 13 September 1557, CODOIN, vol. XCVII, pp. 291-292, and other letters in the same volume. Juan Vázquez de Molina, ''para Erasso y ruygomez a 5 de abril 1558,'' AGS Estado, leg. 129, no. 160, reports the birth of the couple's first child--the unfortunate Diego--on 3 April 1558. For all the children, see Salazar y Castro, Casa de Silva, vol. II, and Muro, Vida de la Princesa de Eboli, ch. II, pp. 122-123, n. 29. Some of the baptismal certificates can be fround in the Archivo Histórico Nacional, in Madrid. For example, the certificate for the Don Diego born in 1564 is in AHN, Sección Consejos Suprimidos (Escribanía Ayala: Pleitos), leg. 36,253, P. 117. Thomas de Chantonnay to Ruy Gómez de Silva, from Paris, 15 December 1562, AGS CJH, leg. 46, no. 45, offers congratulations on the brith of Don Rodrigo.

91. Boethius, The Consolation of Philosophy (New York, 1962), Bk. II, Prose 1, p. 22.

1. See the suggestive analysis of Georges Durand, "What is Absolutism?" in Louis XIV and Absolutism, ed. by Ragnhild Hatton (Columbus, 1976), pp. 18-36. On the immutability of aristocratic privilege, see Manuel Fernández Alvarez, La sociedad española en el siglo de oro (Madrid, 1983), p. 13.

1. Leopold von Ranke, The Ottoman and the Spanish Empires in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries (1843) (New York, 1975), pp. 41-42.

2. Gregorio Marañón, Antonio Pérez (Madrid, 1951), vol. I, pp. 31-32 (composition of the factions) and pp. 126-127 (their ideologies).

3. John H. Elliott, Imperial Spain, 1469-1716 (New York, 1964), pp. 254-256.

4. Elliott's phrase; ibid., p. 254.

5. Helen Nader, The Mendoza Family in the Spanish Renaissance, 1350 to 1550 (New Brunswick, 1979), p. 125.

6. Ibid., pp. 168-173.

7. Paul David Lagomarsino, "Court Factions and the Formulation of Spanish Policy Towards the Netherlands (1559-1567)," Ph.D. dissertation, University of Cambridge, 1973. For a brief summation, see pp. 325-326.

8. William Maltby, Alba: A Biography of Fernando Alvarez de Toledo, Third Duke of Alba, 1507-1582 (Berkeley, 1983), pp. 70-76.

9. José Martínez Millán, "Elites de poder en tiempos de Felipe II (1539-1572)," Hispania 49:171 (1989), pp. 111-149, quotation at p. 113.

10. Maltby's reliance on Erika Spivakovsky, "La Princesa de Eboli," Chronica Nova 9 (1974), pp. 5-48, is evident in his Alba, p. 71 and n. 18.

11. John B. Owens, "Despotism, Absolutism, and the Law in Renaissance Spain: Toledo versus the Counts of Belalcázar (1445-1574)," Ph.D. dissertation, University of Wisconsin, 1972, pp. 246-247 and 266, n. 99.

12. Maltby, Alba, p. 73.

13. Don Juan de Figueroa to Charles V, from Richmond, 15 August 1557, Calendar of Letters, Despatches and State Papers relating to the Negotiations between England and Spain, Preserved in the Archives at Vienna, Simancas, Besancon, Brussels, Madrid and Lille (cited henceforth as CalStP-S ), ed. by Royall Tyler, vol. XIII, Philip and Mary, July 1554-November 1558 (London, 1954), doc. 338, pp. 315-316; Juan de Galarza to Francisco de Ledesma, from St. Quentin, 11 September 1557, ibid., doc. 341, p. 318; Luis Cabrera de Córdoba, Historia de Felipe II, rey de España (Madrid, 1876-1877), vol. I, libro IV, capítulo XIII, p. 202.

14. For a truly exhaustive list, see Cabrera de Córdoba, Felipe II, vol. I, lib. IV, cap. XXIV, pp. 241-242.

15. Federico Badoero, "Relazione delle persone, governo e stati di Carlo V e di Filippo II (1557)," in Luigi Firpo, ed., Relazioni di ambasciatori veneti al senato, vol. VIII, Spagna, 1497-1598 (Turin, 1981), p. 157.

16. Ibid., p. 160.

17. See, for example, the following dispatches of Michiel Surian (Michele Suriano) from Brussels to the Doge and Senate of Venice in Calendar of State Papers and Manuscripts, relating to English Affairs, Existing in the Archives and Collections of Venice, and in other Libraries of Northern Italy (cited henceforth as CalStP-V ), ed. by Rawdon Brown and G. Cavendish Bentinck (London, 1873-1890): 5 March 1558 (vol. VI, pt. III, doc. 1178, pp. 1459-1460); 20 March 1558 (ibid., doc. 1201, p. 1475); 24 March 1558 (ibid., doc. 1203, pp. 1476-1477); 16 April 1558 (ibid., doc. 1214, p. 1485); 21 April 1558 (ibid., doc. 1215, p. 1485). See also Lord Cobham to Queen Elizabeth, from Brussels, 13 December 1558, in Calendar of State Papers, Foreign Series, of the Reign of Elizabeth, 1558-1559 (cited henceforth as CalStP-F, 1558-1559 ), ed. by Joseph Stevenson (London, 1863), doc. 82, p. 30, reporting that "Rigomes" had approached the bishop of Ely to urge a rapid conclusion of peace.

18. English Commissioners [Howard, Ely, Wotton] to Queen Elizabeth, from Cateau-Cambrésis, 2 March 1559, CalStP-F, 1558-1559, doc. 373, p. 156.

19. Concerning Ruy Gómez's popularity among the Netherlands nobility, which largely stemmed from the impression he made in his years in residence there, see Adela Repetto Alvarez, "Acerca de un posible Segundo Gobierno de Margarita de Parma y el Cardenal de Granvela en los Estados de Flandes," Hispania 32:121 (1972), pp. 401-402, 474.

20. For a collection of contemporary testimony to Philip's preference for Spanish advisors, see Joseé Antonio Escudero, Los secretarios de estado y del despacho (1474-1724) (Madrid, 1969), vol. I, p. 214.

21. Cabrera de Córdoba, Felipe II, vol. I, lib. IV, cap. XIII, p. 202. This merced for Feria may have come at the expense of Ruy Gómez's ally Gutierre López de Padilla; the affair is murky, but see Count of Feria to Ruy Gómez de Silva, from London, 16 February 1559, Archivo General de Simancas (AGS), Consejo y Juntas de Hacienda (CJH), legajo 34, no. 476.

22. Michiel Surian (Michele Suriano) to the Doge and Senate of Venice, from Brussels, 28 November 1557, CalStP-V , vol. VI, pt. III, doc. 1093, p. 1380. By 1559 Feria clearly regarded Ruy Gómez as his patron at court; see Count of Feria to Ruy Gómez de Silva, from London, 20 January 1559, AGS CJH, leg. 34, no. 475, and same to same, 16 February 1559, ibid., no. 476. Ruy Gómez continued to cultivate his alliance with Feria for years afterward; in 1562 the French ambassador at Madrid reported that Eboli was endeavoring "to secure some bone to gnaw for the Count of Feria, who, for the folly of his marriage and past expenses, finds himself so poor and burdened here that he has no hope except to gain one of the governing posts that the king will be forced to distribute in the next months." S. de l'Aubespine to Catherine de' Medici, from Madrid, 3 January 1562, in Louis-Prosper Gachard, ed., La Bibliothèque Nationale à Paris (Brussels, 1877), vol. II, p. 127.

23. Badoero, "Relazione," pp. 157-158.

24. Ibid., p. 158.

25. Ibid., p. 193. ("[Alba] presume gran cose, ed è colmo d'ambizione e superbia, inclinato all'adulazione ed invido molto.")

26. Surian (Suriano) remarked that "Il duca d'Alva ha visto e maneggiato molte guerre, e per la pratica che ha, discorre meglio di ogni altro che io abbia conosciuto in quella corte." The Venetian, however, went on to express some doubts about Alba's military skills, as opposed to his discourse on war. Alba, he wrote, spends too much on his campaigns and is prudent to the point of timidity (Michele Suriano, "Relazione di Filippo II re di Spagna [1559]," in Luigi Firpo, ed., Relazioni di ambasciatori veneti al senato , vol. VIII, Spagna, 1497-1598 [Turin, 1981], pp. 286-287). Badoero, "Relazione,'' p. 192, was less diplomatic, asserting that "in war, he has shown in all circumstances a great timidity and so little intelligence that the Emperor never entrusted him with a command far from his person." Similar comments had been voiced by Lorenzo Contarini in 1548 (quoted in J. García Mercadal, ed. and trans., Viajes de extranjeros por España y Portugal (Madrid, 1952), vol. I, p. 1122).

27. For a vivid sketch of the duke's "parched and bilious disposition" and for this pasquinade, see Badoero, "Relazione," pp. 192-193.

28. And certainly his generalship attracted praise as well--see, for example, Juan de Mariana, Historia general de España (Valencia, 1794), vol. II, p. 698, who argued that Alba "emerged victorious from all the wars he fought, which were a great many."

29. Maltby, Alba , p. 2.

30. Marañón, Antonio Pérez , vol. I, p. 155.

31. Ruy Gómez de Silva to Francisco de Eraso, from Madrid, 5 April 1552, AGS, Secretaría de Estado (Estado), leg. 89, no. 129.

32. Michiel Surian (Michele Suriano) to the Doge and Senate of Venice, from Brussels, 28 November 1557, CalStP-V , vol. VI, pt. III, doc. 1093, p. 1380.

33. Ibid.

34. Michiel Surian (Michele Suriano) to the Doge and Senate of Venice, from Brussels, 23 January 1558, CalStP-V , vol. VI, pt. III, doc. 1149, pp. 1436-1437.

35. Same to same, 26 January 1558, ibid., doc. 1152, p. 1438; Maltby, Alba , p. 109.

36. Cabrera de Córdoba, Felipe II , vol. I, lib. IV, cap. XIX, pp. 216-217; Luis de Salazar y Castro, Historia genealógica de la Casa de Silva (Madrid, 1685), vol. II, pp. 475-476; Ludwig von Pastor, The History of the Popes , vol. XIV (London, 1924), p. 212.

37. For Alba's dealings with Paul IV, see Michiel Surian (Michele Suriano) to the Doge and Senate of Venice, from Brussels, 28 November 1557, CalStP-V , vol. VI, pt. III, doc. 1093, p. 1380; same to same, 4 January 1558, ibid., doc. 1125, pp. 1412-1413; same to same, 26 January 1558, ibid., doc. 1152, pp. 1438-1439.

38. Same to same, 28 November 1557, ibid., doc. 1093, p. 1380; same to same, 4 January 1558, ibid., doc. 1125, pp. 1412-1413; Pastor, History of the Popes , vol. XIV, p. 212.

39. For the bids of Alba and Ruy Gómez de Silva, see Michiel Surian (Michele Suriano) to the Doge and Senate of Venice, 26 January 1558, CalStP-V , vol. VI, pt. III, doc. 1152, pp. 1438-1439; Cabrera de Córdoba, Felipe II , vol. I, lib. IV, cap. XIX, p. 216; and Salazar y Castro, Casa de Silva , vol. II, pp. 475-476. For Ruy Gómez de Silva's negotiations with Cardinal Caraffa, see Bernardo Navagero to the Doge and Senate of Venice, from Rome, 15 January 1558, CalStP-V , vol. VI, pt. III, doc. 1143, pp. 1427-1428; and same to same, 15 January 1558, CalStP-V , vol. VI, pt. III, doc. 1144, p. 1429.

40. Cabrera de Córdoba, Felipe II , vol. I, lib. IV, cap. XIX, p. 216.

41. Ibid.

42. Ibid., pp. 216-217; Giovanni Michiel to the Doge and Senate, from Moret [France], 26 March 1558, CalStP-V , vol. VI, pt. III, doc. 1206, p. 1479; Pastor, History of the Popes , vol. XIV, pp. 212-213; and Antonio Ossorio, Vida y hazañas de Don Fernando Alvarez de Toledo, Duque de Alba (1669) (Madrid, 1945), p. 310.

43. Giovanni Michiel to the Doge and Senate of Venice, from Moret, 26 March 1558, CalStP-V , vol. VI, pt. III, doc. 1206, p. 1478.

44. Ossorio, Vida y hazañas , pp. 313-316; Gutierre López de Padilla to Ruy Gómez de Silva, from Valladolid, 8 December 1557, AGS CJH, leg. 32, no. 123.

45. Ossorio, Vida y hazañas , pp. 313-316, quotation from p. 314. Incidentally, it is unlikely that Philip actually attended this debate in the Council of State; Ossorio's report of his silence is probably an embroidery.

46. Michiel Surian (Michele Suriano) to the Doge and Senate of Venice, from Brussels, 5 March 1558, CalStP-V , vol. VI, pt. III, doc. 1178, p. 1459.

47. These attitudes were well summarized by Sir Roger Williams: "The captains animate the King to wars to maintain their wealth and greatness." The Actions of the Low Countries (1618) (Ithaca, 1964), p. 9.

48. Ranke, The Ottoman and the Spanish Empires, p. 42.

49. For the appointments and Alba's displeasure, see Michiel Surian (Michele Suriano) to the Doge and Senate of Venice, from Brussels, 27 April 1558, CalStP-V , vol. VI, pt. III, doc. 1217, p. 1488. For Manrique's tenure as lieutenant in Naples, replacing Alba's son, see E. Fernández de Navarrete, ed., Libro donde se trata de los virreyes lugartenientes del reino de Nápoles, Colectión de documentos inéditos para la historia de España (Madrid, 1842-1895) (cited henceforth as CODOIN), vol. XXIII, pp. 148-149, 162-164. Having arrived in May 1558, Manrique was replaced in October by the new viceroy, Cardinal Bartolomé de la Cueva. The offending reports from Rome are in CalStP-S , vol. XIII: Juan Manrique de Lara to Charles V, from Rome, 24 May 1555, doc. 195, pp. 180-181; same to same, 25 May 1555, doc. 197, pp. 183-187; and Instructions from the Cardinal Chamberlain and Don Juan Manrique de Lara to Giovan Francesco Lottini, 25(?) May 1555, doc. 198, pp. 187-188. For the cardinal's attempts to exonerate himself and put Manrique de Lara in a bad light, see Cardinal of Santiago to Charles V, from Rome, 25 May 1555, doc. 196, pp. 181-183.

50. "Memoir drafted by the Bishop of Limoges [de l'Aubespine] and sent to the Cardinal of Lorraine," from Toledo, 26 September 1560, in Louis Paris, ed., Négociations, lettres et pièces diverses relatives au regne de François II, tirées du portefeuille de Sébastien de l'Aubespine, évêque de Limoges (Paris, 1841), p. 561.

51. For the rather fickle allegiance of Manrique de Lara to Ruy Gómez de Silva, see Lagomarsino, "Court Factions," pp. 33, 230, and Maltby, Alba , p. 124. There is evidence of an earlier effort by Ruy Gómez to advance Manrique's career in Ruy Gómez de Silva to Francisco de Eraso, from Hampton Court, 22 September 1554, AGS Estado, leg. 508, no. 139. That Ruy Gómez supported Sessa in further patronage bids is revealed in Gonzalo Pérez to the Duke of Sessa, from Monzón, 31 December 1563, in Pio IV y Felipe Segundo. Primeros diez meses de la embajada de Don Luis de Requesens en Roma, 1563-1564, ed. by "F. del V." and "S. K." (Madrid, 1891), pp. 157-158.

52. Michiel Surian (Michele Suriano) to the Doge and Senate of Venice, from Brussels, 27 April 1558, CalStP-V , vol. VI, pt. III, doc. 1217, p. 1488.

53. For the composition and balance of power of the Council of State in 1559, see Cabrera de Córdoba, Felipe II , vol. I, lib. V, cap. II, p. 266; and Challoner to Queen Elizabeth, from Ghent, 29 July 1559, CalStP-F, 1558-1559 , doc. 1091, p. 427.

54. Ossorio, Vida y hazañas , p. 319.

55. (Le Baron) Alphonse de Ruble, Le Traité de Câteau-Cambrésis (Paris, 1889), p. 233.

56. Archivo documental español , vol. I, Negociaciones con Francia (1559-1560) , p. 31.

57. Throckmorton to Cecil, from Dover, 15 May 1559, CalStP-F, 1558-1559 , doc. 683, p. 254; same to same, from Paris(?), 6 June 1559, ibid., doc. 823, p. 302; Paolo Tiepolo to the Doge and Senate of Venice, from Brussels, 11 June 1559, CalStP-V , vol. VII, doc. 79, p. 96. As it happened, Feria did not escort Isabel; his place was taken by another grandee, the duke of Infantado (see Jean de Vandenesse, "Diario de los viajes de Felipe II," in J. García Mercadal, ed. and trans., Viajes de extranjeros por España y Portugal (Madrid, 1952), vol. I, p. 1098).

58. Challoner to Cecil, from Antwerp, 13 October 1559, CalStP-F, 1559-1560 , doc. 78, p. 38.

59. Ibid.; Challoner to Queen Elizabeth, from Brussels or Antwerp(?), 9 November 1559, ibid., doc. 220, p. 92.

60. See Charles IX's certification that Mary Stuart had returned the Crown jewels given her upon the accession of Francis II, 6 December 1560, in Paris, Négociations . . . de Sebastien de l'Aubespine, p. 743.

61. Lagomarsino, "Court Factions," pp. 32-33. For a list of members of the expanded Council of State, see enclosure in Paolo Tiepolo to the Doge and Senate of Venice, from Toledo, 22 December 1559, CalStP-V , vol. VII, doc. 121, p. 140.

62. Paolo Tiepolo, "Relazione," in Eugenio Albèri, ed., Le relazioni degli ambasciatori veneti al Senato durante il secolo decimosesto, ser. I, vol. V (Florence, 1861), p. 68.

63. Enclosure, Paolo Tiepolo to the Doge and Senate of Venice, 22 December 1559, CalStP-V , vol. VII, doc. 121, p. 140 (see notation concerning the duke of Alba); same to same, from Toledo, 7 January 1560, ibid., doc. 125, p. 146.

64. Jean de Vandenesse, "Diario de los viajes de Felipe II," p. 1098.

65. Mariana, Historia general de España , vol. II, p. 685.

66. For Ruy Gómez's presence, see Salazar y Castro, Casa de Silva , vol. II, p. 483; for arrangements, Ruy Gómez de Silva to Don Francisco de Mendoza y Bobadilla, Cardinal-Archbishop of Burgos, from Valladolid, 15 August 1559, CODOIN, vol. III, pp. 420-421.

67. Tiepolo to the Doge and Senate of Venice, from Toledo, 16 February 1560, CalStP-V , vol. VII, doc. 129, pp. 150-151.

68. Ibid.

69. Lagomarsino, "Court Factions," p. 33; see Paolo Tiepolo, "Relazione," p. 65, for the dominance of these allies in the Council of Hacienda.

70. Jules Gounon-Loubens, Essais sur l'administration de la Castille au XVIe siècle (Paris, 1860), pp. 283-286.

71. For a royal appreciation of the fiscal situation, see the "Memorial de las finanças de España en los años 1560 y 1561," evidently drafted in Philip's own hand, in Charles Weiss, ed., Papiers d'État du Cardinal de Granvelle , vol. VI (Paris, 1846), pp. 156-165.

72. The merced was granted at Monzón, 15 September 1563. Salazar y Castro, Casa de Silva , vol. II, p. 487.

73. Paolo Tiepolo to the Doge and Senate of Venice, from Toledo, 11 September 1560, CalStP-V , vol. VII, doc. 198, p. 256.

74. Ibid., p. 257; "Memoir drafted by the Bishop of Limoges," pp. 560-561.

75. The origins and recurrence of this malady can be traced in Giovanni Michiel to the Doge and Senate of Venice, from Paris, 3 September 1558, CalStP-V , vol. VI, pt. III, doc. 1262, pp. 1527-1528; the Spanish Peace Commissioners [Alba, Ruy Gómez de Silva, Orange, Arras, Viglius] to Philip II, from Cercamp, 15 October 1558, CalStP-S , vol. XIII, doc. 475, pp. 414-415; same to same, 15 October 1558, CalStP-S , vol. XIII, doc. 476, p. 415; Paolo Tiepolo to the Doge and Senate of Venice, from Toledo, 22 December 1559, CalStP-V , vol. VII, doc. 121, p. 140; same to same, 16 February 1560, CalStP-V , vol. VII, doc. 129, pp. 150-151; same to same, 7 April 1560, CalStP-V , vol. VII, doc. 148, pp. 186-187; same to same, 25 June 1560, CalStP-V , vol. VII, doc. 176, p. 229.

76. Paolo Tiepolo to the Doge and Senate of Venice, from Toledo, 16 February 1560, CalStP-V , vol. VII, doc. 129, pp. 150-151.

77. "Memoir drafted by the Bishop of Limoges," p. 559.

78. Ibid.

79. Ibid.

80. Ibid.

81. Paolo Tiepolo, "Relazione," p. 68.

82. S. de l'Aubespine to Catherine de' Medici, November 1560, in Paris, Négociations . . . de Sebastien de l'Aubespine , p. 711.

83. Paolo Tiepolo, "Relazione," p. 68.

84. Ibid., p. 69. The bishop of Limoges observed the same pattern of withdrawal from public affairs, compensated by the fact that Ruy Gómez still enjoyed "in the evenings--since he is grand-sommelier de corps --two or three hours of privy friendship" with Philip. "Memoir drafted by the Bishop of Limoges," p. 559.

85. Paolo Tiepolo, "Relazione," p. 69.

86. Count of Buendía to Ruy Gómez de Silva, from Madrid, 16 March 1561, AGS CJH, leg. 42, no. 161, and Ruy Gómez de Silva to Juan de Escobedo, no date, ibid. (this letter is filed with Buendía's and responds to its complaints).

87. Tiepolo, "Relazione," p. 69.

88. Elliott, Imperial Spain , p. 277.

89. Michiel Surian (Michele Suriano), quoted in Ranke, The Ottoman and the Spanish Empires , p. 42.

90. De l'Aubespine to Catherine de' Medici, from Madrid, 16 February 1562, in Gachard, Bibliothèque Nationale à Paris , vol. II, p. 134.

91. Lagomarsino, in "Court Factions," documents a number of shifts, often involving men who were the most prominent members of their previous faction. For one such major realignment, see pp. 225-236.

1. Paolo Tiepolo to the Doge and Senate of Venice, from Toledo, 16 February 1560, Calendar of State Papers and Manuscripts, relating to English Affairs, Existing in the Archives and Collections of Venice, and in other Libraries of Northern Italy (cited henceforth as CalStP-V ), ed. by Rawdon Brown and G. Cavendish Bentinck (London, 1873-1890), vol. VII, doc. 129, pp. 150-151. See also the similar report in same to same, 7 April 1560, ibid., doc. 148, pp. 186-187.

2. "Memoir drafted by the Bishop of Limoges and sent to the Cardinal of Lorraine," from Toledo, 26 September 1560, in Louis Paris, ed., Négociations, lettres et pièces diverses relatives au regne de François II, tirées du portefeuille de Sébastien de l'Aubespine, évêque de Limoges (Paris, 1841), p. 560.

3. Ibid., pp. 559-560.

4. Ibid.; De l'Aubespine and d'Ozances to Charles IX, from Madrid, 1 October 1561, in Louis-Prosper Gachard, ed., La Bibliothèque Nationale à Paris (Brussels, 1877), vol. II, p. 120.

5. De l'Aubespine to Charles IX, from Madrid, 12 August 1561, in Gachard, Bibliothèque Nationale à Paris , vol. II, pp. 116-117.

6. See De l'Aubespine to Catherine de' Medici, 13 February, 16 February, 25 February, 25 March, and 15 April 1562, ibid., pp. 132-140. The permanent appointment went to Juan Manrique de Lara, in August 1562 (William Maltby, Alba: A Biography of Fernando Alvarez de Toledo, Third Duke of Alba, 1507-1582 [Berkeley, 1983], p. 124).

7. Saint-Sulpice to Catherine de' Medici, from Madrid, 27 August 1563, in Gachard, Bibliothèque Nationale à Paris , vol. II, p. 153.

8. Juan Vargas to Granvelle, from Madrid, 4 August 1564, in Charles Weiss, ed., Papiers d'État du Cardinal de Granvelle , vol. VIII (Paris, 1850), p. 206.

9. Maltby, Alba , pp. 123-124; Paul David Lagomarsino, "Court Factions and the Formulation of Spanish Policy Towards the Netherlands (1559-1567)," Ph.D. dissertation, University of Cambridge, 1973, pp. 70-74; for Eboli's activities in the eastern kingdoms in 1563-1564, see the dispatches of Saint-Sulpice from Monzón and Barcelona, between September 1563 and February 1564 in Edmond Cabié, ed., Ambassade en Espagne de Jean Ebrard, Seigneur de Saint-Sulpice, de 1562 a 1565 et mission de ce diplomate dans le même pays en 1566 (Paris, 1903).

10. Saint-Sulpice to Catherine de' Medici and King Charles IX, 27 August 1563, in Cabié, Ambassade en Espagne , p. 152. See also Saint-Sulpice to Catherine de' Medici, from Barbastro, 11 October 1563, in Gachard, Bibliothèque Nationale à Paris , vol. II, p. 157, where Ruy Gómez is mentioned as "ung des plus privez des affaires du roy catholique."

11. Granvelle to Gonzalo Pérez, from Baudoncourt, 12 October 1564, in Weiss, Cardinal de Granvelle , vol. VIII, pp. 412-413.

12. Baldesar Castiglione, The Book of the Courtier (Garden City, 1959), p. 115.

13. Ibid., p. 36.

14. Federico Badoero, "Relazione delle persone, governo e stati di Carlo V e di Filippo II" (1557), in Eugenio Albèri, ed., Le relazioni degli ambasciatori veneti al Senato durante il secolo decimosesto , ser. I, vol. III (Florence, 1853), p. 241.

15. Badoero and Antonio Tiepolo, quoted in Gregorio Marañón, Antonio Pérez (Madrid, 1951), vol. I, pp. 29-30.

16. The best-known portrait is by an anonymous painter, its current location unknown. This image, likely depicting Ruy Gómez in his late thirties or early forties, is reproduced facing the title page above. Full-length depictions of Eboli may be seen in a painting cycle commemorating Pastrana's religious foundations, reproduced in Marañón, Antonio Pérez , vol. I, between pp. 176 and 177.

17. Castiglione, Courtier , p. 29.

18. Ibid., pp. 99-100.

19. See "Torneo celebrado en Valladolid con ocasión de la boda del Príncipe Don Felipe con la Infanta Doña María de Portugal," in Amalio Huarte, ed., Relaciones de los reinados de Carlos V y Felipe II (Madrid, 1941), pp. 87-88; Luis de Salazar y Castro, Historia genealógica de la Casa de Silva (Madrid, 1685), vol. II, pp. 460-462; Juan Cristóbal Calvete de Estrella, El felicissimo viaje del muy alto y muy poderoso principe don Phelippe (1552) (Madrid, 1930), vol. I, pp. 82-88, 142, 189-204, 306-311, and vol. II, pp. 13-15; The Diary of Henry Machyn , ed. by John Gough Nichols (London, 1848), p. 76; Gustav Ungerer, A Spaniard in Elizabethan England: The Correspondence of Antonio Pérez's Exile (London, 1974-1976), vol. I, p. 33; Don Pedro de Córdoba to Ferdinand, King of the Romans, 10 December 1554, Calendar of Letters, Despatches and State Papers relating to the Negotiations between England and Spain, Preserved in the Archives at Vienna, Simancas, Besancon, Brussels, Madrid and Lille (cited henceforth as CalStP-S ), ed. by Royall Tyler, vol. XIII, Philip and Mary, July 1554-November 1558 (London, 1954), doc. 127, p. 119; Paolo Tiepolo to the Doge and Senate of Venice, from Toledo, 11 September 1560, CalStP-V , vol. VII, doc. 198, pp. 257-258.

20. Badoero, "Relazione," p. 241.

21. Melchor de Herrera to Ruy Gómez de Silva, from Medina del Campo, 20 February 1563, Archivo General de Simancas (AGS), Consejo y Juntas de Hacienda (CJH), legajo 50, no. 155; Pedro de Vivero to Ruy Gómez de Silva, from Medina del Campo, 20 February 1563, ibid., no. 173; quotation from Ruy Gómez de Silva to Pedro de Vivero, from Madrid, 24 February 1563, ibid., borrador filed with no. 173.

22. Castiglione, Courtier , p. 38.

23. Information on Ruy Gómez's stable comes from Archivo Histórico Nacional, Madrid (AHN), Sección Osuna, leg. 1838, no. 25. This is an account of an auction conducted on 3 September 1573, after Eboli's death, by his stable master Millan de Barrionuebo Sota. The horse "Rribera" [ sic ] brought the substantial sum of 82 ducats, considerably more than any of the other animals sold. The leather-covered carriage is described as "El coche grande biejo"; presumably the heirs retained others of more recent manufacture. For news of his horses in 1557, see Juan de Escobedo to Ruy Gómez de Silva, from Valladolid, 16 October 1557, AGS CJH, leg. 32, no. 121.

24. Many passages in The Book of the Courtier touch on these themes; see in particular pp. 70 (source of the quoted passage) and 135.

25. See Antonio Ossorio, Vida y hazañas de Don Fernando Alvarez de Toledo , Duque de Alba (Madrid, 1945), p. 311: "Juntos [Felipe II y Ruy Gómez de Silva] recibieron la misma educación." Cabrera de Córdoba wrote, more ambiguously, that Ruy Gómez "crióse con el Principe" (Luis Cabrera de Córdoba, Historia de Felipe II, rey de España [Madrid, 1876-1877], vol. I, libro IV, capítulo XIX, p. 216).

26. For a brief assessment of Siliceo's strengths and weaknesses as a tutor, see A. W. Lovett, Early Habsburg Spain, 1517-1598 (Oxford, 1986), pp. 117-118.

27. Badoero, "Relazione," p. 241.

28. Ibid. His facility in Italian is suggested by the considerable correspondence addressed to him in that language; see, for instance, Negro de Negro to Ruy Gómez de Silva, from Turin, 6 August 1570, AGS, Secretaría de Estado (Estado), leg. 1229, no. 39, and Filippo d'Este to Ruy Gómez de Silva, from Turin, 7 August 1570, AGS Estado, leg. 1229, no. 46.

29. See Chapter 3.

30. Saint-Sulpice to Catherine de' Medici, from Barbastro, 11 October 1563, in Gachard, Bibliothèque Nationale à Paris , vol. II, p. 158; Ruy Gómez de Silva to Eraso(?), from Hampton Court, 15 April 1555, CalStP-S , vol. XIII, doc. 175, p. 163. As it turned out, he was not offered the position; other men were named to the commission while Ruy Gómez deliberated.

31. Ruy Gómez de Silva to Eraso(?), from Hampton Court, 15 April 1555, CalStP-S , vol. XIII, doc. 175, p. 163; there are similar instances of self-deprecation in Ruy Gómez de Silva to Eraso, from Hampton Court, 20 June 1555, ibid., doc. 215, p. 224, and in same to same, from Madrid, 25 November 1552, AGS Estado, leg. 89, no. 123; see Castiglione, Courtier , pp. 71, 135-141 for a discussion of courtly modesty.

32. Castiglione, Courtier , pp. 97-98 (quotation at p. 97).

33. Cabrera de Córdoba, Felipe II , vol. II, lib. X, cap. I, p. 141.

34. Antonio Pérez, Aphorismos de las cartas españolas y latinas de Ant. Perez (Paris, 1598[?]), fol. 30.

35. Dr. Juan Milio to Juan de Albornoz, from Madrid, 14 August 1573, in Duquesa de Berwick y de Alba, ed., Documentos escogidos del archivo de la Casa de Alba (Madrid, 1891), p. 460.

36. The quotation is from Atey's preface to his unpublished 1595 translation of the Relaciones of Antonio Pérez, reproduced in Ungerer, A Spaniard in Elizabethan England , vol. II, doc. no. 502, p. 259. Atey's description of the dramatis personae of Pérez's account bears repetition simply for its felicity: "And the Actors are no lesse than the kinge of Spayne that now is Philippe the seconde of Castile, Don John de Austria, brother to him and sonne of an Emperor; a princesse of Ebolye, widowe of Ruygomez de Sylva, prince of Ebolye, Duke of Francavilla, the most inwarde favourite that ever was with kinge; Diego de Chaves, the ks Confessor, a notable hypochryticall fryar;" etc.

37. Badoero, "Relazione," pp. 241-242. See also the comments and analysis of William H. Prescott, History of the Reign of Philip the Second, King of Spain (1858) (Philadelphia, 1904), vol. IV, pp. 352-353.

38. Lansac de Saint-Gelais to the Cardinal of Lorraine, June 1559, in Paris, Négociations . . . de Sébastien de l'Aubespine , p. 177.

39. Antonio Pérez, ''A un gran Privado," Cartas de Antonio Perez (Paris, [1598?]), fol. 73 obv. An excellent modern edition of these writings has recently appeared: Antonio Pérez, Relaciones y cartas , ed. by Alfredo Alvar Ezquerra, 2 vols. (Madrid, 1986).

40. Jorge Manrique to Ruy Gómez de Silva, from Turin, 8 August 1570, AGS Estado, leg, 1229, no. 52.

41. Marañón, Antonio Pérez , vol. I, pp. 39, 47. Marañón's vision of Philip is well summarized and seconded by Peter Pierson, Philip II of Spain (London, 1975), pp. 40-41.

42. Cabrera de Córdoba, Felipe II , vol. II, lib. X, cap. I, pp. 140-141.

43. Sigismondo Cavalli, "Relazione," in Eugenio Albèri, ed., Le relazioni degli ambasciatori veneti al Senato durante il secolo decimosesto , ser. I, vol. V (Florence, 1861), pp. 180-181.

44. Giovanni della Casa, Galateo (1558) (Boston, 1914), pp. 14-15.

45. Marañón, Antonio Pérez , vol. I, p. 39.

46. Ibid., pp. 47-49; Pierson, Philip II of Spain , pp. 40, 43ff.

47. M. d'Ozances to Charles IX, from Madrid, 19 December 1561, in Gachard, Bibliothèque Nationale à Paris , vol. II, p. 126.

48. Philip's predilection for Portuguese advisors was noted soon after the king's death by Agustín Manuel de Vasconcelos in El libro de la Sucession de Felipe II en la Corona de Portugal , quoted by Salazar y Castro, Casa de Silva , vol. II, p. 518.

49. Castiglione, Courtier , p. 112.

50. Ibid., p. 289.

51. Sydney Anglo, "The Courtier: The Renaissance and Changing Ideals," in The Courts of Europe: Politics, Patronage and Royalty, 1400-1800 , ed. by A. G. Dickens (1977) (New York, 1984), p. 51.

52. Archbishop Rossano to Cardinal Alessandrino, from Madrid, 7 January 1567, in Louis-Prosper Gachard, ed., Les Bibliothèques de Madrid et de l'Escurial (Brussels, 1875), p. 96.

53. Gutierre López de Padilla to Ruy Gómez de Silva, 1557 (no date specified), AGS CJH, leg. 32, no. 122.

54. Antonio Pérez certainly had opportunity as a young man to study at the feet of Eboli, the "courtier-Aristotle." Ruy Gómez de Silva was instrumental in bringing Antonio, the illegitimate son of the secretary Gonzalo Pérez, to Philip's attention and in securing him a position as secretary for Italian affairs in the mid-1560s. Their relationship may indeed have been more binding than that of patron and client. Marañón, who studied the extant evidence exhaustively, refused to rule out the possibility, much bruited at Philip's court, that Antonio Pérez was actually Ruy Gómez's bastard (Marañón, Antonio Pérez , vol. I, pp. 27-30). He cites evidence indicating that Eboli's children by Doña Ana regarded Antonio as their father's son and finds otherwise inexplicable Pérez's nickname at the court of "El Portugués" (ibid., pp. 28-29). Moreover, Pérez's letter to Philip II of 29 July 1573 expresses filial devotion to the just-deceased Ruy Gómez (quoted in ibid., p. 29). Cf. Gaspar Muro, Vida de la Princesa de Eboli (Mexico City, 1883), app. 161, pp. 22-23, n. 1: Muro dismisses the notion of Ruy Gómez's paternity as "completely inadmissible." Whatever the truth of this speculation, it is clear that Antonio Pérez, along with Juan de Escobedo (whose murder was eventually to disgrace Antonio), spent considerable time as young men in Eboli's household and were both boosted into secretarial careers in the 1560s by Ruy Gómez de Silva. Escobedo served first the house of Mélito and then Ruy Gómez as a personal secretary from the late 1550s until the mid-1560s, and it is possible that Antonio performed some analogous role. In addition to Marañón, see James A. Froude, "Antonio Pérez: An Unsolved Historical Riddle," in The Spanish Story of the Armada and Other Essays (London, 1904), p. 127. On Escobedo, see Cabrera de Córdoba, Felipe II , vol. II, lib. XII, cap. III, p. 449; and Geoffrey Parker, Philip II (Boston, 1978), p. 131. For Escobedo's service, see, for example, Juan de Escobedo to Ruy Gómez de Silva, from Valladolid, 26 September 1557, Colección de documentos inéditos para la historia de España (cited henceforth as CODOIN) (Madrid, 1842-1895), vol. XCVII, pp. 292-295; and Luis de Requesens to Ruy Gómez de Silva, from Rome, 6 April 1564, in Pio IV y Felipe Segundo , ed. by "F. del V." and ''S. K.'' (Madrid, 1891), pp. 287-288. Considerable correspondence between Ruy Gómez and Escobedo is preserved in AGS CJH and has been utilized in this work; see the inventory published by Margarita Cuartas Rivero, "Correspondencia del Príncipe de Eboli (1554-1569)," Cuadernos de investigación histórica 2 (1978), pp. 201-214.

55. Pérez, "A un amigo," Cartas , fol. 143 rev.; "A un gran privado," ibid., fol. 73 obv.

56. Pérez, "A un amigo," ibid., fol. 143 rev.

57. Pérez, "A un gran privado," ibid., fol. 72 rev.

58. Ibid., fol. 73.

59. Ibid., fols. 73-74.

60. Pérez, Aphorismos , fol. 14 obv.

61. Lagomarsino, "Court Factions," pp. 102-103, 121; Saint-Sulpice, in Cabié, Ambassade en Espagne , p. 357.

62. Saint-Sulpice to Charles IX, from Madrid, 16 March 1565, in Gachard, Bibliothèque Nationale à Paris , vol. II, p. 183. Curiously, the historian Amezúa y Mayo resorted to a similar ethnic slight in explaining Philip's choice of Alba for the Bayonne mission; in his view, "Eboli was too Portuguese--suave, tractable and acquiescent in the extreme," and thus could not handle the wily Catherine de' Medici as well as Alba, who, possessed of "a firm, energetic, resolute will, was more dominant when the occasion demanded, like a good Castilian" (Agustín G. de Amezúa y Mayo, Isabel de Valois, Reina de España (1546-1568) , 3 vols. [Madrid, 1949], vol. II, p. 200).

63. See Geoffrey Parker, The Dutch Revolt (Ithaca, 1977), pp. 66-67.

64. Granvelle to Viglius, from Besançon, 26 December 1564, in Weiss, Cardinal de Granvelle , vol. VIII, p. 570.

65. The most thorough account of Eraso's fall is in Lagomarsino, "Court Factions," pp. 136-147, 161. See also Francisco de Eraso to Don García de Toledo, from Madrid, 12 May 1566, CODOIN, vol. XXX, pp. 239-241; Don García de Toledo to Francisco de Eraso, from Messina, 28 June 1566, CODOIN, vol. XXX, pp. 311-313; Parker, Philip II , p. 29.

66. On Espinosa's meteoric rise and career, see Prescott, Philip the Second , vol. IV, pp. 356-357; Louis-Prosper Gachard, Don Carlos et Philippe II (Paris, 1867), pp. 211-212; A. W. Lovett, "A Cardinal's Papers: the Rise of Mateo Vázquez de Leca," English Historical Review 88:347 (1973), p. 243, n. 2; Parker, Philip II , pp. 29-30, 104. Chinchón is quoted in Parker, Philip II , p. 30.

67. Luciano Serrano, ed., Correspondencia diplómatica entre España y la Santa Sede durante el pontificado de S. Pio V (Madrid, 1914), vol. II, p. lxxxiv.

68. Ruy Gómez de Silva to Juan de Escobedo, from Bosque de Segovia, 17 July 1566, AGS CJH, leg. 74, no. 3; same to same, 2 August 1566, ibid., no. 5.

69. Ruy Gómez de Silva to Juan de Escobedo, from Pellejeros, 22 August 1566, AGS CJH, leg. 74, no. 9.

70. For Egmont's ties to Ruy Gómez de Silva, see Lagomarsino, "Court Factions," pp. 95-102; the letter sent by Montigny and Berghes is reproduced in Adela Repetto Alvarez, "Acerca de un posible Segundo Gobierno de Margarita de Parma y el Cardenal de Granvela en los Estados de Flandes" Hispania 32:121 (1972), doc. 75, p. 474. Further evidence of the sympathy between the Netherlandish lords and Ruy Gómez is plentiful; for examples, see Philip II to Margaret of Parma, from Madrid, 3 April 1565, précis in Louis-Prosper Gachard, ed., Correspondance de Philippe II sur les affaires des Pays-Bas, 1558-1577 , vol. I (Brussels, 1848), p. 348, and Berghes and Montigny to Margaret of Parma, from Segovia, 31 August 1566, in H. A. Enno van Gelder, ed., Correspondance française de Marguerite d'Autriche, duchesse de Parme, avec Philippe II (Utrecht, 1941), vol. II, p. 363.

71. No minutes of this meeting have survived; the most contemporary accounts are those of Cabrera de Córdoba, Felipe II , vol. I, lib. VII, cap. VII, pp. 490-497, and of Ossorio, Vida y hazañas , pp. 336-343. Many historians have analyzed the options presented and the decision to send Alba, but none have provided an account as thorough as that of Lagomarsino, "Court Factions," pp. 254-264. Despite his opposition to this course, Ruy Gómez seems to have believed as late as August 1566 that Philip would go in person to the Low Countries (see Ruy Gómez de Silva to Juan de Escobedo, from Pellejeros, 11 August 1566, AGS CJH, leg. 74, no. 7).

72. Morillon to Granvelle, from Ruckelingen, 19 November 1566, in Edmond Poullet, ed., Correspondance du Cardinal de Granvelle, 1565-1586 , vol. II (Brussels, 1880), p. 115.

73. Fourquevaulx to Charles IX, from Madrid, 9 December 1566, in Gachard, Bibliothèque Nationale à Paris , vol. II, p. 226.

74. Ossorio, Vida y hazañas , p. 341.

75. Morillon to Granvelle, from Brussels, 17 November 1566, in Poullet, Correspondance du Cardinal de Granvelle , vol. II, p. 107.

76. Fourquevaulx to Charles IX, c.4 January 1567, in Gachard, Bibliothèque Nationale à Paris , vol. II, p. 226.

77. Bave to Granvelle, from Brussels, 14 September 1564, in Weiss, Cardinal de Granvelle , vol. VIII, p. 323; Saint-Sulpice to Charles IX or his ministers, from Madrid, 7 October 1564, in Cabié, Ambassade en Espagne , p. 305; Salazar y Castro, Casa de Silva , vol. II, p. 488. Ruy Gómez assumed this post on 11 August 1564 (L.-P. Gachard, Don Carlos y Felipe II (San Lorenzo de el Escorial, 1984), p. 128.

78. Saint-Sulpice, as reported in Muro, Vida de la Princesa de Eboli , ch. II, p. 138, n. 6.

79. Saint-Sulpice to Catherine de' Medici, from Madrid, 7 October 1564, in Gachard, Bibliothèque Nationale à Paris , vol. II, p. 177.

80. Gachard, Don Carlos y Felipe II , p. 128; Lagomarsino, "Court Factions," pp. 103-104.

81. Cabrera de Córdoba, Felipe II , vol. I, lib. VI, cap. XXVIII, p. 458; Salazar y Castro, Casa de Silva , vol. II, p. 489.

82. Fourquevaulx to Charles IX, c. 4 January 1567, in Gachard, Bibliothèque Nationale à Paris , vol. II, pp. 226-227.

83. Fourquevaulx to Catherine de' Medici, 24 August 1567, ibid., pp. 246-247; for the enemies list, Castagna to Cardinal Alessandrino, from Madrid, 30 March 1568, in Serrano, Correspondencia diplómatica , vol. II, p. 335.

84. See his comments to this effect reported by Fourquevaulx, "Avis secret au roy," 30 June 1567, in Gachard, Bibliothèque National à Paris , vol. II, p. 243.

85. Fourquevaulx to Catherine de' Medici, 24 August 1567, ibid., pp. 246-247.

86. Quoted in Fourquevaulx to Catherine de' Medici, from Madrid, 29 November 1569, ibid., p. 294.

87. Gachard, Don Carlos et Philippe II , pp. 149-150.

88. Giovanni Soranzo, "Relazione," in Eugenio Albèri, ed., Le relazioni degli ambasciatori veneti al Senato durante il secolo decimosesto , ser. I, vol. V (Florence, 1861), p. 89.

89. Cavalli, "Relazione," p. 181.

90. Fourquevaulx to Catherine de' Medici, 21 August 1567, in Gachard, Bibliothèque Nationale à Paris , vol. II, p. 246; Same to same, 12 September 1567, ibid., p. 247; Rossano to Cardinal Alessandrino, from Madrid, 4 February 1568, in Gachard, Bibliothèques de Madrid et de l'Escurial , p. 108; Amezúa y Mayo, Isabel de Valois , vol. II, p. 417. For the house in Santa María, and the transaction that brought it to Ruy Gómez de Silva, see the latter's will (AHN Osuna, leg. 2024, no. 13 ¹ ), and Marañón, Antonio Pérez , vol. I, p. 54.

91. Philip II to Ruy Gómez de Silva, from the Escorial, 16 May 1567, in Gachard, Correspondance de Philippe II , vol. I, pp. 535-536.

92. Fourquevaulx to Charles IX, from Madrid, 21 May 1567, in Gachard, Bibliothèque Nationale à Paris , vol. II, p. 238; Antonio Pérez to Philip II, from Madrid, 17 May 1567, in Gachard, Correspondance de Philippe II , vol. I, pp. 536-537; Ruy Gómez de Silva to the Duchess of Parma, from Madrid, 21 May 1567, in Gachard, Correspondance de Philippe II , vol. I, p. 537; Antonio Pérez to Philip II, from Madrid, 21 May 1567, in Gachard, Correspondance de Philippe II , vol. I, PP. 537-538; Duchess of Parma to Ruy Gómez de Silva, from Antwerp, 1 June 1567, in Gachard, Correspondance de Philippe II, vol. I, pp. 543-544; Gabriel de Çayas to Duke of Alburquerque, from Madrid, 23 May 1567, AGS Estado, leg. 1222, no. 123.

93. Morillon to Granvelle, from St.-Amand, 10 July 1567, in Poullet, Correspondance du Cardinal de Granvelle, vol. II, p. 522.

94. Ruy Gómez de Silva to the Duchess of Parma, from Madrid, 6 October 1567, Gachard, Correspondance de Philippe II, vol. I, p. 583.

95. Rossano to Cardinal Alessandrino, from Madrid, 17 April 1568, in Gachard, Bibliothèques de Madrid et de l'Escurial, pp. 109-110; Gachard, Correspondance de Philippe II, vol. I, p. lx; Serrano, Correspondencia diplomática, vol. II, pp. lxxiv-lxxv.

96. Serrano, Correspondencia diplómatica, vol. II, p. lxxvii.

97. See Castagna [the nuncio, Archbishop Rossano] to Cardinal Alessandrino, from Madrid, 22 March 1567, ibid., p. 86; Fourquevaulx, despatch of 24 March 1567, in Gachard, Bibliothèque Nationale à Paris, vol. II, p. 234.

98. Rossano to Cardinal Alessandrino, from Madrid, 1 May 1568, in Gachard, Bibliothèques de Madrid et de l'Escurial, p. 111; same to same, 11 July 1568, ibid., pp. 112-113; for the nephew's advancement, Gabriel de Çayas to Duke of Alburquerque, from Madrid, 11 January 1567(?), AGS Estado, leg. 1222, no. 115.

99. Fourquevaulx to Catherine de' Medici, from Madrid, 6 August 1569, in Gachard, Bibliothèque Nationale à Paris, vol. II, p. 290; same to same, 4 September 1570, ibid., p. 313. See also Fourquevaulx to Charles IX, from Madrid, 29 November 1569, ibid., p. 293. For more in the same vein, see Note 66.

100. Fourquevaulx to Charles IX, from Madrid, 7 September 1571, in Gachard, Bibliothèque Nationale à Paris, vol. II, p. 346.

101. Salazar y Castro, Casa de Silva, vol. II, pp. 528-539; Muro, Vida de la Princesa de Eboli, ch. II, pp. 122-123, n. 9.

102. The estimate, almost certainly too high, is from Soranzo, "Relazione," p. 89.

103. The accounts of the estate of Mélito for the period of Ruy Gómez's management are summarized in "Relacion del dinero que se ha cobrado del estado de Melito y la Mendolia desde principio del año 1557 que esta a cargo del s ^r Mardones en adelante/. y razon de como se ha gastado," AHN Osuna, leg. 2078, no. 2. The receiver Mardones concluded that, after necessary expenses, "7760 ducats remain as the true [annual] value [of the estate], and in order for it to reach even this sum it is necessary that wheat be valued at eight reales , and in the year that it is not, this value will drop in proportion as the wheat falls. Also it must be borne in mind that year in and year out a servicio extraordinario of nearly 1000 ducats will be paid [further diminishing the yield of the estate]." The quotations concerning the condition of Mileto, the count's properties, and the lack of justice are from the report of Father Joan Hieronimo Domenes, AGS, Visitas de Italia, leg. 348, no. 14. More information on conditions on the estate along with initiatives to improve them may be found in AHN Osuna, leg. 2077, no. 25.

104. For the origins and dimensions of the family dispute, see CODOIN, vol. XCVII, pp. 285-356. The situation is summarized in Erika Spivakovsky, "La Princesa de Eboli," Chronica Nova 9 (1974), pp. 5-48. Some insights into the subsequent unfolding of the conflict are available from various letters of Juan de Escobedo to Ruy Gómez de Silva, from Valladolid, 26 September 1557, AGS CJH, leg. 32, no. 120, 16 October 1557, AGS CJH, leg. 32, no. 121 (the source for the quotation regarding the duchess's grumbling), and 5 November 1557, AGS CJH, leg. 32, no. 124; from AHN Osuna, leg. 2038, no. 7; from a letter of Don Luis de Requesens, in José M. March, "Una novia díscola comparada por Requesens a la Princesa de Eboli," Razón y Fe 145:650 (March 1952), pp. 289-290; from Marañón, Antonio Pérez, vol. I, pp. 171-176. See AGS Estado, leg. 515, no. 106, for Philip's summons to Francavila, 1557. For Francavila's support of Alba, see Alfonso Danvila y Burguero, Don Cristóbal de Moura, primer Marqués de Castel-Rodrigo (1538-1613) (Madrid, 1900), p. 197. Ruy Gómez's comments regarding his familial burden are in Ruy Gómez de Silva to Juan de Escobedo, from Aranjuez, 6 June 1563, AGS CJH, leg. 50, no. 272.

105. The claim against Doña Ana's inheritance was pressed by her first cousin Don Iñigo de Mendoza, subsequently marquis of Almenara. For the legal arguments and their basis, see AHN Osuna, leg. 2080, nos. 9 ² and 9 ³ . See also Marañón, Antonio Pérez, vol. I, p. 139. For some more general remarks on litigation over female inheritance, see J. P. Cooper, "Patterns of inheritance and settlement by great landowners from the fifteenth to the eighteenth centuries," in Family and Inheritance: Rural Society in Western Europe, 1200-1800, ed. by Jack Goody, Joan Thirsk and E. P. Thompson (Cambridge, 1976), pp. 251-252.

106. Castiglione, Courtier, p. 285.

107. Pérez, Aphorismos, fol. 10 rev.

108. Ibid., fol. 25 obv.

109. Pérez, Cartas, fols. 143-144.

110. Antonio de Guevara, Libro primero de las epístolas familiares (Madrid, 1950), vol. I, no. 32 (7 January 1535).

111. Diego de Hermosilla, Diálogo de los pajes (Madrid, 1901), p. 4.

112. Guevara, Epístolas familiares, vol. I, no. 32.

113. Pérez, Cartas, fol. 145 obv.

114. Chantonnay to Granvelle, from Vienna, 12 May 1565, in Weiss, Cardinal de Granvelle, vol. IX (Paris, 1852), p. 186.

115. Same to same, 2 June 1565, ibid., pp. 187-188.

116. See Ulloa, La hacienda real, pp. 163-169. For more information on the alienation of Crown and military-order lands in the sixteenth century, see Helen Nader, Liberty in Absolutist Spain: The Habsburg Sale of Towns, 1516-1700 (Baltimore, 1990), esp. ch. 4; Joan Reglà Campistol, "La época de los tres primeros Austrias," in Historia social y económica de España y América , ed. by Jaime Vicens Vives (Barcelona, 1972), vol. III, p. 55; Fernand Braudel, The Mediterranean and the Mediterranean World in the Age of Philip II (New York, 1976), vol. II, p. 711.

117. AHN Osuna, leg. 2015, nos. 1, 2 ¹ .

118. Ruy Gómez de Silva to Juan de Escobedo, from Estremera, March 1561, AGS CJH, leg. 42, no. 161; Ruiz de Velasco to Juan de Escobedo, March 1561, ibid.

119. AHN Osuna, leg. 2224, no. 2 ^1-17 ; AHN Osuna, leg. 2031, nos. 2-3; Ruy Gómez de Silva to Juan de Escobedo, from Madrid, 8 October 1562, AGS CJH, leg. 46, no. 85; Salazar y Castro, Casa de Silva, vol. II, pp. 495-497; and Mariano Pérez y Cuenca, Historia de Pastrana y sucinta noticia de los pueblos de su partido (Madrid, 1858), pp. 30-32. There is a vast amount of documentation for Ruy Gómez's purchases of property and jurisdictions in the 1560s. A full inventory of the estate appears in the mayorazgo of Pastrana (many copies exist; I have worked from AHN Osuna, leg. 2326, no. 9 ¹ ).

120. The contract of sale is in AHN Osuna, leg. 2502, no. 1. For information on Francisco de Mendoza's prior purchase of these properties upon their "dismemberment" from the Order of Santiago in 1559, see Ulloa, La hacienda real, p. 168. On Mendoza himself, see Diego Gutiérrez Coronel, Historia genealógica de la casa de Mendoza (1772) (Madrid, 1946), p. 338; Cabrera de Córdoba, Felipe II, vol. I, lib. VI, cap. XV, p. 395, and vol. III, lib. IV, cap. III, pp. 354-356.

121. AHN Osuna, leg. 2015, no. 8 ⁴ ; AHN, Sección Consejos Suprimidos 36, 253, P. 13; AHN Osuna, leg. 2708, "Alcav ^s Cajon 13"; AHN Osuna, leg. 2032, no. 5 ^1-2 ; AHN Osuna, leg. 2326, no. 9 ¹ ; Salazar y Castro, Casa de Silva, vol. II, pp. 490-491.

122. Ruy Gómez de Silva to Juan de Escobedo, from Aranjuez, 6 June 1563, AGS CJH, leg. 50, no. 272.

123. Salazar y Castro, Casa de Silva, vol. II, pp. 509-511; AHN Consejos, leg. 36,253, P. 13; Silverio de Santa Teresa, Obras de Santa Teresa de Jesús, vol. VI (Burgos, 1919), pp. 136-137; Marañón, Antonio Pérez, vol. I, pp. 172-173; Gerald Brenan, San Juan de la Cruz (Barcelona, 1974), pp. 26-29.

124. Ruy Gómez de Silva to Juan de Escobedo, from Pellejeros, 12 July 1566, AGS CJH, leg. 74, no. 1; same to same, 2 August 1566, ibid., no. 5; same to same, from Pellejeros, 11 August 1566, ibid., no. 7; same to same, from Pellejeros, 22 August 1566, ibid., no. 9; same to same, from Albalate, 22 November 1566, ibid., no. 14.

125. Ruy Gómez de Silva to Juan de Escobedo, 1568 (no day or month specified), AGS CJH, leg. 90, no. 28.

126. Purchase prices and Grimaldo's involvement in the Estremera-Valdaracete transaction are from contracts cited above. Debts to Herrera and the Fuggers are listed and itemized in AHN Consejos 36,253, P. 13. Part of Herrera's involvement appears to have been in refinancing Eboli's debt to the Fuggers on more favorable terms with other financiers; see Melchor de Herrera to Ruy Gómez de Silva, from Seville, 29 November 1566, AGS CJH, leg. 82, no. 314. For the sale of Eboli and Grimaldo's ducal title, see AHN Osuna, leg. 2708, "Razon de los papeles . . . tocantes a quentas con Nicolao de Grimaldo," AHN, Sección Ordenes Militares, Pruebas de Caballeros de Alcántara, expediente 660, and Salazar y Castro, Casa de Silva, vol. II, pp. 481-482. For the related sale of Rapolla, see Lope de Mardones to Ruy Gómez de Silva, from Naples, 7 January 1566, AGS CJH, leg. 82, no. 307; Duke of Francavila to Ruy Gómez de Silva, from Barcelona, 7 March 1568, AGS CJH, leg. 90, no. 8; Ruy Gómez de Silva to Duke of Francavila(?), 1568(?), AGS CJH, leg. 90, no. 29. Grimaldo had been involved as a receiver and guarantor in an earlier effort to sell Eboli and related properties to Tomás de Marín, and it is possible that his eventual acquisition of these estates resulted from foreclosing on Marín or his heirs; this confusing transaction can be followed, up to a point, in letters of 1562-1563 from Ruy Gómez to Escobedo in Naples, AGS CJH, leg. 46, nos. 86-90, and leg. 50, no. 269.

127. "Razon de los papeles . . . ," AHN Osuna, leg. 2708.

128. Saint-Sulpice to Charles IX and Catherine de' Medici, 21 November 1564, in Cabié, Ambassade en Espagne, p. 317; De l'Aubespine to Saint-Sulpice, from Montpellier, 26 December 1564, ibid., p. 327; Saint-Sulpice to Vicomte d'Orthe, 6 February 1565, ibid., p. 346. For earlier instances of Grimaldo's interest in obtaining licencias de saca to remove bullion from Spain, see "El assiento que se tomo en España con nicolo de grimaldo de un millon de escudos," AGS Estado, leg. 129, no. 233, and Braudel, The Mediterranean, vol. I, p. 481.

129. For the important roles played by Herrera and Grimaldo in the crown finances, and for allegations of corruption against them, see Ulloa, La hacienda real, passim; A. W. Lovett, Philip II and Mateo Vázquez de Leca: The Government of Spain (1572-1592) (Geneva, 1977), pp. 60-61, 101; Cabrera de Córdoba, Felipe II, vol. III, lib. IV, cap. XIII, p. 447; David Ebron to Philip II, from Costantina, 9 December 1597, in Berwick y de Alba, Documentos escogidos . . . de la casa de Alba, p. 233; Marañón, Antonio Pérez, vol. I, pp. 82-83; Henri Lapeyre, Simon Ruiz et les 'asientos' de Philippe II (Paris, 1953), p. 43.

130. Cavalli, "Relazione," p. 181.

131. Saint-Sulpice to Charles IX, from Madrid, 16 March 1565, in Gachard, Bibliothèque Nationale à Paris, vol. II, p. 182. The sale had been concluded on 10 March 1565 (AHN Osuna, leg. 2502, no. 1).

132. Ruy Gómez de Silva to Juan de Escobedo, from Madrid, 14 April 1562, AGS CJH, leg. 46, no. 94.

133. Ruy Gómez de Silva to Juan de Escobedo, from Barcelona, 6 March 1564, AGS CJH, leg. 50, no. 260.

134. AGS Escribanía Mayor de Rentas, Quitaciones de Corte, leg. 39, fol. 687.

135. AGS Contaduría de Mercedes, leg. 486, no. 8.

136. See, for instance, ibid., nos. 9-10.

137. Donato, "Relación," in Cabrera de Córdoba, Felipe II, vol. IV, p. 418.

138. Milio to Juan de Albornoz, from Madrid, 14 August 1573, in Berwick y de Alba, Documentos escogidos . . . de la Casa de Alba, p. 459.

139. AGS Contaduría de Mercedes, leg. 363, no. 24.

140. Antonio Tiepolo, "Relazione di Antonio Tiepolo tornato ambasciatore straordinario dalle corti di Spagna e di Portogallo nel 1572," in Eugenio Albèri, ed., Le relazioni degli ambasciatori veneti al Senato durante il secolo decimosesto , ser. I, vol. V (Florence, 1861), p. 220.

141. For use of this "title," see for example AHN Osuna, leg. 1731, no. 16 ⁸ , AGS Contaduría de Mercedes, leg. 486, no. 8, and AGS Estado, leg. 1229, no. 79; see also Salazar y Castro, Casa de Silva , vol. II, pp. 492-493. Doubtless more accurate is the title granted Ruy Gómez in a royal carta de venta of 1567: "señor de las villas de estremera y baldarazete" (AHN Osuna, leg. 2015, no. 8 ⁴ ).

142. The marriage capitulations of 3 June 1566 and the duke's subsequent ratification may be found in AHN Osuna, leg. 2029, no. 22 and leg. 2030, no. 2. The betrothal by proxies is recorded in AHN Osuna, leg. 2030, no. 1. For the payment of the dowry, see AHN Osuna, leg. 2030, nos. 10-11, and for the expenses--6,000 ducats--incurred by the bride's family in connection with the 1574 wedding, AHN Consejos, leg. 36,253, P. 13. A fine modern account of this marriage is provided in Peter Pierson, Commander of the Armada: The Seventh Duke of Medina Sidonia (New Haven, 1989), pp. 13-18. See also Muro, Vida de la Princesa de Eboli , ch. II, pp. 116-117, n. 19; David Howarth, The Voyage of the Armada: The Spanish Story (Harmondsworth, 1982), pp. 21-22.

143. For Medina Sidonia motives, see Pierson, Commander of the Armada , pp. 13-17.

144. Ruy Gómez de Silva to Juan de Escobedo, from Pellejeros, 24 September 1566, AGS CJH, leg. 50, no. 259.

145. For the basic outlines, see Salazar y Castro, Casa de Silva , vol. II, pp. 696-697. According to a summary in the second contract (Colmenar de Oreja, 27 December 1571, AHN Osuna, leg. 2029, no. 17), the first contract had been signed at Madrid on 9 February 1567. Ruy Gómez de Silva to Duke of Alburquerque, from Madrid, October(?) 1570, AGS Estado, leg. 1227, no. 196, reports the first match, involving Don Rodrigo. By cédula (Aranjuez, 29 April 1572, AHN Osuna, leg. 1859, no. 2), Philip II granted Eboli and Doña Ana leave to form the mayorazgo for Don Ruy Gómez that was stipulated in the 1571 contract. (Incidentally, Don Ruy Gómez was the couple's third surviving son when he was engaged to Doña Luisa de Cárdenas, his next older brother, Don Pedro González de Mendoza, having died in December 1571.) For the demise of Cárdenas, see Cabrera de Córdoba, Felipe II , vol. II, lib. IX, cap. XXV, p. 114. For the problematic match between Don Diego and Doña Luisa, see AHN Osuna, leg. 1838, no. 14; AHN Consejos, leg. 4409 (año 1584), no. 84; AHN Consejos, leg. 36,253 for records of some of the subsequent litigation. See also Cabrera de Córdoba, Felipe II , vol. III, lib. V, cap. VII, p. 504.

146. Salazar y Castro, Casa de Silva , vol. II, pp. 529-539. For Savoy's offer and Eboli's response, see Jorge Manrique to Ruy Gómez de Silva, from Turin, 8 August 1570, AGS Estado, leg. 1229, no. 50, and Ruy Gómez de Silva to Duke of Savoy, from Madrid, 4 October 1570, AGS Estado, leg. 1227, no. 124. In AHN Osuna, leg. 2024, no. 15 (17 December 1571), the Franciscan house "outside the walls" of Pastrana certifies the interment of Don Pedro González. See also Manuel Santaolalla Llanas, Pastrana: Apuntes de su historia, arte y tradiciones (Pastrana, 1979), p. 12.

147. AHN Osuna, leg. 2326, no. 9 ¹ . The juros included in the entail amount to a nominal yearly income of 22,099 ducats, plus a considerable quantity of grain.

148. AHN Osuna, leg. 1731, no. 15 ¹² ; Gutiérrez Coronel, Casa de Mendoza , p. 569, erroneously places this event on 20 December 1571.

149. A Castilian ducal title carried with it an automatic grandeeship. See Antonio Domínguez Ortiz, La sociedad española en el siglo XVII , vol. I (Madrid, 1964), pp. 214-215.

150. Salazar y Castro, Casa de Silva , vol. II, p. 499.

151. Cardinal F. Pacheco de Toledo to Juan de Albornoz, from Rome, 13 January 1571 (1572 N.S.), in Berwick y de Alba, Documentos escogidos . . . de la casa de Alba , pp. 454-455.

152. See, among others, St.-Gouard to Charles IX, from Madrid, 31 May 1572, in Gachard, Bibliothèque Nationale à Paris , vol. II, p. 370, for early signs of Espinosa's loss of favor. In Philip II of Spain (New York, 1969), p. 193, Martin A. S. Hume presents the traditional version of Espinosa's fall from grace and subsequent death, but Luciano Serrano, while not disputing the king's growing coolness, attributes the cardinal's death to ill health and overwork ( Correspondencia diplomática , vol. II, p. lxxxiii).

153. Antonio Domínguez Ortiz, Notas para una periodización del reinado de Felipe II (Valladolid, 1984), pp. 42-43, quotations from p. 43.

154. Zayas to Albornoz, from Madrid, 5 July 1571, in Gachard, Correspondance de Philippe II , vol. II, p. 179. Ruy Gómez had accompanied the king to Andalusia in 1570 and spoke in oblique opposition to Espinosa in the conciliar meetings held at Córdoba. See "Lo q parescio en c ^o destado con el Car ^al sobrelos neg ^os q ha traydo don Jorge Manrrique, en cordova a xvi de abril 1570," AGS Estado, leg. 1229, no. 26.

155. Leonardo Donà and Lorenzo Priuli to the Senate, from Madrid, 5 December 1572, in Mario Brunetti and Eligio Vitale, eds., La Corrispondenza da Madrid dell'ambasciatore Leonardo Donà (1570-1573) (Venice, 1963), vol. II, pp. 608-609.

156. See Note 36.

157. For reports of Ruy Gómez's repeated sojourns in Pastrana, see Ruy Gómez de Silva to Jorge Manrique, from Pastrana, 4 January 1571, AGS Estado, leg. 1229, no. 125; Leonardo Donà to the Senate, from Madrid, 2 April 1571, in Brunetti and Vitale, La Corrispondenza , vol. I, p. 254; same to same, 22 May 1571, in Brunetti and Vitale, La Corrispondenza , vol. I, p. 282; Donà and Lorenzo Priuli to the Senate, from Madrid, 18 March 1573, in Brunetti and Vitale, La Corrispondenza , vol. II, p. 666; same to same, 1 May 1573, in Brunetti and Vitale, La Corrispondenza , vol. II, p. 699.

158. For some notion of his visits to Albalate and Estremera in 1567-1568, see AGS CJH, leg. 82, nos. 341-343, and AGS CJH, leg. 90, nos. 25-27. Ruy Gómez de Silva to Juan de Escobedo, from Albalate, 2 September 1568, AGS CJH, leg. 90, no. 27, reports preparations for a brief visit to Madrid.

159. Melchor de Herrera to Ruy Gómez de Silva, from Medina del Campo, 4 October 1568, AGS CJH, leg. 90, no. 13; Jorge Manrique to Ruy Gómez de Silva, from Milan, 12 August 1570, AGS Estado, leg. 1229, no. 55; same to same, from Milan, 17 August 1570, AGS Estado, leg. 1229, no. 58; same to same, from Turin, 25 August 1570, AGS Estado, leg. 1229, no. 68.

160. Juan de Mariana, Historia general de España (Valencia, 1794), vol. II, p. 709.

Source for epigraph: Antonio Pérez, Aphorismos de las cartas españolas y latinas de Ant. Perez (Paris, [1598?]), fol. 8 rev.

1. Guy Chaussinand-Nogaret, The French Nobility in the Eighteenth Century (Cambridge, 1985), p. 7.

2. See Charles V to Philip, "Carta autógrafa e instrucción secreta de 6 de mayo de 1543," in José M. March, ed., Niñez y juventud de Felipe II (Madrid, 1941-1942), vol. II, p. 27.

3. Antonio Pérez, Aphorismos , fol. 6 obv.

4. Bartolomé Bennassar, La España del siglo de oro (Barcelona, 1983), pp. 49-50.

5. Garrett Mattingly, Renaissance Diplomacy (Boston, 1971), pp. 228-229.

6. The term of derision "partos de la pluma" was coined by Matías de Novoa, a seventeenth-century partisan of the duke of Lerma. Quoted by Modesto Ulloa, Las rentas de algunos señores y señoríos castellanos bajo los primeros Austria (Montevideo, 1971), p. 12.

7. Antonio Pérez, Aphorismos , fol. 6 rev.

8. Antonio Pérez, "A un gran privado," Cartas de Antonio Perez (Paris, [1598?]), fol. 73 obv.

9. Antonio Tiepolo, "Relazione di Antonio Tiepolo tornato ambasciatore straordinario dalle corti di Spagna e di Portogallo nel 1572," in Eugenio Albèri, ed., Le relazione degli ambasciatori veneti al Senato durante il secolo decimosesto , ser. I, vol. V (Florence, 1861), p. 220.

10. Quoted by Geoffrey Parker, Philip II (Boston, 1978), p. 30.

11. Quoted by Ciríaco Pérez Bustamante, Felipe III. Semblanza de un monarca y perfiles de una privanza (Madrid, 1950), p. 41.

12. Baltasar Porreño, Dichos y hechos del rey D. Felipe II (1628) (Madrid, 1942), pp. 6-7.