1. The name of the village literally means respect or worship (Shung) with humility or modesty (Him) hall or church (Tong). The "village of humble worship" is a loose translation found in Ingrams (1952) and used by several informants. I have chosen not to disguise the name of the village because I draw on numerous village histories and church publications in which the name is evident.

2. In this work, I do not use individuals' real names, except for those of authors and public figures, and those that appear in Pang's volume (1934).

3. For an excellent summary of various approaches to the study of ethnicity see Bentley (1983). See also Bentley (1987:24-27) for descriptions of the instrumentalist (e.g., A. Cohen 1969; Despres 1967; Young 1983) and primordialist (e.g., DeVos 1975, 1983; Geertz 1973a; Isaacs 1975; Keyes 1976) models of ethnicity.

4. There are also Basel mission partner churches in Cameroon, Nigeria, Kenya, the Sudan, Zaire, Bolivia, Chile, and Peru. On the history of the Basel mission see Hermann (1911), Jenkins (1989), MacGillivray ([1907] 1979), Oehler (1922), Schlatter (1916), Schultze (1916), Voskamp (1914), Witschi (1965, 1970), and Yu (1987).

5. There has been significant research conducted in Hakka communities in Hong Kong and Taiwan. Noteworthy are the studies by Berkowitz et al. (1969), Bracey (1966), E. Johnson (1975, 1976a, 1976b, 1984, 1988, 1992), G. Johnson (1971), and Pratt (1960) in Hong Kong. M. Cohen (1976), Lamley (1981), and Pasternak (1972, 1983) have written about the Hakka in Taiwan. Hayes has also conducted extensive research in several Hong Kong Hakka communities (1977, 1983). See also J. Hsieh (1980, 1985), Ng (1968), and Strauch (1984). Most studies of the Hakka, however, do not treat Hakka identity as variable, situational, or problematic but as a sociological given. An important exception is the excellent study of Sai Kung by Blake (1975, 1981).

1. "Min" is the term used to refer to the "minnan" languages of Fujian. "Yue'' is the term used to refer to the Cantonese dialects.

2. Lechler (1878) and Luo Xianglin (1933) assert that "Hakka religion" is no different from that of other Chinese. This supports Luo's underlying point that Hakka are Chinese. Eitel (1867, 1868, 1869) and Bohr (1980) suggest some differences including a tendency toward monotheism, less emphasis on the worship of state-sanctioned deities, and less emphasis on Buddhist than Taoist beliefs. These observations do not suggest the existence of a "Hakka religion" but instead are likely to point to some of the vast regional differences in "Chinese religion." Certain aspects of Hakka ancestor worship do seem to differ from other Chinese groups. See Chuang (1990) for a comparison of Hakka and Hokkien ancestor worship in Taiwan, and E. Johnson (1992) for a comparison of Hakka and Punti ancestor worship in Hong Kong.

3. As described in n. 6 below, linguistic sources I have found do not support the idea that Hakka is closer to Mandarin than Yue or Min, yet this view is still popular among most Hakka. As one Hakka member of the United States Hakka Federation recently wrote to me in a letter, "Chinese linguistic experts have proved that Hakka dialect was ancient Mandarin. While Mandarin in Central China has changed ... the Hakka dialect did not change because they lived in remote places and had few contacts with other people."

4. The exact dates of the five migrations vary from source to source. Leong places the first migration at 317-874 A.D. , the second at 874-1276, the third at 1276-1682, the fourth at 1682-1867, and the fifth beginning in 1867 (1980:6).

5. European missionary Charles Piton also argued that Hakka have been immigrants

only since the end of the Chang Dynasty, when, for a period of 53 years, there were not less than 13 emperors of 5 different dynasties who consecutively had an ephemeral sway over China. During those times of trouble a great number of Chinese emigrated into the South, which being more remote from the scene of the struggles, enjoyed a comparative state of peace; and the descendants of these emigrants are the Hakkas of today (1873:225-26).

6. Hashimoto writes that the Hakka assertion of their origins in the Central Plains of China is "largely supported by various historical as well as linguistic evidence" (1973:1). See also Moser (1985), Sagart (1982), and P. Yang (1967). Norman (1988:222) and Ramsey (1987:111) identify Hakka as part of the "southern group" of Chinese languages because, although there are some unmistakably northern features, they consider Hakka to be more closely related to the other southern dialects around them. Norman says that the fact that Hakka language belongs to the "southern group" indicates that "these [Hakka] dialects have developed from a variety of Chinese that has been present in South China since Han and Sanguo times (first to third centuries AD)" (1988:222). Norman's linguistic evidence suggests an even earlier migration than Luo's earliest wave, one that is more compatible with what Hsieh and Eitel classify as the first period of migration. As Ramsey and Norman explain, the assertion that one often hears among Hakka, that their language is closer to Mandarin than is Cantonese, is not supported by linguistic studies.

7. An overwhelming amount has been written on the Taiping Rebellion. For a historical analysis of the Taiping, see Kuhn (1978). For material on the documents of the Taipings, see the monumental collection translated by Michael (1966, 1971). For a collection of early English-language documents about the God Worshipers and the Taiping Rebellion, see Clarke and Gregory (1982). For more on Hong, the leader of the Taiping Rebellion, see the Basel missionary Hamberg's biography of Hong (1854) as told to him by Hong's cousin. For a closer look at the religious issues and beliefs of the Taipings, see Boardman (1952), Bohr (1978), Wagner (1982), and Shih (1967). See Boardman (1962) and Newbern (1953) for a discussion of the millenarian aspects of the Taiping Rebellion, and Smith (1976) for what became of some Taiping "family and friends." Teng (1962) reviews key books and articles written about the Taiping Rebellion by Chinese, English, French, German, Japanese, and Russian authors.

8. According to Luo, Sun Yat-sen was Hakka (1933: chaps. 7, 8; 1965:388-96). This point has been questioned by Tan (1963, cited in Erbaugh 1992). Sun came from a family that considered itself Cantonese, in "a county where Hakka nearby were looked down upon" (Moser 1985:247). According to Moser, when Sun opposed the binding of his sister's feet, his mother responded, "Would you have her as a stranger [Hakka] or as one of us?" (Linebarger [1925] 1969, cited in Moser 1985:247). Sun also is said to have learned of the Taiping Rebellion from an old Hakka man who had participated in it and who spoke Hakka fluently (Moser 1985:247). According to one Hakka informant in the United States, "It is a well established fact that Dr. Sun Yatsen was a Hakka.... Dr. Sun Yat-sen himself said he's Hakka."

9. Teng (1971:49) puts the number of converts at almost two thousand, while I. Hsu (1978) estimates the figure to be over three thousand. At its height, Kuhn asserts that the Taiping movement numbered about two million (1977:351).

10. Yu (1987) notes that Ling Kai Lin, the founder of Shung Him Tong, is reputed to have told his grandson, who then told Luo Xianglin, that he was baptized by Hamberg along with Hong Xiuquan. This is unlikely, but it is possible that Ling was baptized with Li Tsin Kau or possibly Hong Rengan.

11. The Taiping Rebellion is now hailed as an early display of Chinese, not Hakka, nationalism, and as a precursor of the Chinese Revolution, which was strongly opposed to foreign interference and domination. Teng refers to the Taiping as "a gigantic ethnic movement to overthrow the foreign Manchu dynasty," but he uses the term "ethnic" to refer to Chinese, not Hakka (1971:vii).

12. An attempt to minimize the distinction between Chinese subethnic groups in order to unify the Han Chinese majority is evidenced in the government policy of the People's Republic of China. There, Mandarin—the native language of an estimated 70 percent of mainlanders—has become the national language. The "national minorities" are displayed as the exotic "other" in contrast to the unified image of Han Chinese, which includes the estimated Hakka population of thirty-five million. In an attempt to reinforce the solidarity of the Han Chinese, as Erbaugh has observed, Chinese publications rarely mention whether a person is Hakka, although Hakka represent a disproportionately high number in the Chinese government (1992).

13. The translation into English from the Chinese version that Nakagawa used reads:

The Hakkas are surely a branch of the people of the Middle Field, and quite a characteristic, robust, and outstanding one, at that. The fact that their progenitors, although compelled to migrate, came from the Middle Field can be ascertained by the following evidences: their respect for their own stock; their high morale as warriors; their deserving self-reliance. Mark my words, the

Hakkas are sure to intensify their influence in due course of development and to exalt the people of China (Nakagawa 1975:209).

The original source reads quite differently:

The Hakkas are certainly a very distinct and virile strain of the Chinese race. The circumstances of their origin and migrations go far to account for their pride of race and martial spirit. Probably they never had the custom of foot-binding. It is safe to predict that Hakkas will play an increasingly important part in the progress and elevation of the Chinese people (Campbell 1912:480).

1. The term "Punti" is sometimes translated to mean "indigenous" or "native" but does not usually refer to the pre-Chinese (pre-Han) inhabitants. "Punti" is used in several different ways depending on the context and the person using the term. The most common uses are as follows. (1) It is used by Cantonese speakers to refer to the descendants of Cantonese-speaking people who lived in the New Territories before the British. This includes those who successfully "passed'' as Cantonese. (2) It is used to refer to the Chinese people who were in the New Territories before the British, regardless of whether they were Hakka speakers or Cantonese speakers. (3) It is used very broadly to refer to people who are not "recent immigrants" to the New Territories. This generally means people who arrived before the late 1940s. Punti can be juxtaposed to Hakka in some cases, and can include Hakka in others. In most cases, however, the term refers to pre-British Yue-speaking inhabitants.

2. As Faure defines it, the Cantonese term heung (xiang) can be used to describe a cluster of villages so close that they appear to merge together, as a larger community including villages and village clusters, or to describe a "cluster in which each village forms a distinct unit," as in Lung Yeuk Tau, also known as Lung Shan Heung (1986:181).

3. Anthropological research has been conducted among several of the higher-order lineages in the New Territories. See R. Watson (1985, 1982) for information on the Teng of Ha Tsuen; Potter on the Teng of Ping Shan (1968); J. Watson on the Man (1975); Baker on the Liao (1968); and Faure (1986) on Eastern New Territories lineages, especially Teng and Pang.

4. It is interesting to note the early censuses used language as the means of distinguishing between Hakka and Punti (Hong Kong Government 1911). Later censuses (1962, 1966) still distinguished between "usual language," but in this case it was between Hakka and Cantonese (the Punti language, strictly speaking is not the same as Cantonese—the language spoken in Canton—is not often understood by Cantonese speakers, and is sometimes mistaken for Hakka). In the 1971 census, language is given as a factor of place of origin. In the 1981 census there is no category of language, only place of origin defined so broadly as to include all of Guangdong in one category; thus, it is impossible to determine the size of the Hakka population as their "place of origin" is the same as that of the Cantonese. Census data for 1971 and 1981 suggest that there are far more Chaozhou than Hakka. This is misleading as most Hakka have been in Hong Kong far longer than the Chaozhou and therefore their "usual language" is often Cantonese. The bulk of the Chaozhou population live in urban areas, while many Hakka remain in the rural New Territories (see Sparks 1976a, 1976b).

5. The official boundary of Shung Him Tong, used for administrative purposes and for population census information, stretches over a far wider area than the "social" boundary of Shung Him Tong. The fact that there are at least two ideas about what is meant by Shung Him Tong becomes clear with the following example: the official population of Shung Him Tong is thirteen hundred, and this number is used to determine the number of village representatives to which Shung Him Tong is entitled. But church members say that "almost everyone in Shung Him Tong village goes to church" and that "95 percent of the people in Shung Him Tong are Christian and all are Hakka." During the year I attended Shung Him Tong Sunday services, less than two hundred people attended church each week, and many were from outside of Shung Him Tong, even with its boundaries most broadly defined. Shung Him Tong, as it is represented in this study, is the Shung Him Tong of Hakka Christians. The question of who is considered to "belong" to the community is addressed in the following chapter.

6. This is an unpublished address presented by K. M. A. Barnett while serving as District Commissioner of the New Territories, now held at the Colonial Secretariat Library, Hong Kong.

7. See Pasternak (1983:12-26) for an example of the unwelcome reception of Hakka in Taiwan.

8. The manuscript was compiled by Pang Lok Sam in 1934. It was later mimeographed. A photocopy of a mimeographed copy is in the Chinese collection of the Hong Kong University Library. It is handwritten and poorly duplicated so not all parts are legible.

9. It is unclear whether the immigrants were accompanied by their families. Women and children are rarely mentioned in the history of the village or in the family genealogies. Daughters may be listed but their names are rarely recorded, nor are those of their husbands and children.

10. It is not clear whether the tenant farmers Ling and Chan who Ling Kai Lin invited to farm his land are the families of Ling Ban Chung, Ling Ban Sum, Chan Yuk Choi, and Chan Kwai Choi.

11. One informant was quick to tell me that the earlier name of Shung Him Tong meaning "Always Prosper" need not refer to material wealth, but could also mean "spiritual wealth," or an increasing number of believers.

12. See Baker (1968:36-37) for an example of the dislike of Christians in Sheung Shui.

13. The Hong Kong property of the Basel mission had been transferred to the Hong Kong church during World War I, but the Tsung Tsin mission, or the "Hakka church," did not gain its independence until 1928. When the Germans lost the war, Tsung Tsin mission became independent largely for economic reasons. The Basel mission churches in China were not affected by the war as were their churches in Africa, India, and Hong Kong, since the German missionaries who belonged to the Basel mission were allowed to remain (see Pang 1934; also Jenkins 1989).

14. According to W. Lo (1965:95-96, 113), in imperial China the Punti often prevented recent Hakka immigrants from registering with the local government so that they would not be eligible "to participate in the local civil service examination, for which each district had a fixed quota." As early as 1789 a separate quota was set up for the Hakka in certain parts of Guangdong in an attempt to reduce the "conflicts between the minority groups and the rest of the population" (Chang 1955:81). See Lun Ng (1984) concerning village education in the New Territories region during the Qing dynasty.

15. In a government memo (Hong Kong Government 1923), the colonial secretary inquired of the north district officer whether the school was to be a commercial or a philanthropic venture. The north district officer responded:

Mr. Pang has collected subscriptions from the local Hakka community for the purchase of the land and building of a school, after that the school will be dependent on fee and government aid. There will probably be about 40 pupils paying HK$5 or HK$6 per annum. This will scarcely pay the salary of the teacher ... so there is unlikely to be any commercial profit. I believe this to be a genuine case and worthy of assistance.

16. It is difficult to generalize about where Hakka non-Christians sided in these disputes. In some cases Hakka non-Christians turned to the powerful Hakka Christian leaders for support in their own disagreements with Punti villagers. In the case of the dispute with On Lok described in this chapter, local Hakka might well have sided with the people of Shung Him Tong because, like the Lung Yeuk Tau Punti, they could also benefit from the new path through On Lok. In other conflicts that were specifically between Hakka Christians and Punti, such as in the conflict over the new church site described in Chapter 5, most local non-Christian Hakka appear to have attempted to remain neutral rather than risk offending their Punti neighbors.

17. According to the European missionary,

On the night of the sixteenth of this month, as I was studying at Chung Him School, I heard about fifteen shots coming from the direction of On Lok village. All the people in the room were stunned and knew not what to do. Others in the village were so frightened that they closed their doors and dared not go out. On the night of the seventeenth, Mr. Kwong, a detective, visited Pang Lok Sam to investigate the shots fired the previous night. It had been reported to him that some Shung Him Tong villagers had wanted to destroy the barricade set up at the Shung Him bridge, that On Lok villagers had had to fire to warn them, and that Pang Lok Sam and our villagers had fired back. After hearing this, Pang Lok Sam wanted to establish his innocence, so he presented his two rifles and pistol together with the 150 bullets to the Sheung Shui police station for examination. The bullets had been registered before the incident took place and all of them were accounted for; solid evidence that Pang Lok Sam did not fire at 7:30 P.M. on the sixteenth (in Pang 1934:19).

1. The stereotypical round, flat "Hakka hat" with black fringes is never seen in church.

2. Since I left Shung Him Tong in 1987, two young Hakka people from the village have made plans to enter theological seminaries.

3. Shung Him Tong also resembles the early Basel mission in its rejection of the ecumenical movement. Tsung Tsin mission is instead affiliated with the Lutheran church.

4. See also Liao (1972) for an explanation of the "failure" of Protestant missionaries among the Hakka in Taiwan, which he says was in part because becoming Christian was equated with giving up Hakka identity.

5. The Cantonese term Geiduktouh (Jidutu), meaning "Christian," is almost exclusively used to refer to Protestants, while the Cantonese term Tinjyugaau (Tianzhujiao) refers only to Catholics. Some Shung Him Tong people do not believe that Catholics worship the same God. This idea is reinforced by the fact that Protestants generally translate God in Cantonese as Seuhngdai (Shangdi), while Roman Catholics generally use the Cantonese term Tinjyu (Tianzhu). The fact that Catholic and Protestant Bibles originate from different European translations of earlier texts and translate such basic terms as "God" and "Christ" in different ways has contributed to the impression that these are vastly different religions. Many people I spoke to also were highly critical of the fact that Catholics "worship saints" and that their nuns "resemble'' Buddhist ones.

1. In a study of urban resettlement of a Hakka village in Hong Kong, Berkowitz demonstrates the adaptability of Chinese religion: gods who were not needed in the new setting were sent back to heaven, while others were assigned new duties (1969). See also Harrell (1974:204).

Similarly, Francis Hsu cites a letter written to a Beijing newspaper in 1947 in response to a request for personal experiences that relate to "how to conquer poverty." The person who answered wrote that becoming Catholic was "in short ... one of the ways of meeting an emergency. Just get baptized and don't worry about the rest.... Another way out is to go to the Relief Department of the Bureau of Social Welfare" (1981:272).

2. J. Watson outlines the following structures of Chinese funerary rites: In the "performative domain" are (1) "public notification of death by wailing and other expressions of grief"; (2) donning of the appropriate white attire for mourners; (3) "ritualized bathing of the corpse"; (4) "the transfer of food, money and goods from the living to the dead"; (5) "the preparation and installation of a soul tablet for the dead"; (6) "the ritualized use of money and employment of professionals" who perform ritual services; (7) "music to accompany the corpse and settle the spirit"; (8) "sealing the corpse in an airtight coffin"; and (9) "expulsion of the coffin from the community" (1988:12-15). In the ideological domain, the Chinese believe (1) in a continuity and similarity between this world and the next; (2) that there is no radical dualism between body and soul; (3) that after death there continue to be reciprocal relations between the living and the dead; and (4) that there must be a balance between the sexes even in death—thus the practice of posthumous or ghost marriages (1988:8-11). Watson stresses that the practices associated with death rituals were standardized and absolute, while the belief system was "loosely organized at best and rarely enforced" (1988:10).

3. As Whyte puts it, "In the enduring stress on the strong links and obligations between family members which persist beyond the grave, if not the ritual structure, modern Chinese urbanites can still express their essential Chineseness" (1988:316). The same can be said for the people of Shung Him Tong.

4. Baker describes the persecution of Christians in a village in Sheung Shui, several miles from Shung Him Tong, as follows:

In 1909 the first convert in the village was made, but this "evoked strong opposition which took the form of persecution and entailed suffering for the truth's sake." ... The villagers generally are strongly opposed to Christianity now well represented in their midst, and they have been successful in driving out one family whose house has been closed up by the officials ... and we believe sold (Baker 1968:36-37; emphasis in original).

5. By arguing that what is essential to Chineseness is not religious, they are constructing an identity that bears important similarities to the secular Chinese identity in the People's Republic of China (Whyte 1988). Also see Whyte for a discussion of the importance of "proper" burial practices and the redefinition of what is deemed proper in the People's Republic of China (1988:314).

6. Like the residents of Ch'inan, Taiwan, described by Ahern, the people of Shung Him Tong I spoke to did not consider the crowdedness of the public cemetery a drawback (1973:188).

7. Pang's grave was built on a site that he selected on his own private land before the rules were as strictly enforced as they are today. Pang's wife, however, is buried in the Shung Him cemetery. It is noteworthy that despite Pang's role in establishing the cemetery, he was not buried there. His horseshoe-shaped grave, covered with a shelter and adorned with red painted crosses, overlooks the Shung Him cemetery from the opposing hill. Some speculate that having his own spot conveyed more honor, others that he wanted the same rights as the Punti in the area, and still others that he might have thought the spot would be more permanent since it was on his own family property.

8. Photographs play an increasingly important part in funerals and weddings. When someone has died, photographs of the person in the home are often turned around for a few days, as Christians explain, out of respect. Another explanation not expressed by Chinese Christians stems from the Chinese belief that a photograph can capture one's soul and must be removed to allow the soul to travel to the afterworld.

9. Simple yarn flowers may be an adaptation of the proscription against wearing "fine" clothes such as silk. Although several detailed studies of mourning grades exist, I have found no explanation of the significance of the green color of the yarn flowers. As A. Wolf (1970, 189-207) found in Taiwan, rough cloth is worn by the closest relations, white by a generation further removed, dark blue by the great grandsons' generation, red by the following generation, and yellow by the next. These colors indicate increasing genealogical distance from the deceased. Wolf also describes a practice of placing a dead man in his coffin with coins in his pocket. Just before the burial the coins are removed and the children and grandchildren tie them to their wrists. The children generally use a white string and the grandchildren use a blue string (1970:199). It seems possible that these practices are related to the blue and green yarn flowers. As Wolf explains, blue is a "middle point on the scale, halfway between the extremes of joy [symbolized by red or yellow] and sorrow [the rough hemp fabric]" (1970:191).

10. As Ahern describes in Taiwan, red steamed cakes are passed out to funeral guests because red acts "as a prophylactic to ward off any danger from lingering contact with ghosts" (1973:174).

11. In Hong Kong it is acceptable for Catholics to bow to graves, but people of Shung Him Tong generally do not. Catholics, I was told, usually go on All Saints' Day in November, near Chung Yeung, rather than at Easter or Ching Ming.

12. People from Shung Him Tong did not seem to be aware that in some parts of China graves are visited as part of the lunar new year celebration or on the last day of the old year.

13. A looser interpretation might be that "flowers come up and have a fragrant smell."

14. Much has been written on this subject. See, for example, Ahern (1973), Freedman (1966, 1979), and Weller (1987).

15. The typical feng-shui site for a village, town, or city is facing south. "South," however, is always defined by the direction the site is facing:

The front of the site is always the south and all south stands for, and front is symbolic for south even if it has proved impracticable really to face due south. It [the site] should always have an unhindered view. Likewise the back of a site is always the north and should be blocked, left is always the east and all it stands for, right is always a symbol for the west (Feuchtwang 1974b:2).

1. Thanks to Lesley Sharp for calling this to my attention.

2. Confucius is reputed to have said, "Having only coarse food to eat, plain water to drink, and a bent arm for a pillow, one can still find happiness therein. Riches and honour acquired by unrighteous means are to me as drifting clouds" ( Analects 7:15 in de Bary 1960:22).

3. As the Confucian Analects suggest, "Poverty and low station are what people dislike; but if one ends up with them by not complying with the Moral Way, he cannot get rid of them" ( Analects 4:5 in Jochim 1986:124).

4. See, for example, Basel missionary Leonhardt's description in Appendix 1 of the Christian convert Tsang Fuk Ming before he became Christian. According to Leonhardt, Tsang was one of the "pious heathens" who were "closer to the truth."

5. These occupations are still considered valid options for unmarried women in Shung Him Tong. One young woman was told by her parents that she ought not marry because of her past psychological problems, which they feared were hereditary. Instead, she considered the option of becoming an evangelist.

6. This also helps to explain why charity and gifts of money were not as desirable to early converts as work and educational opportunities.

1. Hakka identity in Taiwan provides an important lesson. As little as a decade ago, Hakka identity there appeared to be on the decline, but it has since made a striking comeback. Before 1986, Martin writes, ethnic consciousness in Taiwan was such that scholars "rightly collapsed the different ethnic origins of the Taiwanese population" and depicted Taiwan's Hakka, Hokkien, and aborigines all as native Taiwanese (1992:2). Today, Taiwan Hakka have organized into an active political movement. Martin asserts it is "no longer possible to discuss ethnicity in Taiwan without distinguishing Hokkien, Hakka and aborigines from one another" (1992:2).

2. That a nontraditional association has become the basis for the perpetuation and transformation of Hakka identity is not what some scholars might expect. J. Hsieh provides us with an interesting point of contrast. His work among Huizhuo Hakka associations in Hong Kong suggests that because Chinese voluntary organizations are based on traditional principles of locality, kinship, and occupation, they "not only constitute a modernizing agency for better adaptation to modern situations, but also work as a mechanism for perpetuating and preserving Hakka tradition" (1985:157). In accord with the point made by Shack in his work among ethnic groups in Ethiopia (1973), the case of Hakka Christians shows that ethnic identity can also persist and be perpetuated by nontraditional urban voluntary associations.

3. Just as the Hausa who live in Yoruba towns in Nigeria and who have adopted the Tijaniya religion to strengthen their identity (A. Cohen 1969), so the Hakka Christians described in this book have taken on a "new" religious identity to strengthen their ethnic identity. The difference between Cohen's study and my own is that Cohen uses the Hausa case to support an instrumentalist argument that ethnicity persists because it serves economic interests.

1. Some of the Lings spell their name "Ling" and others such as Dou Yeung spell it "Lin." I have chosen the spelling "Lin" in order to distinguish it with another surname more commonly spelled "Lin." Dou Yeung also commonly writes his name "Do Yang," following the Mandarin pronunciation. Lin Tschong Hin is another name for Pastor Ling Kai Lin.

2. The Chinese word for "business" (shengyi) can refer to anything from a shop or a mortgage company to hawking on the street or raising pigs. It can also be roughly translated as "project."