1. Charles de Gaulle, War Memoirs, trans. J. Griffin (1955), 1:104.

1. Georges Duhamel, America the Menace: Scenes from the Life of the Future, trans. Charles Miner Thompson (Boston, 1931).

2. Alain Touraine, ''Existe-t-il encore une [société] [française]?", The Tocqueville Review 11 (1990): 143-71. Fernand Braudel, The Identity of France, 2 vols. (London, 1988). Or see the essay by the editor of Le Point, Claude Imbert: "The End of French Exceptionalism," Foreign Affairs 68 (Fall 1989): 48-60; and the volume of conference papers entitled Searching for the New France, eds. James Hollifield and George Ross (1991).

3. Jean-Pierre Rioux, "Twentieth-Century Historiography: Clio in a Phrygian Bonnet," in Contemporary France, eds. Jolyon Howorth and George Ross (London, 1987), 204.

4. A sample of this voluminous literature includes Pierre Nora, ed., Les Lieux de [mémoire], 4 vols. (to be 7 vols.), 1984-; Colette Beaune, Naissance de la nation de la France (1986); Maurice Agulhon, Marianne au combat (1979); Peter Sahlins, Boundaries: The Making of France and Spain in the Pyrenees (Berkeley, 1989); [Gérard] Noiriel, Le Creuset [français], histoire de l'immigration, XIXe-XXe [siècles] (1988); Herman Lebovics, True France: The Wars over Cultural Identity in France, 1900-1945 (Ithaca, 1992); Eugen Weber, Peasants into Frenchmen: The Modernization of Rural France, 1870-1914 (Stanford, 1976); and Susan Carol Rogers, Shaping Modern Times in Rural France (Princeton, 1991). Where Weber, among other historians, sees a process of cultural diffusion in the late nineteenth century from urban to rural France, Rogers doubts that modernization brings cultural uniformity. She finds that local adaptability to processes like economic globalization sustains sociocultural diversity within France. For the debate among historians over conceptualizing the nation and for further bibliography see Steven Englund's review of Les Lieux de [mémoire]: "The Ghost of Nation Past," Journal of Modern History 64, no. 2 (June 1992): 299-320.

5. Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism (1983). Ernest Gellner ( Nations and Nationalism [Oxford, 1983]) argues that nationalism is not simply invention but corresponds to a stage of socioeconomic development. A critical review of the literature on national identity is Philip Schlesinger, "On National Identity: Some Conceptions and Misconceptions Criticized," Social Science Information 26, no. 2 (1987): 219-64. For the oppositional character of nation-building

and further bibliography see R. D. Grillo's introduction to a volume of essays he has edited: "Nation" and "State" in Europe: Anthropological Perspectives (London, 1980), 1-30.

6. Marie-France Toinet, "Does Anti-Americanism Exist?", in The Rise and Fall of Anti-Americanism: A Century of French Perception, eds. Denis Lacorne, Jacques Rupnik, and Marie-France Toinet, trans. Gerry Turner (1990), 225; this anthology contains papers presented at a 1984 conference by French and American scholars. A succinct historical survey of anti-Americanism is Michel Winock, "'US Go Home': [l'antiaméricanisme] [français]," L'Histoire no. 50 (1982): 7-20. For a survey of relations there is Jean-Baptiste Duroselle, France and the United States from the Beginnings to the Present, trans. Derek Coltman (Chicago, 1976).

7. Marie-France Toinet, "French Pique and Piques [Françaises], " Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science no. 497 (1988): 135.

8. New York Herald Tribune, 20 November 1946, European edition (further cites refer to this Paris edition unless otherwise noted).

9. New York Herald Tribune, 19 and 20 August 1957.

10. Charles W. Brooks, America in France's Hopes and Fears, 1890-1920, 2 vols. (1987). A recent poll published in Le Figaro (4 November 1988) revealed that the French still perceived Americans as powerful, dynamic, and rich. But the youthful, generous, naive image has faded.

11. Laurence Wylie, Chanzeaux: A Village in Anjou (Cambridge, Mass., 1966), 361.

12. French textbooks used during the 1960s and 1970s are analyzed by Laurence Wylie and Sarella Henriquez in "French Images of American Life," The Tocqueville Review 4 (Fall-Winter 1982): 176-274.

13. Bernadette Galloux-Fournier, "Voyageurs [français] aux Etats-Unis, 1919-1939: contribution à l'etude d'une image de [l'Amérique]" ([thèse] de 3e cycle, Institut [d'études] politiques, Paris, 1986); Paul A. Gagnon, "French Views of Postwar America, 1919-1932" (Ph.D. diss., Harvard University, 1960); Donald Allen, French Views of America in the 1930s (1979). Galloux-Fournier published a summary of her thesis: "Un Regard sur [l'Amérique]: voyageurs [français] aux Etats-Unis, 1919-1939,'' Revue d'histoire moderne et contemporaine 37 (April-June 1990): 297-307. During the 1920s the skyscraper became the architectural stereotype of America and the object of fascination for the French according to Isabelle Jeanne Gournay, "France Discovers America, 1917-1939: French Writings on American Architecture" (Ph.D. diss., Yale University, 1989). Some of the twentieth-century images of America, e.g., materialism, mechanization, imperialism, and cultural backwardness, had been sketched even before 1914 according to Jacques Portes, Une Fascination [réticente]: Les Etats-Unis dans l'opinion [française], 1870-1914 (Nancy, 1990).

14. Brooks, America in France's Hopes, 776 ff.

15. Quoted by Paul A. Gagnon, "French Views of the Second American Revolution," French Historical Studies 2 (Fall 1962): 444.

16. Allen, French Views, 112.

17. Marguerite Yerta-Melera, quoted in [Gérard] de Catalogne, Dialogue entre deux mondes (1931), 129.

18. Georges Duhamel, quoted in Gagnon, "French Views," 437.

19. Duhamel, America the Menace, 194.

20. Ibid., 51.

19. Duhamel, America the Menace, 194.

20. Ibid., 51.

21. Allen, French Views, 90.

22. [René] [Rémond's] comment on Mounier from Le Personnalisme d'Emmanuel Mounier hier et demain (1985), 23. This paragraph is dependent on Marc Simard, "Intellectuels, fascisme et [antimodernité] dans la France des [années] trente," [Vingtième] [Siècle] no. 18 (1988): 60; and Michel Winock, Histoire politique de la revue "Esprit," 1930-1950 (1975).

23. Emile Baumann, quoted in de Catalogne, Dialogue, 181.

1. Even casual French tourists noted that Americans seemed unusually sensitive to criticism and anxious to be liked. "How do you like America?" was the query that almost every French visitor faced. In contrast, the French never asked this question of their visitors. Given Americans' passion to be admired, it should be no surprise that Americans listened closely to the attacks from Paris.

2. Julian G. Hurstfield, America and the French Nation, 1939-1945 (Chapel Hill, 1986).

3. Robert O. Paxton, "Anti-Americanism in the Years of Collaboration and Resistance," in The Rise and Fall of Anti-Americanism, eds. Lacorne et al., 55-66.

4. Pierre Nora, "America and the French Intellectuals," Daedalus 107 (Winter 1978): 325.

5. The best treatment of Franco-American relations in the Cold War is Irwin M. Wall, The United States and the Making of Postwar France, 1945-1954 (New York, 1991).

6. Patricia Hubert-Lacombe, "La Guerre froide et le [cinéma] [français], 1946-53" ([thése] de 3e cycle, Institut [d'études] politiques, Paris, 1981).

7. Michel Margairaz, "Autour des accords Blum-Byrnes," Histoire, [économie], [société] 3 (1982): 439-70.

8. Chief of ECA France to ECA Washington, 21 November 1949, Foreign Relations of the United States, 1949 (Washington, D.C., 1975), 4:678-80 (hereafter cited as FRUS ); the minister of finance was Maurice Petsche. The story of counterpart funding is ably told in Chiarella Esposito, "The Marshall Plan in France and Italy, 1948-50: Counterpart Fund Negotiations" (Ph.D. diss., State University of New York, Stony Brook, 1985).

9. AN F60bis 378, Bonnet to CIQEE (Paris), 24 November 1949. The CIQEE or [Comité] [interministériel] pour les questions de [coopération] [économique] [européenne] handled American aid, and its records are housed in the Archives nationales (hereafter AN) in record group F60bis.

10. Department of State, External Research Staff, French Attitudes on Selected National and International Issues, 30 September 1950, 31. This report is in the ECA archives (National Archives and Records Administration, hereafter NARA), RG286, Mission to France, General Subject Files, 1946-53, box 44.

11. Wall, Making of Postwar France, 63-157; Annie Lacroix-Riz, La CGT de la [libération] à la scission de 1944-1947 (1983); Edward Rice-Maximin, "The United States and the French Left, 1945-49: The View from the State Department," Journal of Contemporary History 19 (October 1984): 729-47; Stephen Burwood, "American Labor and Industrial Unrest in France, 1947-52" (Ph.D. diss., State University of New York, Binghamton, 1990).

12. On French anti-Americanism circa 1952 see Raymond Cartier, "Ce que la France reproche aux [Américains]," Paris-Match, 25 October-1 November 1952, 19-21; Arnold M. Rose, "Anti-Americanism in France," Antioch Review 12 (December 1952): 468-84.

13. Janet Flanner, Paris Journal, 1944-1965 (1966), 182.

14. Ambassador Dunn to State Dept., 3 November 1952, FRUS, 1952-54, vol. 6, pt. 2 (1986), 1270. For Franco-American quarrels over Indochina and the EDC in the early 1950s see Wall, Making of Postwar France, 233-96.

15. Ambassador Dunn to State Dept., 11 October 1952, FRUS, 1952-54, vol. 6, pt. 2, 1259.

16. From Vincent Auriol, Journal du Septennat (1952), quoted in Pierre [Mélandri], "France and the Atlantic Alliance 1950-53," in Western Security: The Formative Years, European and Atlantic Defense, 1947-53, ed. Olay Riste (1985), 266. The date of Auriol's letter is 12 November 1952.

17. Douglas MacArthur II to Asst. Sec. of State, 19 October 1952, FRUS, 1952-54, vol. 6, pt. 2, 1259-60.

18. Ambassador Dunn to State Dept., 8 October 1952, FRUS, 1952-54, vol. 6, pt. 2, 1251-52.

19. The State Department believed Pinay was making "domestic political capital" by his show of defiance and by blaming French difficulties in Indochina on alleged reductions in American military aid. Sec. of State's daily meeting, 10 October 1952, FRUS, 1952-54, vol. 6, pt. 2, 1256.

20. Ambassador Dillon to State Dept., 4 August 1953, and Special Assistant Hanes to Sec. of State, 3 April 1954, FRUS, 1952-54, vol. 6, pt. 2, 1372-75 and 1405-7.

21. New York Times, 15 December 1953.

22. Wall, Making of Postwar France, 296.

23. Ambassador Dillon tried, unsuccessfully, to alleviate such resentment in his speech to the diplomatic press (NARA, 611.51/3-2056, 20 March 1956). One French economist accused the United States of hypocrisy for "colonizing" the Indians yet adopting a "holier-than-thou" attitude toward the French in Algeria (NARA, 611.51/5-1556, 15 May 1956).

24. NARA, 751.00/7-1558, U.S. Consul in Marseilles to State Dept., 15 July 1958. Within six months the consulate reported a marked improvement in attitudes toward the United States in the Midi (NARA, 751.00/2-2059, 20 February 1959).

25. The Gallup International Public Opinion Polls: France, 1939, 1944-75, 2 vols. (1976), 1:191 (henceforth cited as Gallup Polls followed by year of poll).

26. Marie-France Briguet, "[L'Anti-américanisme] en France de 1956 à 1958" ([mémoire] de [maîtrise], [Université] de Grenoble, 1978). For the earlier period, see Mary M. Benyamin, "Fluctuations in the Prestige of the U.S. in France . . . French Attitudes towards the U.S. and Its Policies, 1945-55" (Ph.D. diss., Columbia University, 1959).

27. Reported in NARA, 611.51/12-456, 4 December 1956.

28. NARA, 611.51/11-2956, Dillon to State Dept., 29 November 1956.

29. NARA, 711.51/9-1546, "France, Policy, and Information Statement," 15 September 1946, Department of State.

30. Steven P. Sapp, "The United States, France, and the Cold War: Jefferson Caffery and American-French Relations, 1944-1949" (Ph.D. diss., Kent State University, 1978).

31. Yves-Henri Nouailhat, "Aspects de la politique culturelle des Etats-Unis à [l'égard] de la France de 1945 à 1950," Relations internationales no. 25 (1981): 87-111. Howard Rice, a director of the U.S. Information Library in Paris, recorded his experience in "Seeing Ourselves as the French See Us," French Review 21 (1948): 432-41.

32. From a memorandum of 22 October 1952 by Harold Kaplan found in the ECA archives (NARA), RG286, Mission to France, Office of the Director, General Subject Files, box 51. Kaplan argued that the information program had confused aims: "We do not carry on cultural relations primarily for political ends. It is more correct, I should think, to turn things around and say that we wage our political struggle in Europe in order that we may be able to maintain and intensify our cultural (and economic) relations with the European peoples."

33. Caffery to Sec. of State, 3 March 1949, and Bruce to Sec. of State, 7 October 1949, FRUS, 1949, vol. 4, 633, 668-69; [René] Sommer, "La France dans la guerre froide: Paix et [Liberté], 1950-1956" (mémoire de [maîtrise], Institut [d'études] politiques, Paris, 1980). For American propaganda efforts in 1951-52, especially contributions to Paix et [Liberté], see Wall, Making of Postwar France, 149-51, 213-18.

34. French reaction to the festival is conveyed in reports from the Paris embassy (NARA, 511.51/5-952, 9 May 1952 and 511.51/5-2952, 29 May 1952) and in Herbert Luethy's article, "Selling Paris on Western Culture," Commentary 14 (July 1952): 70-75.

35. Serge Lifar, in Le Combat, 30 April 1950. Lifar was a Russian and a wartime collaborator.

36. Le Combat, 15 May 1952.

37. Quoted in Peter Coleman, The Liberal Conspiracy: The Congress for Cultural Freedom and the Struggle for the Mind of Postwar Europe (1989), 56.

38. Thoughtful reflections on how historians should approach the study of public opinion are in Pierre Laborie, "De l'opinion publique à l'imaginaire social," [Vingtième] [Siècle] no. 18 (1988): 101-17.

39. "Les Etats-Unis, les [Américains], et la France, 1945-1953," Sondages no. 2 (1953): 3-78 (henceforth cited as Sondages 1953). The basic poll, taken by the Institut [français] d'opinion publique (IFOP) in early 1953, interviewed nearly two thousand respondents, including rural and small-town inhabitants

and all social and professional groups. This poll was secretly funded by the Americans and some of its findings were published under the title "Ce que les  [Français] pensent des  [Américains]" in  [Réalités] no. 91 (1953): 18-22.

40. From Gordon Wright, "Sometimes a Great Nation," The Stanford Magazine 8, no. 1 (1980): 18.

41. Martine Soete, "Visions des Américains dans la presse du Nord, 1944-1947" ( [mémoire] de  [maîtrise],  [Université] de Lille III, 1979), 62 ff.

42. Sondages 1953, 18.

43. Sondages 1953, 20-22, reporting a UNESCO poll of 1948 that the IFOP repeated in 1953 with similar results.

44. Sondages 1953, 17; "Ce que les  [Français] pensent des  [Américains]," 21.

45. "Ce que les  [Français] pensent des  [Américains]: un sondage par l'UNESCO," Perspectives, 10 September 1955, 3-6.

46. Sondages 1953, 28-32.

47. Sondages 1953, 40.

48. Sondages 1953, 8.

49. Sondages 1953, 25.

50. Gallup Polls 1947, 1:94.

51. Dept. of State, French Attitudes on Selected Issues, 35.

52. Sondages 1953, 27-28.

53. Laurence Wylie, Village in the Vaucluse (Cambridge, Mass., 1964 ed.), 364.

54. Rapports France-Etats-Unis no. 49 (1951): 1.

55. Dept. of State, French Attitudes on Selected Issues, 43.

56. Gallup Polls 1952, 1:162-63.

57. Sondages 1953, 42. A study of opinion on NATO up to 1950 concludes that the French were uneasy about the pact and American hegemony and looked for a more independent or European solution for their security. See  [Thérèse] Boisclair-Sultana, "La France et le pacte Atlantique,  [février] 1948-octobre 1950: aspects de l'opinion" ( [thèse] de 3e cycle,  [Université] Paul  [Valéry], Montpellier, 1977).

58. Gallup Polls 1959, 1:269 and 1960, 1:280.

59. Sondages 1953, 32-33, 45.

60.  [François] Jarraud, Les  [Américains] à  [Châteauroux], 1951-1967 (Arthon, 1981).

61. Sondages 1953, 39.

62. Sondages 1953, 44.

63. Sondages 1953, 40.

64. Sondages 1953, 46. Only 6 percent liked American films beaucoup, while 38 percent said assez, and 43 percent said pas du tout . Also see Hubert-Lacombe, "La Guerre froide et le  [cinéma]  [français]."

65. The 1953 Sondages is verified by a Gallup Poll on this count. The Gallup finding was that, for example, 58 percent of Communist voters believed the United States was preparing an aggressive war while only 1 to 3 percent of voters in all other parties voiced this opinion ( Gallup Polls 1952, 1:162-63).

66. Sondages 1953, 71.

67. Gallup Polls 1959, 1:269 and 1960, 1:274, 280.

1. Marianne Amar, " [Instantanés]  [américains]; les  [Français] aux Etats-Unis, 1947-1953" ( [mémoire] de  [maîtrise], Institut  [d'études] politiques, Paris, 1980). According to Amar, visitors avoided politics other than discussion of the American political structure and regarded such phenomena as McCarthyism as passing bouts of political fever in an otherwise healthy constitutional body.

2. Louis Aragon, "Victor Hugo," Les Lettres  [françaises], 28 June 1951.

3. For Communist strategy see Jean Baby, " [L'Impérialisme]  [américain] et la France," Cahiers du communisme, January 1948, 83-97; the series of articles on the Marshall Plan in  [L'Humanité], 7-17 November 1949; Jean-Pierre Plantier, "La Vision de  [l'Amérique] à travers la presse et la  [littérature] communistes  [françaises] de 1945 à 1953" ( mémoire] de maîtrise, Institut  d'études] politiques, Paris, 1972).

4. Edward Rice-Maximin, "The French Communists, the United States, and the Peace Offensive of the Cold War, 1948-52," Proceedings of the Twelfth Annual Meeting of the Western Society for French History . . . 1984, ed. John Sweets (Lawrence, Kans., 1985), 283; Bernard Legendre, "Quand les intellectuels partaient en guerre froide," L'Histoire no. 11 (1979): 79-80.

5. Pierre Hervé], "L'Oncle  d'Amérique]," article of 19 February 1948 in  L'Humanité] quoted in Plantier, "La Vision," 33.

6. Bernard Legendre, ed., Le Stalinisme  français]: qui a dit quoi? 1944-1956 (1980), 242.

7. The New York Times, 23 March 1948.

8. Roger Vailland, article of 14 March 1952 in La Tribune des nations, reprinted in Legendre, ed., Le Stalinisme, 301-2.

9. Ariane Chebel d'Appollonia, Histoire politique des intellectuels en France, 1944-1954 (Brussels, 1991), 2:11-53.

10. Daniel Guerin,  Où] va lepeuple  américain]?, 2 vols. (1950-51). Excerpts of Guerin's book appeared in Les Temps modernes during 1950-51.

11. Claude Roy, Clefs pour  l'Amérique] (Geneva, 1947).

12. Aragon, "Victor Hugo."

13. Edgar Morin, " Abêtisseur] de poche," Les Lettres  françaises], 25 December 1947.

14. Quoted in Plantier, "La Vision," 108.

15. "Les Etats-Unis, les  Américains] et la France, 1945-53," Sondages 1953, 59-60.

16. For a discussion of the neutralists see Chebel d'Appollonia, Histoire politique, 2:121-41.

17. Author's interviews with Jean-Marie Domenach and Edgar Morin, June 1989.

18. To these progressive Catholics the United States, engaged in the Korean War, was the principal enemy of world peace. They attacked the Marshall Plan for assisting an American takeover of French industries and inflating military spending. In the mid-1950s the Vatican condemned both this review and the missionary worker movement (Yvon Tranvouez, "Guerre froide et progressisme  chrétien], La Quinzaine, 1950-53,"  Vingtième]  Siècle] no. 13 [1987], 83-94).

19. Quoted in Winock, Histoire politique de la revue "Esprit," 272.

20. From a 1948 manifesto by Camus quoted in Herbert R. Lottman, Albert Camus, A Biography (1979), 460.

21. Laurent Greilsamer, Hubert  Beuve-Méry], 1902-1989 (1990);  Jean-Noël] Jeanneney and Jacques Julliard, "Le Monde" de  Beuve-Méry] ou le  métier] d'Alceste (1979); Jacques Thibau, "Le Monde," histoire d'un journal, un journal dans l'histoire (1978).

22. Le Monde, 14 and 15 September 1948 quoted in Greilsamer,  Beuve-Méry], 339.

23. Une Seraaine dans le Monde, 9 May 1949, quoted in ibid., 334.

22. Le Monde, 14 and 15 September 1948 quoted in Greilsamer,  Beuve-Méry], 339.

23. Une Seraaine dans le Monde, 9 May 1949, quoted in ibid., 334.

24. Le Monde, 2 March 1949.

25. Emmanuel's articles on America are in Le Monde, 25, 26, and 28 October 1949.

26. Greilsamer ( Beuve-Méry], 278-83) has an account of Beuve-Méry]'s trip to the United States.

27. Le Monde, 9 August 1948.

28. Raymond Aron, Les Guerres en chaîne] (1951), 422.

29. Le Monde, 28 October 1949.

30. Courtin's critique of Beuve-Méry]'s position is cited in Jeanneney and Julliard, "Le Monde" de Beuve-Méry], 104. In private, Courtin unfairly accused the editor of preferring Soviet totalitarianism to American capitalism.

31. Le Monde, 31 January 1951, quoted in Greilsamer, Beuve-Méry], 340.

32. Le Monde, 6 April 1949.

33. Claude Bourdet, "Letter to America," Nation, 6 December 1952, 510-11.

34. Pierre Grémion], " Preuves dans la Paris de guerre froide," Vingtième] Siècle] no. 13 (1987): 63-82; the author's interview with M. Grémion], June 1989; and Coleman, The Liberal Conspiracy, 53-55, 83-84, 187.

35. André] Malraux's speech of 5 March 1948, published as an appendix to an edition of his novel Les Conquérants], cited in Nora, "America and the French Intellectuals," 326.

36. Claude Mauriac quoted in Thibau, "Le Monde," 243-44.

37. This account relies on the essay by Pierre Milza, "La Guerre froide à Paris," L'Histoire no. 25 (1980): 38-47.

38. La Marseillaise, 20 May 1952 (quoted in NARA, 751.001/5-2052, 20 May 1952).

39. L'Humanité], 19 May 1952.

40. Pinay told the American ambassador that the suppression of these disorders marked the beginning of repressive measures against the PCF (Ambassador Dunn to State Dept., 29 May 1952, FRUS, 1952-54, vol. 6, pt. 2, 1214-15).

41. Marie-Christine Granjon, "Sartre, Beauvoir, Aron: An Ambiguous Affair," in The Rise and Fall of Anti-Americanism, eds. Lacorne et al. (1990), 116-33. Annie Cohen-Solal, Sartre, A Life (1987), 223-44, 269-79, 290-359.

42. New York Herald Tribune, 20 November 1946.

43. Cited in Michel Contat and Michel Rybalka, eds., Les Ecrits de Sartre (1970), 706-8.

44. New York Herald Tribune, 20 November 1946.

45. Jean-Made Domenach, "L'Antisémitisme] rest logique," Esprit, January 1953, 149. Also Jean-Made Domenach, "L'Exécution] des Rosenberg," Esprit, July 1953, 58-60.

46. Henri Pierre, Le Monde, 17 January 1953.

47. Le Monde, 21-22 June 1953.

48. E. J. Kahn, The Big Drink: the Story of Coca-Cola (1960), 4-5. Histories of the company are Pat Watters, Coca-Cola: An Illustrated History (Garden City, N.Y., 1978), and Julie Patou-Senez and Robert Beauvillain, Coca-Cola Story: l'épopée] d'une grande star (1978).

49. Watters, Coca-Cola, 162.

50. Kahn, The Big Drink, 13.

51. Time, 15 May 1950.

52. Farley's statements are from J. C. Louis and Harvey Z. Yazijian, The Cola Wars (1980), 75-76.

53. Coca-Cola Company Archives, Makinsky to Ladas, 23 January 1950 (henceforth these archives will be cited as CCCA).

54. L'Humanité], 8 November 1949.

55. Le Monde, 24 September 1949.

56. Climats, 25 March 1950.

57. Libération] paysanne, 1 December 1949.

58. Cited in French-American Commerce no. 3 (1950): 2. Also see J. F. Gravier, "Champignons et Coca-Cola," La Vie française], 31 March 1950.

59. AN 363AP12, René] Mayer papers, "Note sur l'introduction en France de la boisson Coca-Cola," 19 August 1949. This well-informed and critical report based on investigation into Coca-Cola's current operations in Belgium and elsewhere also contains copies of the company's franchise contracts. It is apparently the work of a treasury official. This official investigation is mentioned in the archives of the Ministry of Finance: Secrétariat] d'état] aux affaires économiques], B16.022, 18 January 1950. Officials doubted that the Marseilles plant, as the multinational claimed, would bring dollars to France via exporting its concentrate to other European nations; they worried that dollars would be spent importing ingredients and paying the mother company for advertising. Moreover, from the treasury's perspective, profits were sure to be repatriated. The Ministry of Finance told an American banker that the ministry's main objection was Coca-Cola's "lack of visible investments" and the repatriation of profits (CCCA, Makinsky to Ladas, 23 January 1950). Ambassador Henri Bonnet confirmed these objections to company officials (CCCA, Memorandum on visit to French Embassy of Mr. Farley and Dr. Ladas, 19 March 1950).

60. CCCA, Farley to Bonnet, attached memorandum, 24 March 1950.

61. AN 363AP12, "Note sur l'introduction."

62. CCCA, Makinsky to Ladas, 23 January 1950. Makinsky also recognized that the administration was subject to pressure from the beverage interests.

63. CCCA, Farley to Bonnet, attached memorandum, 24 March 1950.

64. CCCA, Makinsky to Talley, 31 December 1949. The Coca-Cola Company blamed the Ministry of Finance for this new round of legal battles (CCCA, "Memorandum Concerning the Coca-Cola Product in France," March 1950).

65. An account of the legal actions to 1951 can be found in AN 363AP12. The charges by the Service de la repression des fraudes are in Albert Bonn, "La Question du jour: 'Coca-Cola,'" Revue des produits purs et d'origine et des fraudes nos. 13-14 (1949): 67-72.

66. CCCA, Makinsky to Ladas, 23 January 1950.

67. Farley claimed to have "positive written evidence" that proved the government's responsibility for initiating proceedings against the sale of the soft drink (CCCA, Farley to Bonnet, 24 March 1950).

68. Journal officiel de la République] française], débats] parlementaires, Assemblée] nationale, séance] du 28 février] 1950, 1528 (henceforth cited as JO, débats], Assemblée] nationale ).

69. The debate is in JO, débats], Assemblée] nationale, séance] du 28 février] 1950, 1525-36.

70. JO, débats], Assemblée] nationale, séance] du 28 février] 1950, 1536.

71. CCCA, Makinksy to Ladas, 23 January 1950.

72. CCCA, Makinsky to Talley, attached memoranda, 5 January 1950.

73. CCCA, Farley to Bonnet, 24 March 1950.

74. CCCA, Makinsky to Smith (U.S. embassy), 28 April 1950.

75. NARA, 851.316/3-1550, 15 March 1950; 851.316/4-350, 3 April 1950; 451.11174/2-2550, February 25, 1950. All these telegrams are nominally from Bruce to the State Dept. Bruce met with Bidault in December 1949 and with Foreign Minister Schuman in February and March 1950.

76. NARA, 451.11174/2-2550, 25 February 1950.

77. Farley's comments appeared in The New York Times, 2 March 1950.

78. New York Enquirer, 6 March 1950.

79. Quoted in Louis and Yazijian, The Cola Wars, 78.

80. Reported in Le Monde, 4 March 1950.

81. France-Amérique], 12 March 1950.

82. Ministère] des affaires étrangères] (hereafter MAE), B Amérique], Etats-Unis, carton 253, H. Bonnet to MAE, 14 March 1950.

83. AN 363AP12, Clappier to Mayer, 5 December 1950.

84. MAE, B Amérique], Etats-Unis, 253, 17 March 1950.

85. CCCA, O'Shaughnessy (State Dept.) to Curtis, 20 April 1950.

86. "Bienfaits et méfaits] du Plan Marshall" and "Alerte au Coca-Cola" in Témoignage] chrétien], 10 February and 3 March 1950.

87. Le Monde, 23 November 1949.

88. Le Monde, 30 December 1949.

89. Le Monde, 29 March 1950.

90. Quotes in this paragraph are from JO, débats], Conseil de la République], séance] du 6 juin 1950, 1581-82.

91. CCCA, Farley to Webb (State Dept.), 11 January 1952.

92. CCCA, Makinsky to Farley, 3 October 1952.

93. CCCA, Carl West, memorandum, 8 December 1953.

94. "Les Etats-Unis, les Américains], et la France, 1945-53," Sondages no. 2 (1953): 46.

95. Recent data show that the French consume far less per capita than the Germans, Spanish, British, or Italians ( New York Times, 21 November 1991).

96. Témoignage] chrétien], 3 March 1950.

1. International Cooperation Administration, European Productivity and Technical Assistance Programs, A Summing Up, 1948-58 (Paris, 1959), 139.

2. For formal definitions of the various conceptions of productivity that French experts formulated, see Comité] national de productivité] (hereafter CNP), Actions et problèmes] de productivité]: premier rapport, 1950-53 (1953), 118-23. By 1953 productivity was no longer a synonym for output or efficiency of labor—an earlier crude notion suggesting ''anti-human timing" that had aroused labor's resentment and fear—but became a broader synthetic notion of efficiency, a result of a complex combination of factors including equipment, materials, and organization.

3. For a general interpretation of American postwar international economic strategy see Charles S. Maier, "The Politics of Productivity" in Between Power and Plenty, ed. P. J. K. Katzenstein (Madison, Wis., 1978), 23-49. Maier's focus is not the productivity drive itself, but how the United States used international monetary and trade policy and foreign aid to promote economic efficiency and affluence as a way of resolving political and class conflict, especially in Europe and Japan. An introduction to the U.S. productivity effort is William A. Brown and Redvers Opie, American Foreign Assistance (Washington, D.C., 1953). A recent critical analysis, based on archival research, is Anthony Carew, Labour under the Marshall Plan (Detroit, 1987).

4. I have analyzed the technical assistance program more fully in Richard F. Kuisel, "The Marshall Plan in Action: Politics, Labor, Industry and the Program of Technical Assistance in France," that will be published in the collected papers of the colloquium entitled Le Plan Marshall et le relèvement] économique] de l'Europe . An introduction to the productivity drive in France is Jean Fourastié], La Productivité], 3d ed. (1957). The drive's official report is CNP, Actions et problèmes], of which there is an English version: French Embassy, Productivity in France: Problems and Progress: An Abstract of the First Report of the French National Productivity Committee, Commercial Counselor's Office (Washington, D.C., 1954).

5. The ECA had allocated only 34 million dollars; by the end of 1951 no more than half this sum had been actually expended, according to Immanuel Wexler, The Marshall Plan Revisted (Westport, Conn., 1983), 93.

6. AN, F60ter 517, Bingham (MF/ECA) to de Margerie, 31 January 1950. Those individuals prominent in negotiating the productivity program who are mentioned in these notes include (among the Americans): Averell Harriman, the special representative in Europe; Richard Bissell, assistant deputy ECA

administrator; Barry Bingham, head of ECA/France; Clinton Gordon and Bert Jewell, chief labor advisers to ECA/Washington, D.C.; Henry Martin, director of labor information/OSR; Harry Turtledove, labor information officer/OSR; Kenneth Douty, chief labor adviser ECA/France; and James Silbermann, head of productivity studies in the Labor Dept., Washington, D.C. On the French side: Jean Monnet, commissioner for economic planning; Henry Bonnet, ambassador, and R. Donn, commercial counselor, in the Washington embassy; P.-P. Schweitzer and Bernard de Margerie, successive heads of the Interministerial Committee on Questions of European Economic Cooperation; Pierre Girmanelli, director of economic programs at the Ministry of Finance; and Robert Buron, head of the CNP.

7. MF, OD, CRU, GSF, box 60, Bingham to ECA/Wash., 8 May 1950. Citations using this form are from the archives of the ECA housed by NARA in record group 469. The abbreviations for these citations are identified at the beginning of the notes.

8. OSR/E, LID, OD, CSF/France, box 8, Desser to Timmons (ECA/France), 19 July 1950.

9. OSR/E, LID, OD, CSF/France, box 6, Douty to Bingham, 7 February 1950. Also OSR/E, LID, OD, CSF/France, box 8, Turtledove to Martin, 31 January 1950.

10. OSR/E, LID, OD, CSF/France, box 6, Bissell to Gordon and Jewell, 27 March 1950.

11. AN, F60ter 518, MAE, ''Conversations de Washington sur l'Assistance technique à l'Europe," December 1951. ECA position reported in Le Monde, 28 July 1951, and the New York Times, 25 July 1951.

12. Richard M. Bissell, "The Impact of Rearmament on the Free World Economy," Foreign Affairs 29 (April 1951): 404-5.

13. William Joyce, ECA productivity chief, made this comment in a speech. French press reaction is summarized in MF, OD, CRU, GSF, box 61, ECA/France to ECA/Wash., 16 August 1951.

14. MF, OD, CRU, GSF, box 61, Timmons to Sec. of State, 10 August 1951.

15. Barry Bingham, ECA chief in France, thought Buron and Monnet "displayed more interest in and understanding of productivity than any other persons in public or private life that we have met in France" (MF, OD, CRU, box 60, Bingham to ECA/Wash., 11 April 1950). Yet Buron wondered whether the French could ever accept the rules of American production. Even those people of French stock who lived in North America, Buron noted, the Québécois] of Canada and the Cajuns of Louisiana, seemed to prefer their traditional ways to progress. He concluded, "There is a psychological, perhaps a metaphysical, problem here. The Frenchman distrusts progress. He doesn't adopt it with the enthusiasm of the American" (Robert Buron, Dynamisme des Etats-Unis [1957], 87).

16. Ministère] des finances et des affaires économiques] (hereafter MFAE), archives, B16.023, Grimanelli, 24 April 1951.

17. AN, 80AJ80, Donn to Monnet, 17 February 1949.

18. Joint Committee on Foreign Economic Cooperation, Knowledge of the Marshall Plan in Europe, 19 October 1949 (Washington, D.C., 1949).

19. AN, F60ter 381, Secrétaire] d'état] de l'information to Président] du Conseil, 12 November 1948.

20. MF, OD, CRU, GSF, box 60, Bingham to ECA/Wash., 22 July 1949.

21. Michel Hincker, "L'Opération] 'Productivité],'" Cahiers internationaux no. 29 (1951): 51-58.

22. Auguste Lecoeur, Les Dessous de la campagne américaine] sur la productivité], conférence] prononcée] . . . 14 mars 1952 (1952). Also Comité] central du Parti communiste français], La Productivité] du travail, Documents économiques], no. 3, May 1951.

23. MF, OD, CRU, GSF, box 62, Taff to Pioda (OSR), 25 September 1951.

24. AN, F60ter 394, Préfet] du Cher to Ministre de l'intérieur], "Manifestation à Vierzon", 29 February 1952.

25. For example see Force ouvrière], 27 July 1950; Le Monde, 21 June 1950.

26. Each syndicate specified different conditions for joining the CNP, according to CNP, procès-verbal], séance] du 10 octobre 1950, AN, Fourastié] papers, box 15.

27. MF, OD, CRU, GSF, box 61, Desser to Bingham, 15 March 1950.

28. OSR/E, LID, OD, CSF/France, box 8, Turtledove to Martin, 31 June 1950.

29. See, for example, the criticism leveled against the CNP by a prominent CNPF official: René] Norguet, "Rapport sur les travaux de la commission de la productivité]," CNPF: Bulletin no. 84 (1952): 40-42.

30. MF, OD, CRU, GSF, box 61, Gingembre to Carmody, 12 September 1951. Excerpt published in Le Monde, 15 September 1951.

31. OSR/E, LID, OD, CSF/France, box 8, Cony to Martin, November 1950. Jean-Roger Herrenschmidt, "La Préparation] des missions de productivité] en France," Productivité] française], May 1952, 26-27; Pierre Bize, "L'Assistance technique au service de la productivité] française]," Productivité] française], February 1952, 6-10.

32. The French government paid for the teams' cross-Atlantic journey; French employers covered the salaries of team members during the trip, and the ECA covered the dollar expenses (per diem, travel in the United States). See the convention of 5 October 1949 (ECA, P/TA, OD, CSF, box 6).

33. MF, OD, CRU, GSF, box 59, Bingham to Schweitzer, 26 July 1949.

34. ECA, P/TA, OD, CSF, box 6, Hares, "Comment on the Productivity Program," 1949.

35. AN, F60ter 517, Schweitzer to Bingham, 7 October 1949; and MFAE archives, B16.022, Grimanelli to MFAE, 25 May 1950.

36. AFAR, Missions de productivité] aux Etats-Unis, annuaire, 1949-53, (1953), 7. An extensive report on the CNP's activities, including the missions, is CNP, Memorandum sur la politique française] de productivité] et l'assistance technique, 18 July 1951, AN, F30ter 518.

37. Of 4000 team members surveyed, 45 percent were employers, managers, or technicians; 25 percent were workers or foremen; and the remainder were mostly fonctionnaires : see P.-L. Mathieu and Philippe Leduc, "La Politique française] de productivité] depuis la guerre" (mémoire de maîtrise], Institut d'études] politiques, Paris, 1961), 64-65.

38. M. Lemarsquier, "L'Action de l'AFAP et du Comité] national de la productivité]" in CEGOS (Centre d'études] générales] d'organisation scientifique), Les Facteurs humains de la productivité] américaine] 1 (1951): 4.

39. Such records are post-mission interviews with AFAP staff; policy debates within the CNP/AFAP; and follow-up evaluations of the drive's success. See AN, Fourastié] papers, boxes 14-17, and notes 85 and 86.

40. Carew, Labour, 139-57; Pier Paolo d'Attore, "ERP Aid and the Politics of Productivity in Italy during the 1950s" (paper, European University Institute, 1985).

41. Pierre Baruzy, "Compte rendu des sessions . . . d'industriels américains]," CNOF (Comité] national de l'organisation française]): Revue (February 1952): 26-29.

42. Bernard Pigoreaux, Cinq Semaines aux Etats-Unis avec une mission de productivité] (n.d.), 41.

43. See, for example, the analysis of the metallurgists' trade association: Albert Metral, "La Productivité] américaine]," Les Etudes américaines] no. 32 (1952): 18-20.

44. French electronics companies could not readily import America's huge markets, easy credit, or industrial relations. But they could specialize production lines, undertake market studies, and simplify work. This report is AFAP, Les Industries de l'électronique] aux Etats-Unis, rapport de la sixiéme] mission de la construction èlectrique] (1952).

45. Quoted in Pierre Badin, Aux sources de la productivité] américaine]: premier bilan des missions françaises] (1953), 57.

46. Ibid., 37.

45. Quoted in Pierre Badin, Aux sources de la productivité] américaine]: premier bilan des missions françaises] (1953), 57.

46. Ibid., 37.

47. Luc Boltanski, "America, America . . . Le Plan Marshall et l'importation du 'management,'" Actes de la recherche en sciences sociales 38 (May 1981): 19-41.

48. Among the differences between the terms is their scope: "management" encompassed far more staff personnel than the more narrow French term direction . For management see AFAP, Productivité] . . . problème] de direction (1954); Jean-Michel de Lattre, "Vue cavalière] de l'entreprise américaine]," Productivité] française], March 1953, 39-54; AFAP, Productivité] aux Etats-Unis, essai de synthèse], rapport de la cinquième] mission française] d'experts (1953), 35-62; AFAP, La Comptabilité] mesure et facteur de productivité]: rapport de la mission française] des experts-comptables aux Etats-Unis (1952); Jean Milhaud, ''Aspects humains de l'Amérique] au travail," Hommes et techniques nos. 78 (1951): 15-19, and 79-80 (1951): 19-34.

49. Report of management consultants' mission in Le Monde, 30 September 1950.

50. "Défauts] de l'industrie française . . . chefs d'entreprise américaines]," Productivité] française], February 1953, 53. American managers' critique is also in CNP, Actions et problèmes], 81-82.

51. James Silbermann, La Faiblesse de la productivité] française] vue par les Américains] (1952), 8.

52. De Lattre, "Vue cavalière]," 49.

53. AFAP, Productivité] aux Etats-Unis, essai de synthèse], 31.

54. Badin, Aux sources, 32.

55. R. Donn, "Les Etats-Unis tirent leur génie] et leur puissance de la productivité]," Productivité] française], December 1952, 24.

56. Badin, Aux sources, 58.

57. CNPF views reported in MAE archives, B Amérique], Etats-Unis, rélations] commerciales franco-américaines], 253, Seydoux to Bonnet, 14 December 1951. For lag in French advertising see Marc Martin, L'Histoire de la publicité] en France (1992).

58. AFAP, Le Marketing, conférences], discussions, octobre-novembre 1956 (1958), 7-8.

59. Claude Foussé], Traits caractéristiques] de la prospérité] américaine] (1953), 88.

60. AFAP, Rapport de la mission d'étude] du marché] et publicité] (1954), 8.

61. Foussé], Traits caractéristiques], 63-64.

62. Badin, Aux sources, 35.

63. AFAP, Intégration] du travailleur dans l'entreprise (1953), 81.

64. J. Gouin, "Le Climat social d'une entreprise américaine]: Barber-Greene company" in CEGOS, Les Facteurs humaines de la productivité] américaine] 3 (1951): 1-3.

65. AFAP, Les Relations humaines aux Etats-Unis, rapport de la mission de productivité] T.A. 38-395 . . . octobre 1954 (1955), 25.

66. De Lattre, "Vue cavalière]," 45.

67. AFAP, Productivité] . . . problème] de direction, 58.

68. Badin, Aux sources, 25-26.

69. One technical adviser analyzed the costs of France's imperfect markets, that is, the waste caused by manufacturers' lack of information about consumers or by consumers' ignorance about products—all of which drove up costs, created uncertainty, and undermined the optimal exchange that a market was supposed to bring. See Jean Dayre, "Productivité et organisation des marchés," in AFAP, Productivité d'une nation, productivité d'une industrie (1951), 30.

70. M. P. Weinbach, "Emploi des statistiques dans les entreprises privées américaines," CNOF, October 1954, 21.

71. De Lattre, "Vue cavalière," 54.

72. Quatre Syndicalistes français aux Etats-Unis (n.d.), 10. This report is in AN, 81AJ69.

73. André Blanchet, Le Monde, 14 October 1950. Blanchet wrote a series on "Les Leçons de la productivité américaine" for Le Monde, on 11, 12, 14, and 17 October 1950.

74. A FO delegate observed the respect for "the human personality at work. Men of all types, organized labor in the lead, seek to maximize workers' freedom by making more comprehensible and less exacting the indispensable discipline of production and by providing workers with a growing part of this production. In France we quibble about the idea, we examine it closely and touch it up. In the U.S.A. they seriously try to implement it" ( Quatre Syndicalistes, 11, 19).

75. Quatre Syndicalistes, 21.

76. AFAP, Quelques Aspects de l'organisation et du fonctionnement des syndicats ouvriers américains, par une mission syndicale française, octobre-novembre 1951 (n.d.), 44.

77. MF, OD, CRU, GSF, box 58, Max Rolland's letter relayed to A. Harriman by J. Hutchison, 11 May 1950.

78. Lucienne Rey, "Le Syndicalisme américain vu par des militants français," Rapports France-Etats-Unis no. 46 (1951): 52-56.

79. Blanchet, Le Monde, 14 October 1950.

80. Quatre Syndicalistes, 20.

81. Quatre Syndicalistes, 21.

82. Quelques Aspects . . . des syndicats ouvriers américains, 47.

83. Badin, Aux sources, 58.

84. I make such an assessment in Kuisel, "The Marshall Plan in Action."

85. ECA follow-up surveys of individual enterprises are in MF, OD, CRU, GSF, box 62.

86. AN, Fourastié papers, box 14, AFAP, "Projet spécial de 'follow-up' des missions," March 1955; and AN, 81AJ42, AFAP, "Enquêtes sur l'exploitation des missions de productivité, première partie: chefs d'entreprises et cadres, 1er semestre 1956.

87. AFAP, "Projet spécial," 3.

88. AFAP, "Enquêtes sur l'exploitation," 15.

89. Ibid., 18.

88. AFAP, "Enquêtes sur l'exploitation," 15.

89. Ibid., 18.

90. AN, Fourastié papers, box 16, Henri Migeon to Grimanelli, 27 November 1952, annex to: CNP, commission exécutive, proces-procès-verbal, séance du 27 novembre 1952.

91. AN, Fourastié papers, box 16, CNP, commission exécutive, proces-procès-verbaux, séances du 13 octobre, 22, 27 novembre 1952.

92. René Richard, "Productivity and the Trade Unions in France," International Labour Review 68 (September 1953): 290.

93. AN, Fourastié papers, box 16, CNP, Commission "productivité" et coopération du personnel des entreprises: Groupe de travail spécial, compterendu de la réunion du 22 novembre 1952. See also address of Georges Villiers in CNPF: Bulletin no. 87 (1952): 1-2.

94. MF, OD, OFD, box 7, Labouisse to Sec. of State, 1 December 1952.

95. For such examples see Le Monde, 31 October 1954; La Vie française, 11 December 1953; Le Figaro, 18 May 1953; and French Embassy, Recent Developments of the Productivity Drive in France: An Abstract of the Third Report of the French Productivity Agency, Commercial Counselor's Office, Industry and Productivity Division (Washington, D.C., 1956).

96. Commissariat général à la productivité, Objectifs et réalisations, 1955-56 (1956), xvi.

97. MFAE archives, 16.027, Ardant, Note, 27 November 1956.

98. In most of these respects the Italian productivity experience parallels the French (see d'Attore, "ERP Aid"). Carew ( Labour, 180) concludes that from the perspective of integrating organized labor the productivity drive was "pretty much a disaster" in France, Italy, and Germany.

99. See, for example, Bernard Jarrier, "La Croisade pour la productivité," Esprit, February 1952, 285-308.

100. De Lattre, "Vue cavalière," 45.

101. AFAP, Productivité aux Etats-Unis, essai de synthèse, 15.

102. Ibid., 14.

101. AFAP, Productivité aux Etats-Unis, essai de synthèse, 15.

102. Ibid., 14.

103. AN, Fourastié papers, box 14, AFAP, "Réunions d'exploitation des issions de productivité: mission 'produits amylacés', 17 juin 1954," 16-17.

104. Foussé, Traits caractéristiques, 13.

105. Robert Buron, "Les Eléments de la productivité américaine," Productivité française, January 1953, 2.

1. NARA, 611.51/3-1656, 16 March 1956, Memo on Franco-American conference at Arden House. Among the French guests at the Arden House conference were Jean-Marie Domenach, Raymond Aron, Alfred Grosser, Stanley Hoffmann, Jacques Fauvet, and Michel Debré. Domenach was detained by immigration authorities at Ellis Island because he had signed the Stockholm peace appeal and was released only when his political adversary Debré threatened to take the whole delegation home if Domenach were not allowed to rejoin the group (letter from Stanley Hoffmann, 20 October 1989).

2. Le Monde, 22 July 1954.

3. Jean-Pierre Rioux, The Fourth Republic, 1944-1958, trans. Godfrey Rogers (1987), 322-27, 358-74.

4. Ibid., 369. Still the average French consumer contracted less private debt than his European neighbors or the Americans.

5. Ibid., 370-72.

3. Jean-Pierre Rioux, The Fourth Republic, 1944-1958, trans. Godfrey Rogers (1987), 322-27, 358-74.

4. Ibid., 369. Still the average French consumer contracted less private debt than his European neighbors or the Americans.

5. Ibid., 370-72.

3. Jean-Pierre Rioux, The Fourth Republic, 1944-1958, trans. Godfrey Rogers (1987), 322-27, 358-74.

4. Ibid., 369. Still the average French consumer contracted less private debt than his European neighbors or the Americans.

5. Ibid., 370-72.

6. Those most rewarded were top managers and professionals. Workers maintained a middling rank though they missed improvements in leisure and culture. Those most left out of the new prosperity were farmers, rural laborers, and those not actively employed. Yet from these groups also came the best customers for new television sets and refrigerators; they were the most eager to improve their material comforts. At the other end of the social scale top managers and professionals only modestly accelerated such purchases because they were already well equipped.

7. Wylie, Village in the Vaucluse, 143.

8. Rioux, Fourth Republic, 374.

9. At one point, in order to appear to be fair, Le Monde published a series by an American entitled "Soyons juste même pour les Américains" (27-28, 30 December 1950).

10. Alain Bosquet, ed., Les Américains (1958). Bosquet, a poet and authority on American literature, added a most unflattering commentary to these photographs.

11. Jean-Marie Domenach, "Le Modèle américain," Esprit, July-August 1960, 1221. Subsequent articles in this series appeared in September and October 1960.

12. Jean Cocteau, Lettre aux américains (1949), 81-82. Another reactionary polemic against "la civilisation des machines" is Georges Bernanos, La France contre les robots (1947).

13. Duhamel joined Raymond Aron, André Siegfried, and others to debate the American danger in "L'L'Amérique et nous," Le Figaro, 11 May 1956.

14. Diana Pinto, "Sociology as a Cultural Phenomenon in France and Italy, 1950-1972" (Ph.D. diss., Harvard University, 1977), 167. Also Alain Drouard, "Réflexions sur une chronologie: le développement des sciences sociales en France de 1945 à la fin des années soixante," Revue française de sociologie 23 (January-March 1982): 62. Pierre Nora ("America and the French Intellectuals," 327) observed that French social scientists were blind to American social science in the 1950s because the work of thinkers like Talcott Parsons, Walt Rostow, Daniel Bell, and Seymour Martin Lipset was grounded in American uniqueness and consensus; the French viewed it as a kind of self-justification, even an ''insidious tool of Yankee imperialism." Thus Bell's End of Ideology was never translated into French.

15. Guerin, Où va le peuple américain?

16. Michel Crozier, "Les Intellectuels et la stagnation française," Esprit, December 1953, 771-82.

17. Jean Fourastié, Le grand Espoir du XXe siècle; progrès technique, progrès économique, progrès social (first published in 1949); Jean Fourastié and André Laleuf, Révolution à l'ouest (1957).

18. See the insightful study by Amar, "Instantanés américains"; also useful are the studies by Kornel Huvos ( Cinq Mirages américains, 1972) and David Strauss ( Menace in the West: The Rise of French Anti-Americanism in Modern Times [Westport, Conn., 1978]).

19. Pierre and Renée Gosset, "The U.S.A. Through a French Looking Glass," Reader's Digest, December 1953, 36. The Gossets described their travels in L'L'Amérique aux américains, 2 vols. (1953-54).

20. Examples of Maurois's many studies, some of which date from between the wars, are Histoire du peuple américain, 2 vols (1955-56); Histoire des Etats-Unis (1954); and Journal: Etats-Unis 1946 (1946). For Maurois's views also see Huvos, Cinq Mirages, 280-81.

21. Words of Alexandre Koyré in UNESCO, The Old World and the New: Their Cultural and Moral Relations, International Forums of Sao Paulo and Geneva, 1954 (Paris: UNESCO, 1956), 240.

22. Domenach, "Le Modèle américain," September 1960, 1368.

23. From Domenach's review of a book by L.-L. Matthias ( Autopsie des Etats-Unis ) in Esprit, April 1955, 731. Esprit mockingly published an "American lexicon" that explained "credit," for example: "every honorable citizen has to pay for most of his purchases on credit, savings being a depraved virtue of decadent countries" ("Petit Lexique américain," Esprit, May 1953, 749).

24. Claude Alphandéry, L'L'Amérique est-elle trop riche? (1960). Les Temps modernes published an excerpt of this title in its 19 December 1959 issue.

25. Ibid., 100.

26. Ibid., 113.

24. Claude Alphandéry, L'L'Amérique est-elle trop riche? (1960). Les Temps modernes published an excerpt of this title in its 19 December 1959 issue.

25. Ibid., 100.

26. Ibid., 113.

24. Claude Alphandéry, L'L'Amérique est-elle trop riche? (1960). Les Temps modernes published an excerpt of this title in its 19 December 1959 issue.

25. Ibid., 100.

26. Ibid., 113.

27. André Fontaine, "Les Etats-Unis vus de l'intérieur," Le Monde, 4 February 1955. Georges Friedmann, "De Boston au Mississipi [ sic ]," Esprit, June 1949, 785.

28. Aron, in "L'L'Amérique et nous."

29. Siegfried, in "L'L'Amérique et nous."

30. André Siegfried, America at Mid-Century (1955), 172-75.

31. Raymond Aron, "From France," in As Others See Us: The United States through Foreign Eyes, ed. Franz M. Joseph (Princeton, 1959), 60.

32. William Rappard in UNESCO, Old World and the New, 195.

33. UNESCO, Old World and the New, 198. Cushing Strout, "America, the Menace of the Future: A European Fantasy," The Virginia Quarterly Review (Autumn 1957): 569-81.

34. Friedmann, "De Boston," 794.

35. Simone de Beauvoir ( L'L'Amérique au jour le jour [1948]) quoted in Strauss, Menace, 260.

36. Roy, Clefs pour l'l'Amérique, 134.

37. Michel Crozier, "'Human Engineering': Les nouvelles techniques 'humaines' du Big Business américain," Les Temps modernes no. 69 (1951): 72-73.

38. Julien, Le Monde, 19 March 1959. Also Claude Julien, Le nouveau nouveau Monde (1960).

39. Sidney Lens, "L'Homme standard," Esprit, March 1959, 385-400.

40. Albert Béguin, "Réflexions sur l'l'Amérique, l'Europe, la neutralité . . . ", Esprit, June 1951, 886.

41. Domenach, "Le Modèle américain," October 1960, 1525, 1523, 1529.

42. Jean-Marie Domenach, "Les Diplodocus et les fourmis," Esprit, March 1959, 431-32.

43. Raymond Bruckberger ( L'L'Amérique des Pyramides [1952]) quoted in Amar, "Instantanés américains," 49.

44. Jean Planchais, "Instantanés américains," Le Monde, 3 May 1952.

45. Fontaine, "Les Etats-Unis vus de l'intérieur," Le Monde, 3 February 1955.

46. Planchais, Le Monde, 2 May 1952.

47. Béguin, "Réflexions sur l'l'Amérique," June 1951, 887.

48. Domenach, "Le Modèle américain," September 1960, 1364.

49. Julien, Le nouveau nouveau Monde, 169.

50. Raymond Bruckberger quoted in Amar, "Instantanés américains," 53.

51. Charles Brindillac, "Promenade aux Etats-Unis," Esprit, September 1959, 234-35.

52. Maurois in UNESCO, Old World and the New, 313.

53. Roy, Clefs pour l'l'Amérique, 306.

54. Aron, "From France," 69.

55. Alphandéry, L'L'Amérique est-elle trop riche?, 52-53.

56. Quotations are from Ernest van den Haag, "Sur la Culture populaire américaine," Les Temps modernes, October 1958, 690, 699.

57. Siegfried, America at Mid-Century, 352.

58. Aron, "From France," 70.

59. "Petit Lexique américain," 749.

60. Aron, "From France," 70.

61. Serge Groussard, "L'L'Amérique et nous."

62. Winock, " 'US Go Home,' " 20.

63. Edgar Morin, L'Esprit du temps (1962), 15.

64. Lens, "L'Homme standard," March 1959, 394.

65. Maurois in UNESCO, Old World and the New, 321-25.

66. Robert Escarpit, Le Monde, 14 February 1951.

67. Le Monde, 23 October 1957.

68. Philippe Labro, The Foreign Student, trans. William Byron (1988), 249.

69. Jacques Maritain, Reflections on America (1958), 29. Europeans, Maritain contended, were equally acquisitive and gadget-minded, but they were less open about it.

70. Maritain, Reflections, 188.

71. Julien, Le Monde, 19 March 1959.

72. Domenach, "Le Modèle américain," October 1960, 1531.

73. Quotes in this paragraph are from excerpts of Simone de Beauvoir's L'L'Amérique au jour le jour published in Les Temps modernes no. 10 (1948): 1836-44.

74. Jean-Paul Sartre, Situations III (1949), 126. Quoted by Jean-Philippe Mathny, "L"L"Américanisme,' est-il un humanisme? Sartre aux Etats-Unis, 1945-46," The French Review 62 (February 1989): 458. My interpretation relies on Mathny's essay.

75. Sartre, Situations III, 129-30.

76. Béguin's quotes from "Réflexions sur l'l'Amérique," 887, 890.

77. Domenach, "Le Modèle américain," July-August 1960, 1231.

78. Aron, "From France," 71.

79. Ibid.

78. Aron, "From France," 71.

79. Ibid.

80. Cyrille Arnavon, L'L'Américanisme et nous (1958), 341, 345, 370.

81. Reporting from the United States in the months of soul searching that followed the launch of Sputnik, Claude Julien explained how America's faults, e.g., its obsession with consumerism and profits, had caused its loss of technological-scientific leadership to the Russians ( Le Monde, 23 October 1957). Another correspondent, Jean Schwoebel, used the occasion of Sputnik to reproach the United States for its misplaced priorities ("Les Etats-Unis à l'heure de la recession," Le Monde, 1-7 April 1958).

82. Domenach, "Le Modèle américain," October 1960, 1534, 1530.

83. In the wake of 1956 several former PCF militants like Edgar Morin who had broken with Stalinism, along with other leftist intelligentsia, founded the review Arguments . See Sandrine Treiner, "La revue 'Arguments,' 1956-62" (mémoire de maîtrise, Institut d'études politiques, Paris, 1987). For the impact of 1956 on Communist intellectuals and compagnons de route, see Jean-Jean-François Sirinelli, Intellectuels et passions françaises (1990), 167-91.

84. Quotes in this paragraph are from Albert Béguin, "Les Flammes de Budapest," Esprit, December 1956, 771-78.

85. Harold Rosenberg, "Fantaisie orgaméricaine," Les Temps modernes no. 152 (1958): 583. This issue of Temps modernes was devoted to new aspects of American society.

86. Pierre Nora ("America and the French Intellectuals," 329-30) locates the turning point for America's image in the years 1956-58 for a series of reasons that include the Communist "diaspora"; Gaullist anti-Americanism; the rise in the standard of living; the Algerian war; and the shift to a new language of social science.

87. For example, see G. Rottier, "Nourriture, logement ou télévision?" Esprit, December 1957, 737-46.

88. Pierre Emmanuel, ''Is France Being Americanized?", The Atlantic Monthly 201 (June 1958): 35-38.

89. Le Monde closely followed this shift. See, for example, André Fontaine's series in the 31 July and the 1, 2 August 1957 issues.

90. Domenach, "Le Modèle américain," July-August 1960, 1231, and October 1960, 1534.

91. Pinto, "Sociology as a Cultural Phenomenon," 157 ff.

92. Aron's course was later published as Dix-huit leçons sur la société industrielle (1962). In 1955 he published his celebrated attack, L'Opium des intellectuels, against the Marxists.

93. Geneviève d'Haucourt, La Vie américaine (1958).

94. Julien, Le nouveau nouveau Monde, 268-69.

95. "Les Sciences sociales aux Etats-Unis," Esprit, January 1959.

96. Brindillac, "Promenade aux Etats-Unis."

1. Philippe de St-Robert, Le Jeu de la France (1967), 157.

2. My interpretation of Gaullist foreign policy relies mainly on the following works: Stanley Hoffmann's two essays in his collection Decline or Renewal? France since the 1930s (1974), 283-331, 332-62; Michael Harrison, The Reluctant Ally: France and Atlantic Security (Baltimore, 1981); Alfred Grosser, Affaires extérieures. La politique de la France 1944-1984 (1984); Edward Kolodziej, French International Policy under de Gaulle and Pompidou (Ithaca, 1974); and the articles, especially Anton De Porte's "De Gaulle's Europe: Playing the Russian Card," in the issue of French Politics and Society 8 (Fall 1990) devoted to de Gaulle. I also used the papers prepared for conferences on de Gaulle held during 1989 and 1990, especially those of Frank Costigliola (on John Kennedy), Richard Challener (on John Foster Dulles), and Lloyd Gardner (on Lyndon Johnson) that will appear in De Gaulle and the United States, 1930-1970: A Centennial Reappraisal, ed. Nicholas Wahl and Robert Paxton (1993). Another important source is Jean Lacouture, De Gaulle, vol. 3, Le Souverain (1986). The abridged translation of the three-volume Lacouture biography is Jean Lacouture, De Gaulle, vol. 1, The Rebel, 1890-1944, trans. Patrick O'Brian (1990); and vol. 2, The Ruler, 1945-1970, trans. Alan Sheridan (1992). My citations will be from the English translation.

3. Charles de Gaulle, Discours et messages: Avec le renouveau, mai 1958-juillet 1962 (1970), 3:198.

4. NARA, 611.51/8-1659, 16 August 1959, Ambassador Houghton to Sec. of State.

5. The American embassy reported that de Gaulle "knows that if we wanted to, we could give him far greater satisfaction than we have to date in meeting his requests. If we were willing to give France a status of real partnership in formulating world policies and military strategy, the other problems might be more readily solved. He undoubtedly realizes we are

unwilling to do this and has therefore embarked in rough poker playing tactics with us" (NARA, 611.51/5-559, 5 May 1959, Livingston Merchant to Sec. of State).

6. Evidence is not conclusive on this issue, but de Gaulle did speak privately about replacing the Atlantic alliance with bilateral pacts (Lacouture, De Gaulle 2:382). It is difficult to see how a complete separation from NATO would have benefited France.

7. Karl W. Deutsch et al., France, Germany, and the Western Alliance: A Study of Elite Attitudes on European Integration and World Politics (1967), 20-22, 60-69. Nearly 150 politicians, military officers, civil servants, businessmen, and intellectuals were interviewed by American social scientists in the summer of 1964.

8. This group included Emmanuel d'Astier de la Vigerie, Pierre Emmanuel, David Rousset, and Jean-Marie Domenach (Sirinelli, Intellectuels et passions françaises, 241).

9. Stanley Hoffmann, "De Gaulle, l'Europe et l'Alliance," Esprit, June 1963, 1058-83.

10. Jean-Marie Domenach, "Les Contradictions de l'anti-l'anti-américanisme de gauche," Esprit, July-August 1963, 100. Michel Winock ( Chronique des années soixante, 1987, 155-56) recalls this "Gaullism" at Esprit .

11. Domenach, "Encore sur l'anti-l'anti-américanisme," Esprit, October 1963, 458.

12. Serge Mallet, "Un certain antagonisme," in Les Américains et nous (1966), 139-49. This title was published separately but appeared originally as an issue (no. 26, 1966) of the journal La Nef (hereafter cited as Les Américains et nous ). In Esprit also see Mallet's articles: "Le deuxième âge du gaullisme" (June 1963, 1041-57) and ''L'L'Après-gaullisme et l'unité socialiste,'' (July-August 1963, 30-42).

13. Gaston Defferre, "L'Indispensable Europe," Les Américains et nous, 151-59.

14. Editorials by Beuve-Beuve-Méry in Le Monde, 16 January and 31 July 1963, 25 July 1964, and 6 February 1965. Also see Jeanneney and Julliard, "Le Monde" de Beuve-Beuve-Méry, 237-40.

15. Le Monde, 19 April 1966.

16. An Institut français d'opinion publique (IFOP) poll of late 1957 showed that 38 percent wanted American troops to leave "immediately" and only 26 percent wanted them to remain. By early 1960 58 percent were very hostile to the GIs while only 20 percent were favorable (IFOP, Les Français et de Gaulle, ed. Jean Chariot [1970], 77). A Gallup poll of 1966 showed that 41 percent believed U.S. military bases in France were a "bad thing" and that only 29 percent termed them a "good thing" for French security, with 30 percent saying they didn't know ( The Gallup International Public Opinion Polls: France, 1939, 1944-75 [1976], 1:530-31).

17. Under the Fourth Republic the proportion of those polled who rejected the integration of France into the Western bloc oscillated between 39 and 51 percent but reached a peak of 57 percent following the end of the war in Indochina. After 1958 an absolute majority chose nonalignment (IFOP, Les Français, 78).

18. "Pacte Atlantique: les Français désavouent de Gaulle," Le Nouvel Observateur, 18-24 October 1967, 26-29. Even 44 percent of those who voted Communist wanted to retain NATO. In 1966 to the question: "At the present time do you think NATO is essential to the security of France?", 46 percent said yes; 22 percent said no; and 32 percent said they didn't know ( Gallup Polls, 1:519). To the query posed in March-April 1966 "Do you think it desirable that France withdraw from NATO?,'' 38 percent said no; 22 percent said yes; 40 percent abstained (IFOP, Les Français, 269). Interviews with members of the elite revealed a preference for reform, but not for withdrawal from NATO (Deutsch, France, Germany, and the Western Alliance, 78).

19. Polls from 1956 to 1968 in IFOP, Les Français, 264.

20. Ibid., 265-67.

21. Polls taken in 1964 and 1965 (ibid., 268).

19. Polls from 1956 to 1968 in IFOP, Les Français, 264.

20. Ibid., 265-67.

21. Polls taken in 1964 and 1965 (ibid., 268).

19. Polls from 1956 to 1968 in IFOP, Les Français, 264.

20. Ibid., 265-67.

21. Polls taken in 1964 and 1965 (ibid., 268).

22. Serge Berstein, La France de l'expansion: La République gaullienne, 1958-1969 (1989), 1:271. Since the left opposed de Gaulle's regime and his policies, 29 percent disapproval does not seem like a high figure.

23. Those who estimated that independence was possible at the political level fell from 46 to 34 percent; at the economic level, from 41 to 26 percent; and on the military level, from 31 to 28 percent (IFOP, Les Français, 88).

24. Jean Charlot, "Les Elites et les masses devant l'indépendance nationale d'après les enquêtes d'opinion" in Les Conditions de l'indépendance nationale dans le monde moderne, Institut Charles de Gaulle (1977), 39-49.

25. De Gaulle, Discours et messages: Pour l'efffort, août 1962-1962-décembre 1965 (1970), 4:341.

26. Ibid., 4:429.

25. De Gaulle, Discours et messages: Pour l'efffort, août 1962-1962-décembre 1965 (1970), 4:341.

26. Ibid., 4:429.

27. Lacouture, De Gaulle 2:363-64.

28. From an article entitled "Mobilisation économique à l'étranger" that first appeared in 1934 and has been reprinted in Charles de Gaulle, Trois Etudes précédées du mémorandum du 26 janvier 1940 (1971), 185.

29. Cited in Alfred Grosser, The Western Alliance (1982), 211.

30. Charles de Gaulle, Memoirs of Hope: Renewal and Endeavor, trans. Terence Kilmartin (1971), 35.

31. Charles de Gaulle, Mémoires d'espoir: L'Effort (1970-71), 119. My translation differs slightly for this quotation, as it does for the subsequent one, from that of the English translation ( Memoirs of Hope, 342).

32. De Gaulle, Mémoires d'espoir: Le Renouveau 1958-62 (1970-71), 115-17 (English version in Memoirs of Hope, 341). Although de Gaulle wrote these lines in 1970, he makes them appear in his memoirs as if they preceded 1968.

33. John Bovey, "Charles XI," French Politics and Society 9 (Spring 1991):35.

34. Quoted in André Passeron, De Gaulle parle: 1962-1966 (1966), 2:306.

35. Charles E. Bohlen, Witness to History 1929-1969 (1973), 511.

36. Quoted in Lacouture ( De Gaulle 1:334-35) from an interview the journalist had with Pleven.

37. Ambassade de France, French Foreign Policy, 1968, 103-4.

38. Le Monde, 29 November 1967.

39. Data on the growth of consumerism are found in Jean-Pierre Rioux, "Vive la consommation," L'Histoire no. 102 (1987): 90-100, and Jean Baudrillard, La Société de consommation (1970), 41-59.

40. Marc Cantrel, "Les Américains explorent un marché: France," Direction no. 97 (1963): 710.

41. Rioux, "Vive la consommation," 95-96.

42. Fernand Braudel and Ernest Labrousse, eds., Histoire économique et sociale de la France, vol. 4, pt. 3 (1982), 1289.

43. Edgar Morin, The Red and the White: Report from a French Village (1970), 58. Similar changes are reported by Wylie in Village in the Vaucluse .

44. Claude Krief, "La France dans dix ans," L'Express, 27 June 1963, 34.

45. Areas that were seemingly resistant to the New World included literature and theater; in some fields such as comics and popular music, American dominance actually retreated. For the later years see Pascal Ory, L'Entre-deux mai: histoire culturelle de la France, mai 1968-mai 1981 (1983), 200-4.

46. Georges Perec, Les Choses: A Story of the Sixties, trans. Helen Lane (1967), 58.

47. John Ardagh, The New French Revolution (London, 1968), 264, 228-29, 458.

48. Polls taken in 1962 and 1967 (IFOP, Les Français, 299, 90-91).

49. Rioux, "Vive la consommation," 100.

50. IFOP, Les Français, 299.

1. The response to these layoffs is reported in Olivier Brault, "Indépendance nationale et investissements américains: la politique française à l'égard des investissements directs américains sous les présidences du général de Gaulle et de Georges Pompidou" (mémoire de maîtrise, Université de Lille III, 1986), 35-36.

2. L'Express, 30 May 1966, 45.

3. Le Monde, 1 February 1963.

4. This interpretation of the general's interest and responsibility can be found in the account of one of his closest financial advisers, Alain Prate ( Les Batailles économiques du général de Gaulle [1978], 18).

5. As a condition of returning to power in the late spring of 1958, de Gaulle had promised to respect the treaty. Moreover, several members of his cabinet strongly supported the treaty—some had actually signed it. See Edmond Jouve, Le Général de Gaulle et la construction de l'Europe, 1940-1966 (1967), 1:211-13. In part the general was keeping his word and honoring his nation's commitments. In addition de Gaulle acted to promote the Europe of the Six in order to eliminate the British-sponsored free-trade area. The Six

were in danger because the British hoped to derail the fledgling European community with their own scheme. With the help of Chancellor Adenauer in late 1958, de Gaulle opted for the Six and killed the British project. France's immediate entry into the Common Market strengthened its future and weakened pressures from outside the Six for a wider free trade area (NARA, 840.00/1-659, 6 January 1959, Butterworth to Sec. of State). Moreover, de Gaulle feared that France would be left behind should he delay France's entry. It seems likely that in 1958, despite certain misgivings about the Rome treaties, he entertained hope of constructing his kind of Europe—since in his words the community existed only "on paper"—and he did not want to start from an inferior position.

6. Television address of 30 January 1959 in de Gaulle, Discours et messages 3:78.

7. De Gaulle, Memoirs of Hope, 134-35.

8. Rainier Hellmann, Puissance et limites des multinationales (Tours, 1974), 72.

9. For one thing, it is difficult to ascertain the "nationality" of capital. A considerable fraction of American money arrived via Swiss or Belgian subsidiaries, which means that most estimates err by understating quantities. Only gross investments entered official figures, making calculations even less reliable. And how these estimates were made varied from one statistical agency to another. Nor is the distinction between "direct" and "portfolio" investment always clear.

10. Report of the Ministry of Industry in "Les Investissements étrangers dans l'industrie française," Perspectives, 9 October 1965, 2. Data on direct investment on a country basis can be found in the annual volumes U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Statistical Abstract of the United States (Washington, D.C.).

11. Erick Schmill, Les Investissements étrangers en France (1966), 44.

12. Data on sectoral investment can be found in numerous studies. See for example Louis Manuali, La France face à l'implantation étrangère (1967); Gilles Y. Bertin, L'Investissement des firmes étrangères en France 1945-1962 (1963); Jacques Gervais, La France aux investissements étrangers (1963); Erick Schmill, Les Investissements étrangers en France ; Christopher Layton, Trans-Atlantic Investments, The Atlantic Institute (Boulogne-sur-Seine, 1968); Allan W. Johnstone, United States Direct Investment in France (Cambridge, Mass., 1965).

13. Hellmann, Puissance et limites, 75.

14. New York Times, 25 and 27 March 1963.

15. Quoted by Rosine Dusart, "The Impact of the French Government on American Investment in France," Harvard International Law Club Journal 7 (Winter 1965): 85.

16. Henri Nouyrit, "L'Implantation des capitaux américains dans la C.E.E. vue de Bruxelles," L'Economie, 22 January 1965, 11-12.

17. Press release published in Agence France Presse économique, 24 January 1963.

18. Quoted by Johnstone, United States Direct Investment, 27.

19. "Business en France," Le Monde, 15 June 1965.

20. Cited in Brault, "Indépendance nationale," 48.

21. Maurice-Bokanowski announced these criteria in the summer of 1965 (Hellmann, Puissance et limites, 77 ).

22. Paul Lemerle, an economist working for the plan, told Fortune that "France must not go so soft as to let important economic decisions be made on the other side of the Atlantic. . . . The U.S. already has responsibility for strategic decisions affecting the peace of the world; it is excessive for them to assume economic power of the same order" (Richard Austin Smith, "Nationalism Threatens U.S. Investment," Fortune, August 1965, 130).

23. Jonathan Wise Poller, "Indépendance nationale et: investissement étranger, une étude de cas: la politique française à l'égard des investissements américains, 1945-1967" (mémoire de maîtrise, Fondation nailonale des sciences politiques, 1967), 94-97.

24. Jean Meynaud and Dusan Sidjanski, L'Europe des affaires (1967), 75.

25. For opposition to Libaron and other American investments in agriculture, see Le Monde, 25 January and 5 March 1963. Richard Grenier, "U.S. Investments in France," The Reporter, 6 June 1963, 25; Ardagh, The New French Revolution, 93-95; Polier, "Indépendance nationale," 54-63.

26. Le Monde, 25 January 1963.

27. Ardagh, The New French Revolution, 95.

28. Polier, "Indépendance nationale," 97-103. Georges Vieillard, "L'Affaire" Bull (1969) is a collection of documents on the affair by the former director compiled in 1965. Henri Stern, La Crise de la compagnie des Machines Bull (1966), is a report drawn up by the local CFDT union. The legal aspects can be found in Robert D. W. Landon, "Franco-American Joint Ventures in France: Some Problems and Solutions; the Compagnie des Machines BullGeneral Electric as an Illustrative Example, Harvard International Law Club Journal 7 (Spring 1966): 238-85.

29. Pierre Lelong, "Le Général de Gaulle et les industries de pointe" in "L'Entourage" et de Gaulle, ed. Gilbert Pilleul (1979), 191-95.

30. Brault, "Indépendance nationale," 44 n.4.

31. Bull's operations were divided into four new corporations. GE raised its offer to $43 million and won a majority equity interest in the new sales and service corporation as well as a 49 percent share in the manufacturing and in the market research and advertising corporations. A fourth corporation working for national defense remained entirely French, but it failed to develop.

32. Georges Villiers, "Le CNPF s'adresse aux industriels américains," Patronat français no. 253 (July 1965): 30. Also Georges Villiers, "Face à la concurrence américaine, les entreprises européennes devront souvent concentrer leurs moyens," Patronat français no. 243 (1964): 2-15.

33. "Pour ou contre les investissements américains en France?", Entreprise no. 472 (1964): 41-51.

34. Smith, "Nationalism Threatens," 131.

35. Jean Luc, "Les Investissements étrangers," Le Journal des finances, March 1963; "Faut-il refuser les investissements américains en Europe?", Entreprise no. 387 (1963): 13; Paul Deroin, "Les Investissements américains en France," L'Economie, 12 February 1965, 10-12. Also Manuali, La France, 67; Smith, ''Nationalism Threatens,'' 128-29; New York Herald Tribune, 10 December 1964.

36. Pascal Arrighi, "La Puissance américaine et l'Europe," Le Capital, 2 December 1964. Among the experts who favorably assessed American investment yet counseled vigilance were Gervais ( Investissements étrangers ), Manuali ( Implantation étrangère ), and Bertin ( Investissement ); Schmill ( Investissements étrangers ) was far more critical of de Gaulle for politicizing the issue.

37. Maurice Duverger, "Le Grand Dessein," Le Monde, 10 January 1963.

38. Pierre Drouin, "Les Américains ont-ils les dents trop longues?", Le Monde, 13 May 1964; Alain Murcier, "Business en France," Le Monde, 15-18 June 1965. On the food industry see the issue of 23-24 April 1967.

39. Le Monde, 5 January 1967.

40. L'Opinion, 2 December 1966.

41. To the query, "In your opinion, everything considered, are American investments in France a good thing or a bad thing for our country?", 39 percent said they were good, 27 percent answered "bad," and 34 percent had no opinion in 1970. The principal nay-sayers were those identified with the Communist party as well as farmers and workers (''Investissements américains: les Français sont pour," Les Informations industrielles et commerciales, 9 March 1970). Opinion surveys from the mid-1970s indicate that French attitudes toward multinationals were similar to those of most other Western Europeans except that the French people expressed more anxiety—for political reasons—and declared themselves slightly less favorable. The French, more than other nationalities, also tended to identify multinationals with America and while praising them for their technical and managerial leadership also criticized them as "uncontrollable'' (Jacques Attali et al., L'Opinion européenne face aux multinationales [1977], 47, 71, 75).

42. Brault, "Indépendance nationale," 158-63.

43. Quoted in Hellmann, Puissance et limites, 76.

44. Serge Mallet, "Un certain Antagonisme," La Nef no. 26 (1966): 148.

45. Gaston Defferre, Un nouvel Horizon (1965), 99.

46. JO, débats, Assemblée nationale, 26 November 1964, 5588. Another example in which the left criticizes the timidity of Gaullist anti-Americanism is L. Perceval, "Une Société américaine dans le Bas-Rhone-Bas-Rhône-Languedoc," Economie et politique no. 104 (1963): 88-90. The Gaullists (Maurice-Bokanowski in Le Monde, 25 June 1965) chided Defferre for trying to outbid them on this issue. After failing to lead the left in the presidential campaign, Defferre continued to chastise de Gaulle for failing to protect France from American domination. According to Defferre, building European union rather than issuing Gaullist rodomontades was the answer (Defferre, "L' Indispensable Europe," 151-59).

47. In 1970, under Pompidou's presidency, American investment again became a political issue when Ford abruptly shifted the site of its new plant from Charleville (Ardennes) to Bordeaux where the prime minister, Jacques Chaban Delmas, was a candidate in a legislative by-election. Servan-Schreiber, representing Nancy, led the attack on what seemed like a flagrant manipulation of foreign investment for political advantage. Chaban-Delmas's rival for the seat from Bordeaux wired a warning to the American Embassy that the United States risked losing its best friends if it continued to interfere in domestic French affairs. Chaban-Delmas won, but the affair lingered on for years (Brault, "Indépendance nationale," 156-57).

48. François Caron, who used the records of the Comité des investissements étrangers, states that in the chemical industry the search for a French partner was usually fruitless ("Foreign Investment and Technology Transfers: The Case of the French Chemical Industry in the 1950s and 1960s as Viewed by the Direction des industries chimiques" in Overseas Business Activities: Proceedings of the Fuji Conference, eds. Akio Okochi and Tadakatsu Inoue [Tokyo, 1984], 271). Also see Polier, "Indépendance nationale," 174.

49. "Business en France," Le Monde, 18 June 1965.

50. Polier, "Indépendance nationale," 106.

51. Conseil économique et social, "Investissements étrangers en France dans le cadre de la communauté européenne," report to committee on investments and planning by Louis Charvet, 10 May 1966.

52. For example, Jean Boissonnat, "L'Argent étranger," La Croix, 25 May 1966; Alain Murcier, "Business en France," Le Monde, 18 June 1965. Other experts who took this position are Schmill ( Investissements étrangers ), Bertin ( Investissement ), Jean-Jacques Servan-Schreiber ( Le Défi américain or, in the English version, The American Challenge, trans. Ronald Steel [1968]), and C. Goux and J. F. Landeau, Le Péril américain: le capital américain à l'étranger (1971).

53. A summary of this report is "Les Investissements étrangers dans l'industrie française," Perspectives, 1-9. A commentary is Michel Herblay, "Investissements américains, la France sait-elle ce qu'elle veut?" Direction no. 123 (1965): 1134-37, 1164-73.

54. Maurice-Bokanowski in Le Monde, 11 June 1965.

55. Jacques Rueff, the economist and advocate of the gold standard, had written his views about monetary reform to de Gaulle in 1961. Views of de Gaulle's advisers on money matters can be found in Paul Fabra, "The Money Men of France," Interplay, January 1968, 37-40. The first ministerial discussions of the problem came in July 1963 (Prate, Batailles économiques, 208-9).

56. De Gaulle, Discours et messages 4:125. His comments came at his 29 July 1963 press conference.

57. De Gaulle, Discours et messages 4:332.

58. Interview with Rueff in The Economist, 13 February 1965, 662.

59. At a veritable summit meeting of French and American business leaders that included Georges Villiers, Wilfred Baumgartner (former minister of finance), Roger Blough (U.S. Steel), and Douglas Dillon (former secretary of the treasury), the French echoed the Gaullist arguments about inflation and asked the Americans to attend to their balance of payments deficit ( L'Express, 16-22 May 1966, 53).

60. Prate ( Batailles économiques, 221) presents data on dollar conversions from 1959 to 1967 when the Bank of France stopped such exchanges altogether because of shortages in the balance of payments.

61. Maurice Ferro, De Gaulle et l'l'Amérique (1973), 397-98.

62. Examples are L'Aurore, 11 January 1968, and Le Nouvel Observateur, 28 February 1968.

63. Prate, Batailles économiques, 213 n.

64. A former official at the quai d'Orsay, who later served as the governor of the Bank of France, observed that it was de Gaulle's foreign policy rather than

his assessment of financial problems that led him to intervene in monetary affairs (Olivier Wormser, "Le Général de Gaulle et la monnaie," Etudes gaulliennes nos. 3 and 4 [1973]: 148).

65. This section depends on the accounts of Edward L. Morse, Foreign Policy and Interdependence in Gaullist France (Princeton, 1973), 219-51; Prate, Batailles économiques, 201-35; and Kolodziej, French International Policy under De Gaulle and Pompidou, 183-210.

66. De Gaulle, Discours et messages 4:231. These remarks were made at his press conference on 27 November 1967.

67. De Gaulle instructed French negotiators at Stockholm that the conditions for approval of the SDRs were specific American commitments to solve their payments deficits; new voting procedures in the IMF that would give the Six veto powers; and maintenance of stringent rules on activating the drawing rights (Prate, Batailles économiques, 226). France secured only the veto powers for the Six ( The Economist, 6 April 1968, 57-58).

68. Remark made in March 1968 (Prate, Batailles économiques, 229 n.).

69. Kolodziej, French International Policy, 205.

70. Morse, Foreign Policy, 250.

71. Direct annual investment in France between 1963 and 1966 (in millions of dollars), according to U.S. Department of Commerce figures ( Statistical Abstract of the United States ), fell from 210 to 149 while it rose from 304 to 646 in West Germany, from 114 to 169 in Italy, from 70 to 146 in Belgium and Luxembourg, and from 70 to 173 in the Netherlands.

72. Le Monde, 6 January 1966.

73. Prate, Batailles économiques, 215.

74. Cited by Brault, "Indépendance nationale," 68.

75. Interview with Debré in Entreprise no. 552 (1966): 27.

76. Combat, 24 May 1966.

77. A view expressed by the Direction des industries chimiques (Caron, "Foreign Investment," 274-75).

78. A thorough analysis of the new procedures adopted in 1966-67 is Charles Torem and William L. Craig, "Control of Foreign Investment in France," Michigan Law Review 66 (February 1968): 669-720.

79. According to Raymond Marcellin, the minister of industry, reported in La Vie française, 25 November 1966.

80. For example, Debré and Marcellin, the minister of industry, disagreed over the request of Mobil Oil, which intended to use by-products from its existing refinery, to build a fertilizer plant with a French associate in the Seine-Maritime. Marcellin echoed worries of the chemical industry about the financial and technical power of the giant American corporation. Debré was more receptive and Pompidou had to adjourn any decision for a year ( L'L'Indépendant, 23 November 1966).

81. Robert B. Dickie, Foreign Investment in France: A Case Study (Dobbs Ferry, N.Y., 1970), 74-87; Brault, "Indépendance nationale," 126-53; Caron, "Foreign Investment," 270-73.

82. New York Times, 23 January 1967.

83. "M. Debré répond aux informations," Informations industrielles et commerciales, 18 November 1966, 30-35.

84. Combat, 24 May 1966.

85. Diana Pinto, in an unpublished paper of May 1983, has analyzed the commercial success of Le Défi .

86. Servan-Schreiber, The American Challenge, 30, 14.

87. Ibid., 277.

86. Servan-Schreiber, The American Challenge, 30, 14.

87. Ibid., 277.

88. Le Monde, 29 November 1967.

89. French legislation adopted in 1967 on capital movements made no distinction between investments made by community-based companies and those from outside the Common Market. The European Commission started legal action in 1968 and the following year brought France before the European Court of Justice on the grounds that its legislation violated community rules on the right of establishment and the free movement of capital. The commission was not satisfied with explanations from Paris that French restrictions did not prohibit direct investment coming from companies in other community countries as long as these companies were truly European and not subsidiaries of non-European, i.e., American, firms. The commission pointed out that France was obligated to give nationals or companies of other member states identical treatment to that granted French citizens or French firms. It regarded any company as duly constituted within the European community if it had its administrative or legal headquarters within the territory of the Six. The Treaty of Rome, the commission held, made no distinction with respect to the origin of capital or nationality of shareholders—which the French considered essential for determining the legality of an investment. Thus according to the commission's interpretation most subsidiaries of American firms qualified for community protection under the Rome treaty.

In 1971, after years of maneuvering, the French government, in order to avoid a court decision that would have definitively established equality among European and non-European companies situated within the Common Market, modified its legislation to conform to community practice. Companies from outside the European community still had to give prior notification for investment but for insiders such notification was an automatic authorization ( Financial Times, 24 April 1969; Hellmann, Puissance et limites, 79; Brault, "Indépendance nationale," 96-97).

90. Paris-Presse l'Intransigeant, 30 April 1969.

91. In early 1971 Prime Minister Chaban-Delmas claimed that in two years his government had rejected fewer than ten requests by American companies to make direct investments (Hellmann, Puissance et limites, 81-82).

92. L'Express (2-8 March 1970) and Le Monde (20 February 1970) report this survey.

93. Quoted in La Croix, 31 July 1970.

94. Combat, 26 February 1970.

95. Data presented to the interministerial committee on foreign investment stated the ratio between American and European requests for authorization as 45/64 in 1965 and 50/53 in 1966 ("Communiqué," Service de l'information du ministère de l'économie et des finances, 12 January 1967).

96. Service de l'information du ministère de l'économie et des finances, "Evolution des mouvements de capitaux privés entre la France et l'extérieur . . .

de 1968 à 1973," Etudes et bilans, February 1975, 11. Cf. Brault, "Indépendance nationale," 75.

97. According to Gilles Y. Bertin ( L'Industrie française face aux multinationales [1975], 14-15) until 1972 the U.S. still contributed about half the total (direct and portfolio) of foreign investments in France, but America's share declined vis-a-vis-à-vis the EC after 1966. From 1967 to 1969 the U.S. and the EC contributed about equal shares of total investment.

98. Les Informations industrielles et commerciales, 19 November 1965.

99. Smith, "Nationalism Threatens," 126-31, 228-36; Myra Wilkins, The Maturing of Multinational Enterprise (Cambridge, Mass., 1974), 345.

100. Meynaud and Sidjanski, L'Europe des affaires, 78-79; Layton, Trans-Atlantic Investments, 44-48.

101. Manuali, Implantation étrangère, 11-13.

102. Dickie, Foreign Investment, 20.

103. For example Benelux received $47, West Germany $37, France $30, and Italy $16, according to Meynaud and Sidjanski, L'Europe des affaires, 77.

104. Bertin, L'Industrie française, 50-51.

105. France's share fell in this decade from 28.7 to 21.2 percent. West Germany's share advanced from 35 to 41.7 percent (Hellmann, Puissance et limites, 41-42). See note 71.

106. There were other reasons such as a falling rate of return on investment, Washington's efforts at curbing the outflow of private capital, e.g., the Interest Equalization Tax adopted in 1963 and mandatory restraints enforced after 1967.

1. An insightful survey of this problem is Paul Gagnon, " La Vie future : Some French Responses to the Technological Society," Journal of European Studies 6 (1976): 172-89.

2. For example, Jean Baudrillard, Le Système des objets (1968) and La Société de consommation (1970); Henri Lefebvre, La Vie quotidienne dans le monde moderne (1968); Bertrand de Jouvenel, Arcadie: essais sur le mieux vivre (1968); Alain Touraine, La Société post-industrielle (1969); Georges Elgozy, Les Damnés de l'opulence (1970).

3. Jean-Francis Held, "L'Homme-auto," in La Nef no. 37 (1969): 132. This issue of La Nef was devoted to essays on consumer society.

4. Philippe Bénéton and Jean Touchard, "Les Interprétations de la crise de mai-juin 1968," Revue française de science politique 20 (February 1970): 524-25. A few references to consumer society can be found in the documents reproduced in Alain Schnapp and Pierre Vidal-Naquet, Journal de la commune étudiante: textes et documents (1969), 356, 566-69, 595-98. The literature on the events of 1968 is voluminous, but a good recent interpretation is Henri Weber, Mai 1968: vingt ans après (1988).

5. Flanner, Paris Journal, 491.

6. Over half those polled in 1964 liked Americans, contrasted to only 11 percent who held a "bad opinion" (Gérard Vincent, Les Jeux français [1978], 326).

7. To the question, "Which people least resembled the French?", those polled said: the Americans (43 percent), the British (22 percent), the Italians (8 percent), and the Germans (7 percent) (Grosser, The Western Alliance , 217).

8. Alain Bosquet, Les Américains sont-ils adultes? (1969). A similar essay is Jacques Lusseyran, Douce , trop douce Amérique (1968).

9. Maurice Duverger, "Dans la carapace d'une automobile," L'Express , 5 March 1964, 39-40.

10. René Etiemble, Parlez-vous franglais? (1973 ed.), 37; the first edition was 1964. Page references for further quotations from this work are in the text.

11. Noting, for example, how the United Fruit company got the Pentagon's help to unseat Latin American rulers who interfered in its business, Etiemble wrote that one could understand "Washington's hate against the only European statesman who, since the 'Liberation,' dares resist the pretensions of the dollar. Since the OAS has not been able to get rid of him, and since they have not been able to buy him, American finance is out to get his hide" (234).

12. "As for the Yankee military who have automobiles baptized as bus d'école driving around the streets of Paris . . . I have to note that if the Nazis tortured and massacred members of the Resistance, they made the effort to draw up their atrocious tableaux d'honneur in good French" (239).

13. Philip H. Coombs, The Fourth Dimension of Foreign Policy: Educational and Cultural Affairs , Council on Foreign Relations (1964), 111-133

14. St-Robert, Le Jeu de la France , 132-48.

15. Sirinelli, Intellectuels et passions françaises , 245-61.

16. Defferre, "L'Indispensable Europe," 152-53.

17. Claude Julien's earlier works include Le nouveau nouveau Monde (1960).

18. Claude Julien, L'Empire américain (1968), 502. Further page references for this work are in the text. There is a debate between Julien, Pierre Cot, and Jean-Jean-François Revel in "La Gauche face à l'empire américain," Dire no. 2 (1968): 12-27.

19. Employing a conventional Marxist approach Eric Gaument ( Le Mythe américain [1970]) debunked America's economic achievement and ridiculed the French Americanizers. Real wages may have risen in the United States, but there was plenty of poverty and the middle class had difficulty making ends meet, according to this Communist critic. One could not speak of affluence in American education, housing, or medicine—not to mention the gross inequalities of wealth based on region, gender, and race. The Americanization of Europe would only bring the most noxious traits of unbridled capitalism. Marxist underconsumption theory led Gaument to predict, in the distant future, an intensification of the class struggle in America with the poor joining the working class and its white-collar allies.

20. Emmanuel Astier de la Vigerie, "Faut-il être anti-anti-Américain?", Réalités no. 254 (1967): 40.

21. Domenach, "L'Empire américain," Esprit , April 1966, 650.

22. Domenach, "L'Explosion", Esprit , October 1970, 489.

23. Domenach, "Critique d'un éloge," Esprit , December 1969, 877.

24. Domenach, "Notes d'un retour en Amérique," Esprit , November 1969, 621.

25. Domenach's introduction in Esprit , June-July 1968, 968-69.

26. Domenach, "Notes d'un retour," 624-25.

27. Edgar Morin, Journal de Californie (1970), 209; further page references for this work are in the text. Extracts from his journal appeared under the title "La Mutation occidentale" in Esprit (October 1970, 515-48).

28. Jean-Jean-François Revel, Without Marx or Jesus: The New American Revolution Has Begun , trans. J. F. Bernard (1971), 47. Further page references for this work are in the text.

29. Quoted by Nora, "America and the French Intellectuals," 330.

30. Jean Guiget, Aspects de la civilisation américaine , 2d ed. (1971).

31. Bernard Cazes, "La Malaise dans la consommation," La Nef no. 37 (1969): 135-46.

32. Réflexions pour 1985, La Documentation française (1964), 12-13. A similar position was advocated by the former planner Lionel Stoleru in his study L 'Impératif industriel (1969).

33. Pierre Massé, cited in Henry Rousso, ed., De Monnet à Massé (1986), 216.

34. Stanley Hoffmann et al., A la recherche de la France (1963) is a translation of In Search of France (Cambridge, Mass., 1961). Hoffmann had been interpreting American policy and Franco-American relations for years in such reviews as Esprit , and Wylie's work on rural France was well known.

35. Michel Crozier, "Le Climat intellectuel," Esprit , January 1968, 9; further page references for this work are in the text. In the early 1980s Crozier furnished a far more sober assessment in Le Mal américain (1980), in which he also charted his own intellectual itinerary in America since the late 1940s.

36. Raymond Aron, Progress and Disillusion: The Dialectics of Modern Society (London, 1968), 192.

37. Quoted in Pinto, "Sociology as a Cultural Phenomenon," 174-75.

38. See, for example, Fourastié's Grand Espoir du XXe siècle , which went through several editions; and his title in the "Que sais-je" series, La Productivité , which also had multiple editions. Fourastié was only slightly less optimistic in a later book: Lettre ouverte à quatre milliard d'hommes (1970).

39. Richard F. Kuisel, Capitalism and the State in Modern France (1981), 244.

40. Fourastié quoted in Gagnon, " La Vie future: Some French Responses," 177.

41. Jean St-Geours, Vive la société de consommation (1971).

42. Louis Armand, "Faut-il être anti-anti-Américain?", Réalités no. 254 (1967): 38-43. Another rebuttal to anti-Americanism was Julien Teppe, Contre l'américanophobie (1969).

43. Jacques Maisonrouge, Manager international (1985). Some of the most

active proponents of an American approach to management were Jean Milhaud, Octave Gélinier, and Noël Pouderoux, all of whom were associated with CEGOS. A pioneering effort toward constructing a history of the subject is the collection of essays in a special number of the Revue française de gestion (no. 70 [1988]). Roger Priouret published his interviews with managers as La France et le management (1968).

44. Gilbert Gantier, "Une Source d'inspirarion" in Les Américains et nous , 107-18.

45. Servan-Schreiber, The American Challenge , 276; further page references for this work are in the text.

46. Interview with Servan-Schreiber, "A propos du 'Défi américain,' " Promotions (April-June 1968): 25.

47. Servan-Schreiber, The American Challenge , 191-95, and "A Propos," 25.

48. Le Progrès de Lyon , 25 April 1968.

49. A lonely exception is Jacques Gasquel ( Perspectives , 9 March 1968), who argued that in many respects Europe was ahead of the United States and that given the troubles in American society, Servan-Schreiber's next book ought to be rifled "La Décadence américaine."

50. Valéry Giscard d'Estaing, "Solitaire Europe," Le Figaro , 7 December 1967. Giscard discussed the book with Mitterrand on Europe No. 1 ( Le Monde , 23 October 1967).

51. The heads of IBM-France and Royal Dutch Shell, Jacques Maisonrouge and André Benard, respectively, saw no answer in trying to create vigorous multinationals by merging European firms that were unprofitable or technological laggards ( L'Express , 4-10 December 1967; Sud-Ouest , 30 November 1967).

52. Julien's objections appear in an interview in Combat (29 January 1969). A spokesman for the Parti socialiste unifié observed: "There is the response of the shortsighted idiot that consists of being more American than the Americans in order to better resist them. One does not fight evil with evil or the plague with cholera. The struggle for national independence is indivisible from the struggle for social liberation and it means the substitution of socialism for capitalism, which, in essence, is no different in Europe than in the United States" (Manuel Brindier, "La Réponse socialiste au défi américain," Le Progrès de Lyon , 5 March 1968).

53. Mitterrand, "Seule une Europe socialiste . . . ," Fédération Champagne , 1 April 1968.

54. The Communist response is in L'Humanité , 25 November 1967; Charles Fiterman, "Pour une Europe indépendante, démocratique et pacifique," Cahiers du communisme , April 1968, 14-26; Le Monde , 17 January 1968.

55. Thierry Maulnier, "Le Modèle américaine," Figaro , 5 December 1967.

56. André Piettre in Le Monde , 23 December 1967; emphasis is in the original.

57. "Etats-Unis d'Europe ou Europe des Etats-Unis?", Communauté européenne, December 1967, 7-10.

1. Alain Peyrefitte, The Trouble with France (1981) is a translation of Le Mal français (1976).

2. Surveys that chart the evolution of French views about American foreign policy from 1976 to 1986 appear in Gallup International, "France and the United States: A Study in Mutual Image" (hereafter cited as Gallup International, 1986); this survey was conducted for the French-American Foundation and L'Express over a ten-year period that concluded in April 1986.

3. Le Canard Enchaîné , 31 August 1977.

4. Denis Lacorne, "Modernists and Protectionists: The 1970s," in The Rise and Fall of Anti-Americanism: A Century of French Perception (1990), eds. Denis Lacorne, Jacques Rupnik, Marie-France Toinet (1990), 143-59. This anthology is an excellent guide to the recent turn to philo-Americanism (original title, L'L'Amérique dans les têtes: un siècle de fascinations et d'aversions [1986]).

5. For example, Jacques Thibau, La France colonisée (1980), 163-228.

6. Lacorne, "Modernists," 145.

7. Ibid., 153.

8. Ibid., 150.

6. Lacorne, "Modernists," 145.

7. Ibid., 153.

8. Ibid., 150.

6. Lacorne, "Modernists," 145.

7. Ibid., 153.

8. Ibid., 150.

9. "Réalités américaines," L'L'Humanité , 18-20, 25-28 January 1972. Also Annie Kriegel, "Consistent Misapprehension: European Views of America and their Logic," Daedalus 101 (Fall 1972): 87-102.

10. Denis Lacorne and Jacques Rupnik, "Introduction: France Bewitched by America," in Rise and Fall of Anti-Americanism , 18-19.

11. Thibau, La France colonisée , 267.

12. Henri Gobard, La Guerre culturelle, logique du désastre (1979), 83.

13. Lacorne and Rupnik, "Introduction," 19.

14. Le Monde , 20 May 1981.

15. Quoted by Winock," 'US Go Home,' "19-20.

16. Wylie and Henriquez examined textbooks of the 1960s and 1970s in their article, "French Images of American Life."

17. The magazine Le Point sponsored a poll in 1976 cited in William Pfaff, "The French Exception," New Yorker , 24 January 1977, 66-75.

18. R. Aranda ("Les Etats-Unis vus par les lycéens parisiens," 1976) cited in Vincent, Les Jeux français , 326.

19. Pfaff, "French Exception," 69.

20. Le Canard Enchaîné , 31 August 1977. This newspaper ran a series entitled "L'L'Américain Connection, ou un Peau-rouge en France," in its issues of 10, 17, 24, 31 August and 6 September 1977.

21. For Lang's speech see the 29 and 30 July 1982 issues of Le Monde .

22. Chevènement, "Pour l'indépendance nationale," Le Monde , 11 May 1983.

23. Nora, "America and the French Intellectuals," 334.

24. Ibid.

23. Nora, "America and the French Intellectuals," 334.

24. Ibid.

25. Diana Pinto, "De l'Anti-l'Anti-Américanisme à l'l'Américanophilie: itinérarie de l'intelligentsia," French Politics and Society 9 (March 1985): 18-26; and her

essays: "The French Intelligentsia Rediscovers America" in Rise and Fall of Anti-Americanism , 97-107, and "The Left, the Intellectuals, and Culture," in The Mitterrand Experiment , eds. George Ross, Stanley Hoffmann, and Sylvia Malzacher (Oxford, 1987), 217-28.

26. Jean Daniel, "Les Mythes de la gauche française," in Le Reflux américain: décadence ou renouveau des Etats-Unis (1980), 109-15.

27. See the review essays by George Ross, "Intellectual Spaces and Places," French Politics and Society 6 (July 1988): 7-16; and "Where Have All the Sartres Gone? The French Intelligentsia Born Again," in Searching for The New France , eds. James Hollifield and George Ross (1991), 221-49. A generational approach is taken by Pascal Ory and Jean-Jean-François Sirinelli in Les Intellectuels en France, de l'affaire Dreyfus à nos jours (1986). An important work on leftist intellectuals after the Czech invasion is Pierre Grémion's Paris-Prague (1985).

28. See the issue of Tel Quel (nos. 71/73 [Spring 1977]) devoted to the United States.

29. Titles that represent the new passion for America are Georges Suffert, Les nouveaux Cow-boys: essai sur l'anti-l'anti-américanisme primaire (1984); Léo Sauvage, Les Américains: enquête sur un mythe (1983); and the article Pourriezvous vivre à l'americaine?[l'américaine?]", Nouvel Observateur , 14 September 1984.

30. Pinto, "The Left, the Intellectuals," 221.

31. Jean-Marie Domenach, "Aider plutôt que défendre," Le Monde , 10 October 1981.

32. Suffert, Les nouveaux Cow-boys .

33. Jean Baudrillard, Amérique (1986); the English version is America (1988). Other examples of persistent critiques of America are Régis Debray, Les Empires contre l'Europe (1985) and Michel Jobert, Les Américains (1987).

34. Baudrillard, America , 76.

35. The manifesto is reproduced in Le Monde , 24 January 1985.

36. Le Monde , 6 November 1984.

37. According to a poll taken on the eve of the American presidential elections in 1984, the French preferred the reelection of Ronald Reagan to his opponent Walter Mondale by a margin of 38 percent to 25 percent. This was a stronger pro-Reagan vote than in either Britain or West Germany ( Le Monde , 6 November 1984).

38. Janice Randall, "In Paris Today à la mode means à l'américaine ," France Today (Autumn 1986): 36-39.

39. Such polls can be found in "Les Français aiment les Etats-Unis, mais . . . ", Le Figaro , 4 November 1988; Gallup International, 1986; Le Monde , 6 November 1984; Jacques Rupnik, "Anti-Americanism and the Modern: The Image of the United States in French Public Opinion," in John Gaffney, ed., France and Modernisation (London, 1988), 189-205; and Jacques Rupnik and Muriel Humbertjean, ''Images of the United States in Public Opinion," in Rise and Fall of Anti-Americanism , 79-96.

40. Some 44 percent of the French said they were pro-American to 15 percent who called themselves anti-American. Comparative figures for West Germany were 35 percent and 19 percent, and for Great Britain 39 percent and 20 percent ( Le Monde , 6 November 1984).

41. Gallup International, 1986.

42. ''Les Français aiment", Le Figaro .

43. Gallup International, 1986.

44. "Les Français aiment," Le Figaro . Similar findings on American cultural influence are recorded in a 1984 SOFRES poll ( Le Monde , 6 November 1984).

45. Certain features of this attitudinal profile seem immutable. Political affiliation continued to be the variable determining attitudes toward American foreign policy. As expected, the left remained the least enthusiastic (Gallup International, 1986).

46. Frank and Mary Ann, "France est devenue ''civilisée,'" La Croix , 6 May 1976.

47. Nicolas Beau, "Les Français de l'Oncle Sam," Le Monde , 4-5 November 1984. In the same issue Pascal Ory recounts the penetration of American popular culture in "Des 'Poilus' de Pershing aux moustaches de Mandrake."

48. Polls cited by Rupnik, "Anti-Americanism and the Modern," 195.

49. Richard Bernstein, Fragile Glory: A Portrait of France and the French (1990), 4.

50. Lacorne and Rupnik, "Introduction," 1.

51. L'L'Amérique dans les têtes .

52. Cited in L'Express , 27 March 1992, 36. For labor's response to the dress code see the New York Times , 25 December 1991. See the forthcoming article on Euro Disney by Martha Zuber in French Politics and Society .

53. Marc Fumaroli in Le Nouvel Observateur , 9-15 April 1992, 42.

54. Le Monde , 12-13 April 1992.

55. Willy Bakeroot, "Des Mythes devenus objets," Projet , Spring 1992, 84-92.

56. Finkielkraut, Gallo, and Julliard quoted in the New York Times , 13 April 1992.

57. François Reynaert, Le Nouvel Observateur , 9-15 April 1992, 43.

58. Lang cited in Le Monde , 12-13 April 1992. See also his interview in L'Express , 27 March 1992, 44-45.

59. Jean-Jean-François Revel in Le Point , 21 March 1992, 52.

60. Spokespersons cited by Todd Gitlin in the New York Times , 3 May 1992.

61. Fitzpatrick cited in Le Monde , 12-13 April 1992.

62. Citations in this paragraph are from Le Point , 21 March 1992, 57, 51, 53.

63. Todd Gitlin in the New York Times , 3 May 1992.

64. François Forestier in L'Express , 27 March 1992, 43.

1. In France the proportion of fast-food meals was 4 percent compared to 12 percent in Britain and 40 percent in the United States, according to the New York Times , 12 June 1988.