Notes
Introduction
1. "La grande âme du Législateur est le vrai miracle qui doit prouver sa mission" (Rousseau, Du Contrat social [1762], ed. Ronald Grimsley, Oxford, 1972, p. 141).
2. Charles-Gilbert Romme, "Modèle des sentiments qui doivent animer les citoyens des campagnes," Feuille Villagoise, no. 43, July 21, 1791, p. 301. Quoted in Albert Mathiez, Les Origines des Cultes révolutionnaires (1789-1792), Paris, 1904, p. 78.
3. The most thoroughly documented study of David's project is Philippe Bordes, Le Serment du Jeu de Paume de Jacques-Louis David, Paris, 1983. See also the review of Bordes by Thomas Crow, Art Bulletin, LXVIII, September 1986, pp. 499-501; and catalogue entries nos. 100-114 in Antoine Schnapper and Arlette Sérullaz, Jacques-Louis David, Paris, Musée du Louvre and Musée National du Château, Versailles, 1989, pp. 242-75.
4. Description du serment et de la fête civique, célébrés au Bois de Boulogne par la Société du jeu de paume de Versailles, des 20 juin 1789 et 1790, Paris, [1790], p. 2.
5. See Wolfgang Balzer, Der junge Daumier und seine Kampfgefährten, Dresden, 1965, pp. 58-60.
6. Alphonse de Lamartine, address of January 10, 1839, quoted in Mary Dorothy Rose Leys, Between Two Empires: A History of French Politicians and People between 1814 and 1848, London, 1955, p. 223.
7. My figure is based on the table of contents of Jacques Godechot, ed., Les Constitutions de la France depuis 1789, Paris, 1979, in which the three major modifications of the Constitution of Year VIII and Napoleon's Additional Act (1815) are treated as distinct constitutions.
8. See, for example, Bruno Foucart, Le Renouveau de la peinture religieuse en France (1800-1860), Paris, 1987; and Michael Paul Driskel, Representing Belief: Religion, Art, and Society in Nineteenth-Century France, University Park, Pa., 1992.
9. This study developed from my dissertation, " Le Peuple de Dieu: Old Testament Motifs of Legislation, Prophecy, and Exile in French Art between the Empires," Institute of Fine Arts, New York University, 1986. For the treatment of Old Testament subjects by Romantic sculptors, see Ruth Butler, "Religious Sculpture in Post-Christian France," in the exhibition catalogue The Romantics to Rodin, ed. Peter Fusco and H. W. Janson, Los Angeles County Museum of Art, 1980, pp. 90-95.
10. See the exhibition catalogue The Dreyfus Affair: Art, Truth, and Justice, ed. Norman L. Kleeblatt, Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1987; Zeev Sternhell, Maurice Barrès et le nationalisme française, Brussels, 1985, and La Droite révolutionnaire, 1885-1914, Paris, 1978; and Michel Winock, Nationalisme, antisémitisme et fascisme en France, Paris, 1990.
Chapter One The Revolutionary Cult of Law
1. All constitutional citations in this book are from Jacques Godechot, ed., Les Constitutions de la France depuis 1789, Paris, 1979.
2. Charles Loyseau, Traité des seigneuries, 3d ed., Châteaudun, 1610, p. 26. For the legislative function of the French monarch, see Michel Antoine, "La Monarchie absolue," in The French Revolution and the Creation of Modern Political Culture, Oxford, 1987, 1:3-24; and Roland Mousnier, The Institutions of France under the Absolute Monarchy, 1598-1789, trans. Brian Pearce, Chicago, 1979, 1:665.
3. The Estates-General comprised representatives of the three divisions of the pre-revolutionary French population: the clergy, the aristocracy, and all other subjects of the crown. Its sessions were infrequent: the spring 1789 convocation of the Estates-General—which led to the formation of the National Assembly—was the first meeting of that body since 1614.
4. "At no point . . . was the legislative power of the monarchy viewed as a creative factor in legal development. At best, the rôle of the French monarchy was not to create law, but to formulate existing customs and to administer justice within the framework of tradition" (Réné David and Henry P. de Vries, The French Legal System, New York, 1958, p. 12).
5. Alexis de Tocqueville, L'Ancien régime et la Révolution [1856], ed. J.-P. Mayer, Paris, 1967, p. 140.
6. See Jean Carbonnier, "La Passion des lois au siècle des Lumières," in Essais sur les lois, Paris, 1979, pp. 203-23; and David Wisner, "Quelques représentations de législateurs antiques dans l'art de la période révolutionnaire," in La Révolution française et l'antiquité, ed. R. Chevallier, Tours, 1991, pp. 369-90.
7. De la Législation, in Collection complète des oeuvres de l'abbé de Mably, Paris, Year III [1794-95], p. 261.
8. Encyclopédie, ou Dictionnaire raisonné, Neuchâtel, 1765, s.v. "Législateur."
9. For the motif of the authoritative legislator-teacher in Rousseau's fiction and political writ-
ing, see Judith N. Shklar, Men and Citizens, Cambridge, Mass., 1969, pp. 128, 154-55, 160-61.
10. From an unpublished fragment "Produit net relativement à la société," in Emmanuel-Joseph Sieyès, Ecrits politiques, ed. Roberto Zapperi, Paris, 1985, p. 51.
11. Louis-Antoine Saint-Just, "Discours sur l'acte constitutionnel" (April 24, 1793), in Chef d'oeuvres de l'eloquence parlementaire, ed. Camille Lacroix, Paris, 1893, 2:160.
12. For the development of the modern notion of constitution, see Marina Valensise, "La Constitution française," in The French Revolution and the Creation of Modern Political Culture, 1:441-67. See also Paul Bastid, L'Idée de constitution, Paris, 1985.
13. For the text of the Tennis Court Oath, see François Furet and Denis Richet, La Révolution française, Paris, 1973, p. 77.
14. For the concept of constitution that evolved in the National Assembly, see François Furet and Mona Ozouf, eds., A Criticial Dictionary of the French Revolution, trans. Arthur Goldhammer, Cambridge, Mass., 1989, s.v. "Constitution," entry by Keith Michael Baker.
15. Emmanuel-Joseph Sieyès, Qu'est-ce que le Tiers état? ed. Roberto Zapperi, Geneva, 1970, p. 180; and Sieyès, "Préliminaire de la constitution: Reconnoissance et exposition raisonnée des droits de l'homme et du citoyen" (read to the Constitution Committee, July 20-21, 1789), in Ecrits politiques, p. 199.
16. This motif is discussed in R. Liebenwein-Krämer, "Säkularisierung und Sakralisierung," Ph.D. diss., Johann Wolfgang Goethe University, Frankfurt am Main, 1977, pp. 159-61.
17. Because it was the deputies' responsibility to have these insignia fabricated, they exist in variants. See the exhibition catalogue Droits de l'homme & conquête des libertés, Vizille, Musée de la Révolution française, 1986, no. 21, p. 23; and Sylvie de Turckheim-Pey, "Les Insignes révolutionnaires de la collection Claudius Côte," in Autour des mentalités et des pratiques politiques sous la Révolution française, Paris, 1987, pp. 137-49.
18. Constant Pierre, Musique des fêtes et cérémonies de la Révolution française, Paris, 1899, pp. 357-65. See Marie-Noëlle Polino, "Quatremère de Quincy et la Fête de la loi en l'honneur de Simoneau, maire d'Etampes (juin 1792), in La Révolution française et l'antiquité, ed. R. Chevallier, Tours, 1991, pp. 285-309.
19. Convention nationale. Rapport sur le Code civil fait au nom du Comité de législation, le vendredi 9 août 1793 . . . par le citoyen Cambacérès, député du département de l'Hérault [Paris, 1793], pp. 3, 11-12.
20. Jules Michelet, Histoire de la Révolution française [1847-53], ed. Gérard Walter, Paris, 1952, 1:418.
21. Maurice-Charles-Emmanuel Deslandres, Histoire constitutionnelle, Paris, 1932, 1:73.
22. See Albert Mathiez, Les Origines des Cultes révolutionnaires (1789-1792), Paris, 1904, pp. 33-34; 47-49.
23. Quoted in Mona Ozouf, Festivals and the French Revolution, trans. Alan Sheridan, Cambridge, Mass., 1988, p. 67.
24. The construction of this abortive monument was entrusted to Pierre-François Palloy (1775-1835), who made a business of selling Bastille memorabilia. See the exhibition catalogue La Révolution française et l'Europe, 1789-1799, no. 519, 2:405.
25. For a variant of this print without the artists' signatures see Bibliothèque Nationale, Département des estampes, Un siècle d'histoire, II, Paris, 1914, cat. no. 4236, p. 769.
26. Ozouf, Festivals and the French Revolution, pp. 83-84.
27. Convention nationale. Procès-verbal des monuments, de la marche, et des discours de la Fête consacrée à l'inauguration de la Constitution . . . le 10 août 1793, Paris, [1793], p. 7.
28. See Lynn Hunt, Politics, Culture, and Class in the French Révolution, Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1984, pp. 96-98.
29. Convention nationale. Procès-verbal, p. 10.
30. Un siècle d'histoire, III, Paris, 1921, cat. no. 4990, p. 223.
31. See Marcel Roux, Bibliothèque Nationale, Département des estampes, Inventaire des fonds français, graveurs du dix-huitième siècle, Paris, 1930, 1:149; and the color reproduction in Michel Vovelle, La Révolution française: Images et récit, Paris, 1986, 4:245.
32. According to Deslandres, "the memory of Moses clearly haunted the Convention" ( Histoire constitutionnelle, 1:283). For the association of the Mountain with Mount Sinai, see also Liebenwein-Krämer, "Säkularisierung und Sakralisierung," pp. 160-61.
33. See Bibliothèque Nationale, Un siècle d'histoire, cat. no. 5012, 3:230-31.
34. This anonymous writer pushed biblical imagery to the edge of lunacy. He described monarchs as demons whose function has been to punish man for the idolatry in which he has been plunged by "the unpardonable neglect of the laws that Moses received from you, my God, on the mountain of Sinai; mountain whose [power of] regeneration has just saved the Republic" (Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale Lb 41 1118).
35. Archives parlementaires de 1787 à 1860, 1st series, 1787-1799, ed. J. Mavidal, E. Laurent, L. Lataste, Louis Claveau, Constant Pionnier, and André Ducom, Paris, 1903, 63:311, 64:32-33. See also J.-P. Babelon, Archives Nationales, Musée de l'histoire de France, vol. 4, Salle de la Révolution française, Paris, 1965, p. 84.
36. Gabriel Bouquier and Pierre-Louis Moline, La Réunion du six août, ou l'Inauguration de la République française, Paris, n.d., p. 37. For this play, performed fifty-two times after opening in March 1794, see Beatrice F. Hyslop, "The Parisian Theater during the Reign of Terror," Journal of Modern History, XVII, December 1945, pp. 344-45.
37. The work is dated 23 germinal Year II [April 12, 1794]. See La Révolution française et l'Europe, cat. no. 856, 3:654; and Droits de l'homme & conquête des libertés, cat. no. 35, pp. 33-34.
38. The quotation is from a directorial ordinance establishing a similar emblem for a seal to be placed on the official Bulletin des lois ( Messages, arrêtès et proclamations du Directoire exécutif, no. 512, 2:121, 16 brumaire, Year V [November 7, 1796]). For Gatteaux's medal, see
[Michel Hennin], Histoire numismatique de la Révolution française, Paris, 1826, I, cat. no. 789; and Alain DiStefano, Histoire des insignes et des costumes des sénateurs, Paris, 1980, pp. 34-35.
39. For the development of anti-parliamentarianism in 1795, see Furet and Richet, La Révolution française, pp. 314, 320.
40. Ibid., pp. 489-92.
39. For the development of anti-parliamentarianism in 1795, see Furet and Richet, La Révolution française, pp. 314, 320.
40. Ibid., pp. 489-92.
41. See Jacques Godechot, The Counter-Revolution, trans. Salvator Attanasio, Princeton, N.J., 1971; P. H. Beik, "The French Revolution Seen from the Right," Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, n.s. XLVI, part 1, 1956; and the incisive essay by George Steiner, "Aspects of Counter-Revolution," in The Permanent Revolution: The French Revolution and Its Legacy, 1789-1989, ed. G. Best, Chicago, 1989, pp. 129-53.
42. See Joan McDonald, Rousseau and the French Revolution, London, 1965, pp. 132-33.
43. Edmund Burke, Reflections on the Revolution in France, ed. Thomas H. D. Mahoney, Indianapolis, Ind., 1955, pp. 39, 79, 229.
44. See Actes des apôtres, VII, no. 210 [Dec. 1790 or Jan. 1791], pp. 3-5. The Acts of the Apostles published some of the earliest examples of royalist caricature, a genre that flourished between the opening of the Legislative Assembly, in autumn 1791, and the fall of the monarchy, August 10, 1792. See Claude Langlois, La Caricature contre-révolutionnaire, Paris, 1988, pp. 9-13.
45. "Stances sur l'ancien et le nouveau Sénat de France," Actes des apôtres, VIII, no. 214 [1791], p. 14.
46. Langlois, La Caricature contre-révolutionnaire, p. 65.
47. Actes des apôtres, II [1790], pp. 1-8 (preceding no. 31). In a similar vein of humor, an anonymous Petit catéchisme national defined constitution as "une émanation sortie avec grand bruit du corps constituant." See Frank Paul Bowman, "Les 'liturgies révolutionnaires': Pastiches ou parodies?" Revue d'histoire littéraire de la France, 1990, nos. 4-5, p. 601.
48. Bibliothèque Nationale, Un siècle d'histoire, cat. no. 4326, 2:794.
49. See Bibliothèque Nationale, Un siècle d'histoire, I, Paris, 1909, cat. no. 533, pp. 231-32; Langlois, La Caricature contre-révolutionnaire, pp. 194-95, 248, no. 119; and La Révolution française et l'Europe, cat. no. 770, 2:579.
50. The king's tormenter, astride a wigged centaur that resembles Robespierre, is identified below as "Robespierre mounted on [ à cheval sur, i.e., 'a stickler for'] the constitution."
51. See catalogue entry no. 691 by David Bindman in La Révolution française et l'Europe, 2:515.
52. See Richard A. Lebrun, Joseph de Maistre: An Intellectual Militant, Kingston, Ontario, 1988; and Isaiah Berlin, "Joseph de Maistre and the Origins of Fascism," in The Crooked Timber of Humanity, New York, 1991, pp. 91-174.
53. Maistre, Comte Joseph de, Considérations sur la France, Lyon, 1847, p. 8.
54. See Maistre's Essay on the Generative Principle of Constitutions (1810), published in 1814.
55. Maistre, Considérations sur la France, pp. 67-68.
56. Ibid., pp. 92, 146.
55. Maistre, Considérations sur la France, pp. 67-68.
56. Ibid., pp. 92, 146.
57. See Henri Moulinié, "De Bonald," Ph.D. diss., University of Toulouse, 1915, which includes a useful summary of Bonald's thought, pp. 398-410.
58. Louis-Gabriel-Ambroise de Bonald, Oeuvres complètes de M. de Bonald, ed. Abbé Migne, Paris, 1859, 1:122 (emphasis in original).
59. See Godechot, The Counter-Revolution, p. 100. Bonald claimed that he sent a copy to Napoleon at the time of the return from Egypt. See Moulinié, "De Bonald," pp. 29-30.
60. Anne-Louise-Germaine Necker de Staël-Holstein, Considérations sur les principaux événements de la Révolution française (1818), in French Literature and Thought since the Revolution, ed. Ramon Guthrie and George E. Diller, New York, 1942, p. 33.
61. Bibliothèque Nationale, Un Siècle d'histoire, IV, Paris, 1929, cat. no. 7414, p. 169.
62. Mary Dorothy George, Catalogue of Political and Personal Satires, London, 1942, vol. 7, no. 9426; and Bibliothèque Nationale, Un siècle d'histoire, cat. no. 7416, 4:170.
Chapter Two Legislative Imagery Under Napoleon
1. Jacques Godechot, ed., Les Constitutions de la France depuis 1789, Paris, 1979, p. 146. Sieyès, like Bonaparte, had a copy of Bonald's banned counter-revolutionary treatise Théorie du pouvoir. Bonald sent Sieyès a copy, asking that he make the book known in France by any means, even a formal denunciation to the legislature. Although Bonald's request was apparently in vain, his choice of Sieyès is telling. See Charles-Augustin Sainte-Beuve, "M. de Bonald," in Causeries de Lundi, 4th ed., Paris, n.d., 4:430, n. 1.
2. Godechot, Les Constitutions, p. 162.
3. See Xavier Martin, "Politique et Droit privé après Thermidor," in La Révolution et l'ordre juridique privé: Rationalité ou scandale? ed. Michel Vovelle, Acts of the Colloquium of Orleans, September 11-13, 1986, Paris, 1988, 1:173-84.
4. Among these jurists were two experts on Roman and customary law: Jean Domat (1625-1696), the author of Les Lois civiles dans leur ordre naturel (1689-94) and Robert-Joseph Pothier of Orleans (1699-1772), the editor of the Pandects of Justinian (1748-52). For the origins of codification in France, see Réné David and Henry P. de Vries, The French Legal System, New York, 1958, pp. 9-16. For French legal sources, see André-Jean Arnaud, Les Origines doctrinales du Code civil français, Paris, 1969. For the Civil Code, see also Jean Carbonnier, "Le Code civil," in Les Lieux de mémoire, ed. P. Nora, vol. 2, La Nation, Paris, 1986, 2:293-315.
5. See catalogue entry no. 36 bis by Antoine Schnapper in French Painting, 1774-1830: The Age of Revolution, Detroit Institute of Arts, 1975, p. 373; and catalogue entries nos. 206-7 in Antoine Schnapper and Arlette Sérullaz, Jacques-Louis David, Paris, Musée du Louvre and Musée National du Château, Versailles, 1989, pp. 474-77.
6. See, for example, Fontanes's comments, January 14, 1805, at the inauguration of Antoine-Denis Chaudet's statue The First Consul Presenting the Civil Code to the French People, in Louis de Fontanes, Collection complète des discours, Paris, 1821, pp. 38-43.
7. Quoted in Anita Brookner, Jacques-Louis David, New York, 1987, p. 169.
8. See Lydie Schimséwitsch, "Portalis et son temps: L'Homme, le penseur, le législateur," Ph.D. diss., University of Paris, 1936.
9. Claire Constans, Musée National du Château de Versailles: Catalogue de peintures, Paris, 1980, no. 1848, p. 57. Gautherot's Portalis belonged to a series of ministerial portraits commissioned by Vivant Denon at the request of Napoleon and originally hung in the Galerie de Diane in the Tuileries Palace. See Charles-Otto Zieseniss, "Les Portraits des ministres et des grands officiers de la couronne," in Les Arts à l'époque napoléonienne, Archives de l'art français, n.s. XXIV, Paris, 1969, pp. 133-58.
10. P.-A. Fenet, Recueil complet des travaux preparatoires du Code civil, Paris, 1827, 15:611.
11. The Twelve Tables of Roman law and the laws of Justinian were also compilations of existing material, Portalis said in defense of the Civil Code ("Discours de presentation du Code civil," 3 frimaire Year X [November 23, 1801], in Jean-Etienne-Marie Portalis, Discours, rapports et travaux inédits sur le Code civil, ed. Vicomte Frédéric Portalis, Paris, 1844, pp. 95-96).
12. Quoted in Honoré Perouse, Napoléon I er et les lois civiles du Consulat et de l'Empire, Paris, 1866, p. 37.
13. Quoted in Maurice-Charles-Emmanuel Deslandres, Histoire constitutionnelle de la France de 1789 à 1870, Paris, 1932, 1:541.
14. For Chaudet's statue, see Ferdinand Boyer, "Le Palais-Bourbon sous le Premier Empire," Bulletin de la Société de l'Histoire de l'art français, 1936, pp. 101-3; and Stanislas Lami, Dictionnaire des sculpteurs de l'école française au dix-huitième siècle, vol. 1, Paris, 1910, p. 187. The work, exhibited in the Salon of 1808 and the Decennial Exposition of 1810, was given by Louis XVIII to the king of Prussia. It disappeared from the orangery of Sans-Souci after the Russians captured Berlin in the Second World War.
15. The epithet is Fontanes's in a speech at the inauguration of the statue, 24 nivôse Year XIII (January 13, 1805), in Collection complète des discours, p. 38. For the engraving (c. 1820), see Jacques Lethève, Françoise Gardey, and Jean Adhémar, Bibliothèque Nationale, Inventaire du fonds français après 1800, Paris, 1963, 12:488. Chaudet's statue was reproduced on the medal struck to commemorate the Civil Code. See Aubin Louis Millin, Medallic_History of Napoleon, London, 1819, cat. no. 82, pl. XXV.
16. See Louis Hautecoeur, Histoire du Louvre, Paris, [1928], p. 84; Count Frédéric de Clarac, Musée de sculpture antique et moderne, Paris, 1841, 1:444; Lami, Dictionnaire des sculpteurs dix-huitième siècle, vol. 2, Paris, 1911, p. 168; and Adlaïde-Marie-Anne Castellas Moitte, Journal inédit de Madame Moitte, ed. P. Cottin, 3d ed., Paris, 1932, pp. 25-29. The tablet held by History, inscribed "1806" over the traces of NAPOLEON LE GRAND, was effaced during the Restoration.
17. Napoleon's architect Fontaine noted on June 21, 1807, that the newly completed reliefs in the Cour Carré by Moitte, Philippe-Laurent Roland, and Chaudet had been well received (Pierre-François-Léonard Fontaine, Journal, 1799-1853, Paris, 1987, 1:162).
18. Four years later, with the birth of Napoleon's son, the King of Rome, reference to Numa again became an appropriate form of official flattery. See [Anne-Adrien-Firmin] Pillon-Duchemin, Numa Pompilius au Palais des Tuileries: Hommage à l'occasion de la naissance de S.M. le Roi de Rome, Paris, 1811. An image of Numa receiving a shield from heaven had adorned a triumphal arch erected for the coronation of Louis XVI. See Richard A. Jackson, Vive le Roi! A History of the French Coronation from Charles V to Charles X, Chapel Hill, N.C., 1984, p. 177.
19. See the description in C. P. Landon, Annales du Musée, vol. 2 of Salon de 1812, Paris, 1812, p. 91.
20. For the earlier design, see Michèle Beaulieu, "Esquisses de la décoration du Louvre au Département des sculptures," Bulletin monumental, CIV, 1946, pp. 251-53.
21. See Donald R. Kelley, Historians and the Law in Postrevolutionary France, Princeton, N.J., 1984, p. 47.
22. See Nathalie Volle, Jean-Simon Barthélemy (1743-1811), peintre d'histoire, Paris, 1979, cat. no. 106; and Pierre Lelièvre, "Vivant Denon," Ph.D. diss., University of Paris, 1942, p. 61.
23. Salon of 1808, Explication des ouvrages, Paris, 1808, no. 28.
24. See Volle, Barthélemy, pp. 20, 103.
25. See Georges Burdeau, "Essai sur l'évolution de la notion de loi en droit français," Archives de Philosophie du droit, nos. 1-2, 1939, pp. 24-27.
26. Quoted in R. R. Palmer, The Age of the Democratic Revolution, vol. 1, Princeton, N.J., 1959, p. 214.
27. Perouse, Napoléon I er , p. 349.
28. Considérations sur les principaux événements de la Révolution française (1818), quoted in Louis Bergeron, L'Episode napoléonien, vol. 1, Aspects intérieurs, 1799-1815, Paris, 1972, p. 19.
29. The title of the code was to continue to change: Louis XVIII had it renamed Code civil (1816) and Napoleon III brought back Code Napoléon (1852); under the Third Republic it once again became the Code civil (1870).
30. "Corps législatif. Présidence de M. Fontanes. Suite de la séance du 3 septembre," Gazette nationale, ou Le Moniteur universel, no. 248, September 5, 1807.
31. See Jacques Lablée, "Vœu inscrit au registre ouvert sur la proposition du Consulat à vie," in Couronne poétique de Napoléon-le-Grand, ed. Jacques Lablée, Paris, 1807, p. 157.
32. Quoted in Georges Lefebvre, Napoleon, trans. Henry F. Stockhold, New York, 1969, p. 130.
33. Quoted in Bergeron, L'Episode napoléonien, 1:14.
34. See Lefebvre, Napoleon, pp. 147-49.
35. The fundamental study of this influential figure remains Aileen Wilson, Fontanes (1757-1821), Paris, 1928.
36. See [Alexis Eymery, César de Proisy d'Eppe, Pierre-Jean Charrin, et al.], Dictionnaire des Girouettes (1815), ou Nos contemporains peints d'après eux-mêmes, Paris, 1815, pp. 157-69.
37. Discours prononcé dans l'autre monde pour la réception de Napoléon Bonaparte le 5 mai 1821, par Louis Fontanes, Paris, 1821.
38. Fontanes, Collection complète des discours, pp. 44-45.
39. See Irene Collins, Napoleon and His Parliaments, 1800-1815, London, 1979, p. 107.
40. The phrase is from a letter from Poyet to Champagny, minister of the interior, quoted in Marie-Louise Biver, Le Paris de Napoléon, Paris, 1963, p. 216.
41. For Napoleon's tirade against this work and French architecture in general, see Fontaine, Journal, 1799-1853, 1:278-79 (January 21, 1811).
42. On April 18, 1797, after conquering Italy, Napoleon presumed he had the authority to negotiate with Austria and signed the Preliminary Articles of Leoben. Though infuriated, the Directory acquiesced. Lethière's painting, exhibited in the Salon of 1806, is now in the Château de Versailles. For a discussion of this work, see Albert Boime, Art in an Age of Bonapartism, 1800-1815, vol. 2 of A Social History of Modern Art, Chicago, 1990, pp. 35-37. For a smaller version of the lost Liberty and Death, see French Painting, 1774-1830, cat. no. 150, pp. 580-81.
43. See Boyer, "Le Palais-Bourbon sous le Premier Empire," pp. 104-6.
44. See the catalogue entries by Jacques Foucart in French Painting, 1774-1830, no. 104, pp. 498-500; and D. Ternois in Ingres, Paris, Petit-Palais, 1967, no. 17, pp. 32-33; see also Robert Rosenblum, Jean-Auguste-Dominique Ingres, New York, 1967, reprint, New York, 1985, p. 68.
45. Susan L. Siegfried has argued that the association of Napoleon with Charlemagne had been discredited by the time the painting was exhibited and that the critics' fury was provoked by Ingres's representation of a political symbol agreeable to the Legislative Body but offensive to other political factions. See her "Politics of Criticism at the Salon of 1806," in Donald D. Howard, John L. Connolly, Jr., and Harold T. Parker, eds., Proceedings of the Consortium on Revolutionary Europe, 1750-1850, Athens, Ga., 1980, pp. 69-81. Regarding Ingres's Napoleon, see, in the same volume, John L. Connolly, Jr., "Napoleon and the Age of Gold," pp. 52-68.
46. See Boime, Art in an Age of Bonapartism, pp. 51-53.
47. See Louis Villefosse and Janine Bouissounouse, The Scourge of the Eagle, trans. and ed. Michael Ross, New York, 1972, p. 199.
48. Fontanes, Collection complète des discours, pp. 35-36 (December 26, 1804). Siegfried points out the accord between Ingres's image of Napoleon in the guise of a medieval ruler and
Fontanes's support of Napoleon's reinstatement of the French medieval tradition of Catholic monarchy. See ''The Politics of Criticism," p. 72.
49. The Constituent Assembly had granted citizenship to French Jews. See Arthur Hertzberg, The French Enlightenment and the Jews, New York, 1968, chap. 10.
50. Robert Anchel, Napoléon et les Juifs, Paris, 1928, p. 188.
51. Correspondance de Napoléon I er , publiée par ordre de l'Empereur Napoléon III, vol. 13, Paris, 1863, pp. 100-101.
52. See Renée Neher-Bernheim and Elisabeth Revel-Neher, "Une Iconographie juive de l'époque du grand Sanhédrin," in Bernhard Blumenkranz and Albert Soboul, eds., Le Grand Sanhédrin de Napoléon, Toulouse, 1979, pp. 135-39.
53. L. Bramsen, Médaillier Napoléon le Grand ... première partie, 1799-1809, 1904-13, reprint, Hamburg, 1977, cat. no. 527, p. 86. According to Jean-Marie Darnis, archivist at the Musée de la Monnaie, Paris, the medal was designed by Denon, and Brenet intended the kneeling figure to be in imitation of Michelangelo's Moses. See Neher-Bernheim and Revel-Neher, "Une Iconographie juive," p. 142 nn. 16, 17. The face of the medal bears a profile of Napoleon originally used for a medal commemorating the Battle of Lutzen (1813). According to Bramsen, the Sanhedrin medal was first struck in 1815, in England. The medal's original dies, however, are in the collection of the Administration des Monnaies et Médailles. See Administration des monnaies et médailles; Médailles françaises dont les coins sont conservés au Musée monétaire, Paris, 1892, cat. no. 56, p. 361.
54. Collection des procès-verbaux et décisions du Grand Sanhédrin, convoqué à Paris, ... dans les mois de février et mars 1807, ed. Diogène Tama, Paris, 1807, pp. 125, 130, reprinted in Blumenkranz and Soboul. For an annotated bibliography of works by Jews in praise of Napoleon, see E. Carmoly, "Napoléon et ses panégyristes hébreux," Univers israélite, no. 4, December 1849, pp. 162-70.
55. For the coercive aspect of Napoleonic policy toward the Jews, see Anchel, Napoléon et les Juifs, p. 577; and F. Delpech, "L'Histoire des Juifs en France de 1780 à 1840," in Les Juifs et la Révolution française, ed. Bernhard Blumenkranz and Albert Soboul, Toulouse, 1976, pp. 16-17.
56. See André Latreille, "Le Catéchisme impérial de 1806," Ph.D. diss., University of Paris, 1935.
57. Catéchisme à l'usage de toutes les églises de l'empire français, Paris, 1806, pp. 58-59. For Napoleon's draft, see Latreille, "Le Catéchisme impérial," pp. 55-56.
58. See Juliette Turlan, "Les Catéchismes politiques, ou De l'instruction à la propagande," in Hommage à Robert Besnier, Paris, 1980, p. 270.
59. See Frank Paul Bowman, Le Christ romantique, Geneva, 1973, pp. 46-61, and "Les 'Liturgies révolutionnaires,' pastiches ou parodies?" Revue d'histoire littéraire de la France, 1990, nos. 4-5, pp. 599-609.
60. Catéchisme de la Constitution républicaine, Mis à la portée des jeunes citoyens français, Paris, Year II [1793-94], p. 71.
61. Charles-Augustin Sainte-Beuve, Chateaubriand et son groupe littéraire sous l'empire [1861], ed. Maurice Allem, Paris, 1948, 1:225.
62. Under the Consulate the authoritative version of the Bible remained Louis-Isaac Lemaistre de Sacy's translation (1672-95). For the place of the Old Testament in nineteenth-century French Catholic practice, see Claude Savart, "Quelle Bible les Catholiques français lisaient-ils?" in Claude Savart and Jean-Noël Aletti, eds., Le Monde contemporain et la Bible, Paris, 1985, pp. 19-34, and, in the same volume, Elisabeth Germain, "Le Catéchisme et la prédication," pp. 49-59.
63. For French imitation and paraphrase of Scripture, see Paul Bénichou, Le Sacre de l'écrivain, 1750-1830, 2d ed., Paris, 1985, chap. 2; and Henri Tronchon, "La Fortune intellectuelle de Herder en France," Ph.D. diss., University of Paris, 1920, pp. 170-73.
64. The apocryphal Ossian poems, full of surreptitious biblical imitation, had an enhanced impact on French readers, who were unfamiliar with their source. See Paul Van Tieghem, Ossian en France, Paris, 1917, 1:215-16.
65. François-René de Chateaubriand, Génie du christianisme, ed. Pierre Reboul, Paris, 1966, 1:110-13.
66. The "Verses on the Hebrew People," by the royalist poet Jacques Delille, were similar in spirit to Chateaubriand's discussion of Mosaic law ( Mercure de France, no. 37, 1 nivôse, Year X [December 21, 1801], pp. 9-10).
67. Quoted in Sainte-Beuve, Chateaubriand et son groupe littéraire, 1:226.
68. See Chateaubriand, "Sur la Législation primitive de M. le vicomte de Bonald (part 2)," in Oeuvres complètes, Paris, 1826, 21:174. Sainte-Beuve quotes Bonald's explanation of the difference between the critical fortunes of the Génie and Législation primitive: "I gave my drug straight and he gave his with sugar" ( Chateaubriand et son groupe littéraire, 1:225 n. 2).
69. Louis-Gabriel-Ambroise de Bonald, Oeuvres complètes de M. de Bonald, ed. Abbé Migne, Paris, 1859, 1:1120. That the Ten Commandments were a common referent during the Consulate is further suggested by Essai sur l'art de la législation, suivi d'un Plan abrégé de la rédaction d'un Code civil (Carpentras, 1800) by Jean-de-Dieu d'Olivier, a judge in the court of appeals of Nîmes. Olivier claimed the Ten Commandments as the basis of all legislation: "This ancient charter of morality and social duties offers the elements of law in the briefest imaginable version" (p. 13). He urged that a French civil code be drafted without delay; the respect for property and paternal authority and the use of both Roman and customary law he recommended characterize the code promulgated in 1804.
70. Bonald, Oeuvres complètes, 1:1135, 1154-55, 1215.
71. Bossuet had served as preceptor to the dauphin (for whom he wrote the Discours sur l'histoire universelle ); Bonald was offered the position of preceptor to Napoleon's son, the King of Rome, and to the son of Napoleon's brother Louis Bonaparte. Loyal to the exiled monarchy, Bonald refused the offer. Yielding, however, to the advice of his friend
Fontanes, he accepted an invitation to join the Council of the Imperial University (1810), which the former president of the Legislative Body headed as grand master.
72. A. M. Broadley, Napoleon in Caricature, 1795-1821, London, 1911, no. 13, 2:358.
73. This myth that bellicosity and despotism were intended to lay the foundation of a liberal and peaceful republic was later propagated by Louis-Napoleon Bonaparte, the future Napoleon III, in his book Napoleonic Ideas (1839).
74. Salon of 1833, Explication des ouvrages, Paris, 1833, no. 3130, Napoléon; tableau allégorique. For the painting by Mauzaisse, see Michael Marrinan, Painting Politics for Louis-Philippe, New Haven, Conn, 1988, p 162. In the same volume, see pp. 202-3 for Hippolyte Flandrin's Napoleon as Lawgiver (Salon of 1847).
Chapter Three Legislative Imagery Under the Bourbon Restoration
1. For the political history of the period, see Guillaume de Bertier de Sauvigny, The Bourbon Restoration, trans. Lynn M. Case, Philadelphia, 1966.
2. Quoted from Archives Nationales AB XIX, 340, pp. 108 (bis)-109, in Pierre Simon, L'Eluboration de la Charte constitutionnelle de 1814, Paris, 1906, p. 111.
3. The passage continues: "Toute charte constitutive d'un état doit descendre du Ciel, pour être placée ensuite dans un sanctuaire impénétrable aux regards du vulgaire et même des sages, parce que les plus sages deviennent insensés, lorsqu'ils veulent sonder les vues de la Providence.... Il y a un autre prestige qui n'est pas moins puissant, c'est celui de l'antiquité. Tous les peuples en effet ont ... été d'autant plus attachés à leurs institutions, qu'elles ont été plus enveloppées de ces augustes ténèbres, de ces illusions mystérieuses qui commandent le respect" ( Du Sentiment considéré dans ses rapports avec la littérature et les arts, Lyon, 1801, pp. 142-43). Cf. also the opening passage from a counter-revolutionary work on Charlemagne's legislation: "Quand le temps qui règle et affermit les empires, a établi et cimenté un ordre de choses, l'homme sage le respecte et ne lève que d'une main religieuse le voile, que en cache l'origine" (Bonnaire de Pronville, Pouvoir législatif sous Charlemagne, Brunswick, 1800, p 1)
4. According to Beugnot, "M. de Fontanes had few occasions to read preambles of laws, and it was not there that the orators generally went to seek models. The piece that he provided contained ... lofty thoughts couched in eloquent forms; but these thoughts were too general, these forms had too much Juster It was a beautiful page, but not a preamble" ( Mémoires du comte Beugnot, 1779-1815, ed. Robert Lacour-Gayet, Paris, 1959, p. 288). Like Fontanes, Beugnot (1761-1835) had a distinguished Napoleonic past. He served as Lucien Bonaparte's favorite advisor in the Ministry of the Interior, entered the Council of State in 1806, and was made count of the empire two years later.
5. Catalogue générale illustré des éditions de la monnaie de Paris, [Paris], 1978, 2:105.
6. For the pre-revolutionary origins of the Council of State and its revival (at the suggestion of Sieyès) under Napoleon, see Tony Sauvel, "Du Palais de la Cité au Palais-Royal," in Le
Conseil d'Etat: Livre jubilaire, publié pour commémorer son cent-cinquantième anniversaire, 4 nivôse an VIII, 24 December 1949, Paris, 1952, pp. 32-39.
7. Napoleon's Council of State sat in the Tuileries; prior to the relocation under Charles X, the committees were dispersed, with infrequent general assemblies in the Chancellerie, Place Vendôme. Under the July Monarchy, the Council of State was moved to the Hôtel Molé (1832) and then to the Palais d'Orsay (1840) where some of the paintings, including Delacroix's Justinian, were destroyed when the palace was burned during the Commune.
8. Count de Peyronnet, letter of April 10, 1824, to Marquis Jacques-Alexandre-Bernard Law de Lauriston, the minister in charge of the royal household, regarding the proposed move of the Council of State to the Louvre (Archives Nationales BB17 A 32, dossier 4).
9. See Ch. Léonardi, "Le Conseil d'état sous la restauration," Ph.D. diss., University of Paris, 1909, pp. 63-65; and Bernard Olivier-Martin, "Le Conseil d'état de la restauration," Ph.D. diss., University of Paris, 1941.
10. See François Guizot, Mémoires pour servir à l'histoire de mon temps [1858-68], ed. Michel Richard, Paris, 1971, pp. 94-95.
11. See Count Frédéric de Clarac, Musée de sculpture antique et moderne, Paris, 1841, 1:545-99; and Norman D. Ziff, Paul Delaroche: A Study in Nineteenth-Century French History Painting, New York, 1977, pp. 62-63.
12. From Delécluze, Journal, quoted in Ziff, Paul Delaroche, p. 63.
13. See the engraved reproductions in Musée de peinture et de sculpture, vol. 4, Paris, 1829. See also the list of Louvre paintings on deposit in other locations, compiled by Elisabeth Foucart-Walter, in Isabelle Compin and Anne Roquebert, Catalogue sommaire illustré, Paris, 1986, 5:194-375. A description of this program was sent by Forbin to the minister of justice and keeper of the seals, with a request for permission to erect scaffolding, October 6, 1826 (Archives Nationales BB17 A 49, dossier 1, item 12). In the same dossier is the response of the minister, October 10, 1826: "The choice of subjects appears very proper, and I gladly give them my approval."
14. Louvre inv. no. 2628. See Compin and Roquebert, Catalogue sommaire illustré, 3:65; and Salon of 1827, Explication des ouvrages, Paris, 1827, pp. 17-18.
15. Quoted from the description of the program sent by Forbin to the minister of justice. Archives Nationales BB17 A 49, dossier 1, item 12.
16. "Salon de 1827. Peintures du Conseil d'état," Journal du Commerce, January 11, 1828.
17. Ibid.
16. "Salon de 1827. Peintures du Conseil d'état," Journal du Commerce, January 11, 1828.
17. Ibid.
18. According to the critic of the Journal du Commerce, a portrait of Charles X by Paulin-Jean-Baptiste Guérin (called Paulin-Guérin) hung in the same room.
19. Louvre inv. no. 6551. Compin and Roquebert, Catalogue sommaire illustré, 4:76.
20. Lycurgus and the Deputies of Sparta (Jacques-Charles Bordier du Bignon); Numa and the Nymph Egeria (Charles-Nicolas-Rafael Lafond); and Solon Drafting the Laws of Athens (René-Théodore Berthon) were included in a group of four overdoor paintings of ancient
lawgivers commissioned for the Salon de la Pendule, Château de Versailles (c. 1819). See Archives Nationales 0 3 1395; and Eudore Soulié, Notice des peintures et sculptures composant le Musée Impérial de Versailles, Versailles, 1855, part 2, p. 175. Roland Bossard, secretary of documentation at the Château de Versailles, informed me that the four paintings were destroyed during World War II while on deposit in the French embassy in Warsaw.
21. Archives Nationales BB17 A 49, dossier 1, item 12. In 1841 Mauzaisse painted a revised version of Divine Wisdom Giving the Laws to the Kings and Legislators, in which Napolcon is included next to the French monarchs (Musée Napoléon, Ile d'Aix, inv. no. MG 100).
22. Auguste Jal, Esquisses, croquis, pochades, ou Tout ce qu'on voudra, sur le Salon de 1827, Paris, 1828, pp. 454-56.
23. Mauzaisse's painting is related thematically to a Napoleonic ceiling painting in the Louvre's Hall of Greek Civilization, Charles Meynier's Earth Receiving from the Emperors Hadrian and Justinian the Code of Roman Laws Dictated by Nature, Justice, and Wisdom (commissioned 1801; signed and dated Year XI [1802-3]), Louvre inv. no. 20092. Compin and Roquebert, Catalogue sommaire illustré, 4:87.
24. The Moses and Numa were sent to the museum of Saint-Brieuc in 1872. Blondel's Solon and Lycurgus are in the museum of Amiens.
25. Since 1962 Drolling's painting has been concealed by a false ceiling (Compin and Roquebert, Catalogue sommaire illustré, 3:230).
26. See Lee Johnson, The Paintings of Eugène Delacroix, vol. 1, Oxford, 1981, pp. 110-12; and F. A. Trapp, "An Early Photograph of a Lost Delacroix," Burlington Magazine, CVI, June 1964, pp. 266-69.
27. See Claire Constans, Musée National du Château de Versailles, Paris, 1980, cat. no. 4023, p. 117.
28. For this painting, see Ziff, Paul Delaroche, pp. 62-66.
29. Donald R. Kelley, Historians and the Law in Postrevolutionary France, Princeton, N.J., 1984, p. 43, cites Delacroix's Justinian as an example of the continuation under the Restoration of Napoleonic legislative pretensions.
30. See the dedication of "La Poésie sacrée" from Méditations poétiques (1820) where Lamartine explained his admiration of Genoude: "Until now we only knew the sense of the books of Job, of Isaiah, of David; thanks to him, the expression, the color, the movement, the energy live today in our tongue" ( Oeuvres poétiques, ed. Marius-François Guyard, Paris, 1963, p. 76). The Genoude Bible (1815-24) was based on the seventeenth-century translation by Lemaistre de Sacy. For the vogue for scriptural imitation among Restoration playwrights, see Anna Louise Catharina Kromsigt, "Le Théâtre biblique à la veille du romantisme (1789-1830),'' Ph.D. diss., Univ. of Amsterdam, 1931.
31. From "Nabuchodnosor" (1821), in Oeuvres de P. J. de Béranger, Paris, 1876, 2:4-6.
32. See Maurice Z, Shroder, Icarus: The Image of the Artist in French Romanticism, Cambridge, Mass., 1961, p. 69.
33. Chateaubriand, Mémoires d'outre-tombe [1849-50], ed. Maurice Levaillant and Georges Moulinier, Paris, 1951, 1:905.
34. See Jean-Marie Darnis, Les Monuments expiatoires du supplice de Louis XVI et de Marie-Antoinette sous l'Empire et la Restauration, 1812-1830, Paris, 1981 (for Chateaubriand's support of the chapel, see p. 9). See also Louis Hautecoeur, Histoire de l'architecture classique en France, Paris, 1955, 6:12. Darnis (pp. 9-10) indicates that the chapel, privately financed by Louis XVIII and the Duchess of Angoulême, was a family monument and was not intended originally to carry the national expiatory significance it acquired by popular sentiment with the encouragement of Chateaubriand.
35. Louis-Pierre Fontaine (not to be confused with the architect) and Antoine Etex also worked on the pendentives and other parts of the interior decoration. See Darnis, Les Monuments expiatoires, p. 42.
36. According to Fontaine, the sculptural program was specified at the outset and was executed as planned. But the choice of inscriptions became a matter of some controversy as Cardinal de Croy, grand almoner of France and archbishop of Rouen, insisted on modifying those originally projected. The inscription for the pendentive with the tablets of the law, originally "Dat robur fert auxilium" (It gives strength), was among those altered by Croy. Fontaine's reference to the inscription as "Si vis ad vitam beatam ingredire serva mandata" (If you wish to enter a beatific life, you must serve) varies slightly from the inscription as executed. See P.-F.-L. Fontaine, Journal, 1799-1853, Paris, 1987, 2:700-701 (February 23, 1826).
37. Louis-Gabriel-Ambroise de Bonald, Législation primitive, in Oeuvres complètes de M. de Bonald, ed. Abbé Migne, Paris, 1859, 1:1111.
38. Lamartine's lover, Julie Charles, in her last letter to him, told him his ode had won Bonald's admiration. See Arsène Soreil, Etude littéraire sur le vicomte de Bonald, Brussels, 1942, p. 54.
39. Lamartine, Oeuvres poétiques, pp. 53-54.
40. François-René de Chateaubriand, Génie du christianisme, ed. Pierre Reboul, 1:447-48.
41. Lamartine, Cours familier de littérature, un entretien par mois, Paris, 1856, 2:273.
42. See Hubert Juin, Victor Hugo, vol. 1, 1802-1843, Paris, 1980, pp. 465-75.
43. Vie de Rossini [1823], ed. H. Prunières, Paris, 1922, 2:66-67.
44. Quoted in Gabriel Salvador, J. Salvador: Sa vie, ses oeuvres et ses critiques, Paris, 1881, pp. 9-10. A similar argument for the liberal nature of Mosaic legislation had already been voiced by a lawyer, de La Serve, in De la Royauté selon les lois divines révélées, les lois naturelles et la Charte constitutionnelle, Paris, 1819, pp. 7, 11. Similarly, the republican academician Népomucène Lemercier (1771-1840), in the preface to his epic poem Moyse (1823), offered the tenacious loyalty of the Jewish people to Mosaic law as an edifying example: "J'ai pensé qu'il serait utile d'offrir le simulacre le plus frappant de la conservation constante d'une loi jurée, au peuple français, de qui le naturel n'est que trop incon-
stant à tout ce qu'il veut fonder" ( Moyse, Poëme en quatre chants, Paris, 1823, p. vii). The young, independently wealthy Salvador came from Montpellier, where he was trained in medicine. His Jewish father, whose forebears fled Spain during the Inquisition, claimed descent from the Maccabees; his mother was Catholic.
45. E.L., review of Histoire des institutions de Moïse et du peuple hébreu, by Joseph Salvador, Le Globe, April 19, 1829, p. 243.
46. The most notable objection to Salvador's argument was that of the liberal lawyer Dupin, whose counter-argument—that Christ had been denied due process and subjected to cruel irregularities—was solidly in the liberal tradition of respect for the law. See André-Marie-Jean-Jacques Dupin, Jésus devant Caïphe et Pilate, ou Réfutation du chapitre de M. Salvador intitulé: "Jugement et condamnation de Jésus, " Paris, 1828.
47. Quoted in Salvador, J. Salvador, p. 46.
48. The readiness of contemporaries to associate Moses with politics was mocked by a satirist commenting on a reading of Chateaubriand's play Moïse. The audience included a hypocritical "deputy of the extreme left" who, before launching into a diatribe against the control of the Council of State by the monarch, awkwardly attempted to present Moses as a precursor of progressive constitutional government. See "Lecture de Moyse de M. de Chateaubriand, à l'abbaye aux Bois, le 21 juin 1829," in [F. de Montherot], Mémoires poétiques, Paris, 1833, pp. 24-25. For Chateaubriand's play, see Chapter 6.
Chapter Four Law and Disorder Under Louis-Philippe
1. François-René de Chateaubriand, Mémoires d'outre-tombe [1849-50], ed. Maurice Levaillant and Georges Moulinier, Paris, 1951, 2:394-95.
2. This fatal article of the 1814 charter was inspired by Napoleon's authoritarian Constitution of Year VIII (art. 44). See Jacques Godechot, ed., Les Constitutions de la France depuis 1789, Paris, 1979, pp. 214, 245.
3. François Guizot, Mémoires pour servir à l'histoire de mon temps [1858-68], ed. Michel Richard, Paris, 1971, p. 241.
4. Guizot, Mémoires, p. 241.
5. The phrase is that of the Count Marthe-Camille Bachasson de Montalivet, a member of Louis-Philippe's cabinet who cited this emphasis on the law as the distinguishing mark of Périer's politics. See Cte. de Montalivet: Fragments et souvenirs, ed. Georges Picot, vol. 1, Paris, 1899, p. 382.
6. Périet went on to distinguish the July Revolution in Paris—justified by its defense of the law—from the anarchic uprising in Lyon: "Il faut enseigner aux hommes . . . que le fusil des trois journées de Paris était consacré par la loi qu'il vengeait, et que celui des deux jours de Lyon est flétri par la révolte contre les lois qu'il a violées! (Mouvement trèsprononcé d'adhésion dans l'immense majorité de l'assemblée.) . . . Ces avertissemens, ces
leçons ont été malheureusement écrits sur les murs de Lyon, en caractères de sang; mais ce sang même n'aura pas été perdu pour la liberté, si tout le monde comprend la leçon qu'il a tracée! (Sensation prolongée)" ( Communication faite au nom du gouvernement à la Chambre des députés, sur les troubles de Lyon, par M. le président du Conseil, ministre de l'intérieur, Paris, December 1831, pp. 10-11).
7. See Michael Marrinan, Painting Politics for Louis-Philippe, New Haven, Conn., 1988, p. 65. Similarly, in Abel de Pujol's Charter of 1830 (1838-40), a grisaille ceiling painting in the Palais-Bourbon's Salle des Distributions (adjacent to the Salle Louis-Philippe), a group of legislators swears allegiance to Mosaic tablets inscribed "Charter of 1830."
8. For the Palais-Bourbon, see Jules de Joly, Plans, coupes, élévations et détails de la restauration de la Chambre des députés, Paris, 1840; Violaine Lanselle, "Le Palais-Bourbon et l'hôtel de Lassay," extract from Monuments historiques, no. 144, [1985]; Jules Rais, "Le Palais Bourbon et la Chambre des députés," Revue universelle, October 15, 1902, pp. 501-20; and G. Demoget, "Notice sur le Palais-Bourbon," Société d'iconographie parisienne, n.s., 1929, pp. 25-44.
9. The statues, commissioned in 1833, represent Jean-Sylvain Bailly, first president of the National Assembly, and Mirabeau (both works are by Jean-Louis-Nicolas Jaley); General Maximilien-Sébastien Foy, an outspoken member of the liberal opposition under the Restoration (by Louis Desprez); and Casimir Périer (by Francisque-Joseph Duret). The statue of Louis-Phillipe, 1833-38 (by Georges Jacquot), was removed after the revolution of 1848 and later replaced by the colossal bronze relief sculpture by Jules Dalou, Estates-General, Session of June 23, 1789 ( Mirabeau Responding to Dreux-Brézé ), 1883. The room is now designated the Salle Casimit-Périer.
10. Commissioned August 31, 1833, with payment completed November 31, 1834. Archives Nationales F 21 488. The most informative study of the artist remains Michèle Beaulieu, "Un sculpteur français d'origine italienne: Henri de Triqueti (1804-1874)," in A travers l'art italien du XV e au XX e siècle, ed. H. Bédarida, Publications de la Société d'Etudes italiennes, no. 2, Paris, 1949, pp. 203-22. See also Stanislas Lami, Dictionnaire des sculpteurs de l'école française au dix-neuvième siècle, vol. 4, Paris, 1921, pp. 318-24; and the catalogue entry by Judith Applegate in Peter Fusco and H. W. Janson, eds., The Romantics to Rodin, Los Angeles County Museum of Art, 1980, pp. 359-60.
11. See Jean-Etienne-Marie Portalis, Discours, rapports et travaux inédits sur le Code civil, ed. Vicomte Frédéric Portalis, Paris, 1844, pp. 21-22, 33.
12. Triqueti's work for the Salle Louis-Philippe is thematically similar to Jean-Baptiste Roman's large relief sculpture in the adjacent assembly hall, The Charter: Protector of the Arts, Sciences, Agriculture, and Commerce (1830-33).
13. Alphonse de Lamartine, Oeuvres poétiques, ed. Marius-François Guyard, Paris, 1963, pp. 743-48.
14. See Henri Guillemin, "Le Jocelyn de Lamartine," Ph.D. diss., University of Paris, 1935, pp. 558-59.
15. For Lamartine's parliamentary career, see William Fortescue, Alphonse de Lamartine, London, 1983.
16. Lamartine associated agriculture with social order. Thus in a parliamentary address of March 13, 1834, he blamed social disorder on industrialization, claiming that France had been protected against such strife when it was strictly agricultural ( Discours prononcé par M. de Lamartine . . . sur les associations, Paris, 1834, p. 18).
17. Alphonse de Lamartine, address of May 13, 1834, in La France parlementaire (1834-1851), vol. 1, Paris, 1864, pp. 80, 83. For the cult of property in legal thought under the July Monarchy, see Donald R. Kelley, Historians and the Law in Postrevolutionary France, Princeton, N.J., 1984, pp. 133-35.
18. See Lee Johnson, The Paintings of Eugène Delacroix, vol. 5, Oxford, 1989, pp. 3-31.
19. From the artist's description of the Salon du Roi paintings published in J.-J. Guiffrey, "Le Salon du Roi," L'Art, XIII, 1878, pp. 257-68.
20. Following the collapse of the July Monarchy, the moderate republican Francis Wey bitterly noted that "under Louis-Philippe, all justice emanated from the king. . .. How slow is the progress of societies! It was necessary to wait until 1848 to efface the last vestiges of the feudal regime" ( Manuel des droits et des devoirs; Dictionnaire àemocratique, Paris, 1848, s.v. "Justice"). For Wey's politics see T. J. Clark, Image of the People: Gustave Courbet and the 1848 Revolution, Princeton, N.J., 1982, p. 53.
21. Louis de Ronchaud, "Etudes sur l'art: La Peinture monumentale en France," La Revue inàépendante, 2à ser., XII, November 10, 1847, pp. 44-45.
22. Gustave Planche, "Eugène Delacroix: Le Salon du Roi" (1837) in Portraits d'artistes, Paris, 1853, 2:30.
23. Henri [Heinrich] Heine, De la France, Paris, 1833, p. 121.
24. Planche, "Eugène Delacroix," pp. 30-31.
25. This source is mentioned in Robert Neubinger Beetem, "Delacroix's Mural Paintings, 1833-1847," Ph.D. diss., University of California, Berkeley, 1964, p. 25; and in Sara Lichtenstein, Delacroix and Raphael, New York, 1979, p. 174.
26. A suggestive detail in the painting of Justice, set into the ceiling above the throne niche, is a scroll to the right of the figure that suggests blocky pseudo-Hebrew characters.
27. The bronze doors, 10.38 meters high (including lintel), were commissioned February 24, 1834. For a description, see Inventaire général des richesses d'art de la France, Paris, Monuments religieux, Paris, 1876, 1:212-14. The work is discussed in the exhibition catalogue La Sculpture française au XIX e siècle, ed. Anne Pingeot et al., Paris, Galeries nationales du Grand Palais, 1986, pp. 202-4; and in H. W. Janson, Nineteenth-Century Sculpture, New York, 1985, pp. 121-24.
28. See Jean-Marie Darnis, Les Monuments expiatoires du supplice de Louis XVI et de Marie-Antoinette sous l'Empire et la Restauration, 1812-1830, Paris, 1981, pp. 65-76.
29. See Marrinan, Painting Politics for Louis-Philippe, parts III and IV.
30. For Cortot's expiatory monument to Louis XVI, destroyed at the foundry during the July Revolution, see Darnis, Les Monuments expiatoires, pp. 115-19, 155-65.
31. For Ziégler's painting, see Michael Paul Driskel, "Eclecticism and Ideology in the July Monarchy: Jules-Claude Ziegler's Vision of Christianity at the Madeleine," Arts Magazine, May 1982, pp. 119-29.
32. According to Adolphe Granier de Cassagnac, Histoire de l'église de la Madeleine, Paris, 1838, p. 38, Triqueti was responsible for the subject. Administration of the Madeleine passed to the city of Paris in 1842; documentary material on the bronze doors may have been lost when the Hôtel de Ville was burned during the Commune.
33. In the Salon of 1836 Triqueti exhibited the model for a vase decorated with a series of biblical mothers (no. 1989). Thiers had the work cast for his large art collection. See Baron August-Théodore de Girardot, Catalogue de l'oeuvre du baron Henri de Triqueti, Orleans, 1874, p. 16; and Lami, Dictionnaire . . . dix-neuvième siècle, 4:320. For Thiers's enthusiasm for the Old Testament, see Adolphe Thiers, Salon de mil huit cent vingt-deux, Paris, 1822, p. 73.
34. Charles-François Lhomond, Histoire abrégée de la religion avant la venue de Jésus-Christ [c. 1791], Angers, 1818, p. 134.
35. See A.-Z., "Revue de la semaine . . . la porte de la Madeleine . . . ," L'Artiste, 2d series, I, 1839, p. 387. Christ Pardoning the Magdalen at the Last Judgment, by Philippe-Joseph-Henri Lemaire (1830-34), is in the pediment of the church, high above Triqueti's doors.
36. The other panels feature God Admires Creation (commandment to honor the Sabbath); Cham Cursed by Noah (commandment to honor parents); The Banishment of Cain (the crime of murder); Acham Condemned by Joshua (Joshua 7; the crime of theft); Daniel, Susanna, and the Elders (the crime of false witness); and Abimelech and Sara (Genesis 20; the crime of coveting a neighbor's wife).
37. See Michael Paul Driskel, "Singing 'The Marseillaise' in 1840: The Case of Charlet's Censored Prints," Art Bulletin, LXIX, December 1987, pp. 604-25.
38. Duke Victor de Broglie, quoted in Paul Thureau-Dangin, Histoire de la Monarchie de Juillet, Paris, 1888, 2:320-21.
39. The iconographic significance of this urban scheme is pointed out in Donald David Schneider, The Works and Doctrine of Jacques Ignace Hittorff, 1792-1867: Structural Innovation and Formal Expression in French Architecture, 1810-1867, New York, 1977. On the relationship between this urban scheme and the hieroglyphic inscriptions on the obelisk, see Todd Porterfield, "Art in the Service of French Imperialism in the Near East, 1798-1848," Ph.D. diss., Boston University, 1990, pp. 209-10.
40. H.-D. Lacordaire, Sainte Marie-Madeleine, Paris, 1860, p. 223, quoted in Paul Léon, "L'Eglise de la Madeleine (1764-1842)," Revue des deux mondes, June 1, 1954, p. 424.
41. The identification of the Madeleine doors with the regime was bolstered by the statues by Charles-François Leboeuf (called Nanteuil) of the king's patron saints, Saint Louis and Saint Philippe, in niches flanking the entrance to the church.
42. The commentary published with the cartoon gives the comparison of the greedy regime to the biblical Hebrews an anti-Semitic twist. "Ce sont les poches et les tirelires de juifs qui, comme ceux du désert, n'ont pas soif d'eau claire" (pp. 1837-38).
43. For Traviès's caricature, see the exhibition catalogue by Gerd Unverfehrt, Klaus Lankheit, and Jurgen Döring, La Caricature: Bildsatire in Frankreich 1830-1835 aus der Sammlung von Kritter, Münster, Westfälisches Landesmuseum für Kunst und Kulturgeschichte, 1980, no. 88.
44. The profile in the print reverses that on the coin. See Jean Mazard, Histoire monétaire et numismatique contemporaine, 1790 -1963, Paris, 1965, cat. no. 962, 1:247.
45. Jeanne L. Wasserman, in the exhibition catalogue Daumier Sculpture: A Critical and Comparative Study, Cambridge, Mass., Fogg Art Museum, Harvard University, 1969, p. 125, associates the name Père-Scie with Persil's jagged profile and with the sound of the guillotine. The word scie is also slang for a tiresome person or thing.
46. La Politique de Lamartine, ed. Louis de Ronchaud, Paris, 1878, 1:77.
47. Edme Miel, "Salon de 1834," Le Constitutionnel, April 14, 1834. For Préault and his bibliography, see David Mower, "Antoine Augustin Préault (1809-1879)," Art Bulletin, LXIII, June 1981, pp. 288-307; and the catalogue entries by Charles W. Millard in Fusco and Janson, The Romantics to Rodin, pp. 323-25. Millard is the author of the manuscript "The Life and Work of Auguste Préault." For Tuerie see also the exhibition catalogue La Sculpture française, no. 191; and Alison Elizabeth West, "From Pajou to Préault: The Development of Neoclassicism and the Sublime in French Sculpture, 1760-1830,'' Ph.D. diss., Institute of Fine Arts, New York University, 1985, pp. 515-18.
48. See Théophile Silvestre, Histoire des artistes vivants, français et étrangers, Paris, 1856, p. 294.
49. Salon of 1834, Explication des ouvrages, Paris, 1834, no. 2124.
50. Hugh Honour, Romanticism, New York, 1979, pp. 143, 388.
51. Mower, "Antoine Augustin Préault," p. 293. Similarly, Nancy Davenport ("Sources for Préault's Tuerie, fragment episodique d'un grand bas-relief," Source: Notes in the History of Art, XI, fall 1991, pp. 22-30) unconvincingly identifies the figures in Tuerie with specific characters from three plays. Caravaggio's Kiss of Judas (c. 1600-1601, Museum of Eastern and Western Art, Odessa), identified in the same article as a source for Tuerie, has some resemblance to the sculpture; but that resemblance is hardly strong enough to justify Davenport's claim that the Caravaggio supersedes all previously suggested visual sources. The Triqueti Law reliefs in the Salle Louis-Philippe that I compare to Tuerie ( Art Bulletin, LXX, September 1988, pp. 486-501) are erroneously referred to by Davenport (p. 28) as Triqueti's Ten Commandments reliefs on the Madeleine doors.
52. De Caso's example, Childebert assistant à des jeux (Salon of 1833; Musée d'Amiens) by Théophile Caudron, does not appear to have been a source for any particular figural or compositional elements of Tuerie, but it is remarkable in anticipating the frenetic violence and aggressively projecting relief of Préault's sculpture. See Jacques De Caso, David d'Angers, Paris, 1988, pp. 98-99.
53. See Le Salon de 1834, Paris, 1834, p. 164.
54. See Ernest Chesneau, "Auguste Préault," L'Art, XVII, 1879, pp. 6-8; and Jean Gigoux, Causeries sur les artistes de mon temps, Paris, 1885, pp. 172-75.
55. Quoted in Silvestre, Histoire des artistes vivants, p. 286.
56. Albert Boime, in Hollow Icons: The Politics of Sculpture in Nineteenth-Century France, Kent, Ohio, 1987, compares Tuerie to Daumier's famous lithograph Rue Transnonain, April 15, 1834, rightly associating Tuerie with "the prevailing climate of tension and potential violence" of 1834. Boime's characterization of Tuerie as "a topical political statement akin to Daumier's Rue Transnonain" (pp. 48-50), however, oversimplifies the richly problematic relationship between Préault's sculpture and its political context.
57. See Jean Lucas-Dubreton, La grande peur de 1832 (le choléra et l'émeute), Paris, 1932.
58. Silvestre, Histoire des artistes vivants, p. 282.
59. Although Préault benefited from state patronage during his career, this support did not begin until the latter half of the July Monarchy. See the record of Préault's Salon refusals in Mower, p. 307. For Triqueti's position, see Beaulieu, "Un Sculpteur français," pp. 208-9. During the Second Republic Triqueti appealed to the prefect of the Seine for an official commission for a marble Crucifixion group for the church of Sainte-Clotilde, recalling that "like every good citizen" he had served in the National Guard during the June Days insurrection of 1848 and had been wounded in the defense of order: "Forcé comme tous les bons citoyens de sortir en juin 1848 de ma paisible et laborieuse vie d'artiste, j'avais été atteint de plusieurs balles à l'attaque des premieères barricades et ... j'étais resté une année entière malade et éloigné de mes travaux sans que j'ai cherché à être indeminisé en aucune manière de mes pertes et de mes souffrances'' (Archives de la Seine D4, AZ, 309; letter of March 9, 1851).
60. A reproduction by Nanteuil of Préault's Parias, rejected by the Salon jury of 1834, was published in L'Artiste, 1st series, VII, 1834, with the inscription "Célestin Nanteuil à son ami Préault 1834." For a reproduction of the print, see Mower, "Antoine Augustin Préault," p. 291 fig. 3. The previous year Nanteuil's illustration of a scene from Borel's "Dina, la belle juive," one of the stories in Champavert, contes immoraux, was reproduced in L'Artiste, 1st series, V, 1833. For Borel, see Paul Bénichou, Le Sacre de l'écrivain, 1750-1830, 2d ed., Paris, 1985, pp. 435-39; Mario Praz, The Romantic Agony, trans. Angus Davidson, 2d ed., Oxford, 1970, pp. 13-36; and Enid Starkie, Petrus Borel the Lycanthrope: His Life and Times, Norfolk, Conn., 1954.
61. Théophile Gautier, Histoire du romantisme [1874], Paris, 1927, p. 97.
62. This outburst is attributed to Préault in Luc Benoist, La Sculpture romantique, Paris, [1928], p. 62. The remark is given to Prince Ernest de Saxe-Cobourg in Adèle Hugo, Victor Hugo raconté par un témoin de sa vie, Paris, 1867, 2:283. The varying attribution of the remark as well as the probability that it was a "common enough slogan" is discussed in Malcolm Easton, Artists and Writers in Paris: The Bohemian Idea, 1803-1867, London, 1964, p. 61 n. 9. Easton associates Préault's hostility to middle-class taste with Borel's
hatred of middle-class morals and manners: "It is only a short step from Préault's 'Guillotine the baldpates!' ... to Borel's 'In Paris there's a den of robbers and a den of murderers: the first is the Stock Exchange and the second the Law Courts.'" Borel is quoted from Champavert, contes immoraux, in Oeuvres complètes de Pétrus Borel "le lycanthrope," ed. Aristide Marie, Paris, 1922, 3:35.
63. Pétrus Borel, "Des artistes penseurs et des artistes creux," L'Artiste, 1st series, V, 1833, p. 258. For Préault's Two Poor Women and Beggary, see Salon of 1833, Explication des ouvrages, Paris, 1833, nos. 2646, 2647. Borel ("Des artistes penseurs," p. 259) referred to Beggary ( La Mendicité ) as La Misère.
64. "Loi! vertu! honneur! vous êtes satisfaits; tenez, reprenez vôtre proie!... Monde barbare, tu l'as voulu, tiens, regarde, c'est ton oeuvre, à toi. Es-tu content de ta victime? [...] Bâtard! c'est bien effronté à vous, d'avoir voulu naître sans autorisation royale, sans bans! Eh! la loi? eh! l'honneur? [...] Loi barbare! préjugé féroce! honneur infâme! hommes! société! tenez! tenez votre proie!... Je vous la rends!!!..." (Borel, Champavert, pp. 382-83; suspension points in original). Denunciation of society and its laws in such exclamatory outbursts was popularized by Alexandre Dumas's melodramatic play Antony, which premiered in 1831. For the "Antonisme" vogue, see Louis Maigron, Le Romantisme et les moeurs: Essai d'étude historique et sociale d'après des documents inédits, Paris, 1910, pp. 356-89.
65. "Qu'ils viennent donc les imposteurs, que je les étrangle! les fourbes qui chantent l'amour, qui le guirlandent et le mirlitonnent, qui le font un enfant joufflu, joufflu de jouissances, qu'ils viennent donc, les imposteurs, que je les étrangle! Chanter l'amour!... pour moi, l'amour, c'est de la haine, des gémissemens, des cris, de la honte, du deuil, du fer, des larmes, du sang, des cadavres, des ossemens, des remords, je n'en ai pas connu d'autre!... Allons, roses pastoureaux, chantez donc l'amour, dérision! mascarade amère!" (Borel, Champavert, pp. 357-58; suspension points and emphasis in original).
66. G. L. [Gabriel Laviron], review of Champavert, contes immoraux, by Pétrus Borel, L'Artiste, 1st series, V, 1833, p. 67. Laviron, a socialist, participated in the storming of the Constitutional Assembly on May 15, 1848, by a pro-Polish leftist mob and died in the service of Garibaldi in 1849. See Benoist, La Sculpture romantique, p. 33; and René Jasinski, Les Années romantiques de Th. Gautier, Paris, 1929, p. 131. Beaulieu's contrasting of Triqueti, who, he said, perfectly represented bourgeois society, with Laviron, who was an enemy of that society, underscores Laviron's affinity with Préault and Borel ("Un Sculpteur francais," p. 205).
67. "It is certain that after July [1830] the young Romantics were attracted to republican and revolutionary ideology. What is dubious is that a common and coherent impulse tying poetry and art to revolution existed in the midst of the petit cénacle [Borel's circle]" (Paul Bénichou, "Jeune-France et Bousingots," Revue d'histoire littéraire de la France, LXXI, May-June 1971, p. 455).
68. Philibert Audebrand, "Scènes de la vie d'artiste, Auguste Préault," L'Art, XXXI, 1882, pp. 261-62.
Chapter Five The Swansong of Legislation: the Palais-Bourbon Library
1. For the construction of the library (1831-35), see Jean Marchand, La Bibliothèque de l'Assemblée nationale, Bordeaux, 1979, pp. 137-45.
2. These were the holdings when Jules de Joly published his Plans, coupes, élévations et détails de la restauration de la Chambre des députés, Paris, 1840 (p. 12).
3. Théophile Thoré, "Les Peintures de la Bibliothèque de la Chambre des députés," Le Constitutionnel, January 31, 1848.
4. As Lee Johnson points out, these rubrics are not specifically defined by the artist ( The Paintings of Eugène Delacroix, vol. 5, Oxford, 1989, p. 34 n. 4).
5. Villot maintained that he and Delacroix had decided on the programs of the Palais-Bourbon library and the Salon du Roi only after endless discussions and "laborious research." See Villot's letter of July 27, 1869, to Alfred Sensier, quoted in Raymond Escholier, Delacroix: Peintre, graveur, écrivain, vol. 3, Paris, 1929, p. 50. For the development of the program, see Anita Hopmans, "Delacroix's Decorations in the Palais Bourbon Library," Simiolus, XVII, no. 4, 1987, pp. 240-69. See also the descriptions of unexecuted projects for the library quoted in Maurice Sérullaz, Les Peintures murales de Delacroix, Paris, 1963, pp. 49-52; and in Pierre Angrand, "Genèse des travaux d'Eugène Delacroix à la Bibliothèque de la Chambre," in A travers l'art français (du moyen âge au XX e siècle), Archives de l'art français, n.s. XXV, 1978, pp. 313-35; and the notations on studies for the library in Maurice Sérullaz et al., Musée du Louvre, Cabinet des dessins. Inventaire générale des dessins, Paris, 1984, 1:150-66.
6. Louis de Ronchaud, "Etude sur l'art: La Peinture monumentale en France," La Revue indépendante, 2d series, XII, November 10, 1847, pp. 48-49.
7. Louis Clément de Ris, "La Bibliothèque et le Salon de la Paix à la Chambre des députés," L'Artiste, 4th series, XI, January 9, 1848, pp. 154-56.
8. George L. Hersey, "Delacroix's Imagery in the Palais Bourbon Library," Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, XXXI, 1968, pp. 383-403. Regarding the theoretical discussion of the cycle by Norman Bryson ( Tradition and Desire from David to Delacroix, Cambridge, Eng., 1984, chap. 6), see the review by Lorenz Eitner in Times Literary Supplement, April 12, 1985, pp. 413-14.
9. Delacroix's reliance on Brunet's classification system is noted in Robert Neubinger Beetem, "Delacroix's Mural Paintings, 1833-1847," Ph.D. diss., University of California, Berkeley, 1964, p. 5.
10. Hopmans, "Delacroix's Decorations," pp. 266, 268-69. Beetem similarly maintains that "beyond the Orpheus-Attila polarity ... the search for an iconographical meaning that ties all the subjects together is fruitless" ("Delacroix's Mural Paintings," p. 54).
11. The architect anticipated that in addition to the paintings in the hemicycles and cupolas the library decoration would include portraits of scholars. See the proposal signed by Joly and dated November 22, 1836, Archives Nationales F21752, item 179. A similar proposal,
neither signed nor dated, refers to these as "portraits of scholars, historians, and writers executed on gold ground" (Archives Nationales F21752, item 180). For the history of library decoration, with a brief discussion of the Palais-Bourbon library paintings (pp. 61-62), see André Masson, The Pictorial Catalogue: Mural Decoration in Libraries, trans. David Gerard, Oxford, 1981.
12. Hopmans, "Delacroix's Decorations," pp. 244, 263-64. Although in a project predating the commission Delacroix proposed to devote the central cupola of the library to the sciences, with subjects drawn from the lives of Galileo, Aristotle, Archimedes, and Newton, apparently he did not at this point consider this cupola the center of a symmetrical scheme (Archives Nationales F21752, cited in Sérullaz, Les Peintures murales de Delacroix, p. 51). Johnson incorrectly states that the central cupola in this early project was to be devored to the arts. See The Paintings of Eugène Delacroix, 5:34.
13. This decision was made prior to July 1845, when Joly requested permission from the minister of public works to mount the completed paintings of the final three cupolas. See the "Chronology" in Johnson, The Paintings of Eugène Delacroix, 5:40. On p. 34 of the same work, Johnson indicates the appropriateness of the central placement of the cupola devoted to legislation and eloquence. See also Johnson, Delacroix, New York, 1963, p. 90.
14. Johnson, The Paintings of Eugène Delacroix, 5:33.
15. See Marchand, La Bibliothèque, pp. 123-24.
16. The example of the Council of State rooms had already been followed in the new Palais-Bourbon assembly hall (1828-32), whose ceiling was adorned with portraits of Numa, Solon, Charlemagne, and Justinian by Jean-Victor Adam and Nicolas Gosse.
17. Inv. no. RF 9935, Sérullaz et al., Musée du Louvre, I, cat. no. 263. Delacroix considered including a Justinian in the program, under the subhead Roman law, in a cupola devoted to jurisprudence. See Hopmans, "Delacroix's Decorations," p. 256.
18. Thoré, "Les Peintures de la Bibliothèque."
19. See Joly, Plans, p. x. On French eloquence, see Jean Starobinski, "La chaire, la tribune, le barreau," in Les Lieux de mémoire, ed. Pierre Nora, vol. 2, La Nation, Paris, 1986, 2:425-85.
20. The companion statues in the old assembly hall, Brutus and Lycurgus, both by François-Frédéric Lemot; Solon, by Claude Ramey; and Cato of Utica, by Claude Michallon (misidentified by Joly as Epaminondas ), were moved to the Vestibule of the Four Columns. See Joly, Plans, p. 16. For the series of legislator statues commissioned under the Directory for the assembly hall of the Council of Five Hundred in the Palais-Bourbon, see Ferdinand Boyer, "Six statues de législateurs antiques pour le Palais-Bourbon sous le Directoire," Bulletin de la Société de l'Histoire de l'art français, 1958, pp. 91-94.
21. Clément de Ris, "La Bibliothèque," p. 155. Similarly, the critic Gustave Planche warmly referred to the protagonist of Vigny's "Moïse" as "the prophet-legislator, Orpheus of a nascent civilization" ("Poètes et romanciers modernes de la France, II: Alfred de Vigny," Revue des deux mondes, 1st series, VII, 1832, p. 305).
22. Johnson, The Paintings of Eugène Delacroix, 5:61.
23. See ibid. for the appropriateness of the theme of eloquence both here and in the central cupola.
22. Johnson, The Paintings of Eugène Delacroix, 5:61.
23. See ibid. for the appropriateness of the theme of eloquence both here and in the central cupola.
24. Hopmans, "Delacroix's Decorations," pp. 244-50.
25. See Horace's Satires and Epistles, trans. Jacob Fuchs, New York, 1977, p. 93. Horace's Ars Poetica is presented as a source for the Orpheus hemicycle in Hersey, "Delacroix's Imagery," p. 391.
26. Boileau, Le Lutrin et l'Art poetique, ed. René d'Hermies, 10th ed., Paris, Larousse, n.d., p. 100:
Avant que la raison, s'expliquant par la voix,
Eût instruit les humains, eût enseigné des lois,
Tous les hommes suivaient la grossière nature,
Dispersés dans les bois couraient à la pâture:
La force tenait lieu de droit et d'équité;
Le meurtre s'exerçait avec impunité.
Mais du discours enfin l'harmonieuse adresse
De ces sauvages moeurs adoucit la rudesse,
Rassembla les humains dans les forêts épars,
Enferma les cités de murs et de remparts,
De l'aspect du supplice effraya l'insolence,
Et sous l'appui des lois mit la faible innocence,
Cet ordre fut, dit-on, le fruit des premiers vers:
De là sont nés ces bruits reçus dans l'univers,
Qu'aux accents dont Orphée emplit les monts de Thrace,
Les tigres amollis dépouillaient leur audace.
27. Ballanche's treatment of the Orpheus theme is noted in Hersey, "Delacroix's Imagery," p. 391. Another reflection of the classical motif of Orpheus the legislator can be found in the jurist Jean-de-Dieu d'Olivier's introduction to his essays on the moral effects of music. Olivier recounts that Orpheus came to him in a dream and brought the realization that one should not neglect the study of "l'esprit d' ORPHÉE LÉGISLATEUR " ( L'Esprit d'Orphée, ou De l'influence respective de la musique, de la morale et de la législation, vol. 1, Paris, 1798, p. 16). For Orpheus, see Dorothy M. Kosinski, Orpheus in Nineteenth-Century Symbolism, Ann Arbor, Mich., 1989; and Brian Juden, Traditions orphiques et tendances mystiques dans le Romanticisme français (1800-1855), Paris, 1971.
28. See George Sand, Les Sept Cordes de la lyre, ed. René Bourgeois, Paris, 1973, p. 19, a script for a drama (published in the Revue des deux mondes, April 15 and May 1, 1839) in which an enchanted lyre prompts the scholar Albertus to meditate on the Chinese belief that the
gods revealed "to the first legislators the important mystery of a new cord added to the lyre, emblem of civilization for those hard-working, practical people" (p. 128).
29. Orphée, in Oeuvres de M. Ballanche de l'Académie de Lyon, Paris, 1833, 5:248-49.
30. See Paul Bénichou, Le Temps des prophètes, Paris, 1977, pp. 198, 477, 545, and Le Sacre de l'écrivain, 1750-1830, 2d ed., Paris, 1985, pp. 236-38.
31. Alphonse de Lamartine, Oeuvres poétiques, ed. Marius-François Guyard, Paris, 1963, p. 515.
32. See The Journal of Eugène Delacroix, trans. Walter Pach, New York, 1972, pp. 185 (February 26, 1849) and 382-83 (April 30, 1854).
33. Isabelle Compin and Anne Roquebert, Catalogue sommaire illustré, Paris, 1986, 3:284, inv. no. 8472. In the 1827 Salon catalogue, The Barbarians is referred to as Decadence of the Arts in Greece.
34. The engraving of Battle of the Huns (Fig. 68) was reproduced in an album accompanying Count Athanasius Raczynski, Histoire de l'art modern en Allemagne, Paris, 1836-41.
35. See Wolfgang Balzer, Der junge Daumier und seine Kampfgefäbrten, Dresden, 1965, p. 227.
36. Compin and Roquebert, Catalogue sommaire illustré, 3:305, inv. no. 5305 (3.92 x 4.6 meters).
37. See Jacques-Bénigne Bossuet, Discours sur l'histoire universelle [1681], ed. Jacques Truchet, Paris, 1966, pp. 258-66.
38. Benjamin [Benjamin Antier, pseud. for Benjamin Chevrillon (1787-1870)], Attila et le troubadour, comédie-vaudeville en un acte, Paris, 1824, pp. 31-32:
Des nations naissaintes
C'est le législateur.
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Des hommes qu'il rassemble
Il adoucit les moeurs,
Son art maîtrise ensemble
Les esprits et les coeurs.
Dans les plaines stériles
Fleurissent à sa voix
Les moissons et les villes,
Le commerce et les loix.
Et dans son pauvre asile
Il est avec cela
Plus riche, plus tranquille
Et plus grand qu'Attila.
Antier, in his preface to the play, attributes the story to a Baron de Bilderberg and indicates that the work, published in its entirety, had been performed in a mutilated version,
as demanded by the government censors. See Théodore Muret, L'Histoire par le théatre, 1789-1851, Paris, 1865, 2:136-42. Muret refers to a rumor that the play was co-authored by the republican songwriter Pierre-Jean de Béranger.
39. See Carol Ockman, "The Restoration of the Chateau of Dampierre: Ingres, the Duc de Luynes, and an Unrealized Vision of History," Ph.D. diss., Yale University, 1982; and Marc Sandoz, Théodore Chassériau, 1819-1856: Catalogue raisonné des peintures et estampes, Paris, 1974, pp. 39-54. For mural painting under the July Monarchy, see Léon Rosenthal, Du Romantisme au réalisme, Paris, 1914, chap. 8.
40. Delacroix spoke disdainfully ( Journal, trans. Pach, pp. 172-73 [September 5, 1847]) of one such theorist, who was greatly admired by George Sand:
[Pierre] Leroux has most assuredly found the great word, if not the thing itself, to save humanity and to pull it out of the mire: "Man is born free," he says, following Rousseau. Never has a heavier piece of foolishness been uttered, no matter how great the philosopher who spoke it.... Is there in all creation a being who is more of a slave than man? ... The passions that he finds within himself are the cruelest tyrants he has to fight, and one may add that to resist them is to resist his very nature.
41. See Lucien Rudrauf, Eugène Delacroix et le problème du romantisme artistique, Paris, 1942, p. 172.
42. According to article 15 of the charter, "The proposition of laws belongs to the king, to the Chamber of Peers and to the Chamber of Deputies. However, every tax law must first be passed by the Chamber of Deputies."
43. See Hopmans, "Delacroix's Decorations," p. 266 and n. 99.
44. See the Encyclopèdie's definition of legislator, quoted in Chapter 1. Delacroix also considered two subjects that referred to the austere practices associated with child rearing in Sparta, the Spartan Girls Wrestling and The Spartan Children Whipped at the Altar of Diana. For these subjects, see Angrand, "Genèse des travaux," p. 315.
45. See Delacroix, Journal, trans. Pach, p. 141 (February 4, 1847). For Vernet's ceiling, see Robert Neubinger Beetem, "Horace Vernet's Mural in the Palais Bourbon: Contemporary Imagery, Modern Technology, and Classical Allegory during the July Monarchy," Art Bulletin, LXVI, June 1984, pp. 254-69.
46. See Madeleine Vincent, La Peinture des XIX e et XX e siècles, vol. 7, Catalogue du Musée de Lyon, Lyon, 1956, pp. 13-17. See also Robert Rosenblum, Transformations in Late Eighteenth Century Art, 2d ed., Princeton, N.J., 1969, p. 118.
47. Corinne, ou l'Italie, in Oeuvres de Mme de Staël, Paris, 1864, p. 302.
48. Paul de Saint-Victor enthusiastically described Delacroix's Pliny as "the prophet of nature seated on his boiling tripod" ("Eugène Delacroix," La Presse, September 22, 1863). In its
tone of prophetic inspiration, the library pendentive is unlike two earlier versions of the subject (1827) located in the Musée Charles X in the Louvre: The Death of Pliny by Heim (inv. no. 5301) and Pliny Observing Vesuvius (inv. no. 8473), one of eight grisaille scenes of antique life by Vinchon and Gosse, in Compin and Roquebert, Catalogue sommaire illustré, 3:285, 305.
49. Encyclopédie des gens du monde ... par une société de savans, de littérateurs et d'artistes, français et étrangers, vol. 10, Paris, 1838, s.v. "Exile."
50. See Lloyd S. Kramer, Threshold of a New World: Intellectuals and the Exile Experience in Paris, 1830-1848, Ithaca, N.Y., 1988.
51. Thoré, "Les Peintures de la Bibliothèque."
52. See Bénichou, Le Sacre de l'écrivain, 1750-1830, p. 85.
53. See Thomas L. Ashton, Byron's Hebrew Melodies, Austin, Tex., 1972; and Joseph Slater, "Byron's Hebrew Melodies," Studies in Phiology, XLIX, January 1952, pp. 75-94.
54. See Nina M. Athanassoglou-Kallmyer, French Images from the Greek War of Independence, 1821-1830: Art and Politics under the Restoration, New Haven, Conn., 1989, pp. 15-19.
55. Millet, who exhibited a work on this subject in the Salon of 1848, later covered the canvas with the Young Shepherdess Seated (1869; Museum of Fine Arts, Boston). For the Babylonian captivity theme, see my doctoral dissertation, " Le Peuple de Dieu: Old Testament Motifs of Legislation, Prophecy, and Exile in French Art between the Empires," Institute of Fine Arts, New York University, 1986, pp. 126-42.
56. Planet's painting was exhibited at the Galerie des Beaux-Arts on the boulevard de Bonne-Nouvelle in 1843 and again in the Salon of 1849. This lost work reflects the influence of The Massacre of Chios, of which Planet made a copy, admired by Delacroix along with Planet's Babylonian Captivity, on a visit to his assistant's studio January 25, 1843; he had seen sketches for the latter work on an earlier visit, on December 2, 1842. See Hopmans, "Delacroix's Decorations," p. 264 n. 87; and Louis de Planet, "Souvenirs de travaux de peinture avec M. Eugène Delacroix," ed. A. Joubin, Bulletin de la Société d'Historire de l'art français, 1928, pp. 421-28.
57. Inv. no. RF 4774, Sérullaz et al., Musée du Louvre, I, cat. no. 298. The watercolor may have been the model for the pendentive painting that, according to Johnson, was executed by Delacroix, himself. See The Paintings of Eugène Delacroix, 5:54, and cat. no. 557, p. 74. Cazes's painting follows the example of Horace Vernet, who used detailed Arab costume in his Rebecca at the Fountain (1833) and Expulsion of Hagar (1837). See the exhibition catalogue Horace Vernet (1789-1863), Rome, Académie de France à Rome, 1980, no. 68, pp. 93-94.
58. For the program of the Luxembourg library decoration, see Johnson, The Paintings of Eugène Delacroix, 5:87-92; and the artist's description published in L'Artiste, 4th series, VII, October 4, 1846, p. 221.
59. "Bref on y voit tous les grands hommes possibles se promenant et s'asseyant pour varier leur plaisir" (Delacroix, Correspondance générale, ed. André Joubin, 2:120 [August 9, 1842]).
60. Alexander, holding the casket with Homer's poems, is one of those paying homage to the poet in Ingres's Apotheosis of Homer (1827; Louvre).
61. See Sérullaz, Les Peintures murales, p. 50. The Luxembourg library dome was derived from a subject considered for the Palais-Bourbon library, the groves of academe. See Hopmans, "Delacroix's Decorations," pp. 260-62.
62. See Delacroix's letter to Thoré, January 5, 1848, in Correspondance générale, 2:338.
63. Ibid., 2:24 (September 13, 1838).
62. See Delacroix's letter to Thoré, January 5, 1848, in Correspondance générale, 2:338.
63. Ibid., 2:24 (September 13, 1838).
64. So maintains the 1835 edition of the Dictionary of the French Academy, which gives the following example: "Boileau is the legislator of French poetry" (Institut de France, Dictionnaire de l'Académie française, 6th ed., Paris, II, s.v. "Législateur").
65. Delacroix, Journal, trans. Pach, p. 171.
66. See Lorenz Eitner, "The Open Window and the Storm-Tossed Boat: An Essay in the Iconography of Romanticism," Art Bulletin, XXXVII, December 1955, p. 289.
67. Letter to Baron Charles Rivet, February 15, 1838, in Delacroix, Correspondance générale, 2:5.
68. The gloom and cruelty of the library paintings are emphasized in Mario Praz, The Romantic Agony, trans. Angus Davidson, 2d ed., Oxford, 1970, pp. 143-44.
69. Delacroix, Journal, trans. Pach, p. 179.
70. Ibid., p. 147 (February 20, 1847).
71. Ibid., pp. 196-97 (April 23, 1849).
72. Ibid., pp. 219-20 (May 1, 1850).
69. Delacroix, Journal, trans. Pach, p. 179.
70. Ibid., p. 147 (February 20, 1847).
71. Ibid., pp. 196-97 (April 23, 1849).
72. Ibid., pp. 219-20 (May 1, 1850).
69. Delacroix, Journal, trans. Pach, p. 179.
70. Ibid., p. 147 (February 20, 1847).
71. Ibid., pp. 196-97 (April 23, 1849).
72. Ibid., pp. 219-20 (May 1, 1850).
69. Delacroix, Journal, trans. Pach, p. 179.
70. Ibid., p. 147 (February 20, 1847).
71. Ibid., pp. 196-97 (April 23, 1849).
72. Ibid., pp. 219-20 (May 1, 1850).
73. [F. de Montherot], "A Lamartine, Député; à Beyrouth, Syrie," January 1833, in Mémoires poétiques, Paris, 1833, p. 101.
74. Alexis de Tocqueville, Souvenirs [1850-51], ed. Luc Mounier et al., Paris, 1978, pp. 45-46.
75. Paul Bastid, Les Institutions politiques de la monarchie parlementaire française (1814-1848), Paris, 1954, p. 244.
76. Heinrich Heine, Lutetia, in French Affairs: Letters from Paris, vol. 2, 1840-1843, New York, 1906, p. 109 (July 3, 1840).
77. Loys Delteil, Le Peintre-Graveur illustré: Daumier, vol. 20, Paris, 1925, cat. no. 116.
78. Delacroix, Journal, trans. Pach, p. 134. A less than respectful attitude toward the Chamber is also suggested when in a letter to George Sand, September 5, 1838, the artist comically compared his own renewed pleasure at returning to the sea with that of Louis-Philippe at seeing "his dear deputies" ( Correspondance générale, 2:21).
Chapter Six The Romantic Moses
1. See Erienne Moreau-Nélaron, Millet raconté par lui-meme, Paris, 1921, 1:33-44; and Alfred Sensier, La Vie et l'oeuvre de J.-F. Millet, ed. Paul Mantz, Paris, 1881, pp. 72-74. See also Lucien Lepoittevin, Jean-François Millet, portraitiste: Essai et catalogue, Paris, 1971, I, no. 42; and the exhibition catalogues Jean-François Millet 1814-1875, Musée Thomas Henry, Cherbourg, 1971, no. 19; and Lucien Lepoittevin, Cent cinquantième anniversaire de la naissance de Jean-François Millet 1814-1875, Musée Thomas Henry, Cherbourg, 1964, no. 28.
2. See Sensier, La Vie et l'oeuvre, p. 73.
3. Letter from Paris, April 9, 1841, quoted in Moreau-Nélaton, Millet raconté par lui-même, 1:36.
4. Quoted in Moreau-Nélaton, 1:39. In a letter to the mayor of Cherbourg, July 19, 1841 (ibid.), Millet requested that the Moses be exhibited.
5. Ibid.
3. Letter from Paris, April 9, 1841, quoted in Moreau-Nélaton, Millet raconté par lui-même, 1:36.
4. Quoted in Moreau-Nélaton, 1:39. In a letter to the mayor of Cherbourg, July 19, 1841 (ibid.), Millet requested that the Moses be exhibited.
5. Ibid.
3. Letter from Paris, April 9, 1841, quoted in Moreau-Nélaton, Millet raconté par lui-même, 1:36.
4. Quoted in Moreau-Nélaton, 1:39. In a letter to the mayor of Cherbourg, July 19, 1841 (ibid.), Millet requested that the Moses be exhibited.
5. Ibid.
6. See Paul Bénichou, Le Temps des prophètes, Paris, 1977, and Le Sacre de l'écrivain, 1750-1830, 2d ed., Paris, 1985. The Romantics identified poetry with legislation. Shelley, for example, declared in "A Defense of Poetry" (1821) that "poets are the unacknowledged legislators of the world" ( The Selected Poetry and Prose of Shelley, ed. Harold Bloom, New York, 1966, p. 448). Gert Schiff brought this reference to my attention.
7. Emile Barrault, Aux artistes. Du passé et de l'avenir des beaux-arts, Paris, 1830, p. 78.
8. Philippe Busoni, "Michel-Ange," L'Artiste, 1st series, VI, 1833, p. 294.
9. Lepoittevin attributes the comment to Moreau-Nélaton in Millet, portraitiste, I, cat. no. 42.
10. See Klaus Herding, Courbet: To Venture Independence, trans. John William Gabriel, New Haven, Conn., 1991, chap. 3.
11. Journal de Eugène Delacroix, ed. André Joubin and Jean-Louis Vaudoyer, Paris, 1932, 2:19-20 (April 16, 1853).
12. See Fig. 84 for the portrait Herbert had in mind. See also Herbert's catalogue Jean-François Millet, Hayward Gallery, London, 1976, no. 8, p. 42.
13. In the 1840s the Saint-Simonian high priest Père Barthélemy-Prosper Enfantin (1796-1864) urged the sect's official musician, Félicien David, to compose an oratorio on the subject of Moses. Reference to Moses was especially pertinent to Enfantin, for he viewed his role in the leadership of mankind as that of a new Moses, a self-image reinforced by his belief that the building of the Suez Canal in Egypt would help realize his utopia. David's Moïse au Sinaï, intended by Enfantin to spread the Saint-Simonian gospel, was received unenthusiastically when it premiered at the Paris Opera on March 24, 1846. See Dorothy Veinus Hagan, Félicien David, 1810-1876: A Composer and a Cause, Syracuse, N.Y., 1985, pp. 87-102. See also Jacques-Gabriel Prod'homme, "Correspondance inédite
de Félicien David et du Père Enfantin (1845),'' Mercure de France, LXXXV, May 1, 1910, pp. 67-86.
14. See Bénichou, Le Sacre de l'écrivain, pp. 288-300. For this aspect of Hugo's thought see also Bénichou, Les Mages romantiques, Paris, 1988, pp. 273-530; and Maurice Z. Shroder, Icarus: The Image of the Artist in French Romanticism, Cambridge, Mass., 1961, chap. 2.
15. Victor Hugo, Odes et ballades, ed. Pierre Albouy, Paris, 1969, p. 202.
16. Hugo. Odes et ballades, p. 156.
17. Although Vigny was part of this ultra-royalist circle and served during the Restoration as an officer in the Bourbon army, his poetry lacks the militant counter-revolutionary piety of Hugo's early work.
18. See Fernande Bartfeld, Vigny et la figure de Moïse, Paris, 1968; and Bénichou, Le Sacre de l'écrivain, pp. 370-71. The poetic license of Vigny's "Moïse" was anticipated by the republican academician Népomucène Lemercier in his epic poem Moyse, the last of his hymns to four great representatives of poetry, war, science, and legislation that also included Homère and Alexandre (both 1800) and Atlantiade (dedicated to Newton; 1812). Moyse includes a meeting between Moses and Job—an innovation that allowed the author "to enrich my painting with the variety of colors offered by a combination of two of the most beautiful books of the Bible." See Lemercier, Fragments d'un poème intitulé: Moïse, sur la délivrance des Israélites. Lus par M. Le Mercier ç l'Académie française, le 24 août 1819, Paris, 1819, p. 6.
19. Alfred de Vigny, Oeuvres poétiques, ed. J.-P. Saint-Gerand, Paris, 1978, pp. 65-66.
20. Jacques-Bénigne Bossuet, Discours sur l'histoire universelle, ed. Jacques Trucher, Paris, 1966, pp. 182-83.
21. Charles Magnin, "Poèmes, par M. le comte Alfred de Vigny. Seconde et troisième éditions," Le Globe, October 21, 1829, p. 667.
22. Alfred de Vigny, letters of December 21 and December 27, 1838, in "Lettres à une puritaine, I," ed. P. Godet, Revue de Paris, IV, August 15, 1897.
23. See A. Duvivier, "Liste des élèves ... de l'Ecole des Beaux-Arts qui ont remporté les grands prix," Archives de l'art français, Documents, 1857-58, 5:273. See also Philippe Grunchec, Le Grand Prix de Peinture: Les concours des Prix de Rome de 1797 à 1863, Paris, 1983.
24. For the painting by Subleyras (Louvre inv. no. 7999, on deposit in the Musée des Beaux-Arts, Nîmes) and for other engravings of the work, see the exhibition catalogue Olivier Michel and Pierre Rosenberg, Subleyras, 1699-1749, Musée du Luxembourg, Paris, 1987, no. 4, pp. 147-49. Both Roger's Brazen Serpent and the engraving in Landon reverse the composition of Subleyras's painting.
25. Moses is similarly prominent in a version of the subject painted in 1819 for the city of Paris by C.-L.-F. Smith reproduced in C. P. Landon, Annales du Musée, vol. 1 of Salon de 1819, Paris, 1819, p. 7. Landon complained that with the gray sky and background of the
work Moses was not set into relief. The work has apparently been removed from the Church of Saint-Paul-Saint-Louis, to which it was sent by the Préfecture de la Seine (Archives de la Seine, 10624, 72, 1).
26. "Concours pour le Grand Prix de Peinture," L'Artiste, 1st series, XII, 1836, p. 97.
27. The version of this subject that I reproduce as Fig. 90 (now in the National Gallery of Scotland, Edinburgh) had been engraved. See Anthony Blunt, The Paintings of Nicolas Poussin: A Critical Catalogue, London, 1966, no. 22, p. 19. Blanchard's entry recalls another version of the subject by Poussin (Hermitage, Leningrad), reproduced in Musée de peinture et de sculpture, vol. 10, Paris, 1831, p. 683. According to the Journal des artistes another contestant, Jean-Baptiste-Auguste Leloir, also quoted from Michelangelo's Moses. See Grunchec, Le Grand Prix de Peinture, p. 395.
28. The same critic approved the way another contestant (Louis-François-Marie Roulin) had understood that " Moses must be detached from the crowd and dominate it" ("Concours," pp. 97-98).
29. See the edition of Chateaubriand's Moïse by Fernande Bassan (Paris, 1983); Charles Comte, "Chateaubriand poète," Mémoires de la Société des sciences morales de Seine-et-Oise, 1894, pp. 15-51; and Anna Louise Catharina Kromsigt, "Le Thàätre biblique à la veille du romantisme (1789-1830)," Ph.D. diss., University of Amsterdam, 1931, pp. 86-87.
30. Moïse, tragédie en cinq actes en vers, in Oeuvres complètes de Chateaubriand, Paris, Garnier [1929-38], 3:575-76.
31. "Le Moïse de M. de Chateaubriand," L'Artiste, 1st series, VII, 1834, pp. 281-82.
32. See Virginie Ancelot, Les Salons de Paris, 2d ed., Paris, 1858, pp. 195-96.
33. Charles-Augustin Sainte-Beuve, Chateaubriand et son groupe littéraire sous l'empire [1861], ed. Maurice Allem, Paris, 1948, 2:77.
34. See Freud's essay "The Moses of Michelangelo" (1914).
35. Joseph de Maistre, Cinq paradoxes (1795), in Oeuvres complètes de Joseph de Maistre, Lyon, 1893, 7:320. See also Francesco Milizia, De l'Art de voir dans les beaux-arts [1786], trans. from the Italian by Général Pommereul, Paris, Year VI [1797-98], pp. 2-3.
36. Falconet knew the work only through "models, drawings, and engravings." See "Observations sur la statue de Marc-Aurèle" (1770) in Oeuvres d'Etienne Falconet statuaire, Lausanne, 1781, 1:321, 324.
37. Jean-Baptiste-Louis-Georges Seroux d'Agincourt, Histoire de l'art par les monumens, depuis sa décadence au IV e siècle jusqu'à son renouvellement au XVI e siècle, vol. 3, Paris, 1823, p. 41. Regarding this work, see Francis Haskell, Rediscoveries in Art, Ithaca, N.Y., 1980, pp. 71-73. Quatremère de Quincy was similarly enthusiastic about the Moses, despite its lack of reference to the art of classical antiquity. See Antoine-Chrysostôme Quatremère de Quincy, Dictionnaire historique de l'architecture, Paris, 1832, 1:254. The international reach of this revised opinion is suggested by Washington Allston's choice of the Moses as the model for a grandiose image of prophetic inspiration, Jeremiah Dictating His Prophecies to the Scribe
Baruch (1820; Yale University Art Gallery). See the exhibition catalogue by William H. Gerdts and Theodore E. Stebbins, Jr., "A Man of Genius": The Art of Washington Allston (1779-1843), Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, 1979, p. 119.
38. Gustave Planche, "Michel-Ange," in Portraits d'artistes, Paris, 1853, 1:76-77. See Pontus Grate, Deux critiques d'art de l'époque romantique: Gustave Planche et Théophile Thoré, Figura 12, Stockholm, 1959.
39. Dumas, "Michel-Ange," L'Artiste, 3d series, III, 1845, p. 388; previously published in Michel-Ange, suivi de Titien Vecelli, Brussels, 1844. Another comparison of Vigny's poem and Michelangelo's statue was made by Charles Magnin, who in the "bitter and somber prayer" of Vigny's Moses perceived "a breadth, an assurance, a facility with the colossal that recall and seem to explain the Moses of Michelangelo'' ("Poèmes, par M. le comte Alfred de Vigny," p. 667).
40. Dumas, "Michel-Ange," pp. 387-88.
Epilogue: Twilight of the Rights of Man
1. "C'est pourquoi tous les peuples ont voulu donner à leurs lois une origine divine; et ceux qui ne l'ont pas eue ont feint de l'avoir" (Jacques-Bénigne Bossuet, Extraits des oeuvres diverses, ed. Gustave Lanson, Paris, 1899, p. 211). Begun in 1677, Bossuet's Politique was published posthumously in 1709. As Rousseau acknowledged in The Social Contract, Machiavelli observed ( Discourses, bk. 1, chap. 11) that all great lawgivers have claimed divine authority.
2. The classic study of this phenomenon is G. Burdeau, "Essai sur l'évolution de la notion de loi en droit français," Archives de Philosophie du droit, 1939, nos. 1-2, pp. 7-55. See also Burdeau, "Une Survivance: La Notion de Constitution," in L'Evolution du droit public: Etudes en l'honneur d'Achille Mestre, Paris, 1956, pp. 53-62; Pierre Legendre, Histoire de l'administration, Paris, 1968, pp. 460-63; André Sauvageot, "Dévaluation de la loi," Revue politique et parlementaire, no. 555, April 10, 1946, pp. 29-38, and no. 556, May 10, 1946, pp. 112-23; André-Jean Arnaud, Les Juristes face à la société du XIX e siècle à nos jours, Paris, 1975; and Jean Carbonnier, "La Passion des lois au siècle des Lumières," in Essais sur les lois, Paris, 1979, pp. 217-19.
3. See Donald R. Kelley, Historians and the Law in Postrevolutionary France, Princeton, N.J., 1984, chap. 6.
4. For this development, ibid., chaps. 11, 12.
3. See Donald R. Kelley, Historians and the Law in Postrevolutionary France, Princeton, N.J., 1984, chap. 6.
4. For this development, ibid., chaps. 11, 12.
5. Jules Barbey d'Aurevilly, Les Prophètes du passé, Paris and Brussels, 1880, p. 140. See also, Lamartine's denunciation of the abstract and a priori character of the Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen in his Histoire des constituants, Paris, 1855, 2:217.
6. Taine, Les Origines de la France contemporaine, 23d ed., vol. 4, Paris, 1900, p. 47.
7. Zeev Sternhell, La Droit révolutionnaire, 1885-1914: Les Origines françaises du fascisme, Paris, 1978, pp. 84-87.
8. Musée d'Orsay inv. no. 20738. See Marie-Madeleine Aubrun, Henri Lehmann, 1814-1882: Catalogue raisonné de l'oeuvre, Nantes, 1984, no. 1036, 1:244; Isabelle Compin and Anne Roquebert, Catalogue sommaire illustré, Paris, 1986, 4:46; and Jacques Foucart and Louis-Antoine Prat, "Quelques oeuvres inédites d'Henri Lehmann," Revue du Louvre et des Musées de France, 1983, no. 1, pp. 16-24.
9. See the lucid study by Zeev Sternhell, Maurice Barrès et le nationalisme français, Brussels, 1985.
10. Maurice Barrès, Les Déracinés, ed. Hubert Juin, Paris, 1986, pp. 32, 51.
11. Quoted in Le Nationalisme français, 1871-1914, ed. Raoul Girardet, Paris, 1966, p. 136.
12. Quoted in Sternhell, Barrès, p. 127 n. 41.
13. See Norman L. Kleeblatt, ed., The Dreyfus Affair: Art, Truth, and Justice, Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1987.
14. See Sternhell, Barrès, pp. 232-45.
15. In Drumont's scandalously popular pseudo-historical diatribe La France juive (Jewish France), the royalist caricature The New Calvary (see Fig. 12)—in which the crucified Louis XVI stands on the roundheaded tablets of the Rights of Man—was held up as evidence that "the immense majority of the nation" realized that the Revolution's crimes against the monarchy were the work of a secret Jewish conspiracy ( La France juive: Essai d'histoire contemporaine, Paris, Blériot n.d., pp. 225-26).
16. See Phillip Dennis Cate, "The Paris Cry: Graphic Artists and the Dreyfus Affair," in Kleeblatt, The Dreyfus Affair, cat. no. 70, p. 66.
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