1. Sir Ector to Sir Launcelot in Thomas Malory's Le Morte Darthur, chap. 13.

2. William of Wykeham's motto. Wykeham (1324-1404) was Chancellor to Edward III and Richard II.

3. Ludovico Sforza (1452—27 May 1507) was taken prisoner at Novara in 1500 by Louis XII. The graffito is somewhat similar to a famous drawing by Leonardo now in the British Museum, once also regarded as a self-portrait. Leonardo, another unlikely subject for portrayal in military accoutrement, had worked for Ludovico in Milan. See G. Touchard-Lafosse, La Loire historique, pittoresque et biographique, 5 vols. (Tours: Lecesne, 1851): 4: 209; Jean Vallery-Radot, Loches (Paris: Henry Laurens, 1954): 38 f.; Ian Dunlop, Châteaux of the Loire (London: Hamish Hamilton; New York: Taplinger, 1969): 17.

4. On the news of Castiglione's death, Charles V declared to his court in Toledo: "Yo vos digo que es muerto uno de los mejores caballeros del mundo." The emperor could find no better word to praise the illustrious courtier and papal nuncio than by calling him "one of the best knights in the world."

5. Foucault, "The Dangerous Individual," in Lawrence D. Kritzman, ed., Michel Foucault: Politics, Philosophy, Culture (New York, London: Routledge, [1978] 1988): 125-151.

6. Theory of Literature (New York: Harcourt, Brace; Harvest Books, 2d ed. 1956).

7. This is a summary statement quoted by Umberto Eco from his own Opera aperta. Forma e indeterminazione nelle poetiche contemporanee (Milano: Bompiani, 1962) in " Intentio lectoris: The State of the Art," Differentia 2 (Spring 1988): 147-168 at 152 f. The paper cogently presents, in a semiotic key, the development of current perceptions of reader response in literary theory, history, and criticism.

8. Reviewing Robert Alter and Frank Kermode, eds., The Literary Guide to the Bible (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1987), the British poet Donald Davie voiced the concerns of religious fundamentalism by objecting that to treat the Bible as literature is tantamount to calling it "a fabrication," since it might reduce it to an aesthetic experience shorn of directly relevant moral content. ("The Literary Guide to the Bible," The New Republic 197, 26 Oct. 1987: 28-32.) The critics included in the Guide could counter that, on the contrary, through a competent literary reading they fastened on the crucial fact of reader response, revealing "what the text does to the reader" rather than what it simply says, thereby bringing forth and explaining how the moral contents become effective through other means than plain statement or preaching. Hence literary criticism itself becomes a moral act when it invests an intrinsically moral text. Davie's feeling of shock might have been abated through better information on the history of biblical scholarship, which for more than half a century has seen a fruitful application of literary perspectives and has even become, in this very form, a model for more socially grounded literary studies. This began with the so-called "form-historical school" of Protestant theology (H. Gunkel, M. Dibelius, R. Bultman), Catholic scholarship soon following the lead. Hans-Robert Jauss, Toward an Aesthetic of Reception, translated by Timothy Bahti (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1982), "Theory of Genres and Medieval Literature," 76-109 at 100, reminds us that as early as 1943 Pope Pius XII recognized the modern theory of literary genres as an aid in biblical exegesis (encyclical Divino afflante spiritu ).

9. See, for example, Dominick LaCapra, "On the Line: Between History and Criticism," Profession 89 (New York: MLA, 1989): 6: "One common complaint is that deconstruction has often seemed to parallel, if not replicate, New Criticism and formalism in general."

10. A clear statement of the problem with regard to the Tristan legend is in Joan Ferrante (1973): 11-23.

11. Köhler, Mancini ed.: xxx, xxxiii, 21. I shall often refer to this Italian edition, Köhler, Sociologia della fin'amor, with a valuable introduction by Mario Mancini, because it conveniently gathers into a single volume numerous essays that were scattered in miscellanies and journals. Interesting early discussions of Köhler's method are in Mario Mancini, "Problemi di sociologia romanza," Studi di letteratura francese 1 (1967): 127-134; François Pirot, "L''idéologie' des troubadours. Examen de travaux récents," Le Moyen Age 74 (1968): 301-333; and Ursula Peters, "Niederes Rittertum oder hoher Adel?," Euphorion 67 (1973): 244-260. Bezzola's opus ( Les origines, 1944-1963) has laid the groundwork for Köhler's general orientation but has often been criticized for a rather rigid sociologism. For Köhler's position on chivalry in French literature and society, see especially his Ideal und Wirklichkeit; on troubadour lyric, especially his Trobadorlyrik and Esprit und arkadische Freiheit. As a variant to Köhler's analyses, the sociological approach is also examined and used by Ursula Liebertz-Grün, Zur Soziologie des "Amour courtois": Umrisse der Forschung, Beiheft zum Euphorion 10 (Heidelberg: C. Winter, 1977).

12. This phenomenon in its dual aspect has been well documented by Martín de Riquer (1970), whose research involves mostly Catalan texts.

13. This desideratum underlies Lauro Martines's recent Society and History in English Renaissance Verse (Oxford, New York: Basil Blackwell, 1985), a challenging study even though methodologically rather problematic in bono et in malo.

14. Stephen Greenblatt, "Introduction" to Greenblatt, ed., Representing the English Renaissance (1988): viii.

15. Louis Adrian Montrose, "'Shaping Fantasies': Figurations of Gender and Power in Elizabethan Culture," in Greenblatt, ed., Representing the English Renaissance (1988): 56.

16. While noting (without being sure of it) that "new historicism, at least as a general trend, now seems to be in the ascendant," and that "the program of the MLA's 1988 convention might seem to indicate that deconstruction is in retreat and that the new historicism—at least as a topic of controversy—is in the ascendant," Dominick LaCapra, "On the Line: Between History and Criticism," Profession 89 (New York: MLA, 1989): 6, critically tries to relate the two modes which, he asserts, may coexist in the same critic.

17. "Als ein Schritt weg von einer zwar notwendigen, aber die Ästhetik kaum tangierenden 'Soziologie der Literatur,' die es längst gibt, zu einer 'soziologischen Literaturwissenschaft,' die Hugo Kuhn zufolge noch nicht existiert." Köhler in Borck and Henss, eds. (1970): 75; Mancini ed.: 296. For Hugo Kuhn's definition of "subjective" versus "objective" (including sociological) aspects of the Minnesang, cf. Kuhn in H. Fromm (1961): 167-179.

Much scholarship of different hues has recently verged on the definition of this now growing method, often including theoretical discussion of the particular Marxist applications ever since such landmarks as György Lukács's well known studies. See, for example, Lucien Goldmann's Pour une sociologie du roman (Paris: Gallimard, 1964), "Introduction aux problèmes d'une sociologie du roman," 21-57, and untitled postscript 365-372. The notion of the "problematic hero" that Goldmann derives from Lukács certainly applies to the knight errant of the romances much earlier than Don Quixote, and with different implications from the hero of the nineteenth-century novel. Tempting as it is because of the applicable concepts of dégradation and tension between individuals and collective consciousness, we cannot engage here in a theoretical discourse concerning structural criteria that have been based on modern literary forms, with reference to the members of a quantitative market economy (of exchange) rather than a qualitative economy of usage. For Italy see, for example, Fernando Ferrara et al., eds., Sociologia della letteratura, Atti del 1 ° Convegno Nazionale, Gaeta 1974 (Roma: Bulzoni, 1978). The recent issue 14.3 of Critical Inquiry dedicated to "The Sociology of Literature" (1988) contains surprisingly little scholarly material.

18. This conclusion agrees with Cesare Cases, "La critica sociologica," in Maria Corti and Cesare Segre, I metodi attuali della critica in Italia (Torino: ERI [Edizioni Radio Italiana], 1980): 19-34.

19. Auerbach, Mimesis: The Representation of Reality in Western Literature (1953; 1957): 117-121, discussed in my chap. 5, "The Age of Chrétien."

Auerbach's sociologism, especially in his Literary Language and Public in Late Latin Antiquity and in the Middle Ages (1958), verged chiefly on literary reception.

20. See Elias, Über den Prozess der Zivilisation (1939); idem, Die höfische Gesellschaft (1969); Jaeger, The Origins of Courtliness: Civilizing Trends and the Formation of Courtly Ideals 939-1210 (1985). I shall refer to this 1985 book simply by author and page numbers, whereas I shall quote Jaeger's supplementary 1987 paper with the added date.

21. Jauss, "Theory of Genres," especially pp. 80-83.

22. See Evelyn B. Vitz's perceptive review of Zumthor's La lettre et la voix (1987) in Envoi 1.1 (1988): 185-191 at 190. For Zumthor's extended discussion of the implications of historical research and literary history seen from his basically formalist vantage point, see his Parler du Moyen Age (Paris, 1980), trans. by Sarah White as Speaking of the Middle Ages (Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press, 1986). Recent scholarship on medieval literature has been opening up this rich field to innovative interpretative methods: for a recent collection of disparate approaches see, for example, Kevin Brownlee and Stephen G. Nichols, eds., Images of Power: Medieval History/Discourse/Literature (Yale French Studies 70, 1986).

23. In this mode of artistic production the text enjoyed no special privilege outside the actual performance "here and now," and the texts lived through a continuous evolution of "f́conde intertextualité orale." What this view of things amounts to is a type of global "deconstruction" of the whole history of western literature on the premise that (differently from figurative art and even poetry) written literature as we know it is neither a perennial human activity nor, as the humanists firmly held, the highest product of civilization and the very foundation of humanity: it would be a temporary affair, largely confined to the modern period, and perhaps already extinct. We are now witnessing a type of paraliterature (mass literature, what the Germans call Trivial-Literatur ) which tends to merge with "true" literature as indistinguishable from it, in a process of confusion that some German theorists decry with the heavy yet telling term of Entdifferenzierung, "de-differentiation." Medieval "literature" looks to us more like our own mass culture than like the "classical" literature of 1500-1900: see Zumthor (1987) 319-322.

Zumthor's perspective is basically anthropological. In a specifically anthropological context the third and conclusive volume of Claude Lévi-Strauss's "Mythologiques" trilogy, after vol. 1, Le cru et le cuit (1964), and vol. 2, Du miel aux cendres (1967), is titled L'origine des manières de table (Paris: Plon, 1968). This third volume, dealing with "l'origine des manières de table  . . . et  . . . du bon usage" (422), exemplarily shows how the anthropologist's outlook on phenomena far removed from western civilization does not discover the kind of principles we shall encounter in the course of this study. This should confirm that the western phenomena we are analyzing enjoy a peculiar, though not unique, status.

24. M. M. Bakhtin, Rabelais and His World, trans. Hélène Iswolsky (Cambridge, MA: M.I.T. Press, 1968; 1988; Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1984; Russian original Tvorchestvo Fransua Rable, Moscow: Khudozhestvennia Literatura, 1965): 270 f. of 1984 ed.; It. ed. L'opera di Rabelais e la cultura popolare, trans. Mili Romano (Torino: Einaudi, 1979, 3d ed. 1982): 296 f. Also M. M. Bakhtin, The Dialogic Imagination: Four Essays, ed. Michael Holquist, trans. Caryl Emerson and Michael Holquist, University of Texas Press Slavic Series 1 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1981); idem and P. N. Medvedev, The Formal Method in Literary Scholarship: A Critical Introduction to Sociological Poetics (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1985).

25. European Literature 167-170, "Heroes and Rulers."

26. For example. Tony Hunt in Forum for Modern Language Studies (1981): 93, with frequent references to the researches of G. Duby, J. Flori, L. Génicot, and others.

27. N. Elias, Power and Civility (1982): 274, and the whole section "The Muting of Drives: Psychologization and Rationalization," 270-291.

28. Cf. the definitions of Elias's method in his The History of Manners, Power and Civility, and The Court Society, and see The Court Society (1983): 16.

29. See Duby, Hommes et structures (1973): 363: "Il faut partir de l'idée que l'homme en société constitue l'objet final de la recherche historique dont il est le premier principe. L'histoire sociale, en fait, c'est toute l'histoire."

30. See Elias, The Court Society: 280, and all of Appendix A, "On the notion that there can be a state without structural conflicts," 276-283, regarding the structural contradictions in the government of the Third Reich, viewed not as a sign of disorganization and ineffective leadership but as the "logic" of dictatorial power government. Hitler kept his agencies and cohorts in check by pitting them against each other. These had been the inner workings of the Prussian aristocratic court, just as Louis XIV maintained his absolute power over the groups of high noblemen and high bourgeois administrators by playing them against one another, thus preventing their opposition from congealing into a common front. Each in its own time and situation, those contrasting groups represented real interests at stake in the play for power and privilege. Likewise, within a democracy or representative form of government, the apparent disorder of personal and collective "lobbying" represents the play of real forces in a more overt and public form, with procedures controlled by laws, elections, and organization into parties and guilds. The German public felt uncomfortable with the visible show of squabbling among the groups and parties because it was not accustomed to overt displays of contrasting interests. Hitler exploited this psychological unpreparedness to bring down the Weimar Republic, and then moved those tensions into his inner court, where he could keep them out of the public eye and play them against one another to his own advantage.

The debate on this question started with a series of articles featured in Der Spiegel by the editor Heinz Höhne in 1966-1967, under the title "Der Orden unter den Totenkopf," and Elias confronts the traditional historian's reaction of Hans Mommsen, which, Elias claims, prevents us from understanding the events because it ignores the issue of necessary structural tensions in any given society, including the most monolithic despotism. On the Prussian political system see now Robert M. Berdahl, The Politics of the Prussian Nobility: The Development of a Conservative Ideology, 1740-1848 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1989).

1. For example, G. Duby, Hommes et structures (1973): 344, and F. Cardini (1976). Summarily stated, the complex question of the social, legal, and political nature of knighthood is given a chronological locus by Duby, The Three Orders (1980): 293, with the conclusion: "in the eighth decade of the twelfth century, at the end of Louis XII's reign,  . . . knighthood became a genuine institution."

2. P. Zumthor (1987) 72-76.

3. The implications of literary references to social condition are complex, hence it is problematic to think of "classes" in medieval society. The term "class" is used hereafter for its convenience, but with the caveat that its sense differs from its modern use, since the term ordo of the sources referred to functions rather than fixed and uniform social estates. "Estate" is probably a good rendering for the Latin ordo in its broadest acceptation: cf. H. Fuhrmann (1986): 177. J. Flori (1983; 1986), a student of Duby and, indirectly, of Génicot, while reiterating Génicot's warnings that generalizations are difficult because social situations varied greatly from region to region, denies that the state of knight was recognized at all before the year 1000. See, for example, Flori (1986): 3 and passim for numerous citations of uses of the term around the year 1000 with varying connotations sometimes implying noble status. On the question of chivalry and knighthood see F. Cardini's (1982) bibliographic study. Bumke (esp. 1964, and chap. 7 added to 2d ed. 1977, "On the State of Research into Knighthood" in 1982 trans. 124-161) insists on-necessary distinctions and on the non-existence of a knightly "class" as such. He points out approvingly (1982: 140) that in Fleckenstein (1972) the term Ritterstand does not even appear. Linda Paterson, Forum for Modern Language Studies 17 (1981): 126, resumes Flori's argument thus: "before 1180 a knight in the eyes of French epic poets and their audiences is not a member of some 'order of chivalry' or homogeneous social class, but a professional horseback warrior with special equipment." Hence, when it appeared—through literary and cultural impact rather than social change—the chivalric ideology had a novel significance. Compare G. Duby, The Three Orders (1980) 294: "Thanks to the vocabulary of the charters, we can fix two chronological markers in a very fluid evolution: beginning in 1025, the word miles slowly came into usage to distinguish the members of one social group from other men (whereas in German-speaking Lorraine this term penetrated only after 1170 and really became established only after 1200). After 1175 the title miles regularly preceded the patronymic of all knights and was connected, as a rule, with the title dominus, 'messire.'" See M. Keen (1984), chap. 8 "The Idea of Nobility," especially p. 148, on the problematic character of the aristocratic status in the later Middle Ages.

4. For recent contributions to a still wanting history of the practice of dubbing see M. Keen (1984) chap. 4, "The Ceremony of Dubbing to Knighthood," 64-82, and the more extended J. Flori (1986), especially 319-329, together with Flori's previous "Les origines de l'adoubement chevaleresque. Étude des remises d'armes dans les chroniques et annales latines du IX ^e au XIII ^e siècle," Traditio 35 (1979): 209-272.

Liturgical acts and symbolism varied greatly and their practice is still largely unclear. For the German area see an expert discussion of the social implications of dubbing in J. Bumke (1964) chap. 5, especially 83-96, with rich bibliographic references. Pierre Bonnassie, La Catalogue du milieu du X ^e à la fin du XI ^e siècle: croissance et mutation d'une société (1975) 31, 805-807, 875, assumed, perhaps too hastily, that such ceremonies existed in Catalonia from the end of the eleventh century. A significant early figuration of the ceremony is in section 21 of the celebrated Bayeux tapestry (see figures 1-2): Edward the Confessor of England had purportedly sent Harold Godwinson, son of the earl of the West Saxons, to William of Normandy with the message that William would be Edward's successor. To impress on Harold, a powerful pretender to the throne, the symbolic meaning of being invested as a liegeman to his new lord William, the latter dubbed him knight—an investiture act not yet current in England—and exacted from him a solemn oath of fealty. When at Edward's death two years later Harold succeeded to the throne, William invaded England and killed Harold at Hastings. The inscription over the figures in the tapestry reads: "Hic Willelmus dedit Haroldo arma."

An example of the elaborate nature of the ceremony, once it became established, was the great court festival at Mainz in 1184 for the initiation of Barbarossa's sons. The Hennegau Chronicle (Chronica Hanonia) of Gislebert de Mons reports that seventy thousand milites assembled for the occasion, including noblemen and ministeriales (Bumke 1982: 142). See an extended study of that festival and another one held in 1188, again at Mainz, in J. Fleckenstein (1972): Barbarossa's imperial court "had adopted chivalric norms for itself" (1029), and Fleckenstein relates this phenomenon to French cultural impulses by tracing it back to Barbarossa's having held court at Besançon in Burgundy in 1157 (1040-1041). Dubbing might or might not confer aristocratic status. Barbarossa had also been dubbed knight, and he derived from his family a habit of chivalrous ceremonials: the first recorded chivalric tournament was held in Würzburg in 1137 by Dukes Frederick and Konrad of Swabia, Barbarossa's father and uncle (Otto of Freising, Gesta Frederici 1.27). See J. Bumke (1982): 93 f., 143.

5. Like the decisive oath by the senior to defend the vassal, the practice of immixtio manuum is known in Italy, too, but some historians consider it ended by the middle of the tenth century within the Italic Kingdom: see Storia d'Italia, eds. Romano and Vivanti, 5.1: 263, 277.

6. B. D. Lyon (1957), especially 243 on fief-rentes as new forms of enfeoffment by annual money grants rather than land grants.

7. G. Duby, The Three Orders 299, with reference to the Cistercian monk Hélinand de Froidmont's On the Correct Princely Conduct, of those years ( Patrologia Latina [henceforth PL ] 212: 743 f.). The type of dubbing that marked the investiture of a knight derived from the ceremonial granting of feudal nobility as part, in turn, of the ritual recognition of authority in the emperor, king, pope, or bishop. The ritual climaxed in the tapping with the sword on the shoulder and girding with the sword belt as symbol of power: see Robert de Blois, Ensoignement des princes, ed. J. H. Fox (1948): 94, ll. 73-78: "Senefie que toz li mons / Doit le chevalier honorer, / Quant Ie voit espee porter / Cinte, que nus ne la çognoit / Jadis, se chevalier n'estoit." (It signifies that the whole world must honor the knight when he is seen carrying the sword at his waist, which no one used to wear without being a knight.) The first detailed description of a dubbing ceremony seems to be the knighting of Geoffrey the Fair of Anjou in 1128 at Rouen on the eve of his marriage to Matilda, the daughter of Henry I of England, as related in [Jean de Marmoutier's] Chroniques des Comtes d'Anjou, eds. Halphen and Poupardin (1913): 179 f. See M. Keen (1984) 64 f. But P. van Luyn, "Les milites dans la France du XI ^e siècle. Examen des sources narratives," Le Moyen Age 77 (1971): 5-51, 193-238, has discovered eleven more cases from the period 1070-1125. Cf. Bumke (1982): 133 f.

8. A good presentation of the matter is in M. Keen (1984): 144 f. As to the cost of horse and armor, see H. Fuhrmann (1986): 177: "in the eighth century a full set of equipment for a cavalryman was equivalent in value to forty-five cows or fifteen mares. In the eleventh century a horse was worth five to ten oxen, and a mail-shirt anything from twenty to a hundred oxen. When in 1100 Count Robert of Flanders undertook to provide 500 knights, it was assumed that each would have three horses, and this seems to have been normal for the Staufer period: one to travel on, one to fight on and one to carry baggage. It has been calculated that an estate would have to be a minimum of 400 acres in order to support a knight who was ready to fight at all times."

9. Duby, Hommes et structures (1973): 347-352.

10. Génicot, L 'économie namuroise (1960). It deserves stressing that for our purpose the specialist's insistence on local peculiarities and circumstances as the only scientific way to understand reality is not completely helpful where general causes should be invoked, since broad historical phenomena do have general causes.

11. Given the state of our knowledge of medieval society, the social status of freedom that plays a striking role in Génicot's researches is still rather unclear. Serfdom meant different things in different areas and different times, and the relationship between serf and master could vary radically. The widest divergences probably obtained between western and eastern parts of Europe, especially Russia, as Suzanne Massie has brilliantly illustrated, perhaps in a somewhat generalized manner, in her celebrated Land of the Firebird (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1980). See J. Flori (1986) 223-230 for a description of different situations as to the status of knights vis-à-vis the nobility in the main regions of France, Flanders, England, and Germany in the twelfth century.

12. Duby, Hommes et structures (1973): 160.

13. Our knowledge of administrative and fiscal practices in Catalonia 1151-1213 is now solidly documented through the archival researches of Thomas N. Bisson, Fiscal Accounts of Catalonia under the Early Count-Kings (1151-1213), 2 vols. (Berkeley, Los Angeles, Oxford: University of California Press, 1984). Ramon Berenguer IV's (Count of Barcelona 1131-1162) first fiscal officer was the able knight Bertran de Castellet. The vicars of royal domains were usually of baronial or knightly class. The bailiffs, operating under temporary tenures of one to three years, could be rich peasants or Jews. The best general historical survey of this geographic area is now T. N. Bisson, The Medieval Crown of Aragon: A Short History (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1986). Pierre Bonnassie's numerous studies are also valuable for this area and southern France.

14. John T. Noonan, Jr., "The Power to Choose," Viator 4 (1973): 419-434; J.-B. Molin and P. Mutembe, Le rituel du mariage en France du XII ^e au XVI ^e siècle (Paris: Beauchesne, 1974); Marie-Odile Métral, Le mariage: les hésitations dans l'Occident (Paris: Aubier, 1977); G. Duby, Le chevalier, la femme et le prêtre: le mariage dans la France féodale (1981); Jean Leclercq, Le mariage vu par les moines au XII ^e siècle (Paris: Cerf, 1983).

15. The policy was meant to counter the feudal thrust toward hereditariness of royal benefices, which resulted in eventual independence for the vassals. "Bishops are given the secular office of count. This appointment of high ecclesiastics without heirs was intended to put a stop to the tendency of functionaries of the central authority to turn into a 'hereditary, landowning aristocracy' with strong desires for independence": N. Elias, Power and Civility (1982): 20. It did not quite work out that way, however, since the count-bishops tended to become just as independent as the secular princes, and could also turn their domains into hereditary ones.

16. See beginning of my chapter 7 on the Italian cathedral schools.

17. Also Fleckenstein, Early Medieval Germany (1978) chaps. 9-13, pp. 131-176, on Otto I's imperial and educational policies. At Magdeburg Anno of St. Maurice founded a famous school on the king's orders, and Würzburg florished under the celebrated scholar Stephen of Novara, called there by Otto I (Fleckenstein 155). Schools started at Cologne in 953 (under Brun), Hildesheim in 954, and Trier in 956.

18. Jaeger (1987): 574 f. For Jaeger (1985: 67-81 and passim) the administration of Archbishop Adalbert of Bremen (1043-1072) and the reforms of Bishop Azelinus at Hildesheim (1044-1054) are clear examples of this activity at its moment of full maturity.

19. The Letters of Gerbert, with his papal privileges as Sylvester II, trans. Harriett (Pratt) Lattin (New York: Columbia University Press, 1961), Letters 153 and 154; see Frova (1973): 65 f. Text in J.-P.-E. Havet, ed., Lettres de Gerbert (983-997) (Paris: Picard, 1889): 173, no. 187: "Nescio quid divinum exprimitur cum homo genere Graecus, imperio Romanus, quasi hereditario iure thesauros sibi Graecae ac Romanae repetit sapientiae." See also ibid.: no. 186 p. 172, and PL: 139 col. 159. Compare A. Roncaglia, "Le corti medievali" in A. Asor Rosa, ed., Letteratura italiana 1 (1982): 82. Gerbert had taught liberal arts at Reims for ten years (972-982) while counselor and secretary to the local bishop, and the chronicle of his pupil Richer, a monk at the monastery of Saint-Rémy in Reims, dedicated twenty-three chapters of book 3 to Gerbert's school, thus making it probably the best documented school of the early Middle Ages (Pierre Riché 1979: 180 f., 358 f.). See Richer de Saint-Rémy, Histoire de France (888-995), ed. Robert Latouche, 2 vols. (Paris: Champion, 1930-1937). Stephen G. Nichols, Jr., Romanesque Signs: Early Medieval Narrative and Iconography (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1983) 1-7, discusses Richer's historiographic method and his relationship to Gerbert. It may not be purely accidental that Richer's manuscript came back to light in 1833 in Germany, in the library of St. Michael's monastery in Bamberg.

20. Havet, ed., Lettres de Gerbert: 145, no. 163.

21. Lauro Martines (1979): 24-26.

22. After 1122 investitures were often made by the local lay princes rather than by the pope or by the emperor, as, for example, in the case of the bishops of Cambrai, who after 1167 were chosen by the counts of Flanders or Hainaut. See Henri Platelle in Louis Trenard, ed., Histoire des Pays-Bas Français (Toulouse: E. Privat, 1972): 88.

23. I quote from the good summary of a complex secular situation in William Shirer, Twentieth Century Journey, A Memoir of a Life and the Times, II: The Nightmare Years, 1930-1940 (Boston: Little, Brown, 1984; New York: Bantam Books, 1985): 155 f. Shirer tries to explain the ineffectiveness of the Protestant churches' resistance to Hitler in the years 1934-1938 and the role of Pastor Martin Niemöller, who had been a conservative, anti-Weimar, proHitler patriot but ended up in Sachsenhausen and Dachau for seven years until the liberation.

24. After all, the pagan ethic of the Germanic warrior did not exhaust its appeal in the Middle Ages; it remained operative in limited but significant ways both under and on the surface of European culture, and not only in Germany. It could even be brought back brutally and quite specifically in a religious context in our century, when the official Nazi ideologue Alfred Rosenberg, as "Führer's Delegate for the Entire Intellectual and Philosophical Education and Instruction for the National Socialist Party," brazenly proclaimed the little-known Thirty Articles for the new "National Reich Church," which included: "5. The National Church is determined to exterminate irrevocably  . . . the strange and foreign Christian faiths imported into Germany in the ill-omened year 800; . . . 19. On the altars there must be nothing but Mein Kampf (to the German nation and therefore to God the most sacred book) and to the left of the altar a sword." Articles 18 and 30 prescribed the banning of all crosses and Bibles from all churches. See W. Shirer, Twentieth Century Journey (1985): 157. The Nazi connection with the ethics of the medieval sagas was not limited to enthusiasm for Wagnerian opera.

25. J. Bumke, Ministerialität und Ritterdichtung (1976). M. Keen (1984): 34-37 gives an up-to-date survey of the German situation.

26. J. Flori (1986): 27 f., 264 for an evaluation of these German historians' researches. On the basis of the emergence at court of the new classes of ministeriales and burghers, Horst Fuhrmann (1986 Engl. trans.) ranges over the cultural, political, economic, and social transformations occurring between 1050-1200 in Germany, contrasting them with contemporary developments in France, England, and Italy.

27. "Aus den Reitersoldaten ist das Rittertum nicht entstanden." Bumke (1964: 59; 1982: 44), citing Otto Frh. von Dungern, Der Herrenstand im Mittelalter. Eine sozialpolitische und rechtsgeschichtliche Untersuchung 1 (Papiermühie: A.-S., Gebr. Vogt, 1908): 342.

28. J. Bumke (1964), chap. 3 "Der Ritter als Soldat," 35-59; (1982) especially 36-44. Bumke's evidence is largely made of German sources.

29. See, for example, P. Contamine (1980) on the way technological changes in methods of warfare affected the role of the knight.

30. "Abelestrier et meneour / et perrier et engeneor / seront de or avant plus chers." La Bible vv. 183-185, in Oeuvres de Guiot de Provins, ed. John Orr (Manchester: Publications de l'Université de Manchester, 1915; Genève: Slatkine Reprints, 1974). See Flori (1986): 335 f.

31. Köhler, Mancini ed. (1976): 18.

32. For a pithy, authoritative treatment see Duby, "Les laïcs et la paix de Dieu," Hommes et structures: 227-240 on the growing literature concerning this difficult question.

33. Tony Hunt in Forum for Modern Language Studies (1981): 97.

34. Vita Sancti Geraldi. Cf. C. Erdmann (1935): 78 f.; E. Köhler, Mancini ed. (1976): 98; and B. H. Rosenwein and L. K. Little, "Social Meaning in the Monastic and Mendicant Spiritualities," Past and Present 63 (1974): 4-32. See St. Odo of Cluny; being the Life of St. Odo of Cluny by John of Salerno, and the Life of St. Gerald of Aurillac by St. Odo, ed. and trans. Gerard Sitwell (London-New York: Sheed & Ward, 1958).

35. St. Bernard, Ad milites Templi de laude novae militiae in S. Bernardi Opera, eds. Jean Leclerq, C. H. Talbot, and H. M. Rochais, vol. 3 (1963): 207-239; also, with the title De laude novae militiae, in PL 182: 921 ft. Bernard lent a powerful impulse to the development of the Templars, whom he considered true Christian knights as compared to the militia saecularis, the purely worldly military service of ancient origin that was now to be condemned. See, in that text, his bitterly contrastive portrait of the "malicious" secular knight, all concerned with his attractive physical appearance, versus the Templar, shaven of his hair and bearded, looking like an ascetic man of God. Cf. F. Cardini, "Il guerriero e il cavaliere" (1987): 98.

Nobles who entered a monastery, as they often did for atonement in their advanced age, could occasionally be accepted as true monks and called milites Christi, a title they deserved as personae generosae. This was the case with the fierce warrior lord and leading troubadour Bertran de Born, who before 1196 entered the Cistercian monastery he and his family had generously endowed in the course of their stormy careers. Other laymen entering the religious life would not become Cistercian monks and would simply be called nobiles laici. Cf. William D. Paden et al., eds., The Poems of the Troubadour Bertran de Born (Berkeley, Los Angeles, London: University of California Press, 1986): 25, with the apt comment that the term generosus evoked both noble birth and generous beneficence toward the Church.

36. Duby, Hommes et structures: 339 f.

37. Duby, Guerriers et paysans (1973); Terra e nobiltà nel Medioevo (1971). Also, J. Fleckenstein, Early Medieval Germany (1978), chaps. 3 and 7 on "The Economic Basis" and "The Rise and Diffusion of Feudalism."

38. There are analogous phenomena through history, and the extreme case of the Mafia in Bourbonic southern Italy may come to mind as groups that tried to fill the vacuum of a weak and irresponsible central government by taking justice into their own hands.

39. Duby, Guerriers et paysans (1973): 190. See M. Keen (1984), chap. 12 "Chivalry and War," 219-237, on the general question of the ambivalent role of the warrior-knight, both supporter of legitimate authority on ideal grounds, and self-seeking, lawless pursuer of private gain. On a practical level, the ruthlessly destructive violence of mercenary soldiers was often hardly distinguishable from the behavior of the most admired heroes of chivalry. Cf. Honoré Bonet (fl. 1378-1398), L'arbre des batailles (ca. 1382-1387), ed. Ernest Nys (Bruxelles: C. Muquardt, New York: Trübner, 1883), translated as The Tree of Battles, ed. and trans. G. W. Coopland (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press; Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1949): 189: "the man who does not know how to set places on fire, to rob churches and usurp their rights and to imprison the priests, is not fit to carry on war." See M. Keen: 233, and M. H. Keen, The Laws of War in the Late Middle Ages (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1965), chap. 2. Bonet was also translated in 1456 by Sir Gilbert Hay or "of the Haye" as The Buke of the Law of Armys. See this text in vol. 1 of Gilbert of the Haye's Prose Manuscript ( A.D. 1456 ), ed. J. H. Stevenson, 2 vols. (Edinburgh, London: W. Blackwood for the Saxon Texts Society, 1901-1904). Volume 2 of this edition includes Sir Gilbert's The Buke of Knychhede, a translation from the French of Ramón Llull's manual already published as The Buke of the Order of Knychthood, translated from the French by Sir Gilbert Hay, Knight, from the MS. in the library at Abbotsford (Edinburgh, 1847), and the same author's The Buke of the Governaunce of Princis, a translation of a French version of the Liber de secretis secretorum.

40. For example, Maurice Keen, The Outlaws of Medieval Legend (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1961).

41. Jaeger quotes both Duby and Köhler approvingly, even though his interpretations do not quite accord with theirs. Both Duby and Köhler aim to interpret the courtly ideology as a function of the social and mental structures of the feudal society; Jaeger's point is that courtesy does not evolve naturally and spontaneously inside the feudal class: it is imposed on it, as it were, from the outside, by the clerical class as part of its educational mission. For him it was a particular clerical ideology that produced chivalry, not feudalism by itself.

42. See a not too frequent example of this recognition in Hommes et structures: 346: "au plan des attitudes mentales," that "valorisation de la figure exemplaire du chevalier" performed by the literature of Arthurian romance and courtly love may have contributed to the merger of the rank of knight with that of high nobleman. Martín de Riquer (1970) is a good example of the conditioning force of literature.

43. Michel Stanesco, "Le dernier âge de la chevalerie," in T. Klaniczay et al., eds., L'époque de la Renaissance (1988): 405-419 at 405, with references to Huizinga.

44. Enguerrand de Monstrelet, Chroniques, ed. Douet d'Arcq, 6 vols. (Paris: Société de l'Histoire de France, 1857-1862) 1: 43 ff., 4: 219. See J. Huizinga, The Waning of the Middle Ages (1924; Eng. ed. London, 1927; New York: Doubleday, 1954), chap. 7; Jean Miquet, "Les épopées chevaleresques en prose," in T. Klaniczay et al., eds. (1988): 420-431 at 429. In 1528 it was Francis I who started the private quarrel with Charles V, and Charles asked "the best knight in the world," Baldassar Castiglione, to draw up the riposte. Castiglione, then a papal nuncio, declined the honor, diplomatically alleging that it did not suit a man of the Church to take part in affairs that could end in bloodshed.

45. Ludwig Schmugge, "Ministerialität und Bürgertum in Reims. Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der Stadt im 12. und 13. Jahrhundert," Francia 2 (1974): 152-212, against the thesis that ministerials were a uniquely German phenomenon. J. Bumke, Ministerialität (1976), limits the ministerials' quantitative role within the courtly literature audience.

46. Köhler, Mancini ed.: 237 f.

47. "Si tuit li dol e.l plor e.l marrimen," no. 80.41 in A. Pillet and H. Carstens, Bibliographie der Troubadours (1968) [hereafter P.-C.]; ed. C. Appel (Halle, 1932): no. 43, ll. 9-11. See Köhler, Mancini ed.: 241. The attribution of this famous planh on Henry the Young to Bertran de Born has been contested: it is not included in the recent edition by William D. Paden, Jr., et al. (1986), which does include the other planh on Henry the Young "Mon chan fenis" (P.-C.: 80.26).

48. Köhler, Mancini ed.: 242.

49. Duby, Hommes et structures (1973): 214: "entre l'adoubement et la paternité."

50. J. Bumke (1964): 93.

51. Duby, "Les 'jeunes' dans la société aristocratique dans la France du Nord-Ouest au XII ^e siècle," Annales 19 (1964): 835-846 at 838, rpt. in Hommes et structures (1973): 213-225 at 216.

52. Besides Duby's studies see, especially, Köhler's "Sens et fonction du terme 'jeunesse' dans la poésie des troubadours," Mélanges R. Croiset (Poitiers: Éditions du CESCM, 1966): 569 ff.; Mancini ed.: 233-256.

53. A precious portrait of an Italian condottiero being presented as a model knight is the detailed story of the Milanese condottiero Galeazzo of Mantua in the long allegorical Le Chevalier errant that the Marquis Thomas III of Saluzzo composed in 1394/1395 during his captivity under the Count of Savoy. The text is in the still unpublished, splendidly miniatured Manuscript B.N. Fr. 12559. See M. Keen (1984): 18 f., with color plates nos. 28, 29. It was studied by Egidio Gorra, Studi di critica letteraria (Bologna, 1892): 3-110 and partly summarized in Thomas F. Crane (1920): 45 f. Gorra opined that it was probably composed in Paris around 1403-1404.

54. Duby, Hommes et structures (1973): 223: "une meute lâchée par les maisons nobles pour soulager le trop plein de leur puissance expansive, à la conquête de la gloire, du profit, et de proies féminines."

55. Cf. Bakhtin, Rabelais and His World, trans. Hélène Iswolsky (Cambridge, MA: M.I.T. Press, 1988; Russian original Tvorchestvo Fransua Rable, 1965): Introduction.

56. Duby, "Les origines de la chevalerie," Hommes et structures: 325-341.

57. On all this see Duby, "Situation de la noblesse en France au début du XIII ^e siècle," Hommes et structures: 343-352. The dating of Lambert's work was challenged and pushed forward into the fourteenth century by W. Erben (1922), whose opinion still finds some supporters despite an authoritative refutation by F. L. Ganshof (1925): cf. Flori (1986): 14. J. Bumke (1982: 126-132) agrees with Duby's conclusions and finds that independent German research has confirmed them despite the differences in the social conditions and chronological terms.

58. J. Flori (1986): 32 warns that there is also evidence to the effect that part of the nobility, for instance in Picardy, refused this identification, and that the assimilation between nobility and knightly class was no clear-cut matter before 1269. The evidence he has gathered, Flori (1986, passim) reiterates, supports the conclusion that chivalry did not really come of age before the twelfth century, which was also the age of its full flowering.

59. G. Duby, The Three Orders (1980): 295.

60. Theodore Evergates, "The Aristocracy of Champagne in the Mid-Thirteenth Century: A Quantitative Description," Journal of Interdisciplinary History 5 (1974): 1-18; idem, Feudal Society in the Bailliage of Troyes under the Counts of Champagne, 1152-1284 (Baltimore, London: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1975).

61. For example, Anthony Richard Wagner, Heralds and Heraldry in the Middle Ages (London: Oxford University Press, 1956); Rodney Dennys, The Heraldic Imagination (London: Barrie and Jenkins, 1975); and M. Keen (1984), chap. 7 "Heraldry and Heralds," 125-142.

62. Text and French translation in Henri Waquet ed. (1964). See J. Flori (1986): 274-277 on Suger.

63. Köhler, Mancini ed.: 152 f.

64. Listing his prerogatives over one of his twenty-four castles, the bishop of Vicenza declared himself "rex, dux et comes," recognizing no lord above himself but the emperor: "nullum dominum, neque parem nec socium nec consortem praeter imperatorem." Storia d'Italia, eds. Romano and Vivanti: 5.1: 290.

65. L. Martines (1979): 8 and 13.

66. L. Martines (1979): 50 f. For an authoritative recent analysis of sociopolitical structures in the Italian city states see Giovanni Tabacco, The Struggle for Power in Medieval Italy [1979], trans. Rosalind Brown Jensen (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990).

67. M. Keen (1984): 38-41 for a strongly critical stance against the common view of a bourgeois patriciate as the effective ruling class in medieval northern and central Italy.

68. Donald E. Queller, The Venetian Patriciate: Reality versus Myth (Urbana, Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1968); Margaret L. King, Venetian Humanism in an Age of Patrician Dominance (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1986).

69. Published Rome: Antonio Blado, 1540. See D. Giannotti, Opere politiche, ed. Furio Diaz, 2 vols. (Milano: Marzorati, 1974): 1: 29-151.

70. Published posthumously in Paris, 1543, and read mostly in Ludovico Domenichi's translation (Venice, 1544).

71. On these texts by Giannotti, Contarini, and A. Piccolomini see C. Donati, L'idea di nobiltà in Italia (1988): 56-58, 60-62.

72. L. Martines (1979), especially chap. 3, for an up-to-date survey of recent findings concerning the complex social structure of Italian communes.

73. To put these figures into perspective, at the fateful battle of Bouvines (1214), a turning point in the fortunes of the French monarchy, Philip II Augustus of France victoriously confronted the assembled forces of the German emperor, the counts of Flanders and Boulogne, and the king of England with a feudal host of no more than thirteen hundred knights (plus eight hundred kept on the side for the southern defense), "summoned from Philip's entire feudal resources at the most critical moment of his reign." The allied army facing him is estimated to have counted thirteen to fifteen hundred knights. See John W. Baldwin, The Government of Philip Augustus: Foundations of French Royal Power in the Middle Ages (Berkeley, Los Angeles, London: University of California Press, 1986): 285 f. The total number of knights in England is estimated at circa six thousand at the time of the Domesday Book, and for several reasons that number declined from the end of the eleventh century, so that by 1258 there were no more than three thousand actual knights and potential knights, that is, landowners of knightly state, and only some 1,250 actual knights, including earls and barons. It is believed that at that time the king of England could not field an army of more than five hundred knights. See N. Denholm-Young, "Feudal Society in the Thirteenth Century: The Knights," History 29 (1944): 107-119; R. F. Treharne, "The Knights in the Period of Reform and Rebellion, 1268-67," Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research 21 (London: University: Institute of Historical Research, 1946): 1-12; and Tony Hunt in Forum for Modern Language Studies (1981): 104. For such statistical conclusions it is usually assumed that knighthood cannot be sharply separated from horsemounted and heavy-armed men at arms of the mercenary kind.

74. Cronica 7.120, cited by Daniel P. Waley, The Italian City-Republics (London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1969): 222, 228. See D. Waley, "The Army of the Florentine Republic from the Twelfth to the Fourteenth Century," in Nicolai Rubinstein, ed., Florentine Studies: Politics and Society in Renaissance Florence (Evanston: Northwestern University Press, 1968): 93.

75. For example, L. Martines (1979): 51-55. See Sergio Bertelli, Il potere oligarchico nello stato-città medievale (Firenze: La Nuova Italia, 1978); idem, I ceti dirigenti nella Toscana del Quattrocento (Firenze: Papafava, 1987).

76. Daniel P. Waley, The Italian City-Republics (1969), chap. 3, "Government."

77. Poem 7, stanza 3: see Köhler, "Reichtum und Freigebigkeit," Trobadorlyrik (1962), Mancini ed.: 54.

78. The emulation of the ways of the nobility was more than psychological. The popularly "elected" communal lords in the age of the rising signories were usually of noble origin, and their governing councils naturally attracted the neighboring nobility also because they acted like noble courts: "le casate minori  . . . avevano finito con il gravitare intorno alla corte dei signori cittadini, che  . . . erano tutti più o meno di origine feudale, e disposti a configurare le loro corti ed il loro modo di vivere su quello delle classi e delle corti feudali, cui una lunga tradizione  . . . conferiva il carattere di 'modello.'" Storia d'Italia, eds. Romano and Vivanti, 5.1: 293. On the relationship between signori and the nobility, see Ernesto Sestan, Italia medievale (Napoli: Edizioni Scientifiche Italiane, 1968), "Le origini delle signorie cittadine: Un problema storico esaurito?" 209 ff.

79. L. Martines (1979): 97-102.

80. See Christian Bec, "Lo statuto socio-professionale degli scrittori (Trecento e Cinquecento)," in A. Asor Rosa, ed., Letteratura Italiana 2 (1983): 228-267; and idem, "I mercanti scrittori," ibid.: 269-297 on the merchant writers especially within the communes and then the signories.

81. A productive scholar issuing from the school of Buoncompagno da Signa, Rolandino was also an important regional chronicler: see my chapter 10 with note 55 on his Chronicle.

82. Riquer (1970): 236-251, 251-258, 259-268 on these three episodes.

83. Above all, Garrett Mattingly, Renaissance Diplomacy (1955; 1970).

84. N. Elias, The Court Society: 158 f. Elias reiterates the above facts in the wake of the still relevant research of the French historian Henri Lemonnier: Charles VIII, Louis XII, François I ^er et les guerres d'Italie (Paris, 1903; rpt. ibid.: Tallandier, 1982).

85. For a detailed analysis of the Italian scene in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries see Francesco Cognasso, L'Italia nel Rinascimento (Torino: Unione Tipografica Editrice Torinese [UTET], 1965), especially part 3, pp. 459-698 on Italian society.

86. On the social situation in the Byzantine empire in those centuries see Speros Vryonis, Jr., The Decline of Medieval Hellenism in Asia Minor and the Process of Islamization from the Eleventh through the fifteenth Century (Berkeley, Los Angeles, London: University of California Press, 1971; 1986): 70-80.

87. Vryonis 76: "The single most fateful development leading to the defeat of Byzantium in Anatolia was, then, this vicious contest for political power between the bureaucrats and the generals, consuming as it did all the energies of the state in a destructive manner at a time when the external pressures were becoming dangerous."

88. Vryonis: 78.

89. See Takeshi Takagi (1879-1944), A Comparison of bushi-do and Chivalry (Tòzai bushidò no hikaku [1914]), trans. Tsuneyoshi Matsuno (Osaka, Japan: TM International Academy, 1984).

1. " . . .ipsa scola, quae interpretatur disciplina, id est correctio, dicitur quae alios habitu, incessu, verbo et actu atque totius bonitatis continentia corrigat." Hincmar, Epist. syn. Karisiac. 12, Monumenta Germaniae Historica [hereafter MGH ], Leges 2, Capit. 2, p. 436, ll. 2-6, cited by Jaeger (1987): 609. For a magisterial presentation on medieval courts, especially in Italy, see Aurelio Roncaglia, "Le corti medievali," in A. Asor Rosa, ed., Letteratura italiana 1 (1982): 33-147.

2. But on Ottonian government see, notably, Karl J. Leyser, Rule and Conflict in an Early Medieval Society: Ottonian Saxony (1979; 1989), and idem, "Ottonian Government," English Historical Review 96 (1981): 722-753.

3. For a fuller appreciation of medieval humanism Jaeger brings forward, for example, Erdmann's rich surveys and editions of letters from the period of Henry IV, remarking (119) that a study of "the motifs of these letters as forerunners of the main themes at the French humanist schools in the earlier twelfth century is still to be written. It is a rich topic." See Carl Erdmann, Studien zur Briefliteratur Deutschlands im 11. Jahrhundert, MGH, Schriften 1 (Leipzig: Hiersemann, 1938); C. Erdmann and N. Fickermann, eds., Briefsammlungen der Zeit Heinrichs IV, MGH, Briefe der deutschen Kaiserzeit 5 (Weimar: Böhlau, 1950).

4. Jaeger (1987): 587. See Margaret T. Gibson, "The artes in the Eleventh Century," in Arts libéraux et philosophie au moyen âge. Actes du 4 ^e Congrès international de philosophie médiévale, Montréal, Institut d'études médiévales, 1967 (Paris: Librairie philosophique J. Vrin, 1969 [c1968]): 121-126; idem, "The Continuity of Learning circa 850—circa 1050," Viator 6 (1975): 1-13.

5. Fleckenstein, Early Medieval Germany (1978): 154 f.

6. Similarly, while investigating this ideal of a harmoniously literate and moral education in the teaching of the fifteenth- and sixteenth-century humanists, A. Grafton and L. Jardine (1986) have found that it was effected by "lived emulation of a teacher who projects the cultural ideal above and beyond the drilling he provides in curriculum subjects" (27, with specific reference to Guarino Veronese). This was achieved, these historians claim, despite the absence of an explicit moral content in a curriculum that insisted chiefly on careful, philologically correct reading of classical authors.

7. Vita Angelrani 3 in PL 141: 1406a. Jaeger (1987): 586, note 62.

8. Jaeger (1987): 581 f., quoting from Ioannis Saresberiensis episcopi Carnotensis Metalogicon, ed. Clemens Webb (1929), 1, Prol., p. 4, and 1.24, p. 55: "Illa autem que ceteris philosophie partibus preminet, Ethicam dico, sine qua nec philosophi subsistit nomen, collati decoris gratia omnes alias antecedit"; and from Onulf of Speyer, Colores rhetorici (1071-1076), ed. W. Wattenbach, Sitzungsberichte der Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften (1894) 361-386 at 369: " . . . arti rhetoricae: morum elegantiam, compositionem habitus, vitae dignitatem amplectere," which Jaeger translates as "elegant manners, composed bearing, and dignity of conduct," given as goals of rhetorical instruction.

9. The exemplary text is De sui ipsius et multorum ignorantia 4: see F. Petrarca, Opere latine, ed. Antonietta Bufano, 2 vols. (Torino: UTET, 1975) 2: 1106-1108. See Jerome Taylor, " Fraunceys Petrak and the Logyk of Chaucer's Clerk," in A. Scaglione, ed., Francis Petrarch, Six Centuries Later: A Symposium (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Department of Romance Languages; Chicago: Newberry Library, 1975): 364-383 at 372-374.

10. "Onde i buon pedagoghi non solamente insegnano lettere ai fanciulli, ma ancora boni modi ed onesti nel mangiare, bere, parlare, andare, con certi gesti accommodati." Cortegiano 4.12, trans. Singleton 297; see Jaeger: 231. John W. Baldwin, "Masters at Paris from 1179 to 1215: A Social Perspective," in Robert L. Benson and Giles Constable, eds., Renaissance and Renewal (Cambridge: Harvard University Press; Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1982; 1985): 151-158 shows the linkage between advanced education and the attainment of governmental and ecclesiastical high careers around 1200.

11. Jaeger: chap. 8, "The Language of Courtesy," 127-175.

12. N. Elias, Power and civility (1982): 258-270, "The Courtization of Warriors" (" Die Verhöflichung der Krieger" ). For the German area, see J. Bumke, Knighthood in the Middle Ages (1982): 156 on the study of rulers' ethic; the texts edited by W. Berges; and the studies by K. Bosl, G. H. Hagspiel, U. Hoffmann, E. Kleinschmidt, H. Kloft, W. Störmer, and H. Wolfram in my References.

13. See Andreae Capellani Regii Francorum De amore libri tres, ed. E. Trojel (Copenhagen: Gad, 1892; rpt. Munich: 1972); Andreas Capellanus, The Art of Courtly Love, trans. John Jay Parry (New York: Columbia University Press, 1941; Frederick Ungar, 1957; Norton, 1969): 159-162, 241, 285 f.

14. Jaeger: 153 f., 160, and 147-149.

15. "A letter of the authors expounding his whole intention in the course of this worke" in The Works of Edmund Spenser: A Variorum Edition, eds. Edwin Greenlaw et al. (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1932-1957). See, on the broad historical context of this famous passage, S. Greenblatt (1980): "To Fashion a Gentleman: Spenser and the Destruction of the Bower of Bliss," 157-192.

16. See word frequency count and semantic history in Jaeger: 129-133. The lack of a true Provençal or Old French equivalent for the given acceptation of Medieval Latin disciplina, Middle High German zuht, and Middle English discipline points to the German origin of this central notion for the code of courtesy (Jaeger: 132). It will help to clarify the exact import of zuht, a very common term in Middle High German literature, if we bear in mind that its modern form, Zucht, still carries the complex and variable meaning of good breeding, including both education and good family origin, culture, discipline, honesty, chastity, and modesty, while its old antithesis unzuht, unzucht, meant lasciviousness and lechery.

17. On the "twilight of the Gods" climate of the late cycles down to Sir Thomas Malory's (d. 1471) Le Morte Darthur (or d'Arthur ) see, for example, Eugene Vinaver, The Rise of Romance (1984).

18. I quote from Testard's edition of De officiis as Les devoirs (1965), where, interestingly enough, this comitas is translated with "courtoisie."

19. "Sequitur ut de una reliqua parte honestatis dicendum sit, in qua uerecundia et quasi quidam ornatus uitae, temperantia et modestia omnisque sedatio perturbationum animi et rerum modus cernitur. Hoc loco continetur id quod dici latine decorum potest, graece enim prepon dicitur decorum. Huius uis ea est ut ab honesto non queat separari; nam et quod decet honestum est, et quod honestum est decet . . . . Similis est ratio fortitudinis. Quod enim uiriliter animoque magno fit, id dignum uiro et decorum uidetur, quod contra, id ut turpe, sic indecorum."

"Quocirca poetae in magna uarietate personarum, etiam uitiosis quid conueniat et quid deceat, uidebunt, nobis autem cum a natura constantiae, moderationis, temperantiae, uerecundiae partes datae sint cumque eadem natura doceat non neglegere quemadmodum nos aduersus homines geramus, efficitur ut et illud quod ad omnem honestatem pertinet, decorum quam late fusum sit, appareat et hoc quod spectatur in uno quoque genere uirtutis."

"Omnes participes sumus rationis praestantiaeque eius qua antecellimus bestiis, a qua omne honestum decorumque trahitur et ex qua ratio inueniendi officii exquiritur." (Translations in the text are mine.)

20. Jaeger (1987): 592-598, with supporting quotations from Richard W. Southern, Medieval Humanism and Other Essays (New York: Harper & Row, 1970), and Beryl Smalley, The Becket Conflict and the Schools: A Study of Intellectuals and Politics (Totowa, N.J.: Rowman & Littlefield; Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1973).

21. MGH, Scriptores [hereafter MGH, SS] 20: 562, 11. 9 f., cited by Jaeger (1987): 593, note 90.

22. Discussing Edward Pechter, "The New Historicism and Its Discontents: Politicizing Renaissance Drama" ( PMLA 102, 1987: 292-303), Ben Ross Schneider, Jr. (Letter to the Editor, PMLA 103, 1988: "Forum," 60 f.) recalls Karl Marx's somewhat nostalgic denunciation of the capitalistic bourgeoisie of the Renaissance for sweeping away feudal and patriarchal family ties, religious and chivalric idealism, and respect toward "natural superiors" and timehonored occupations, while it replaced them inexorably with the cold monetary rewards and the irresponsible freedoms of free trade ( Communist Manifesto, Chicago: Regnery, 1954: 12 f.). Renaissance texts, Schneider contends, must be interpreted by understanding the ideology of the ruling class that they rationalized. He suggests that "this ideology is to be found very close to home, in the European idea of a gentleman, so much admired by Conrad, Hemingway, and Faulkner," claiming that this ideology "originates in the Christian doctrine of self-sacrifice melded with the ancient concept of honor." One crucial text that both old and new historicists have neglected, Schneider adds, is Cicero's De officiis, "the most important moral authority of the period, well known to every schoolchild," whereas, according to Schneider, "they prefer to fix on such details as the apparently self-serving aspects of Castiglione's sprezzatura, while ignoring the thrust of his book as a whole . . . . The task of assembling the ideology of the ruling class in the Renaissance is still before us," concludes Schneider.

23. On the use of Cicero within the perspective of "civic humanism" see Baron, "Cicero and the Roman Civic Spirit" (1938).

24. The motif, Jaeger (237) reminds us, had a long life in European literature: even Stendhal's Fabrizio del Dongo serves the Prince of Parma precisely with the intent of obtaining a bishopric.

25. R. E. Latham, ed., Dictionary of Medieval Latin (London: Oxford University Press, 1975-[Letter C 1981, Letter D 1986]), gives as basic meanings for curialitas: "a) courtliness, refinement, sophistication; b) courtesy, favor, (act of) graciousness; c) gratuity, free gift"; and for curialis: "municipal official (Isidore, Etymologiae: 9.4.24), courtier of royal or magnate's court, subordinate."

26. Weitere Brief e Meinhards no. 1 in C. Erdmann, ed.: Briefsammlungen der Zeit Henrichs IV (1950): 193. See Jaeger (1987): 598, with more texts.

27. Jaeger (1987): 596 f., with texts and examples. Hugh's text is from De institutione novitiorum, PL 176: 925-952 at 935B-D: "disciplina  . . . est membrorum omnium motus ordinatus et dispositio decens in omni habitu et actione, . . . frenum lasciviae, elationis jugum, vinculum iracundiae, quae domat intemperantiam  . . . et omnes inordinatos motus mentis atque illicitos appetitos suffocat. Sicut enim de inconstantia mentis nascitur inordinata motio corporis, ita quoque dum corpus per disciplinam stringitur, animus ad constantiam solidatur." The term disciplina looms large in Hugh's text: chaps. 10 through 21 deal with "disciplina in actu et in gestu, in loquendo, in mensa, in cibo."

28. "In quo ergo animae decor? An forte in eo quod honestum dicitur?  . . . Cum autem decoris huius claritas abundantius intima cordis repleverit, prodeat foras necesse est  . . . pulchritudo animae palam erit." Sermo super Canticum 85: 10-11, in Sancti Bernardi Opera, eds. Jean Leclerq and H. M. Rochais (1957-1977): 2; (1958): 314; quoted by Jaeger (1987): 599.

29. Jaeger: 128 f., 136. Herbord's text is now in the Warsaw edition by Wikarjak and Liman (1974).

30. In the Middle Ages the basic text for all this was, once again, Cicero's De officiis (Jaeger 103-116), but the opposition urbanus/rusticus, underlying the distinction between the literate and the illiterate registers of speakers of Latin, was a constant of ancient culture. Even in Rome it went back to archaic times: Quintilian, Institutio oratoria 6.3.105, relates Cato's definition of homo urbanus as the one who speaks correctly, aptly, and wittily— facetus and lepidus, to use Plautus's adjectives. See Eugène de Saint-Denis, "Évolution sémantique de urbanus-urbanitas," Latomus 3 (1939): 5-24, and Edwin S. Ramage, Urbanitas: Ancient Sophistication and Refinement (Norman, OK: University of Oklahoma Press, 1973). For the broad sociological implications, see, for example, Richard Sennett, The Fall of Public Man (New York: Vintage Books, c1976, 1978).

31. Joannis Lemovicensis abbatis de Zirc 1208-1218 Opera omnia (1932): 1: 71-126. Johannes, abbot of a Cistercian monastery at Zirc in Hungary for a time, addressed his work to Count Theobald IV of Champagne. For Jaeger (91-95) this impressive text, which "deserves a new critical edition and a serious and informed commentary," has been regularly misunderstood by historians and critics.

32. Jaeger: 55; see Damiani's text in PL: 145: 463-472.

33. Flori (1986): 158 f. Flori's whole chapter 15 "Critiques de la chevalerie," 331-338, goes over the abundant literature inspired by the spirit of ecclesiastical and social reform.

34. See this in Thomas Wright, ed., The Anglo-Latin Satirical Poets and Epigrammatists of the Twelfth Century (London: Longman, 1872).

35. Jaeger: 58 and note 279.

36. John of Salisbury's Policraticus contains two chapters on the definition of civilitas (book 8, chaps. 10-11; Webb ed.: 2: 284-306). See, also, Policraticus 1.4 against courtly culture, specifically the practice of hunting, as aesthetically attractive but little more than an expression of frivolity and vanity (Webb: 1:21-35).

37. Aeneae Silvii de curialium miseriis epistola (1928). Peter of Blois's text is his epistle 14, PL: 207: 42-51. See, also, the "Dialogus inter dehortantem a curia et curialem," st. 7, in Peter Dronke, "Peter of Blois and Poetry at the Court of Henry II," Medieval Studies 38 (1976): 208. For Jaeger (58) the existence of such polemical literature is proof that the type of court cleric portrayed in the episcopal vitae was not a literary fiction but a social reality.

38. De gradibus humilitatis et superbiae chap. 12.40, in S. Bernardi Opera, eds. Jean Leclerq and H. M. Rochais, 3 (1963): 1-59 at 46. Jaeger: 171.

In the tenth and eleventh centuries the Cluniacs had been in the forefront of the movement for Church reform, consequently, of resistance and opposition to courtliness, seen only negatively as hypocrisy, worldliness, corruption, and effeminacy. But in due course Cluny became widely regarded as a center of refinement (see, typically, Boccaccio's stories on the abbot of Cluny as a paragon of liberality and good living: Decameron 1.7; 10.2), and so it was seen by the Carthusians and Cistercians: the history of architecture is a running commentary on the critical stance of the Cistercians' stern, spiritual Gothic versus the worldly, earth-bound, and ornate Romanesque of the Cluniacs. The order of Cîteaux became the leader of austere reform when St. Bernard took over the center of Clairvaux in Champagne in 1115.

39. "Mimos et magos et fabulatores, scurrilesque cantilenas atque ludorum spectacula, tanquam vanitates et insanias falsas respuunt et abominantur." De laude novae militiae, PL: 182: 926. See his definition of a good bishop's true virtues as essentially chastity, charity, and humility in the letter "De moribus et officio episcoporum ad Henricum Senonensem archiepiscopum" of circa 1127 ( PL: 182: 809 ff.), addressed to the archbishop of Sens, who had come to his office from a career at court.

40. Marc Bloch, La société féodale (1939-1940): 2: 152.

41. "Fateor quidem, quod sanctum est domino regi assistere" (440D); "Principibus placuisse viris non ultima laus est" (441B; see Horace, Epistolae: 1.17.35); "non solum laudabile, sed gloriosum reputo domino regi assistere, procurare rempublicam, sui esse immemorem, et omnium totum esse" (441C: see Jaeger: 84).

42. Facetus, edited by A. Morel-Fatío, Romania 15 (1886): 224-235. See Ingeborg Glier, Artes amandi (1971): 18-20.

43. I differ from Jaeger's translation (167): "Retain your modest restraint even when speaking falsehoods."

44. I. Glier, Artes amandi (1971): 18-20.

45. Günter Eifler, ed., Ritterliches Tugendsystem (1970); Gustav Ehrismann, "Die Grundlagen des ritterlichen Tugendsystems" (1919): 137-216; idem, Geschichte der deutschen Literatur (1972); E. R. Curtius, European Literature and the Latin Middle Ages (1963): 522-530. See, now, Jörg Arentzen and Uwe Ruberg, eds., Die Ritteridee in der deutschen Literatur des Mittelalters: eine kommentierte Anthologie (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1987).

46. Holmberg 82: see Curtius, European Literature (1963): 529.

47. J. Flori (1986) 17, 277-280. Flori concludes that the polemic between Curtius and Ehrismann was satisfactorily resolved in a sort of compromise by Daniel Rocher's studies (1964, 1966, 1968).

48. For example, Daniel Rocher's and Gert Kaiser's studies (1966; 1986).

49. Jaeger's relationship to Elias's work raises questions that involve the method of "history of ideas." Jaeger (9) claims that, although his own presentation issues from Elias's, "Elias sees courtesy as a product of certain social changes, a response to conditions. I maintain just the contrary: courtesy is in origin an instrument of the urge to civilizing, of the forces in which that process originates, and not an outgrowth of the process itself." Thus, he sees the birth of the curial ethic as essentially a matter of conceptual thrust in a civilizing movement, and blames Elias for grounding this ideology in social circumstances. Yet, the real matter is one of convergence of experience and culture, so that Jaeger may be faulted for what Lauro Martines (1979: 126-128) calls "the [occasionally] abstract cerebrations of [some] historians of ideas" (my additions). As I read it, Jaeger's later paper of 1987 seems to come around to a different assessment of his research's methodological import where he says: "I stress that this type, the ideal educated bishop, the courtier bishop, was not in its origins a product of shaping ideas, but rather of political and social circumstances which favored the rediscovery and revival of those ideas. An office in the Ottonian imperial church system required a statesman/orator/ administrator to fill it, and from that office and its requirements, an educational program, the cultivation of virtues in the old learning, took its major impetus in our period [i.e., 1000-1150]" (594 f.; Jaeger also refers to his "The Courtier Bishop in Vitae from the Tenth to the Twelfth Century," Speculum 58 [1983]: 291-325). He thus seems to have moved from an essentially "history of ideas" position to a practically sociological one—in substance, Elias's very own.

50. See the review of Jaeger's book by Gerald A. Bond, Romance Philology 42.4 (1989): 479-485 at 483.

51. Jaeger (1987): 599-601, citing P. G. Walsh, "Alan of Lille as a Renaissance Figure," Studies in Church History 14 (1977): 117-135; Michael Wilks, "Alan of Lille and the New Man," Studies in Church History 14 (1977): 137-157; and Linda Marshall, "The Identity of the 'New Man' in the Anticlaudianus of Alan of Lille," Viator 10 (1979): 77-94.

52. Secretum Secretorum: Nine English Versions, ed. M. A. Manzaloni, Early English Texts Society no. 276 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1977): 1: 79 f.

53. "Ipse etiam fratrum commoda sepius amplius decrevit . . .." Chronicon Hildesheimense [Chronicon episcoporum Hildesheimensium], MGH, Scriptores 7 (Hannover: Hahn, 1846): 845-873 at 853 par. 16. "Eo  . . . presidente irrepsit ambitiosa curialitas, quae  . . . disciplinae mollito rigore claustri claustra relaxavit." Fundatio ecclesiae Hildesheimensis, ed. Adolf Hofmeister: MGH, SS 30.2: 939-946. Second text quoted by Jaeger: 153 f., 160, from this latter edition: chap. 5, 945, 12 ff.

54. "rex filium suum  . . . beato Thomae cancellario commisit alendum, et moribus et curialitatibus informandum,"in [Matthew Paris (1200-1259)] Matthaei Parisiensis, monachi Sancti Albani, Historia Anglorum, sive, ut vulgo dicitur, Historia minor. Item, ejusdem Abbreviatio chronicorum Angliae, ed. Frederic Madden, Rolls Series no. 44, 3 vols. (London: Longmans, Green, Reader, & Dyer, 1866-1869): 1: 316, cited by Jaeger (1987): 612, n. 126. Each term has its individual history: the important term disciplina, for example, had a pertinent connotation in France as early as in Hincmar of Reims, while Jaeger (130-131) finds the first occurrence of it in a context of good manners in the Ruodlieb, commonly dated between 1030 and 1050, although Jaeger (122) prefers Karl Hauk's later dating between 1042 and 1070.

55. Cortes, it is worth noting, appears in Arnaut Daniel's speech in Dante's Purgatorio 26: 140.

56. There has recently been a lively interest in lexical and semantic studies concerning the extent and value of terms relating to knighthood, chivalry, and courtesy, with results still to be assessed on a comparative basis. For the Provençal epic language see, for example, Linda Paterson, "Knights and the Concept of Knighthood in the Twelfth-Century Occitan Epic," Forum for Modern Language Studies 17.2 (1981): 115-130, who takes her point of departure from Jean Flori's studies and quantitative methods.

Similarly, the ethical and the juridical vocabulary deserve parallel study for the light they can throw on each other. The feudal "mentality" has been reconstructed in part by analyzing the changes in Latin and vernacular terms referring to property and interpersonal attitudes: see, for example, the semantic studies by K. J. Hollyman, Le développement du vocabulaire féodal en France pendant Ie haut moyen âge (Genève, Paris: E. Droz, 1957). The nomenclatures of the "virtues" of the lords, their vassals, their courtiers, the knights, and so on, appear largely interchangeable with those advocated for the courtly lover and the chivalric hero of literature, but with significant semantic shifts, some of which I shall pursue. See G. Duby's strictures about Hollyman's important study in "La féodalité? Une mentalité médiévale," Annales 14.4 (1958): 765-771, reprinted in Hommes et structures (1973): 103-110.

57. Du Cange gives maneria, maneries for modus, ratio, with Abelard's logical acceptation of genus (De generibus et speciebus: "genera id est manerias"). See Adolf Tobler and Erhard Lommatzsch, Altfranzösisches Wörterbuch 5 (Wiesbaden: F. Steiner, 1963): maniere, meniere < Medieval Latin man(u)arius with the still current meanings of guise, "properly set mode," and "habit and mores" documented since the twelfth century as in "mout cuidoit chanter par maniere," "les ges et la maniere," and "n'avoir meniere" = to be immoderate, extravagant, without sense of proportion: "tant qu'il n'avoit meniere."

58. For example, M. Keen (1984): 121-123.

59. K. Foster, The Two Dantes (Berkeley, Los Angeles, London: University of California Press, 1978): 20.

60. See, out of an abundant literature, Joan M. Ferrante, " Cortes'amor in Medieval Texts," Speculum 55 (1980): 686-695.

1. Whether it is an afterthought or an initial motivating force, Jaeger's study ends with an indictment of the age-long polemics invidiously pitting the myth of French civilization against that of German Kultur (cf. Nietzsche's alleged admiring endorsement of Wagner's claim that, before his art, civilization would "dissipate like fog before the sun"—Jaeger: 271). The French origin of courtesy would play the role of an opening chapter in this story of France as the source of western civilized living.

2. "Nitebat enim pro generum [sic] nobilitate, florebat bonitatum agalmate [sic]. Moribus erat illustris, sublimiorque merito astris. Effigie rutilabat, nullique pietate secundus erat . . . . Vultu clarus erat, omnique actu clarior cunctis exstiterat, dulcis emicabat eloquio, habitu et incessu omnibus suavior. Nitidus ore mellifluo, serenus semper corde jucundissimo." PL: 141: 607-758 at 724, discussed in Nino Scivoletto, Spiritualità medievale e tradizione scolastica nel secolo XII in Francia (Napoli: Armanni, 1954): 218-221, also cited by Vallone, (1955): 55 f. Jaeger (198 f.) quotes a longer passage from Dudo on the same prince from PL: 141: 740a-c. See [Dudon de Saint-Quentin,] De moribus et actis primorum Normanniae ducum, auctore Dudone Sancti Quintini decano, ed. Jules Lair (Caen: F. Le Blanc-Hardel, 1865).

3. Vallone (1955): 56 for Claudian's text.

4. Guillaume de Jumièges [Guilelmus Gemeticensis], Gesta Normannorum ducum, ed. Jean Marx (Rouen: A. Lestringant; Paris: A. Picard, 1914). See Flori (1986) 146-148.

5. Guillaume de Poitier [Guilelmus Pictaviensis], Histoire de Guillaume le Conquérant, ed. and trans. Raymond Foreville (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1952). See Flori (1986): 148-150.

6. "Defensor hujus patriae, cur talia rimatus es facere? Quis fovebit clerum et populum? Quis contra nos ingruentium paganorum exercitui obstabit?" Cited by Flori (1986): 145, from Dudo, ed. J. Lair (1865): 201.

7. Guillaume de Jumièges, Gesta Normannorum ducum, ed. Marx (1914): 3.8: 39 f.

8. Flori (1986): 147.

9. Flori (1986): 151 f., citing from Helgaud de Fleury, Vie de Robert le Pieux; Epitoma vitae Regis Rotberti Pii, ed. and trans. Robert-Henri Bautier and Gillette Labory (Paris: Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, 1965): par. 30, p. 139. Helgaud was a monk at Fleury-sur-Loire (d. ca. 1050).

10. Flori (1986): 152-158. See the Vita domni Burcardi in Eudes de SaintMaur, Vie de Bouchard le Vénérable: comte de Vendome, de Corbeil, de Melun et de Paris (X ^e et XI ^e siècles), ed. Charles Bourel de la Roncière (Paris: A. Picard, 1892), esp. p. 9.

11. On the tradition of the ordines see Duby, Les trois ordres (1978); idem, The Three Orders (1980); J. Bumke (1982): 115; and Flori (1986): 331-338. See Duby (1980): 13-20 on ideological background, authors, and dates of the two documents. A student of Georges Dumézil, J. H. Grisward, Archéologie de l'épopée médiévale (1981), esp. p. 20 and chap. 1: 38-48, has imaginatively applied Dumézil's anthropological hypothesis of a primordial Indo-European mythic pattern of trifunctional division of society to explain the role of the ordines idea in the epic of Aymeri de Narbonne. See Dumézil's preface to this work, pp. 9-15, and G. Duby, The Three Orders (1980): 6-8 on the broader implications.

12. Liber de vita christiana: 7.28: 248 f. See M. Keen (1984): 5, and Flori (1986): 249-253. On Bonizo, see Walther Berschin, Bonizo von Sutri (Berlin, New York: de Gruyter, 1972).

13. Speculum Ecclesiae, PL: 172 (1895): 807-1108 at 865; see sections "ad milites," col. 865, "ad mercatores," cols. 865 f., and "ad agricolas," cols. 866-876. See Flori (1986): 253-257.

14. G. Duby, The Three Orders (1980): 1-4.

15. Ordericus Vitalis, Historia Ecclesiastica, in The Ecclesiastical History of Orderic Vitalis, ed. and trans. Marjorie Chibnall, Oxford Medieval Texts, 6 vols. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1969-1980): 3: 216 (vol. 6.2 of Chibnall ed.). See Duby, Hommes et structures (1973): 158 f., 222; also Jaeger: 231. Duby was using the study by Hans Wolter, Ordericus Vitalis: Ein Beitrag zur kluniazensischen Geschichtsschreibung (Wiesbaden: F. Steiner, 1955).

16. "Absit a me ut credam quod probus miles violet fidem suam! Quod si fecerit, omni tempore, velut exlex, despicabilis erit." Ordericus Vitalis, Historia ecclesiastica, ed. M. Chibnall, vol. 4, book 10, p. 49, cited by J. Flori (1986): 273.

17. "orphanorum quidem consolator, viduarum in tribulationibus pius adiutor," Historia, MGH, SS 24: chap. 24, p. 573; ed. Denis Ch. de Godefroy Ménilglaise, chap. 24, p. 61. The point that only members of the nobility were the beneficiaries is made by Flori (1986): 294 f.

18. J. Flori, "La chevalerie selon Jean de Salisbury," Revue d'Histoire Ecclésiastique 77 (1982): 35-77, and Flori (1986): 280-289.

19. G. Duby, The Three Orders (1970), declares the Policraticus "the first systematic description of a medieval state machinery and its workings" (287); "the first systematic formulation of a secular ideology of power and social order. As it was the work of a clerk—and not a servile one, but a man convinced of the superiority of his estate—the system it proposes is, of course, strongly marked with the imprint of ecclesiastical thought" (264).

20. Policraticus: book 4, chap. 3: "princeps minister est sacerdotum et minor eis" (Webb ed.: 1: 239); and 4.6: "debet peritus esse in litteris, et litteratorum agi consiliis" (Webb ed.: 1: 250).

21. "nam et haec agentes milites sancti sunt et in eo fideliores principi quo servant studiosius fidem Dei." Policraticus: book 6, chap. 8; Webb ed.: 2: 23.

22. Policraticus: 6. 5-10, 13, 19, 25 for statements on duties of the military class. See Hans Liebeschütz, "Chartres und Bologna. Naturbegriff und Staatsidee bei Johann von Salisbury," Archiv für Kulturgeschichte 50 (1968): 3-32. Policraticus: 1.6 (Webb: 1: 41-42) contains a thinly veiled condemnation of courtly love literature as frivolous and sinful while criticizing knights for being interested more in success with women than in fulfilling their moral duties toward society—a critique that J. Flori (1986): 332 declares "extremely rare."

23. M. Keen (1984): 5, 31, and passim (see his Index), and J. A. Wisman, "L 'Epitoma rei militaris de Végèce et sa fortune au moyen âge," Le Moyen Age 85 (1979): 13-31. Vegetius's Epitoma de re militari (between A.D. 383 and 450) was the only manual of Roman military institutions to have survived intact.

24. "Inoleuit consuetude solennis ut ea ipsa die, qua quisque militari cingulo decoratur, ecclesiam solenniter adeat gladioque super altare posito et oblato quasi celebri professione facta seipsum obsequio altaris deuoueat et gladii, id est officii sui, iugem Deo spondeat famulatum." Policraticus: 6.10 (Webb ed., 2: 25). Bad soldiers must be punished by taking away their right to carry the sword: "Sunt autem plurimi qui  . . . quando militiae consecrandi cingulum altari obtulerunt, uidentur protestari se eo tunc animo accessisse ut altari et ministris eius, sed et Deo, qui ibi colitur, bellum denuntiarent. Facilius crediderim hos malitiae execratos quam ad legitimama militiam consecratos." Policraticus: 6.13 (Webb ed.: 2: 37). The text is also in PL 199: 602-608.

25. Flori (1986): chaps. 13 and 14, pp. 290-330; on Alienor, Rita Lejeune, "Rôle littéraire d'Aliénor d'Aquitaine et de sa famille," Cultura Neolatina 14 (1954): 5-57, and Régine Pernoud, Alienor d'Aquitaine (Paris: A. Michel, 1965; 1980).

26. "Nil violenter exigant, neminem concutiant, sint defensores patriae, tutores orphanorum et viduarum, . . . interius armentur lorica fidei." "Suam militiam prostituunt." Chaps. 39 and 40; PL 210: 185 f.

27. Duby, Hommes et structures (1973): 347. J. Flori (1986) 18 finds that John of Salisbury and Étienne de Fougères were the first authors to turn their attention directly and explicitly to chivalry. He adds that S. Painter (1940, 1967) was skeptical of the influence of such literature on the knights' actual behavior. M. Keen (1984): 4, declares Étienne's treatise "the first systematic treatment of chivalry," with the term chevalerie being identified with the warrior estate and free, hence noble birth: " de franche mère né. "

28. Le livre des manières: vv. 677-710. See G. Duby, The Three Orders (1980): 282-285.

29. On Wace and Benoît see J. Flori (1986): 308-315. The Roman de Rou contributed to the valorization of the lay status that we have seen in the form of recognition of a positive role for the knighthood as part of the class of bellatores, defenders of the state and the Church. See Benoit de Sainte-More (sic), Chronique des ducs de Normandie, publiée d'après le manuscrit de Tours avec les variantes du manuscrit de Londres, ed. Carin Fahlin, 4 vols., vol. 4, "Notes," by Sven Sandqvist (Uppsala: Almqvist & Wiksell, 1951-1979).

30. Roman de Rou, ed. A. J. Holden (Paris: A. et J. Picard, 1970): 3: 72, vv. 1710-1717.

31.

32. "Unques vilain nus ne d'eus nez / Ne fus granment de lui privez." Chronique: 28,832-834. See Flori (1986): 314. Susan Crane (1986) has attempted a socio-political interpretation of Anglo-Norman literature on the line of Duby's reading of French medieval mentalités.

33. M. Keen (1984): 20-22. On the chronicle of William the Marshal see Sidney Painter, William Marshal (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1933), 44-46 on the tourney, and G. Duby, William Marshal (1985).

34. See M. Bloch, Feudal Society (1968): 200 f.; Andrée Lehmann, Le rôle de la femme dans l'histoire de France au Moyen-Age (Paris: Berger-Levrault, 1952).

35. Breton's text in Chroniques des Comtes d'Anjou et des seigneurs d'Amboise, eds. L. Halphen and R. Poupardin (1913); see Duby, Les trois ordres: 348; The Three Orders: 289 f., and Flori (1986): 304 f. Also Duby, The Knight the Lady and the Priest: chap. 12, "The Lords of Amboise," 227-252 (where the author of this first chronicle of the Amboise house is said to be unknown) on the presentation of marriage in these texts. See the picturesque anecdote of Louis VII's entourage laughing at Count Fulk the Good after catching him in a posture of devout prayer: the once great lord, now a canon at Saint-Martin of Tours, looked like "an ordained priest." But Henry of Anjou, without uttering a word, right away penned a note to the king which read: "An illiterate king is a crowned ass." The king, Breton reports tendentiously, was compelled to acknowledge that sapientia, eloquentia, and litterae were becoming not only to kings but counts, too (like Henry), for they all have a duty to excel "in both morals and letters." Chroniques des Comtes: 140-142.

36. On Philip Augustus's historical role vis-à-vis the French great lords and the English king, see John W. Baldwin, The Government of Philip Augustus: Foundations of French Royal Power in the Middle Ages (Berkeley, Los Angeles, London: University of California Press, 1986).

37. James A. Brundage, Richard Lion Heart (New York: Scribner's, 1974): 170-172.

38. Chroniques des Comtes d'Anjou (1913): 194-196, 218; see Keen (1984): 31; Flori (1986): 306-308.

39. "liberalis Gaufredus, non ut pauperem dives contempsit, sed, ut homo hominem reconoscens . . . . 'Nam juris amicus, custos pacis, hostium debellator, et, quod plurimum in principe nitet, oppressorum benignus auxiliator est . . . . Hostes nostri sunt prepositi, villici ceterique ministri domini nostri consulis.'" Chroniques (1913): 184 f. See Flori (1986): 305-308.

40. "Inhumani, inquit, cordis est qui sue non compatitur professioni. Si nos milites sumus, militibus debemus compassionem, presertim subactis." Ibid.: 196. On the Plantagenet chronicles after 1216 see Elizabeth M. Hallam, ed., The Plantagenet Chronicles (1986), and the same editor's companion volume, Chronicles of the Age of Chivalry; preface by Hugh Trevor-Roper (1987): both lively presentations including only extracts of sources and derivative narratives.

41. "Genèse et évolution du genre," in J. Frappier and R. R. Grimm, eds., Le roman jusqu'à la fin du XIII ^e siècle, Grundri b der romanischen Literaturen des Mittelalters 4.1 (1978): 60-73 at 63 for this and the immediately following remarks. Also Robert W. Hanning, The Vision of History in Early Britain: From Gildas to Geoffrey of Monmouth (New York: Columbia University Press, 1966), on the connection between historiography and romance.

42. Lambert of Ardres, Chronicon Ghisnense et Ardense, ed. GodefroyMénilglaise (1855) 198. This early edition was superseded by Johann Heller's edition under the title Historia comitum Ghisnensium in MGH, Scriptores 24 (1879): 550-642. See Heller: 556, on the 1855 edition.

43. "ad terram tamen et Boloniensis comitatus dignitatem, veri vel simulati amoris objectum, recuperata ejusdem comitisse gratia, aspiravit." MGH, SS 24: 603-605 chaps. 90-93 for this episode, 605 chap. 93 for quote. This important chronicle has been much studied by Duby: see, for example, Terra e nobiltà: 146-148, Hommes et structures: 161 and 221-223; The Chivalrous Society: 143-146; and especially Medieval Marriage: chap. 3, "A Noble House: The Counts of Guines," 83-110; and The Knight the Lady and the Priest (1988): "The Counts of Guines," 243-284. Also see Jaeger: 207 f. and Flori (1986): 294-297 on Lambert's portrait of Arnold. "The Young" in Arnold's name refers to his being then a knight errant, hence a jeune (P. jove ).

44. Ed. Godefroy-Ménilglaise (1855): 198. Also, on the counts of Flanders and Hainaut (Hennegau) in that period, Iacobi de Guisia Annales historiae illustrium principum Hanoniae, ed. Ernst Sackur, MGH, SS 30.1: 44-334, and [Gilbert of Mons, 13th c.,] Gisleberti Balduini V Hanoniae Comitis Cancellarii Chronica Hanonia (1040-1195), ed. Denis Ch. Godefroy-Ménilglaise (Tornaci: Typis Malo et Levasseur, 1874; Genève: Slatkine Reprints, 1971); La Chronique de Gislebert de Mons, ed. Léon Vanderkindere (Bruxelles: Kiessling, 1904). For the tormented history of this region of French Flanders see, besides such classics as Henry Pirenne, L. Vanderkindere, and F.-L. Ganshof: Louis Trenard, ed., Histoire des Pays-Bas Français (Toulouse: E. Privat, 1972): especially chapter 3.

45. MGH, SS 24: 603, vv. 39-42, chap. 90.

46. Chap. 24, ed. Godefroy-Ménilglaise: 61; MGH, SS 24: 573.

47. Chaps. 80 f. p. 598; 1855 ed.: 170-173. Lambert reminds his readers that Arnold's father Baldwin II had been dubbed by Thomas Becket around 1165; likewise he describes at length Arnold's dubbing (resulting in his being turned into a "perfect man") on Pentecost 1181—the only event he precisely dates: "in die sancto Pentecostes  . . . militaribus eum in virum perfectum dedicavit sacramentis dominice incarnationis anno 1181." MGH, SS 24: 604, chap. 91. See G. Duby, The Three Orders (1988): 300. Similarly, Lambert emphasizes Arnold's having been entrusted to Count Philip of Flanders for his military and moral education: "moribus erudiendus et militaribus officiis diligenter imbuendus et introducendus," MGH, SS 24: 603. At times of leasure, Arnold indulged in listening to his elders telling edifying Carolingian and Arthurian stories: "senes autem et decrepitos, eo quod veterum eventuras et fabulas et historias ei narrarent et moralitatis series narrationi sue continuarent et annecterent, venerabatur et secum detinebat. Proinde militem quendam veteranum dictum Costantinensem, qui de Romanis imperatoribus et de Karlomanno, de Rolando et Olivero et de Arturo Britannie rege eum instruebat et aures eius demulcebat." Ibid.: 607.

48. "Das adlige Rittertum, von dem die höfische Dichtung erzählt, kann nicht aus Verschiebungen in der Ständeordnung erklärt werden; es ist ein Erziehungs-und Bildungsgedanke von weitreichender Bedeutung und ein Phänomen der Geistesgeschichte viel mehr als der Sozialgeschichte . . . . den Traum vom adligen Menschen, der die Demut in seinen Adel aufgenommen hat . . . ." Bumke, Studien zum Ritterbegriff im 12. und 13. Jahrhundert (1964; 2d ed. 1977): 147 f. I have slightly modified Jaeger's translation 208 f. to make it more literal. W. T. H. Jackson's translation (1977: 120) somewhat obscures the meaning (e.g.: "cannot be explained by shifting it into the social hierarchy"). Bumke's thoroughly documented study shows how, more than for other literatures, the sociological interpretation of German medieval literature has long been established in Germany. But although Jaeger cites it approvingly, it does not appear to confirm his general thesis: it implicitly shows that the German concept of knighthood must have owed much to France, since, contrary to French chevalier and so on, even the pertinent German terms ( rîter, ritter, etc.) appeared in significant contexts only at the end of the twelfth century. Bumke's main point is that the lexical and semantic history of the basic terms denies the existence of the notions of nobility, knighthood, and chivalry as a unified class or status as well as unified mental constructs before 1250 except in literature. This would support the conclusion that chivalry was an idea that became a social fact through the influence of literature, which in turn reflected a growing ideology.

49. Jaeger's thesis (209) is that the process involved a direct "assimilation of the imperial tradition of courtesy to the archaic values of feudal nobility."

50. J. Bumke, Mäzene im Mittelalter (1979), and Jaeger: 234. Chrétien, for example, mentions prompting from Marie de Champagne, but such suggestions must usually have referred to no more than theme and plot: the way the material would be used and the meaning it would be given were presumably the poet's prerogative. Also Karl J. Holzknecht, Literary Patronage in the Middle Ages (University of Pennsylvania Diss., Philadelphia, 1923; New York: Octagon Books, 1966), and Mary Dominica Legge, Anglo-Norman Literature and Its Background (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1963; Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1978).

51. "Non enim scientiae fortis militia vel militiae prejudicat honesta scientia litterarum, imo in principe copula tam utilis, tam conveniens est duarum ut, sicut praedictus Ayulfus asserebat, princeps quem non nobilitat scientia litterarum non parum degenerans sit quasi rusticanus et quodammodo bestialis." Epistola 16, PL 203 (1855; rpt. Turnhout: Brepols, 1979): 147-151: see 149-BC, quoted by Jaeger: 224 f. and Flori (1986): 304. This letter, of uncertain date, has been placed between 1130 and 1183: see Flori (1986): 304, note. The letter to Henry of Champagne is Ep. 17, PL 203: 151-156. See, also, Philip of Harvengt's De continentia clericorum, PL 203: 811-820, on the comparative status of the ordines of clerics and milites, and the remarks in J. Flori (1986): 235-239.

52. "quanto litteratiores erant et eruditiores, tanto in rebus bellicis animosiores  . . . et strenuiores." De principis instructione liber, ed. George F. Warner (London: Eyre & Spottiswoode, 1891): 1, praefatio, 21.8.7. By praising the great princes of the past for joining "toga and armor," literacy and valor, Gerald of Wales was sounding a hope of restoration of ancient imperial glory.

53. Jaeger: 223 f., quoting the H. Meyer-Benfey ed. (1909) and the studies by Helmut de Boor (1964): 394 for the 1180-1190 date as well as Ingeborg Glier (1971) for 1170-1180.

54. Tony Hunt in Forum for Modern Language Studies (1981): 105 f. (Trans. mine.)

55. Keen (1984): 6-17: 6 f. on the Ordene, 8-11 on Llull's Libre, and 11-17 on Charny's and later similar treatises; and F. Cardini, "Il guerriero e il cavaliere" (1987): 100 f. Keen draws extensively from these three treatises throughout his study. See Ordene de chevalerie in Étienne Barbazan, ed., Fabliaux et contes des poètes français des XI ^e , XII ^e , XIII ^e , XIV ^e et XV ^e siècles, new ed. vol. 1 (Paris: B. Warée, 1808), and Raoul de Houdenc [ca. 1165-ca. 1230], Le roman des ailes / The Anonymous Ordene de chevalerie, ed. Keith Busby (Amsterdam: John Benjamins, 1983). Llull's tract was translated into many languages through the sixteenth century, including Caxton's English edition. Charny's Livre de chevalerie is in tome 1 (1873), part 3 of Jean Froissart's Chroniques in Froissart, Oeuvres, ed. Kervyn de Lettenhove, 25 vols. (Bruxelles: V. Devaux for the Académie Royale de Belgique, 1867-1877).

56. Rita Lejeune, "The Troubadours," in R. S. Loomis, ed. (1959, 1961): 393-399 at 394.

57. Keen (1984): 39, with references, p. 258 n. 73, to the Novellino, L'avventuroso ciciliano, and Folgòre da San Gimignano.

58. Scaglione, The Liberal Arts and the Jesuit College System (1986): 91, 113. On Llull's career see the masterly study by Anthony Bonner, ed., Selected Works of Ramon Llull (1232-1316), 2 vols. (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1985), which does not include the book on chivalry.

59. In light of the exemplary and morally well-motivated presentation of the chivalric state they contain, it is interesting to note that the author of these treatises is the same Charny who has been recently in the news as the first exhibitor of the Holy Shroud in his newly built church in the 1350s. The "Shroud of Turin," Christendom's most hallowed relic, soon passed into the hands of the Savoy dukes. After long controversy, it has now been carbon-dated to 1260-1380, hence not far from the time Charny exhibited it with such dramatic impact.

60. Ghillebert de Lannoy (1386-1462), Oeuvres, ed. Charles Potvin (Louvain: Imprimerie de P. et J. Lefever, 1878) 443-472. See J. H. Hexter, Reappraisals in History (1979): 64, on Ghillebert and his younger contemporary Jean de Lannoy exhorting the young to learn: Ghillebert urges the study of the ancients, especially the historians, who teach how our ancestors loved honor and yearned to serve the public good.

61. Because it was better known outside Spain, I presume, M. Keen uses a complete French manuscript version of Valera's Espejo, while a partial one was printed in 1497 and a different manuscript has been edited in 1981: see Keen: 256,n. 48.

The standard medieval confusion between ancient heroes and medieval knights was not as absurd as it may strike us, since phenomena analogous to knightly practices belong to many cultures, with the ancient Thracians offering perhaps the most interesting early cases. See Zlatozara Goceva's several studies: Monumenta orae Ponti Euxini Bulgariae (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1979); Corpus cultus equitis Thracii (CCET) (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1979-); Monumenta inter Danubium et Haenum reperta (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1981-1984); and "Les traits charactéristiques de l'iconographie du chevalier thrace," Bulletin de Correspondance Hellénique n.s. 14 (1986): 237-243. See the detailed study of the "prehistory" of chivalry from the earliest times to the ninth century by Franco Cardini, Alle radici della cavalleria medievale (Firenze: La Nuova Italia, 1981), where the Thracians are not mentioned.

62. The original received numerous editions, like the 1498 one (Venice: Simon Bevilaqua) and the 1607 one (Rome: apud Bartholomaeum Zannettum).

63. Philip Strayer, The Reign of Philip the Fair (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1980): 93 f.

64. Strayer, ibid.

65. Bk. 3, pt. 2, chap. 29 in 1498 ed. (pages unnumbered); pp. 523-533 in Rome, 1607 ed. In the French version (Molenaer ed.) this became chap. 27 of same part: see pp. 353 f.

66. Ibid. bk. 3, pt. 2, chap. 12 in 1498 ed. and (at pp. 482-484) 1607 ed. Same chapter number in French version, pp. 324 f.

67. Ibid. bk. 3, pt. 2, chap. 34 in 1498 ed.; p. 549 of 1607 ed. See Strayer 7 f.

68. The title of this "capitulum 18 tertiae partis libri secundi" is: "Quid est curialitas et quod decet ministros regum et principum curiales esse." In the Venice 1498 edition I read "omnis virtus quia" instead of Jaeger's (161) "qua." Jaeger: 286 f., note 47, reports Konrad von Megenberg's free adaptation from Aegidius's coupling of curiality with military qualities: "ministri minores imperatoris duo in se debent habere milicie bona, videlicet curialitatem morum et armorum industriam . . . . Congruit igitur ministros Cesaris tanto curialiores esse, id est bonis moribus splendidiores, quanto curia eius sublimior est curiis omnium secularium miliciarum." Yconomica: 2.4.12 in Ökonomik (Buch II), ed. Sabine Krüger, MGH, Staatsschriften des späteren Mittelalters 3.5 (Stuttgart: Hiersemann, 1977): 199.

69. Li livres dou gouvernement des rois: a Xlllth century French version of Egidio Colonna's treatise De regimine principum, ed. Samuel P. Molenaer (New York: Columbia University Press and Macmillan, 1899; rpt. New York: AMS Press, 1966).

1. Roncaglia, " Trobar clus: discussione aperta. I: Identità o contrasto d'ideologie? Fin'amors e trobar naturau in Marcabruno," Cultura Neolatina 29 (1969):5-51 at 7.

2. "Sur Ie plan de la construction formelle du poème, [les valeurs courtoises] deviennent des éléments extraordinairent valorisés, des centres d'attraction 'sémico-poétiques,' autour desquels s'organise tout un univers de signification dont les indispensables tensions constituent Ie dynamisme propre du message." P. Bec, Nouvelle anthologie (1970): 20.

3. Vàrvaro (1985), esp. chaps. 3 on Occitan lyric and 4 on French epic. See Vàrvaro's assessment of sociological and anthropological interpretations of Occitan lyric by R. Nelli (1963), Köhler, Duby and J. Le Goff (pp. 6 and 214, note 134). See J. Bumke's reactions to E. Köhler's thesis and his further questions on the matter in Knighthood in the Middle Ages (1982): 158-161 (from 2d ed. of Studien zum Ritterbegriff, 1977), as well as a critical assessment of Köhler's work by Ursula Peters, "Niederes Rittertum oder hoher Adel? Zu Erich Köhlers historisch-soziologischer Deutung der altprovenzalischen und mittelhochdeutschen Minnelyrik," Euphorion 67 (1973): 244-260.

4. "Marcabru und die beiden 'Schulen'" (1970), Mancini ed.: 264. The collective quality of the troubadours' themes does not diminish their profound originality even if we were to accept the highly speculative connection with some striking antecedents in Arabic love lyric, which included the common themes of the lover's humility, the need for secrecy, hence the senhal (the hiding of the true identity of the beloved behind an allusive conventional name, usually male), the scorn for the unworthy rival lovers, that is, the maudisants always ready to ridicule and degrade, the condemnation of jealousy, and others. See a lively presentation of the thesis in Henri Davenson (pseudon. for Henri Irénée Marrou), Les troubadours (Paris: Éditions du Seuil, 1961): 109 ff. In the absence of sufficient documentary evidence of direct influence, such analogies are likely to remain part of anthropological universals, like the equally striking similarities between Zen Buddhist Neo-Confucianism and the European phenomena of Socratic teaching through personal relationships rather than transmission of written doctrine (we have observed them among the cathedral school teachers of 950-1150), or the ethical system of education for the Japanese daimyo and that of the European knight (see my chap. 1).

5. J. Bumke, Studien zum Ritterbegriff (1964): chap. 4, "Der Ritter als Dienstmann," 61-87, esp. 72; trans. Jackson (1982): chap. 4, "The Knight as Retainer," 46-71, esp. 59 on the epos. Also the following chap. 5, "Der adlige Ritter," 88-129; "The Noble Knights," 72-106. Bumke (72 and 59 respectively in the two editions) observes the rarity of the word dienestman (MHG for dienstmann, "retainer") before 1200 even in the epic, which did not derive from French sources, whereas its perfect equivalent ministerialis is the common term for court service, administrative or military, in non-literary documents. He concludes that the reason must have been the perceived "unpoetic" nature of the word, whereas ritter, "rider" (serving by being able to cover the whole feudal territory thanks to his mobility—as in modern English, "to ride" implied the use of a conveyance, not necessarily a horse) could be perceived as evocative of a colorful condition, even without direct pressure from the French chevalier. Whether or not we find this explanation satisfying, the fact remains that the three terms are equivalent through the twelfth century. But at the end of that period, in spite of and in effective contrast with the etymological sense, the connotation of noble status had taken over, implying freedom and high social position. See, also, W. H. Jackson, "The Concept of Knighthood in Herbort von Fritzlar's Liet von Troye," Forum for Modern Language Studies (1981): 131-145. The Liet von Troye is dated circa 1200-1210.

6. Walter Ullman, The Individual and Society in the Middle Ages (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1966).

7. See end of my chapter 2 with note 60.

8. Alfred Pillet and Henry Carstens, Bibliographie der Troubadours (Halle/ Saale: Max Niemeyer, 1933; rpt. New York: Burt Franklin, 1968): 70.30; Hill and Bergin ed.: 1: 55-57. Whenever therein included, I shall identify Provençal poems by the number in that standard bibliography (as P.-C.), and whenever therein included, I shall also refer to R. T. Hill and Th. G. Bergin, eds., Anthology of the Provençal Troubadours, 2 vols. (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2d ed. 1973), even though textual references and interpretations are based on critical editions of individual poets. Except when otherwise indicated, translations will be mine. See Bernart de Ventadour, Chansons d'amour, ed. Moshe Lazar (Paris: Klincksieck, 1966). See the ample study (bibliographically not as up-to-date as the publication date would imply) by Michael Kaehne, Studien zur Dichtung Bernarts von Ventadorn, 2 vols. (München: Finck, 1983), largely sympathetic to E. Köhler's interpretations.

9. Spitzer, Romanische Literaturstudien (1959): "L'amour lointain etc." 364; Köhler, Mancini ed.: 228.

10. Köhler, "Die Rolle des niederen Rittertums bei der Entstehung der Trobadorlyrik" (first in French as "Observations historiques et sociologiques sur la poésie des troubadours," Cahiers de Civilization Médiévale, 1964: 27-51, then in Esprit und arkadische Freiheit 1966: 9-27); Mancini ed.: 1-18 at 14-18.

11. On "obedience" in the troubadours see Aurelio Roncaglia, " Obediens, " in Jean Renson, ed., Mélanges de linguistique romane et de philologie médiévale offerts à Maurice Delbouille (Gembloux: J. Duculot, 1964): 2: 597-614.I wish to add here a striking example of the motif of obedience as a sign of true love to be respected implicitly within the courtois world. In the Tuscan-Umbrian Tristano Riccardiano (ca. 1300) Tristan, having just saved King Arthur from impending death after an imprudent foray into the Fontana Avventurosa, has to cope with the King's request that he reveal his name. For his own unexplained reasons, Tristan invents the pretext that he cannot oblige because his lady has commanded him to keep his identity secret. The unquestionable argument immediately persuades the curious Arthur to desist. See C. Segre and M. Marti, eds., La prosa del Duecento (Milano, Napoli: R. Ricciardi, 1959): 647. In the romances, too, the motif was played ad absurdum in innumerable situations as an unquestioned law of courtesy. In the prose Lancelot it reached heights of almost comic sublimity, and there the motif of hiding one's name is also given full swing: for the first one third of the long romance nobody knows Lancelot's name even while everybody is desperately looking for him.

12. "It is just a question of convenience to regard Guillaume IX as the first troubadour": Paul Zumthor, Essai de poétique médiévale (Paris: Éditions du Seuil, 1972): 59; It. trans. Semiologia e poetica medievale (Milano: Feltrinelli, 1974): 60.

13. P.-C.: 242.14 and 389.10a—respectively under Guiraut and Raimbaut, the latter being named Lignaura in the poem. See Köhler, Mancini ed., 178-187. The most recent critical edition of Guiraut is The cansos and sirventes of the Troubadour Giraut de Borneil, ed. Ruth Verity Sharman (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989): 394-398 for the tenso. For Raimbaut see, also, The Life and Works of the Troubadour Raimbaut d'Orange, ed. Walter T. Pattison (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1952).

14. Qu'eu dic qu'en l'escarzir / non es l'afans, / mas en l'obr'esclarzir," "because I say that the hardest toil lies not in making our work obscure, but in making it clear": Adolf Kolsen, Sämtliche Lieder des Trobadors Giraut de Bornelh, 2 vols. (Halle/Saale: Max Niemeyer, 1910, 1935): 1: no. 48 vv. 8-10; "e l'auch a la fon portar," "and I hear my song being taken to the spring to be sung there": Kolsen ed.: 1: no. 4 v. 14. Ulrich Mölk, Trobar clus—Trobar leu. Studien zur Dichtungstheorie der Trobadors (München: W. Fink, 1968), expands on this interpretation by his teacher Köhler, opposing the two styles as expression of the opposition between the aristocratic views of a Guilhelm of Poitier or a Raimbaut d'Aurenga and the "democratic" stand of a Marcabru or a Guiraut de Bornelh. Text of the tenso in The Life and Works of the Troubadour Raimbaut d'Orange, ed. W. T. Pattison (1952). For Köhler's analysis of the tenso see Mancini ed.: 183-187.

15. On the uses and meanings of the various terms jongleur, minstrel, and their numerous analogues, see P. Zumthor (1987): 60-62.

16. Köhler, "Reichtum und Freigebigkeit in der Trobadordichtung," Trobadorlyrik (1962): 45-72; Mancini ed.: 39-79.

17. S. Thiolier-Méjean, Les poésies satiriques et morales des troubadours (1978), provides a rich organic repertory of the moral themes as found in vers and sirventes through the whole of Occitan literature, illustrating the consciousness of divergences between Christian values and the éthique courtoise of courtly love.

18. Karl Bartsch and Leo Wiese, eds., Chrestomathie de l'ancien français (Leipzig: F. C. W. Vogel, 12th ed. 1920, 1927).

19. See Köhler's paradigmatic analysis of Bernart de Ventadorn's "Can vei la lauzeta mover" in his article "Zur Struktur der altprovenzalischen Kanzone," Mancini ed.: 19-37 at 30-37. Also Vàrvaro (1985): 202-206 and Moshe Lazar, "Classification des thèmes amoureux et des images poétiques dans l'oeuvre de Bernart de Ventadour," Filologia Romanza 6 (1959): 371-400. Köhler's analysis of the sequence of themes in the canso must, however, be qualified with the caveat that the order of stanzas in the vulgate version of a medieval lyric, including this particular one, was not fixed. The order chosen by the editor (Bernart von Ventadorn, Seine Lieder, ed. Carl Appel, Halle/S.: Max Niemeyer, 1915, 250-254) is found only in two of the twenty manuscripts, only the order of stanzas 1-2 being constant and that of 6-7 frequent (11 times), yet not even regularly at the end of the poem. As is well known, and illustrated, for example, by Rupert Pickens's edition and study of Jaufré Rudel, minstrels exercised great freedom in their own arrangement of parts of poems at the moment of singing or recitation. The stability of ordering is more characteristic of the Italian manuscript tradition, typically bound to written transmission, than the French one, which remained tied to oral delivery. See, on the importance of the various modes of transmission and the different manuscript traditions, D'Arco Silvio Avalle, La letteratura medievale in lingua d'oc nella sua tradizione manoscritta (Torino: Einaudi, 1961).

20. Bezzola, Le sens de l'aventure et de l'amour: 82 f., cited by Köhler, Mancini ed.: 21. Vàrvaro (1985: 209; see note 3 above) seems to concur with this definition of Occitan "conventionality."

21. On the ways and forms of oral transmission see, above all, P. Zumthor (1987). On the systematic repetition of grammatical and "formulaic" items as a common compositional device in all medieval oral genres, including the lyric, see, for example, Zumthor's (1987) chaps. 9 and 10. The practice will be continued by Petrarca as part of his use of symmetry and balance.

22. Köhler, Trobadorlyrik (1962): 54; Mancini ed.: 53.

23. P.-C.: 156.6: Folquet de Romans 6, stanza 3. See Köhler, Trobadorlyrik (1962): 53; Mancini ed.: 51; text of "Far vuelh un nou sirventes," in Vincenzo de Bartholomaeis, ed., Poesie provenzali storiche relative all'Italia (Roma: Tipografia del Senato, 1931): 2: 3-4 and 9. See A. Asor Rosa, ed., Letteratura Italiana 2 (Torino: Einaudi, 1983): 181-183, and A. Roncaglia, ibid. 1 (1982): 124.

24. Sordello, Ensenhamen d'onor, "Aissi co'l tesaurs es perdutz," vv. 713-720; see Köhler, "Reichtum und Freigebigkeit," Trobadorlyrik: 72, Mancini ed.: 78 f. See Sordello, Poesie, ed. Marco Boni (Bologna: Palmaverde, 1954). Marco Boni, Sordello, con una scelta di liriche tradotte e commentate (Bologna: Riccardo Pàtron, 1970), is a good general study, and The Poetry of Sordello, ed. and trans. James J. Wilhelm (New York: Garland, 1987), is a new complete edition with translation. On the tradition of the troubadour lyric in courts of the Venetia, including Sordello, see Gianfranco Folena, "Tradizione e cultura trobadorica nelle corti e nelle città venete," Storia della Cultura Veneta, 6 vols. (Vicenza: Neri Pozza, 1976-1986): 1: 453-562.

25. Guiraut, sirventes "Solatz, ioys e chantar," P.-C.: 242.75, no. 73, ll. 14-17 in R. V. Sharman ed. (1989): 464-467: "Et anc per trop donar / Senes autras foudatz / Rix hom no fon cochatz, / ni per son gent-estar," "And no rich man, innocent of other foolish acts, ever suffered through giving too generously or through his gracious manners"; sirventes "S'es chantars ben entendutz," P.-C.: 242.67, no. 65, ll. 36-39 in Sharman 426-429: "Rics ia vitz decazeguts, / Pus foron larc donador, / Quar per agrey de folhor / Remania lur pretz nuts," "you have surely seen rich people ruined by giving [too] generously, for the folly of their actions stripped their reputation bare" (Sharman's translation).

26. Giosuè Carducci, Della poesia cavalleresca, from sources in L. A. Muratori, Antiquitates Italicae Medii Aevi, 6 vols. (Mediolani: Ex Typographia Societatis Palatinae, 1738-1742; rpt. Bologna: A. Forni, 1965): 1: 606.

The razo connects this poem with the Viscount Gui of Limoges having robbed Guiraut's castle of Excideuil of books and belongings in 1211 (see Hill and Bergin: 2: 24), in which case Guiraut's indignation might lose some of its universal, objective ring. The dates of Guiraut's life are uncertain: he is supposed to have lived between circa 1138 and 1212, with his poetic production falling mainly between 1165 and 1200 (Hill and Bergin ed., 2: 22). This razo is also in Martín de Riquer, ed., Los trovadores: Historia literaria y textos, 3 vols. (Barcelona: Planeta, 1975; Editorial Ariel, 1983): 1: 490-494, where the dates "1162-1199" are given as Guiraut's.

27.

28. Arnaut de Marueil, "Mas am de vos lo talen et.l desir / que d'autr'aver tot so c'a drut s'eschai," "Just to desire you pleases me more than having from another all that is due to a lover," canso "Si cum li peis an en l'aiga lor vida," P.-C.: 30.22. See R. C. Johnston, ed., Les poésies lyriques du troubadour Arnaut de Mareuil (Paris, 1935; Genève: Slatkine Reprints, 1973): 45. Echoing René Nelli, Jean-Charles Huchet, L'Amour discourtois: La 'fin'amors' chez les premiers troubadours (Paris: Bibliothèque Historique Privat, 1987): 149, attributes "pure love" to the second generation of troubadours who, being of paubra generation, that is, lower origin than such early masters as Guilhelm of Aquitaine, could not afford the high ladies that a Guilhelm could easily treat as his erotic playthings. See Nelli, L'érotique des troubadours, 2 vols. (2d ed. Paris: Union Générale d'Éditions, 1974, 1984): 1: 22: "L'amour courtois fut un pisaller—ou une revendication minima—avant d'être un idéal." Nelli (ibid.: 2: 201-328) speaks of affrèrement, involving a degree of fictional substitution of the values of male friendship by extension to heterosexual love. Similarly, Huchet's study hinges on a conception of troubadour love as essentially androgynous, with the woman in a metaphorical or subsidiary role.

29. It is worth noting that this shift could occur even within the knightly class. Ulrich von Lichtenstein came from a family of ministeriales, was dapifer, "steward," and then marshall of Styria, and was knighted in 1222 along with 250 other squires at the wedding of the daughter of Duke Leopold of Austria in Vienna. See J. Bumke (1964): 93 f.

30. Applying the method of reception aesthetic, M. L. Meneghetti, Il pubblico dei trovatori (1984), focuses on the problem of the troubadours' public, audience, or recipients (the implied readers). Chapter 2, 41-97 attempts to identify the specific courts and places of reception for Occitan poetry and its jongleurs.

31. Alexander J. Denomy, The Heresy of Courtly Love.

32. Köhler, "Über das Verhältnis von Liebe, Tapferkeit, Wissen und Reichtum bei den Trobadors," originally published in 1955-1956, then in Trobadorlyric (1962): 73-87, and as "Sui rapporti fra amore, ardimento, sapere e ricchezza nei trovatori" in Mancini ed.: 81-99.

33. P.-C.: 238.2: "En Raïmbaut, pro domna d'aut paratge"; Trobadorlyrik (1962): 78-80; Mancini ed.: 88 f.

34. "En Peire, dui pro cavalier": P.-C.: 16.15, st. 4. Köhler, Mancini ed.: 76-78.

35. Vàrvaro (1985: 209) distinguishes "expression," which entails collective ideological referentiality, from "inspiration" understood as personal and individual—which in that poetry was rather limited. Bernart de Ventadorn's typical coupling of joi and chantar, for example, "implica una ragione  . . . non soltanto tecnica e non soltanto formale, ma appunto espressiva (che non vuol dire d'ispirazione)."

36. Starting from the premises of a chiefly formalist approach, P. Zumthor (1987: 81) stresses the "verbal" and more specifically "oral" quality of courtly love, "a verbal game" that irked the more serious-minded clerical observers, like Walter Map, as going counter to the Augustinian view of a love that necessarily carries an intellectual content of more intimate knowledge of God. Courtly love was too much verbal sound, frustratingly sophisticated and even obscure, with too little semantic content ( sen ). The element of ironic playfulness is stressed in Simon Gaunt, Troubadours and Irony (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989).

37. A recent, sociologically-slanted study of Peire as upholder of the interests of the feudal nobility is Ariane Loeb, "La définition et l'affirmation du groupe noble comme enjeu de la poésie courtoise? Quelques analyses des textes du troubadour Peire Vidal," Cahiers de civilization médiévale 30.4 (1987): 303-314.

38. Ilse Nolting-Hauff, Die Stellung der Liebeskasuistik im höfischen Roman, Heidelberger Forschungen no. 6 (Heidelberg: C. Winter, 1959).

39. G. Duby, Mâle moyen âge (1988): "A propos de l'amour que l'on dit courtois," 74-82, attempts an interpretation of fin'amor from the vantage point of a historian of medieval society, also stressing the (somewhat devious) civilizing process it entailed.

40. See Köhler, "Der Frauendienst der Trobadors, dargestellt an ihren Streitgedichten," first in Germanisch-Romanische Monatsschrift 41 (1960), then in Trobadorlyrik (1962): 89-113 at 102-104; Mancini ed.: "Il servizio d'Amore nel partimen, " 101-138 at 122, and the eloquent examples at 120 ff.

41. I quote from The Poems of the Troubadour Bertran de Born, eds. William D. Paden, Jr., Tilde Sankovitch, and Patricia H. Stäblein (Berkeley, Los Angeles, London: University of California Press, 1986): 215-232. Numerous textual variants in other editions do not affect the meaning: M. de Riquer, Los trovadores: 2: 702-705 reads: "Mon chan fenisc  . . . larc e gen parlan / e be chavalgan, / de bela faisso / e d'umil semblan / per far grans onors"; "Reis de.ls cortes e de.ls pros emperaire"; "quar 'reis joves' aviatz nom agut / e de joven eratz vos guitz e paire"; "Gen acolhir e donar ses cor vaire / e bel respos e 'besiatz-vengut' / e gran ostal paiat e gen tengut, / dos e garnirs et estar ses tort faire."

Paden and his co-editors (11 f.) conclusively declare Bertran the conscience of the times and the voice of the knightly ethic that set the time's standards and values, but they object to Köhler's identification of this ethic with that of the poor knights, since Bertran was de facto a baron and a great lord (44 note). Köhler had already answered such objections by showing that the lords found nobler-sounding motives for their feudal interests in the adoption of their knights' rhetoric. Loyalty was a matter of life and death for a knight at service, whereas a lord could turn it around as his wind shifted, as Bertran did with Henry the Young, Richard Lion-Heart, Geoffrey of Brittany, and Henry II.

42. Zumthor (1987): 65, 75 f.

43. Text in Hill and Bergin: 1: 42 f. and M. de Riquer, Los Trovadores: 1: 372-375.

44. P.-C.: 70.25. I quote this canso from Frederick Goldin, ed., Lyrics of the Troubadours and Trouvères: An Anthology and a History (Garden City, NJ: Doubleday Anchor Books, 1973), and the improved new ed. (Gloucester, MA: P. Smith, 1983).

45. Gace Brulé, trouvère champenois, édition des Chansons et étude historique, ed. Holger Petersen Dyggve (Helsinki, 1951; rpt. New York: AMS Press, 1980): no. 44, vv. 43 f., and the new edition, The Lyrics and Melodies of Gace Brulé (New York: Garland, 1985).

46. For the French trouvères I use the convenient anthology by Frederick Goldin, ed., Lyrics of the Troubadours and Trouvères (1973), cited. Once again, the translations are mine except when otherwise indicated.

47. Count Thibaut IV of Champagne was King of Navarre from 1234 to his death: he was a liberal protector of artists, poets, convents, and universities and a great traveler, moving between Reims, Blois, and Pamplona, always in search of good tourneys and real battles, including a crusade overseas.

48. In his wide-ranging search for the theme of "the soul in the kiss," which included medieval lyric and romance as well as mystical and theological writings, Nicolas J. Perella, The Kiss Sacred and Profane (Berkeley, Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1969), missed these and other clear antecedents of his subject.

49. Christian Gellinek, "Zu Hartmann von Aues Herzenstausch: Iwein: vv. 2956-3028," Amsterdamer Beiträge zur älteren Germanistik 6 (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1974): 133-142.

50. P.-C.: 112.4, vv. 37-39, 49-53: Hill and Bergin ed.: 1: 27 f.

51. P.-C.: 70.31, st. 4, vv. 3-6; Hill and Bergin ed.: 1: 38-40. Even Petrarca's troubled hints at attempted suicide, prevented only by the fear of divine punishment, find their authoritative antecedents: Raimbaut de Vaqueiras (b. 1155/60, fl. 1180-1205) has a canso-sirventes, "No m'agrada iverns ni pascors" (P.-C.: 392.24), where we read: "e, si no.m sembles fols esfreis, / anc flama plus tost non s'esteis / q'ieu for' esteins e relinquitz" (And if it did not seem a mad and desperate act, no flame was ever snuffed out faster than I would have been, all destroyed—vv. 19-21). Text in F. Goldin 268-274 from Joseph Linskill Hill, ed., The Poems of the Troubadour Raimbaut de Vaqueiras (The Hague: Mouton, 1964), and in Hill and Bergin ed., 1: 162-164, with slightly different reading (the initial verse in P.-C. adds a last word "alegra").

52. No. 4, st. 5-6 in Les chansons de Guillaume IX, duc d'Aquitaine (1071-1127), ed. Alfred Jeanroy, Classiques Français du Moyen Age no. 9 (Paris: H. Champion, 2d rev. ed. 1972): 1.

53. See Frederick Goldin, The Mirror of Narcissus in the Courtly Love Lyric (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1967); Richard W. Hanning, "The Social Significance" (1972): 11 f. On the myth of Narcissus and the theme of androgyny in several French romances, such as Narcissus of circa 1200 and the slightly later Floire et Blancheflor, see Joan M. Ferrante, Woman as Image (1975): 74-97.

54. On the woman as "androgynous" lord ( midons, domna ) and unsexed human being see Christiane Leube-Fey, Bild und Funktion der dompna in der Lyrik des Trobadors (Heidelberg: Carl Winter, 1971). On gender exchanges, Caroline Walker Bynum, Jesus as Mother: Studies in the Spirituality of the High Middle Ages (Berkeley, Los Angeles, London: University of California Press, 1982). Joan M. Ferrante, Woman as Image (1975), is a perceptive analysis of some typical groups of medieval literary works from the point of view of the representation of the woman (chap. 3 on lyric and romance in France). It shows that, in general, the woman is not distinguishable as an independent presence in that literature. See, also, the anthology by Marcelle Thiébaux, The Writings of Medieval Women (New York, London: Garland Publishing, 1987).

55. Cited in Honoré d'Urfée, L'Astrée, ed. Jean Lafond (Paris: Gallimard, 1984): 30.

56. Reinmar 10.5 in Carl von Kraus, Hugo Moser, and Helmut Tervooren, eds., Des Minnesangs Frühling, nach Karl Lachmann, Moriz Haupt, und Friedrich Vogt, 3 vols. (36th ed. Stuttgart: Hirzel, 1977-1981): 1: 315 (trans. mine).

57. Quoted from Carl von Kraus et al., eds. Des Minnesangs Frühling (Leipzig: S. Hirzel, 1944): 81.14. See J. Bumke (1982): 160.

58. "Saget mir ieman, waz ist minne?," vv. 24 f. in Die Gedichte Walthers von der Vogelweide, eds. Karl Lachmann and Carl von Kraus, 13th ed. revised by Hugo Kuhn (Berlin: W. de Gruyter, 1965). More recent editions are: Walther von der Vogelweude, Die Lieder, ed. Friedrich Maurer, 2 vols. (Tübingen: Max Niemeyer, 3d and 4th eds. 1969,1974); and idem, Werke, Text und Prosaübersetzung, ed. Joerg Schaefer (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1972).

59. Frederick Goldin, ed., German and Italian Lyrics of the Middle Ages (Garden City, NJ: Doubleday Anchor Books, 1973): 96-101, gives a good summary of the controversial interpretation of Walther's poetic stance mostly on the basis of an imaginative essay by Renata Karlin, "The Challenge to Courtly Love," in Joan M. Ferrante and George Economou, eds., In Pursuit of Perfection: Courtly Love in Medieval Literature (1975): 101-133.

60. Especially Köhler, "Vergleichende soziologische Betrachtungen zum romanischen und zum deutschen Minnesang," in Karl H. Borck and Rudolf Henss, eds., Der Berliner Germanistentag 1968 (Heidelberg: C. Winter, 1970): 61-76; Mancini ed.: 275-297.

61. Köhler, Mancini ed.: 281 and 285 f., citing from Die Gedichte Walthers von der Vogelweide, eds. Karl Lachmann and Carl von Kraus (Berlin: W. de Gruyter, 12th ed. 1959): 66, vv. 37 f.

62. Köhler, Mancini ed.: 293.

63. Köhler, Mancini ed.: 292.

64. Köhler, Mancini ed.: 282 f., with reference to Herbert Kolb, Der Begriff der Minne und das Entstehen der höfischen Lyrik (Tübingen: Max Niemeyer, 1958): 39 ff. For a plainer sociological interpretation see N. Elias, The Civilizing Process 2 (1982): 1.1.2, pp. 66-90, "On the Sociogenesis of Minnesang and Courtly Forms of Conduct."

65. Lucie Brind' Amour in T. Klaniczay et al., eds. (1988): 454-456.

66. "vor 1340 ist Minne Sache des Adels": see Heinz Otto Burger, ed., Annalen der Deutschen Literatur (Stuttgart: J. B. Metzlersche Verlag, 1971) 219-222.

1. "E' questo il mondo che si esprime originariamente nella lirica trovatoresca e nel romanzo cortese: due manifestazioni connesse tra loro assai più di quanto non appaia dalle correnti storie letterarie." Aurelio Roncaglia, "Nascita e sviluppo della narrativa cavalleresca," in Accademia dei Lincei, Convegno Internazionale Ludovico Ariosto, 1974; Atti dei Convegni dell' Accademia dei Lincei no. 6. (Roma: Accademia dei Lincei, 1975): 229-250 at 240.

2. Vv. 4958-5009. Keen (1984): 42 f. I quote from Linda Paterson's translation cited by Keen. See L. Paterson in Forum for Modern Language Studies 17 (1981): 115-130 for other textual citations from Girart, with bibliographic references.

3. Original text in Girart de Roussillon, chanson de geste, ed. W. Mary Hackett, 3 vols. (Paris: Picard, 1953-1955). Hackett places the poem either in the area from Bordeaux to Poitiers or between Lyon and Vienne. It long remained popular, and in 1447 it enjoyed a French version by Jean Vauquelin, the prominent calligrapher and translator at the Burgundian court of Philip the Good. See Girart de Roussillon, ed. Edward Billings Ham (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1939).

4. Hackett ed., 3: 537-539. See Linda Paterson (1981): 123 f., quoting J. Flori, "La notion de chevalerie dans les chansons de geste du XII ^e siècle. Étude historique de vocabulaire," Le Moyen Age 81 (1975): 420; P. Bonnassie, La Catalogue etc. (1975-1976): 656 ff.; and Jean-Pierre Poly, La Provence et la société féodale, 879-1166. Contribution à l'étude des structures dites féodales dans le Midi (Paris: Bordas, 1976) 195, 361. See, also, J.-P. Poly, La société féodale en Provence du 10 ^e au 12 ^e siècle (Paris: Hachette, 1972).

5. Le Couronnement de Louis, chanson de geste du 12 ^e siècle, ed. Ernest Langlois, Classiques Français du Moyen Age no. 22 (Paris: Champion, 1920, 2d ed. 1925): vv. 80-86. (My trans. in text.)

The extent to which the notion of "measure" is operative in the chansons de geste cannot concern us here. It appears as a positive imperative in the text quoted, and we have seen it as one of the key terms in the definition of curiality. Its role in determining Roland's tragic character flaw in the Chanson de Roland has been much discussed, with some critics regarding it as a superimpositon on the actual context: see, for example, Larry S. Crist, "A propos de la desmesure dans la Chanson de Roland: quelques propos (démesurés?)," Oliphant 1 (1974-1975): 10-20, surveying the question and trying to dismiss it as a weary old critical poncif.

6. For a similar interpretation, see Vàrvaro (1985): 229-243.

7. After the monumental work of Reto R. Bezzola, the most comprehensive presentation of this interpretation of the French epic and romance is perhaps Erich Köhler, Ideal und Wirklichkeit in der höfischen Epik (1956; 2d ed. 1970), esp. chap. 1; see a spirited summary of the thesis in Jacques Le Goff's Preface to the French ed., L'aventure chevaleresque (1974): xiii f.

8. As part of Henry II's propaganda campaign against the French centralized idea of monarchy, "the writers in his employ exploited the 'British material' [the Arthurian legends], pitting against the image of Charlemagne that of King Arthur": G. Duby, The Three Orders (1980): 287.

9. This is Joseph Bédier's well-known thesis on the origin of the Roland epic. See Köhler, L'aventure chevaleresque (1974): chap. 2, "Chevalerie-clergie," 44-76, on the development of the new mythology, and ibid., esp. 11-15 for the definition of King Arthur's role as upholder of feudal rights in Chrétien de Troyes's Erec.

10. On the history of the word roman or romanz for the narrative genre, see Aurelio Roncaglia, Tristano e Anti-Tristano. Dialettica di temi e d'ideologie nella narrativa medievale (Roma: Bulzoni, 1981): 92-115, and for the narrative matter of the genre, Roncaglia, "Nascita e sviluppo della narrativa cavalleresca nella Francia medievale" (1975): 229-250, as well as the learned and broadly gauged "Introduzione" by the editor in Maria Luisa Meneghetti, ed., Il romanzo (1988): 7-85, a rich volume that also includes reprintings of studies on this matter by Maurice Wilmotte, "La fondazione del romanzo: nostalgia dell'antichità e attualità politica e culturale," 107-122, Cesare Segre, "I problemi del romanzo medievale," 125-145, and others.

11. Translation in R. S. Loomis and L. Hibbard Loomis, eds., Medieval Romances (1957): 236.

12. Lambert li Tors and Alexandre de Bernay, Li romans d'Alixandre, nach Handschriften der Königlichen Büchersammlung zu Paris, ed. Heinrich V. Michelant (Stuttgart: Literarischer Verein, 1846; rpt. Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1966): 17. For a much better, critical edition see The Medieval French Roman d'Alexandre, eds. E. C. Armstrong et al., 7 vols. (Princeton: Princeton University Press; Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1937-1942; New York: Kraus Reprints, 1965).

13. La Mort de Garin le Loherain, poème du 12 ^e siècle, ed. Édélestand Du Méril (Paris: Franck, 1846; Genève: Slatkine Reprints, 1969): 74; Le Couronnement de Louis, ed. Langlois (1925): vv. 2254-2266.

14. See Partonopeu de Blois, A French Romance of the Twelfth Century, ed. Joseph Gildea, 2 vols. in 3 (Villanova, PA: Villanova University Press, 1967, 1968, 1970).

15. Text in F. Vieillard, "Un texte interpolé du cycle du Graal (Bibliothèque Bodmer MS. 147)," Revue d'histoire des textes 4 (1974): 289-337.

16. A splendid sample of such illustrations is in the manuscript of Thomas of Saluzzo's Chevalier errant (1395), Bibliothèque Nationale MS. Fr. 12559 (see my chap. 1), and in the frescoes Thomas himself ordered for his castle of Saluzzo. See M. Keen (1984): chap. 6, "The Historical Mythology of Chivalry," 102-124; also 18 f., with color plates nos. 28 and 29.

17. Pierre Le Gentil, "The Work of Robert de Boron and the Didot Perceval, " in Roger S. Loomis, ed., Arthurian Literature in the Middle Ages (1959; 1961): 251-262; M. Keen (1984): 60, 62, 118-120. The Lady of the Lake in the Vulgate Lancelot answers Lancelot's query concerning historical examplars of perfect chivalry by naming Maccabaeus, David, and Joseph of Arimathea as ancient models: see H. O. Sommer, ed., The Vulgate Version of the Arthurian Romances, 8 vols. (Washington, DC: Carnegie Institute, 1909-1916): 3: 116 f.

18. Christine was also the author of more technical treatises related to our subject, like the Livre des faits d'armes et de chevalerie (1408-1409), published by William Caxton in translation as The Book of Fayttes of Armes and of Chyvalrye, 1489 (eds. H. Milford and A. T. O. Byles, Early English Text Society, London: Oxford University Press, 1932); and Le livre des fais et bonnes meurs du sage roy Charles V (Paris: H. Champion, 1936). Her love poetry, too, is remarkable for confronting the role of the woman in the ambiguous situation of courtly love: see her Livre du due des vrais amants, followed by the Cent ballades d'amant et de dame. The casuistry of love generated by the courtly conventions found eloquent expression in the numerous works of Christine's influential younger contemporary Alain Chartier (ca. 1385-ca. 1429): see his Quadrilogue invectif (1422), La belle dame sans merci (1424), Débat des deux fortunés d'Amour (1425?), and other works, where the cases of lovers are loaded with psychological, moral, and socio-political overtones.

19. For one rather singular example from Italy, the thirteenth-century Istorietta troiana offers a gem of contamination of medieval mores into the reading of the most hallowed ancient myths: the abduction of Helen by Paris is rendered as a model raid of a community (assembled in a temple for a festival), with systematic plundering of property, killing of all that resisted, and abduction into slavery of able bodies, including women, all rather unnecessarily, since Helen had agreed beforehand to follow Paris. Text in Egidio Gorra, Testi inediti di storia trojana, preceduti da uno studio sulla leggenda troiana in Italia (Torino: C. Triverio, 1887): 371-403, comments pp. 152-166; new ed. in Alfredo Schiaffini, Testi fiorentini del Dugento e dei primi del Trecento (Firenze: G. C. Sansoni, 1954): 151; and in C. Segre and M. Marti, La prosa del Duecento (Milano, Napoli: R. Ricciardi, 1959): 535-545 at 540-542. Boccaccio has "ancient" characters behave in similar "knightly" ways in the story of Cimone's conquest of Iphigenia ( Decameron 5.1): see A. Scaglione, Nature and Love in the Late Middle Ages (Berkeley, Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1963; rpt. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1976): 80 f., 85.

20. Zumthor has dedicated prolonged research to this work: see his "L'écriture et la voix: le roman d'Éracle," in Lee A. Arrathoon, ed., The Craft of Fiction 1 (Rochester, MI: Solaris Press, 1984): 161-209, and idem (1987): 308-310. See Zumthor's reconstruction of the original meaning of mettre en roman: "l'expression mettre en roman, fréquente dans le français du XII ^e siècle, désigne le processus permettant d'atteindre cette fin: opérée par un individu frotté de culture livresque, la mise en roman a pour destinataire quelqu'un du milieu chevaleresque et noble" (1987: 300 f.). Also, Per Nykrog, "Two Creators of Narrative Form in Twelfth Century France: Gautier d'Arras—Chrétien de Troyes," Speculum 48 (1973): 258-276.

The oral nature of the epics is tied to their closeness to the popular layers on the assumption that they developed mainly along the pilgrimage routes. An intriguing hypothesis would, instead, surprisingly tie such a key text as the Chanson de Roland to courtly milieus in Norman Italy: see A. Roncaglia, "Le corti medievali" in A. Asor Rosa, ed., Letteratura italiana 1 (1982): 95-97.

21. J. Frappier, "La matière de Bretagne: ses origines et son développement," Grundri b 4.1 (1978): 183-211, esp. 209. A different slant, favoring transmission through the minstrels of Bretagne rather than from the English isles, is in R. S. Loomis, "The Oral Diffusion of the Arthurian Legend," in R. S. Loomis, ed., Arthurian Literature in the Middle Ages (1959; 1961): 52-63.

22. Historia regum Britanniae, ed. Edmond Faral (1929): chap. 157, vv. 41-44. See Frappier (1978): 190. See, also, Geoffrey's chaps. 154, v. 2; and 157, v.39.

23. Historia regum Britanniae (1929): 3: 238, 246. See Jaeger: 166.

24. Le roman de Brut de Wace, ed. Ivor Arnold (1938-1940): 2: vv. 10,493 ff., 10,511 ff.

25. Le Roman de Brut, ed. I. Arnold (1938-1940): vv. 9260-9265. See vv. 14,865 f. for date and generic labeling: "Mil et cent cinquante et cine ans / fist mestre Wace cest romans." For the Brut legend see, also, Alexander Bell, ed., An Anglo-Norman Brut (Royal 13.A.XXI), Anglo-Norman Texts 21/22 (Oxford: Blackwell, 1969), from British Museum MS. Royal 13.A.XXI.

26. MS. H has for the last two lines: "Par la noblesce de s'amie / fait jovenes hom cevalerie."

27. Frappier, "La matière de Bretagne: ses origines et son développement," Grundri b : 4.1: 200 f. on these points.

28. I cite from the excellently informed Tony Hunt, "The Emergence of the Knight in France and England, 1000-1200," Forum for Modern Language Studies (1981): 104 f., with references to Thomas A. McGuire, The Conception of the Knight in the Old French Epics of the Southern Cycle, with Parallels from Contemporary Historical Sources (East Lansing, MI: The Campus Press, 1939), and J. D. Burnley, "The Roman de Horn: Its Hero and Ethos," French Studies 32 (1978): 385-397. Text in Mildred K. Pope and T. B. W. Reid, eds., The Romance of Horn by Thomas, Anglo-Norman Text Society 9-10, 12-13, 2 vols. (Oxford: B. Blackwell, 1955-1964): 1: 6-15.

29. See Joan M. Ferrante (1973) for a comparative study of all basic motifs at the hands of the authors of five of the major texts within the Tristan cycle. Also Daniela Delcorno Branca, I romanzi italiani di Tristano e La Tavola Ritonda (Firenze: L. S. Olschki, 1968), and idem, Il romanzo cavalleresco medievale (Firenze: Sansoni, 1974).

30. For a pithy discussion of the anthropological meaning of the marvelous elements, see F. Cardini, "Il guerriero e il cavaliere" (1987): 102.

31. This is, for example, Joan M. Ferrante's conclusion in "The Conflict of Lyric Conventions and Romance Form," in J. M. Ferrante and G. D. Economou (1975): 135-178 at 159. A student of W. T. H. Jackson, Ferrante extends further her teacher's distrust of love as a positive factor in Arthurian romance by sharply distinguishing that genre from the lyric, where love was conceived as the root of chivalry—a stand that would be systematically carried to a metaphysical and even theological fruition by the Italian lyrical poets. Chrétien kept searching for a solution and, unable to find a settlement for courtly love as socially positive and harmonious with chivalric duty, he eventually gave up—leaving both Lancelot and Perceval unfinished—(Ferrante, ibid.: 145). Chrétien was not alone in finding in chivalry an open question, rather than a closed book with all the answers.

32. Erich Auerbach, Mimesis: The Representation of Reality in Western Literature, trans. Willard Trask (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1953; Garden City, NY: Doubleday Anchor Books, 1957): 121; Daniel Poirion, "Théorie et pratique du style au moyen âge: le sublime et la merveille," Revue d'histoire littéraire de la France 86.1 (1986): 15-32.

33. Auerbach, Mimesis: 117-121: "Calogrenant  . . . has no political or historical task, nor has any other knight of Arthur's court. Here the feudal ethos serves no political function; it serves no practical reality at all; it has become absolute. It no longer has any purpose but that of self-realization . . .. It would seem that corteisie achieved its synthetic meaning only in the age of chivalry or courtly culture, which indeed derives the latter name from it. The values expressed in it—refinement of the laws of combat, courteous social intercourse, service of women—have undergone a striking process of change and sublimation in comparison with the chanson de geste and are all directed toward a personal and absolute ideal—absolute both in reference to ideal realization and in reference to the absence of any earthly and practical purpose." See my Introduction, p. 5.

34. Auerbach: 119, borrowing the latter term from the Orientalist Hellmut Ritter.

35. This is also, more or less, Eugene Vance's conclusion to his challenging analysis of Yvain ( Mervelous Signals 1986)—although, I must confess, I find it somewhat stretched in its insistence on commercial dimensions which, furthermore, he endows with far-reaching metaphysical and anthropologically symbolic supra-meanings.

36. On Chrétien see the extensive sections by Jean Frappier and others in Grundri b 4.1, especially Alexandre Micha: 231-264. Also Jaeger: 196, on the preceding point.

37. All these texts are excerpted and translated in The Comedy of Eros: Medieval French Guides to the Art of Love, trans. Norman R. Shapiro, notes by James B. Wadsworth (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1971), an anthology of scarce scholarly value that I cite here for its convenience. See, for La clef d'amour and Élie de Winchester: La clef d'amour, ed. Edwin Tross (Paris: Librairie Tross; Lyon: Perrin, 1866), and Maître Élie's Überarbeitung der ältesten französischen Übertragung von Ovids Ars Amatoria, eds. H. Kühne and E. Stengel, in Edmund Max Stengel, ed., "Ausgaben und Abhandlungen aus dem Gebiete der romanischen Philologie 47" (Marburg: N. G. Elwert, 1886). This edition also included Elie's, Everart's, and an anonymous author's translations of the Disticha Catonis.

38. Jaeger: 185-190. Saxo's book 10 contains an extensive summary of King Canute the Great's "Lex castrensis sive curiae," an attempt to civilize the unruly and barbarous knights attending his court (Jaeger: 136-138). Note the terms "saluberrimum castrensis disciplinae tenorem, qua tantae varietatis discordiam rumperet"; "rex verecundiam a suis servari voluit." We may recall Castiglione's notion of vergogna, akin to Latin verecundia, considerateness or respect for others' rights. See Saxo Grammaticus, Danorum regum heroumque historia, Books 10-16: the text of the first edition with translation and commentary in three volumes, ed. Eric Christiansen (Oxford: British Archaeological Reports, BAR International Series, 1980-1981).

39. E. Köhler, "Literatursoziologische Perspektiven" (1978): 89: "Der fundamentale und so folgenreiche Gedanke der Aventüre ist primär eine Schöpfung des niederen bzw. des armen Rittertums."

40. The key term "adventure" is a curious derivation from a Latin future participle ( adventurus ), expressing the instability of knight-errantry, the knight waiting for something to come that will affirm his identity. See Zumthor (1987): 102 f. G. F. Beneke, Zeitschrift für deutsches Altertum 1 (1841): 49-56, had already studied the term aventiûre in Middle High German. For broad studies of the question see E. Köhler, L'aventure chevaleresque (1974): chap. 3, "L'aventure: Réintégration et quête de l'identité" 77-102, and Michael Nerlich, Ideology of Adventure: Studies in Modern Consciousness, 1100-1750, trans. Ruth Crowley (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, c1987) [original title Kritik der Abenteuer-Ideologie ].

41. "ein ritterliches Versorgungsinstitut": Köhler, "Literatursoziologische Perspektiven": 90. Arthur was indeed conceived as just another knight with a special status as king, and could even behave like a wandering knight in search of adventure. A specific instance of such a dangerous and, ultimately, irresponsible search for individual adventure on his part is seen in the Italian Tristano Riccardiano (ca. 1300): he goes off alone to the Fontana Avventurosa, where after a year of enchanted imprisonment he would have been killed had not Tristan showed up in the nick of time to save him. Text in Segre and Marti, eds., La prosa del Duecento (1959): 647.

42. In the thirteenth century this social connotation gave way to more abstract cosmological and metaphysical considerations: Robert de Boron's Queste du Saint Graal makes the Round Table symbolic of the roundness of the world. See J. Frappier, ed., Grundri b : 4.1: 199.

43. On the court of Champagne as historical background to Chrétien's representation of the fictional court of Arthur, see John F. Benton (1961; 1990).

44. Köhler, "Zur Diskussion der Aldelsfrage bei den Trobadors," Trobadorlyrik (1962): 115 ff., "I Trovatori e la Questione della Nobiltá" in Mancini ed.: 139-162, esp. 150-153.

45. Köhler, ibid. G. Duby, The Knight the Lady and the Priest: 216-219, attempts to place Capellanus at the court of Philip Augustus as a humorous teacher of bachelor knights. The pleasures of courtly life could satisfy the knights' lust outside the bonds of marriage, thus keeping them under the control of an elegant sport. In this manner, though paradoxically, courtly love could coexist with the serious institution of marriage even in the face of the Church doctrine of the sacrament, which excluded passion from conjugal love.

46. Köhler, ibid.

47. Chrétien was showing himself a member of the clerical class in this, too. The clerical administrators were less flexible and more bureaucratic than secular lords in their scorn for merchants, whose moral code they could not adapt to their own code, conceived for a rural society. Accordingly, in northern France the communes were more likely to elicit understanding and cooperation from the secular lords than from the bishops. Thus revolt spread to such towns as Beauvais, Noyon, Soissons, Laon, Cambrai, and Reims.

Despite a rather unconvincing focusing on "nascent capitalism," Fredric Jameson (1975: 158) has put his finger on the manifold emargination of the knight and the courtly poet in his narratology of the romance:

Romance as a form  . . . expresses a transitional moment, yet one of a very special type: its contemporaries must feel their society torn between past and future in such a way that the alternatives are grasped as hostile but somehow unrelated worlds . . .. The archaic character of the categories of romance (magic, good and evil, otherness) suggests that the genre expresses a nostalgia for a social order in the process of being undermined by nascent capitalism, yet still for the moment coexisting side by side with the latter.

48. Especially Jean-Pierre Poly, La Provence et la société féodale, 879-1166. Contribution à l'étude des structures dites féodales dans le Midi (Paris: Bordas, 1976): 142-144, 286-317, 362 f., and Linda Paterson, "Knights and the Concept of Knighthood in the Twelfth-Century Occitan Epic," Forum for Modern Language Studies (1981): esp. 118-121.

49. This exclusivism extended to the contemporary epic, too. See K.-H. Bender, "Un aspect de la stylisation épique: l'exclusivisme de la haute noblesse dans les chansons de geste du XII ^e siécle," Société Rencesvals, Actes du IV ^e Congrès International, Heidelberg 1967 (Heidelberg: C. Winter, 1969) 95 ff.; idem, "Des chansons de geste à la première épopée de croisade. La présence de l'histoire contemporaine dans la littérature française du 12 ^e siècle," Société Rencesvals, Actes du VI ^e Congrès International, Aix-en-Provence 1973 (Aix-en-Provence: Université de Provence, 1974): 485-500.

50. Yvain: 327, 329 f., 355, 357-360.

51. E. Köhler, "Literatursoziologische Perspektiven," in Frappier et al., eds., Grundri b (1978): 87 f.

52. "qui chascun jor voiz aventures querant et le sens du monde; mais point n'en puis trouver, ne point n'en puis a mon oes retenir." See Eugene Vinaver, A la recherche d'une poétique médiévale (Paris: Nizet, 1970), "Un chevalier errant à la recherche du sens du monde," 163-177 at 166. On this theme of the search for identity of the self in medieval romance see, also, A. Roncaglia, "Nascita e sviluppo della narrativa cavalleresca nella Francia medievale" (1975): 249 f.

53. Köhler, "Marcabrus L'autrier jost'una sebissa und das Problem der Pastourelle," Trobadorlyrik (1962): 193 ff.

54. Didascalicon: 2.8, trans. J. Taylor (1961).

55. On the role of the mercantile ethic in Chrétien, see the provocative semiotic analyses in E. Vance, Mervelous Signals (1986): chap. 5, "Chrétien's Yvain and the Ideologies of Change and Exchange," 111-151.

56. Anthime Fourrier, Le courant réalists dans le roman courtois en France au Moyen Age, 1 (Paris: A. G. Nizet, 1960).

57. There is an unexplained relationship between the two devilish brothers—said at verse 5271 to be the ones who hold the maidens captive—and a very beautiful damsel who reads a romance to her parents in the garden (5362-5370). Her father declares that he who defeats his two "soldiers" (the brothers) will own "his" castle and his daughter (5488-5491).

58. J. Le Goff in the Preface to Köhler, L'aventure chevaleresque: xv.

59. Peter Haidu, "The Hermit's Pottage: Deconstruction and History in Yvain, " in R. Pickens, ed., The Sower and His Seed (1983): 127-145; E. Vance (1986): 142-145. Vance's analysis of Yvain goes further, starting out with a more conjectural interpretation of the relationship between Lunete and Yvain as a well calculated exchange of services loaded with deep monetary symbolism (see his pp. 125-138).

60. Joan M. Ferrante in Ferrante and Economou (1975): 158. Other critics have underlined this tension between love and chivalry: cf. T. Ehlert and G. Meissburger, "Perceval et Parzival," Cahiers de civilization médiévale 18 (1975): 197-227: "[in Perceval] courtly love is no longer seen as a force that ennobles and educates the knight but on the contrary as a power that threatens his very existence."

61. The complex story of this motif has been expertly examined and convincingly assessed, in a critical dialogue with Gaston Paris, Étienne Gilson, and E. R. Curtius, by E. Köhler, L'aventure chevaleresque (1974): chap. 2, "Chevalerie-clergie," 44-76.

62. Marc Bloch, La société féodale (1939-1940): 2: 55.

63. H. O. Sommer ed. (1910): 3: 113 ff.

64. Philip of Alsace (Count of Flanders 1168-1191, dead at St. John of Acre in the Third Crusade) protected and strengthened the burgher towns while he reduced the power of the châtelains, feudal lords who had hereditarily exercised the higher administrative functions, replacing them with baillis, who issued from the lower nobility and acted as simple functionaries at the mercy of the prince. His struggle with Philip Augustus, whom King Louis VII had confided to him as his pupil, ended disastrously with his former pupil inheriting large portions of Flanders, including the Artois and Vermandois in 1185 and 1191. See Louis Trenard, ed., Histoire des Pays-Bas Français (Toulouse: E. Privat, 1972): 91-93.

65. G. Duby, The Three Orders (1988): 303-306 on this ideological and sociopolitical background to Chrétien's late work (but with incorrect citation of Chrétien's passage).

66. E. Köhler, "Zur Diskussion der Adelsfrage bei den Trobadors," Trobadorlyrik (1962): 115 ff., Mancini ed.: 139-162 at 154.

67. E. Köhler, L'aventure chevaleresque (1974): 172-182, and the whole chap. 5, pp. 160-207 on the moral question of love and marriage in Chrétien.

68. Köhler, ibid.: 175 with n. 21.

69.  

70. This "thesis" underlies, for example, Charles Muscatine, The Old French Fabliaux (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1986), but its definition and chronological limitations as outlined above are brought out more sharply by the major authority on the subject, Per Nykrog, in his review article "The Fabliaux in California," Romance Philology 42.3 (1989): 285-292.

71. Tony Hunt, "The Emergence of the Knight in France and England, 1000-1200," Forum for Modern Language Studies (1981): 93-114 at 100. See, besides Per Nykrog, Les fabliaux (Genève: Droz, new ed. 1973); Reinhard Kiesow, Die Fabliaux. Zur Genese und Typologie einer Gattung der altfranazösischen Kurzerzählungen (Bensberg/Rheinfelden: Schäuble, 1976), esp. 79 ff.; Marie-Luce Chênerie, "'Ces curieux chevaliers tournoyeurs  . . . ' Des fabliaux aux romans," Romania 97 (1976): 327-368; and R. Howard Bloch, The Scandal of the Fabliaux (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1986).

72. The texts are in the eight-volume edition by H. O. Sommer (Washington: Carnegie Institution, 1908-1916). See Ferdinand Lot, Étude sur le Lancelot en prose (Paris: Honoré Champion, 1918; 1954); Jean Frappier, "L''institution' de Lancelot dans le Lancelot en prose," Mélanges de philologie romane et de littérature médiévale offerts à Ernest Hoepffner (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1949): 269-278; Elspeth Kennedy, "Social and Political Ideas in the French Prose Lancelot," Medium Aevum 26 (1957): 90-106; the expert synthetic study by J. Frappier, "The Vulgate Cycle," in R. S. Loomis, ed., Arthurian Literature (1959; 1961): 295-318; and Alexandre Micha, Essais sur le cycle du Lancelot-Graal (Genève: Droz, 1987). A. Micha has recently re-edited the Lancelot del Lac in nine volumes of the series "Textes Littéraires Français" (Genève: Droz, 1978-1983). The dating for the Lancelot/Graal is as proposed by Frappier in Loomis's 1959 vol., but Zumthor (1987: 310) proposes 1225-1235.

73. F. Lot, Étude sur le Lancelot en prose (1918): chap. 2, and Frappier in Loomis (1959; 1961): 298 f.

74. J. Frappier in Loomis (1959; 1961): 318, with reference to Pio Rajna in Studi Danteschi 1 (1920): 91-99.

75. Frappier in Loomis (1959; 1961): 305 f., with bibliography.

76. G. Duby, Mâle moyen âge (1988): 83-117, attempts an interpretation of the Roman's relationship to its historical and social setting, but without adding much to the vast secondary literature by literary historians and critics.

77. Johan Huizinga gave a celebrated analysis of this literature and culture in his landmark The Waning of the Middle Ages, a Study of the Forms of Life, Thought and Art in France and the Netherlands in the XIVth and XVth Centuries, trans. F. Hopman (London: E. Arnold, 1924; 1970), but see Paul Zumthor's Le masque et la lumière: La poétique des grands rhétoriqueurs (Paris: Éditions du Seuil, 1978) and Anthologie des Grands Rhétoriqueurs (Paris: Union Générale d'Éditions, 1978) for a fresh and authoritative new look at the whole field, though not entirely convincing in his attempt to read between the lines and beyond the text in order to attribute to the poets a dynamic transcendence of their social fetters.

78. Martín de Riquer (1970): 5-8. For Le Livre des faits du bon messire Jehan le Maingre, dit Bouciquaut, mareschal de France et gouverneur de Jennes, see the recent critical edition by Denis Lalande, Textes Littéraires Français no. 331 (Genève: Droz, 1985). Lalande dates the text, extant in only one MS. (BN Fr. 11.432), between 1406-1409.

79. After Huizinga's classic description of this literature in The Waning of the Middle Ages, see, for example, Michel Stanesco in T. Klaniczay (1988): 405-419.

80. More often than with actual warfare, the life of the knight was taken up with theatrical shows in the form of tourneys and jousts, the folly of which met with opposition from moralists in the Church. Hence from early times on, the vast literature on such forms of ritualistic chivalric "tests" was underpinned by a need to allegorize in mystical keys: Huon de Méry's (fl. 1234) Le tournoiement de l'Antéchrist, for example, staged a formal joust between Christ and Satan, with the eager participation of archangels, the cardinal and theological virtues, and the chivalric virtues of Prouesse, Largesse, Courtoisie, and Debonnaireté [Good Humor] as well as the knights of the Round Table, all on the good side. The old edition by Prosper Tarbé (Reims: P. Regnier, 1851) has been reprinted by Slatkine Reprints (Genève: 1977), but there is now a critical edition by Margaret O. Bender: Huon de Méri, Le torneiment Anticrist (University, Mississippi: Romance Monographs, 1976). See Larry Benson, Malory's "Morte Darthur " (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1976): "Knighthood in Life and Literature," 163-185; idem, "The Tournament in the Romances of Chrétien de Troyes and L'Histoire de Guillaume le Maréchal, " in L. Benson and J. Leyerle, eds., Chivalric Literature (1980): 1-24; F. Cardini, "Il guerriero e il cavaliere" (1987): 113; Juliet R. V. Barker, The Tournament in England, 1100-1400 (Wolfeboro, NH: Boydell Press, 1986); and Alan R. Young, Tudor and Jacobean Tournaments (Dobbs Ferry, NY: Sheridan House, 1987).

81. A. J. Bliss, ed., Sir Orfeo (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1954), contains all three extant manuscripts. This text is commonly regarded as one of the extant "Breton lays" from the thirteenth and fifteenth centuries, ending with Chaucer's Franklin's Tale. See the texts in Thomas C. Rumble, ed., The Breton Lays in Middle English (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1965). Donald B. Sands, ed., Middle English Verse Romances (New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston, 1966), is a selection of lays and verse romances including a version of our text as King Orpheus.

82. G. V. Smithers, ed., Havelok (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1987).

83. See "Intergeneric Dominants" in my next chapter.

84. J. R. R. Tolkien and E. V. Gordon, eds., Sir Gawain and the Green Knight, 2d ed. by Norman Davis (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1967). I am using Wilhelm's translation in James J. Wilhelm and L. Z. Gross, eds., The Romance of Arthur (1984). Incidentally, irony appears in this text, too, for example, in the authorial intervention at verses 1991 f.: "I won't venture to vouch for a sound sleep or a vexed one, / For he had much to mull over," concerning Gawain's forthcoming encounter with the Green Knight, where he expects to lose his head. On irony and criticism of knightly failure in Sir Gawain, see W. R. J. Barron, "Knighthood on Trial: The Acid Test of Irony," Forum for Modern Language Studies (1981): 181-197.

1. Jauss, "Theory of Genres": 82 f.

2. Jauss, "Theory of Genres": 96, for the meaning of such categories for John of Garlandia's contemporaries. See the survey of this terminology in Heinrich Lausberg, Handbuch der literarischen Rhetorik (München: Hueber Verlag, 1960): paragraphs 290-334.

3. It is remarkable that Jauss never adduces examples from Germanic literatures for the medieval epic and romance. I feel that this broadening of the horizon would enrich and perhaps modify his definitions.

4. Jauss, "Theory of Genres": 83-87.

5. W. T. H. Jackson, The Anatomy of Love: The Tristan of Gottfried von Strassburg (1971): 144, for a denial of a unified and identifiable code. A summary of research on the matter in Eduard Neumann (1951).

6. Staete can also be close to triuwe insofar as it can be equivalent to Latin fides, just as mâze was felt to be equivalent to Latin moderatio or temperantia: see H. Fuhrmann (1986): 180.

7. See, especially, Jackson's 1971 The Anatomy of Love.

8. Jackson (1971): chap. 1, 1-30, esp. 13.

9. G. Duby, Medieval Marriage (1978) and Mâle moyen âge (1988).

10. Carla Frova (1973): 74. See A. Scaglione, "The Classics in Medieval Education," in Aldo S. Bernardo and Saul Levin, eds., The Classics in the Middle Ages, Medieval & Renaissance Texts & Studies (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), forthcoming.

11. Frova: 64 (trans. mine). See Rodolphus Glaber, Historiarum sui temporis libri quinque, in Migne's PL: 142, and Stephen G. Nichols, Jr., Romanesque Signs: Early Medieval Narrative and Iconography (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1983): 7-14 and 35-41 on some implications of Raoul's account of Vilgard's "heresy" and its alleged spreading as far as Orléans.

12. Wipo, Tetralogus, in Die Werke Wipos, ed. Harry Bresslau, MGH, Scriptores rerum germanicarum in usum scholarum 61 (3d ed. Hannover, Leipzig: Hahn, 1915; rpt. 1977): p. 81, vv. 187 ff., 199 ff. (cited by P. Riché 174, 387). See James W. Thompson, The Literacy of the Laity in the Middle Ages: 90 ff.

13. "Curie regali, more Francorum procerum, a parentibus traditus est;  . . .  in aula regis, cunctis tam celestibus quam militaribus imbueatur institutis." Eudes de Saint-Maur, Vie de Bouchard le Vénérable, comte de Vendôme, de Corbeil, de Melun et de Paris, ed. Charles Bourel de la Roncière (Paris: Picard, 1892): 5. For Jaeger (215, he spells his name Eudes de St. Maure) this text indicates instruction not in courtly ethics but in military and divine matters, as is stipulated in Germanic sources with reference to clerical training in episcopal centers.

14. "Cum ergo ad pueritiam pervenisset, qua primum aetate mos est nobilium liberos in disciplinam dare, traditus est magistro." Vita sancti Magnobodi, PL: 171: 1547-1562 at 1549a; similar remarks in Marbod's Vita sancti Licinii and Vita sancti Gualterii. See Jaeger: 224.

15. A. Waas, Geschichte des Kreuzzuges (Freiburg: Herder, 1956): 1: 33 ff. and 451 ff., referred to by M. Keen (1984): 51-57.

16. I spoke in chapter 5 of the special "literary" or "written" nature of the romance, and this consideration must extend to Germany, too.

17. Gordon B. Ford, Jr., trans., The Ruodlieb. The First Medieval Epic of Chivalry from Eleventh-Century Germany (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1965). Ford dates this fragmentary poem, possibly by an unknown German monk at the Bavarian monastery of Tegernsee, at about 1070. Though earlier datings have been proposed, this later dating would explain the apparently chivalric aspects of the story. See my chapter 2 at passage with note 50.

18. M. Keen (1984): 52 f.

19. Keen (1984): 54-56. See Karl J. Leyser, Rule and Conflict in an Early Medieval Society: Ottonian Saxony (1979; 1989).

20. Dumézil, Mitra-Varuna. Essai sur deux représentations indo-européennes de la souveraineté, Bibliothèque de l'École des Hautes Études: Sciences religieuses, [56] 16 (Paris: Gallimard, [1940]; 2d ed. 1948).

21. Daretis Phrygii de excidio Trojae historia, ed. F. Meister (Leipzig: Teubner, 1873): p. 16, v. 19. This extant Latin version may be from the fifth century.

22. Jaeger does not mention the early "court" poetry of Norway (so called in the original Old Norse language), namely the dróttkvaett, a poetic genre praising living kings or their ancestors (from drótt, Anglo-Saxon dryht, meaning a court or a lord's household). It was written in a formal metrical stave of eight six-syllable lines with rather regular alliteration and rhymes, and was theoretically and practically examined by the great Icelandic saga writer and poet Snorri Sturluson (1178-1241) in his " Prose Edda. " Most of the poetry, some of it going back to the ninth century in written form, is contained in the " Poetic " or " Elder Edda " of the rich Codex Regius of Copenhagen of ca. 1270, and the parts that deal with the Nibelungs stories (including the tales of Atli/Attila, Gudrun/Kriemhild, and Sigurd/Siegfried) are supposed to have Germanic sources. This court poetry has been known and appreciated by medievalists at least as far back as W. P. Ker's spirited 1904 references to it in his landmark work The Dark Ages (New York: Mentor Books, 1958): 193 f. It should be interesting to relate it to continental court poetry.

23. The standard aid for orientation in the large literature on the poem is Willy Krogmann and Ulrich Pretzel, Bibliographie zum Nibelungenlied und zur Klage (Berlin: Erich Schmidt, 4th ed. 1966), while Friedrich Panzer, Das Nibelungenlied: Entstehung und Gestalt (Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 1855), still provides a useful guide to research up to its date. See a recent analysis in English from a vantage point of historical and generic context in Edward R. Haymes, The Nibelungenlied: History and Interpretation (Urbana, Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1986).

24. J. Bumke (1964; 1977: 33; 1982: 20) gives the following statistical counts for the Nibelungenlied: recke 492 times; helt 390; degen 363. Ritter (knight) appears only 170 times. MHG ritter, rîter appeared only late in the twelfth century.

25. True enough, Kriemhild's purpose grows gradually and darkly, since at the beginning she would have liked to find a way to single out Hagen for punishment.

26. As is well known, the sixty-eight-line extant fragment of the poem is found on the first and last leaves of a theological manuscript, copied there by two monks of Fulda at the beginning of the ninth century. It may have traveled there from Bavaria, where it had allegedly arrived from its place of origin, the Longobards' royal court in Italy. Hildebrand may not have been an Ostrogoth but a Longobard; in the saga he was, as he still remained in the Nibelungenlied, the trusted lieutenant ( der Gefärte, Waffenmeister ) of the Ostrogoth king Dietrich (Theoderic).

27. A detailed presentation of scholarly opinion is in Max Wehrli, Geschichte der deutschen Literatur von den Anfängen bis zur Gegenwart 1 (Stuttgart: Philipp Reclam Jun., 1980): 27-35. Wehrli, 31, adds that of the many epic encounters of father and son the Hildebrantslied is the only one where the father knowingly kills the son.

28. Quotations from the Nibelungenlied will be based on the Bartsch/de Boor edition (1979).

29. Confused court criticism is Jaeger's judgment (190-193), which in my opinion does not do justice to the role of courtliness in the poem.

30. Segre and Marti, eds., La prosa del Duecento: 630: "ma tutto in altra maniera addiverrae, che Tristano non hae divisato, di questa aventura."

31. Jean Miquet's analysis of the later epic tradition, especially in the dérimée (prose) versions 1300-1500, in T. Klaniczay et al., eds. (1988), underscores the static nature of the genre before the Italian poets took it over. I find this survey somewhat misleading where it states that the mixing of the austere, typical of the epic tradition, with the refined and elegant spectacle, that was typical of the romance, remained rare in the epic. The mixing of elements could be very lively in the epic, especially in Germany.

32. Chapter 94 in Segre and Marti, eds., La prosa del Duecento: 666-735 at 709: her corset had around the neck and cuffs buttons worth more than 1000 agostani (Frederick II's gold coin); in her belt, made of gold thread, were encased about 800 stones worth 100 gold deniers each; her two gloves were worth more than 300 gold bisanti (Byzantine solidi ); and so on. The text has multiple sources, mostly Italian, with some derivations from Thomas and the French prose Tristan and Roman de Lancelot.

33. Zumthor (1987): 74. Seven of the ten extant chronicles of the battle, approximately dating between 1070 and shortly after 1200, mention him, and three of them name him.

34. In his translation of The Lay of the Nibelung Men (1911): xv, Arthur S. Way quoted Matthew Arnold's pertinent association of the ethic of the Nibelungenlied with the chronicles of Froissart and Philippe de Commines ( Lectures on Modern History 2).

35. Hugo Kuhn, "Tristan, Nibelungenlied, Artusstruktur," Sitzungsberichte der bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Phil.-Hist. Klasse 5 (1973), seems to have been the first to stress the parallels between Tristan and Siegfried. Theodore M. Andersson, A Preface to the Nibelungenlied (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1987), is the most informed treatment to date of the relationship between the Nibelungenlied and the French and German romances, in addition to earlier Germanic sagas. Aside from the author's debatable stand against the oral-formulaic interpretation of sources, this study analyzes the characters of Siegfried and Hagen within the rich tradition of the bride-quest theme and the Spielmannsepen, including French sources for the context of the marital romances. Siegfried's career is interpreted as a "growth from innocence" tale characteristic of the courtly romance (141); "Hagen too is in some sense a romance hero" (143). In the poem chivalric loyalty and friendship rise to heights unseen in Hartmann, Wolfram, or Gottfried (131).

36. Guy Raynaud de Lage in Grundri b : 4.1: 212-230 at 214. See the recent Eilhart von Oberge, Tristrant, trans. J. W. Thomas (Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press, 1978), the translation into modern German in Eilhart von Oberg, Tristrant und Isolde, neuhochdeutsche Übersetzung, trans. Danielle Buschinger and Wolfgang Spiewok (Göppingen: Kümmerle Verlag, 1986), and the Old Norse version: The Saga of Tristram and Isönd, trans. Paul Schach (Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press, 1973).

37. It deserves mention, however, that in Beroul's Tristan, too, the author/ minstrel showed overt sympathy toward the lovers and full scorn for their villainous and treacherous enemies: see, for example, Evelyn B. Vitz, "Orality, Literacy and the Early Tristan Material: Beroul, Thomas, Marie de France," Romanic Review 78.3 (1987): 299-310.

38. Using a different frame of reference which focuses the chivalric ideal on the hero's conflict between his duties as a knight and his duties as a lover, W. T. H. Jackson (1971) denies that Tristan is a courtly romance and calls it, instead, a chivalric romance.

39. The phrase comes from N. Elias (see the English version Power and Civility, 1982, "The Courtization of Warriors,"258-270).

40. References are to the Ranke/Weber edition of Gottfried (1967). Chretien's story of Lancelot already contained the exaltation of High Love that Gottfried would incorporate into his story of Tristan as a religion of hohe Minne.

41. Jackson (1971): 144, 158.

42. Jackson (1971): 159, and Gisela Holland, Die Hauptgestalten in Gottfrieds Tristan: Wesenszüge, Handlungsfunktion, Motif der List, Philologische Studien und Quellen 30 (Berlin: Erich Schmidt, 1966), on skill and cunning ( List ) as part of Tristan's rejection of courtois and moral values.

43. See the definition of Rual's character at verses 2186-2190: "Dar an tet er der werlde schin, / wie wollekomener triuwe er pflac, / was tugende und eren an im lac." "And thus by all it can be seen / how true and kind was Rûal's way, / what virtue, honor in him lay." Zeydel's translation in The "Tristan and Isolde" of Gottfried von Strassburg, trans. Edwin Hermann Zeydel, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1948, p. 44.

44. "The promise of honor, virtue, and dignity to be gained in the fight against court vices places Mark's speech in a tradition of defense of state service which began in antiquity, continued faintly in the Middle Ages, and was revived by Castiglione." (Jaeger: 86 f., with his translation of Gottfried 8353-8366.)

I have slightly modified Jackson's translation (1971): 77, 176, 181.

45. 

46.

47. The mutual relationship of the various extant versions of the Tristan story is difficult to assess, since their chronological order (starting around 1165) is unclear: see, for example, Jackson (1971: 35, with the "usual" dating of Thomas ca. 1170 and Béroul ca. 1190). Whether Béroul preceded or followed Thomas (both apparently falling between 1150 and 1191 as extreme poles), he seems to show the illiterate minstrel performing his story before a live audience, the transmitted text containing a high degree of "orality," whereas Thomas, either dictating or writing, speaks from a more detached and intellectual standpoint which may disclose the cleric at work. See E. B. Vitz, "Orality, Literacy and the Early Tristan Material: Béroul, Thomas, Marie de France" (1987), already cited. See Béroul's and Thomas's Tristan texts in Tristan et Yseut, ed. J. C. Payen (Paris: Garnier, 1974), and [Thomas,] Les fragments du roman de Tristan, poème du XII ^e siècle, ed. Bartina H. Wind (Genève: Droz, 1960).

48. Laura A. Hibbard, Mediaeval Romance in England: A Study of the Sources and Analogues of the Noncyclic Metrical Romances (New York: Oxford University Press, 1924; 2d ed. Burt Franklin, 1960): 166, n. 4; Helaine Newstead, "The Origin and Growth of the Tristan Legend," in R. S. Loomis, ed. (1959; 1961): 122-133 at 132. Text of Apollonius of Tyre in A. Riese's edition (Leipzig: Teubner, 1871; 1893). Scholars differ on the possible derivation from a Greek original of the second to third century A.D.

49. In its context, the epithet "a man for all seasons" attributed to Thomas More in Robert Whittinton's (ca. 1480-ca. 1530) school manual echoes Paul's dictum well, without being a literal translation, and it admirably recalls the language of courtesy: "More is a man of angel's wit and singular learning; I know not his fellow. For where is the man of that gentleness, lowliness and affability? And as time requireth, a man of marvelous mirth and pastimes; and sometimes of as sad a gravity; a man for all seasons." See John Bartlett, Familiar Quotations, 15th ed. (Boston: Little, Brown, 1980): 155.11.

50. See K. Peter, "Die Utopie des Glücks. Ein neuer Versuch über Gottfried von Strassburg," Euphorion 62 (1968): 317-344, a forceful statement of the case for both Thomas and Gottfried as anticourtly subverters of the courtois Weltanschauung. Also J. C. Payen, ed., Tristan et Yseut (Paris: Garnier, 1974): viii-ix: "Les Tristan en vers sont des poèmes de la violence. Tout s'y révèle exaspéré: les élans amoureux comme la vengeance. Constante est l'hyperbole. Ni Béroul ni Thomas ne pratiquent l'art de la litote. Chez eux, le langage ne cherche pas à masquer le scandale . . .. Le public féodal et le public courtois  . . .souhaitent  . . . cette formulation brutale qui manifeste les contradictions entre la fin'amors et la fidélité vassalique, entre la générosité de l'amour et les interdits de la loi, entre les devoirs de caste et les exigences de la passion."

51. Bartina Wind, "Éléments courtois dans Béroul et dans Thomas," Romance Philology 14 (1960): 1-13 at 7: "1'oeuvre de Thomas n'est courtois que dans la conception des personnages secondaires, dans 1'ambiance où baigne le drame, qui par lui-même échappe à 1'influence courtoise. Tristan et Iseut unis dans la douleur autant que dans 1'amour ont une grandeur qui manque á la poésie courtoise." This largely applies to Gottfried, too.

52. See, on the preceding, Köhler: "Literatursoziologische Perspektiven," 94 f.

53. A full discussion of this problematic predicament of Béroul's text is in Alberto Vàrvaro, Il Roman de Tristan di Béroul (Torino: Bottega d'Erasmo, 1963): 103-123.

54. Also, J. Bumke, Wolfram von Eschenbach (Stuttgart: J. B. Metzlersche Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1964), and idem, Die Wolfram von Eschenbach-For-schung seit 1945 (München: W. Fink, 1970).

55. Book 3, 170:21 f., 25-28:

ir tragt geschickede unde schîn,
ir mugt wol volkes hêrre sîn,
.    .     .   .   .   .    .    .   .    .
iuch sol erbarmen nôtec her:
gein des kumber sît ze wer
mit milte und mit güete:
vl^zet iuch diemüete.

Also the references to mâze and manlich und wol gemuot at 3.171:13,172:7.

References hereafter are to the G. Weber (1963) edition, which after the text gives a full modern paraphrase ("Nacherzählung"). I shall use Zeydel's not very precise but spirited translation for these lines from which I have extracted some of the terms: cf. Wolfram von Eschenbach, Parzival, trans. Edwin Hermann Zeydel, Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1951:

You've beauty and nobility,
A people's leader you can be.
.      .       .     .     .      .    .     .      .     .
Compassion show to men in need,
Assuage their grief by word and deed,
With kindness, generosity,
And cultivate humility.

56. blûkeit occurs at 14.696:20: "âne blûkeit wart er vrô," "he was joyful without reticence." Old High and Middle High German blûkeit (blûcheit, bliukeit, blwecheit) is defined as diffidentia, Schüchternheit, Bedenkenheit.

57. Perceval, ed. F. Lecoy: 1, vv. 544-546: "De pucele a mout qui la beise; s'ele le beisier vos consant, / le soreplus vos en defant." See the whole passage, vv. 529-554, for the mother's injunction; 665-778 for the encounter with the damsel. Parzival, ed. G. Weber: book 3, st. 127, vv. 25-32; st. 129, v. 132 to st. 132, v. 24.

58. For a summary of the critics' conjectures on such aspects of the work, see E. H. Zeydel's Introduction to his edition and translation (Chapel Hill, 1951): 12-15.

59. J. Ferrante in Ferrante and Economou (1975): 160 f. Ferrante 160-164 interprets Wolfram as exposing the inadequacies of courtly love in the stories of Gawain in the service of Orgeluse—a complex and fascinating plot of multiple tests laden with symbolic meanings.

60. "Amor was sîn krîe. / Der ruoft ist zer dêmuot / iedoch niht volleclîchen guot." (478: 30 to 479: 2)

61. "sich hât gehoehet iwer gewin. / nu kêrt an diemuot iwern sin." (798: 29 f.)

62. Such questions cannot be asked of Chrétien's version because it is interrupted at the point where Perceval decides to seek the holy hermit's advice, after his period of religious crisis.

63. See McConeghy's informative survey of critical opinions in the Introduction to his edition of Iwein: xiii-lvii (with rich bibliography), esp. xxii. J. W. Thomas has recently produced valuable translations of both Hartmann's Iwein (Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press, 1979) and Erec (ibid., 1982). The latter is commonly regarded as the first Arthurian romance in German. See, also, "Erex Saga" and "Ivens Saga": The Old Norse Versions of Chrétien de Troyes's "Erec" and "Yvain," trans. Foster W. Blaisdell, Jr. and Marianne E. Kalinke (Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press, 1977). See Gert Kaiser, Textauslegung und gesellschaftliche Selbstdeutung. Aspekte einer sozialgeschichtliche Interpretation von Hartmanns Artusepen (Frankfurt/M.: Athenäum, 1973); and Ursula Peters, "Artusroman und Fürstenhof. Darstellung und Kritik neuerer sozialgeschichtlicher Untersuchungen zu Hartmanns 'Erec,'" Euphorion 69 (1975): 175-196.

64. Karin R. Gürttler's article on "German Arthurian Literature" in Norris L. Lacy, ed., The Arturian Encyclopedia (New York, London: Garland, 1986): 215-221, with bibliography.

65. Edward R. Haymes, The Nibelungenlied: History and Interpretation (1986): 98, regards übermuote in the Nibelungenlied as equivalent to the Christian notion of superbia, of which he declares it the standard German translation for the period, and adds: "Although Christianity plays almost no role in the epic, there is no question that the Christian value system was a part of the horizon of expectations into which the Nibelungenlied was projected."

66. J. Bumke, The Concept of Knighthood (1982): 108, for more examples of the use of epithets ( der höfschste, der küneste, der schöneste, der tugende rîcheste, "the most courtly, bravest, most elegant, richest in virtue, worthiest  . . . ").

67. H. Sparnaay in R. S. Loomis, ed. (1959): 430-442 for an expert assessment of Hartmann's originality as well as his debt to Chrétien.

68. Sparnaay, ibid.: 435.

69. René Pérennec, "Adaptation et société: l'adaptation par Hartmann d'Aue du roman de Chrétien de Troyes 'Erec et Enide,'" Études Germaniques 28 (1973): 289-303. The German poets' social sensitivity vis-à-vis their French counterparts included the Minnesingers, who accordingly emphasized chivalric values as part and warrant of social order and marriage as logical culmination of mutual love.

70. McConeghy's edition: xxxv-xxxviii. Werner Fechter, Das Publikum der mittelhochdeutschen Dichtung (Frankfurt/Main: Diesterweg, 1935, rpt. Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1966), and J. Bumke, Mäzene im Mittelalter (1979), provide detailed surveys of the history of the manuscript tradition and of patronage.

71. Ulrich was probably a capellanus from the Swiss canton of Thurgau. On most of the following texts, see K. R. Gürttler in Norris L. Lacy (1986). Sparnaay, too, in R. S. Loomis, ed. (1959), typically characterizes this multiple genre of the German romance after the great masters as lacking a point or inner coherence.

72. See " The Crown": A Tale of Sir Gawein and King Arthur's Court, trans. J. W. Thomas (Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press, 1989).

73. "In die hohsten wirdekait / Die diu welt mit namen trait, / Ich maine ritterlichen namen"—a dignity that is conferred by formal dubbing: vv. 5611-5613. See Rudolfs von Ems Willehalm von Orleans; hrsg. aus dem Wasserburger codex der Fürstlich Fürstenbergischen Hofbibliothek in Donaueschingen, ed. Victor Junk, Deutsche Texte des Mittelalters 2 (Berlin: Weidmann, 1905; rpt. 1967).

1. Charles Radding, A World Made by Men: Cognition and Society, 400-1200 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1985): 175-186 on the notarial school of Pavia.

2. On the medieval Italian courts see the rich survey by A. Roncaglia in A. Asor Rosa, ed., Letteratura Italiana 1 (1982): 33-147; 53 on King Cunipert, Felix, and Stephanus Monachus (or Magister), a monk probably stemming from Bobbio who praised Cunipert's policies.

3. Roncaglia, ibid.: 54-57.

4. Ronald G. Witt, "Medieval Italian Culture etc.," in Renaissance Humanism: Foundations, Forms, and Legacy (1988): 1: 29-70 at 36. On the Italian cathedral schools and their decline around 1100 see Ronald G. Witt's forth-coming study, anticipated in the paper just cited, especially 41: "as an institution the cathedral school lost its leading role in Italian education after 1100." On the schools of Verona see Rino Avesani, "La cultura veronese dal secolo IX al secolo XII," in Manlio Pastore Stocchi et al., eds., Storia della cultura veneta, 6 vols. (Vicenza: Neri Pozza, 1976-1986) 1: Dalle origini al Trecento (1976): 240-270 at 251-257. The brilliant and scholarly Ratherius (d. 974) was bishop of Verona in the late tenth century.

5. Franco Gaeta in A. Asor Rosa, ed., Letteratura Italiana 1 (1982): 186 f.

6. See A. Roncaglia in A. Asor Rosa, ed., Letteratura Italiana 1 (1982): 65.

7. Luigi Foscolo Benedetto, "Stephanas Grammaticus da Novara," Studi Medievali 3 (1908-1911): 499-508; J. Fleckenstein (1956); Jaeger (1987): 572.

8. See A. Roncaglia in A. Asor Rosa, ed., Letteratura Italiana 1 (1982): 73 f.

9. Ibid.: 81.

10. Text arranged in seven books in Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Scriptores 11 [ = MGH SS 11] (1854) 591-681. On Benzo see Max Manitius, Geschichte der lateinischen Literatur des Mittelalters, Handbuch der Altertumswissenschaft 9.2.2-3 (Munich: Beck, 1923-1931): 3: 454-457; Percy Ernst Schramm, Kaiser, Rom und Renovatio: Studien zur Geschichte des römischen Erneuerungsgedankens vom Ende des karolingischen Reiches bis zur Investiturstreit, 2 vols. (2d ed. Darmstadt: Gentner, 1957): 1: 258 ff. See Jaeger: 56, 122-125, 171, 228, 278n., 284n. Jaeger: 122 says he was "probably an Italian, possibly a Greek."

11. "Principes vero delectatione bonae famae largissimi; gens adulari sciens, eloquentiae in studiis inserviens in tantum ut etiam ipsos pueros quasi rhetores attendas . . . . Equorum ceterorumque militiae instrumentorum et vestium luxuria delectatur." PL: 149: 1102b-c; Jaeger: 200 f. (his trans.). See the thoroughly courtly context of the praises of the Norman rulers in the poem of 2,500 lines in five books by William of Apulia (Puglia), Gesta Roberti Wiscardi, in La geste de Robert Guiscard, ed. M. Mathieu (Palermo: Istituto Siciliano di Studi Bizantini e Neoellenici, 1961), usually dated between 1090 and 1111.

12. A. Roncaglia in A. Asor Rosa, ed., Letteratura Italiana 1 (1982): 97-105.

13. Second of Vitae prima et secunda s. Bernardi episcopi Parmensis, ed. E. P. Schramm, in MGH SS 30.2 (Leipzig: K. W. Hiersemann, 1926): 1114-1127 at 1323 f.: "Erat enim aspectu formosus, animo robustus, distribuendo largus, armis edoctus, conversatione iocundus, genitrici sue subiectus, honore avidus,  . . . et ideo cunctis eum agnoscentibus gratiosus et carus."

14. "Copia librorum non defuit huicve bonorum / libros ex cunctis habet artibus atque figuris"; "Timpana cum citharis stivisque lirisque sonant hic / ac dedit insignis dux premia maxima mimis." Vita Mathildis (or De principibus canusinis) 2: 1370 f. in MGH SS 12: 405 f. and ibid. 1: 830 f. in MGH SS 12: 368. See A. Roncaglia in A. Asor Rosa, ed., Letteratura Italiana 1 (1982): 94.

15. For example, A. Vàrvaro, Letterature romanze del Medioevo (1985): chap. 1.

16. Middle High German Wälsch, German Welsch, originally meaning "Celtic," probably from the Celtic tribe of the Volcae (like Eng. Welsh, Wales, and Cornwall), had come to mean Roman, Romance, or Italian—and also "foreigner," as in Walloon and Irish Gaelic gall.

17. As a relevant example, as late as circa 1400 the castle of Runkelstein near Bolzano was richly decorated with frescoes apparently inspired by Wirnt von Grafenberg's Wigalois (1204-1209 or 1210-1215), Rudolf von Ems's popular story of Willehalm (from ca. 1235-1240), and Der Pleier's Garel von dem blühenden Tal (ca. 1260).

18. Der Wälsche Gast, ed. H. Rückert: vv. 1124-1126. Jaeger: 266.

19. Corrado Bologna, "La letteratura dell'Italia settentrionale nel Duecento," in A. Asor Rosa, ed., Letteratura Italiana 7.1 (1987): 101-188; 123-141 on minstrels operating within the burghers' communes. Aurelio Roncaglia, "Le corti medievali," ibid. 1 (1982): 33-147 on literary activities at medieval Italian courts, and Franco Gaeta, "Dal comune alla corte rinascimentale," ibid. 1: 157 on the social shifts from communes to Renaissance courts.

20. P. Zumthor (1987): 73, citing from Daniela Goldin's course notes Boncompagno da Signa: Testi (Venezia: Universitá; Centrostampa, 1983): 45 f., but see full text of these letters in D. Goldin, B come Boncompagno: Tradizione e invenzione in Boncompagno da Signa (Padova: Centrostampa, 1988): 83-88, from the largely still unpublished Boncompagnus chapter 7, with ample critical analysis on pp. 53-78. On the love letter as a formal genre in Buoncompagno and the other masters of ars dictaminis, see Ernstpeter Ruhe, De amasio ad amasiam: zur Gattungsgeschichte des mittelalterlichen Liebesbriefes, Beiträge zur romanischen Philologie des Mittelalters 10 (München: Fink, 1975).

21. Zumthor (1987): 72, based on Constance Bullock-Davies, Menestrellorum multitudo: Minstrels at a Royal Feast (Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 1978): 67-173.

22. Aurelio Roncaglia, ed., Antologia delle letterature medievali d'oc e d'oïl (Milano: Accademia, 1973): 367-371, with bibliography p. 630, including the dating by Rita Lejeune.

23. Text in Joseph Linskill Hill, ed., The Poems of the Troubadour Raimbaut de Vaqueiras (The Hague: Mouton, 1964): 108-116, no. 4.

24. A. Roncaglia in A. Asor Rosa, ed., Letteratura Italiana 1 (1982): 108-113.

25. Köhler, Mancini ed., 157 f.: see n. 34. On the troubadour tradition at courts of the Venetia, including Sordello, see Gianfranco Folena, "Tradizione e cultura trobadorica nelle corti e nelle cittá venete," Storia della Cultura Veneta, 6 vols. (Vicenza: Neri Pozza, 1976-1986): 1: Dalle origini al Trecento (1976): 453-562.

26. The Latin original's numerous vulgarizations in all vernaculars included no fewer than five Tuscan versions, the earliest of them dating from 1288. The Tuscan texts derived from the French translation, Li livres dou gouvernement des rois (see my chap. 3, end), rather than from the Latin original, hence Italian villa for French ville and ruga for "street": see 3.1.1 in Cesare Segre and Mario Marti, eds., La prosa del Duecento (Milano, Napoli: R. Ricciardi, 1959): 267, based on the manuscripts.

27. 3.30; Tuscan version in La poesia del Duecento: 290 f.

28. "Iste imperator derisiones et solatia et convicia ioculatorum sustinebat et audiebat impune et frequenter dissimulabat se audire. Quod est contra illos qui statim volunt se ulcisci de iniuriis sibi factis. Sed non bene faciunt, cum dicat Scriptura Ecclesiastici X: 'Omnis iniuriae proximi ne memineris et nichil agas in operibus iniuriae.' Item Proverbiorum XII: 'Fatuus statim indicat iram suam; qui autem dissimulat iniuriam, callidus est.'" Gianfranco Contini, ed., Letteratura Italiana delle Origini (Firenze: Sansoni, 1970) 25, from Cronica, ed. Ferdinando Bernini, 2 vols. (Bari: Laterza, 1942).

29. Duby, "La vulgarisation des modèles culturels dans la société féodale," Hommes et structures (1973): 299-308 at 306-308.

30. On the general matter of clerical presences among the literati see Roberto Antonelli and Simonetta Bianchini, "Dal clericus al poeta," in A. Asor Rosa, ed., Letteratura Italiana 2 (1983): 171-227.

31. Not surprisingly, secular courtiers thought likewise, as did in the following century the eminent maître d'hôtel of Charles the Bold of Burgundy and tutor to Philip the Handsome, Olivier de La Marche (1422-1502): see M. Keen (1984): 148-151. Olivier de La Marche authored the important Chronique and the bizarre allegorical/moral Triumphe des Dames.

32. C. Donati, L'idea di nobiltá in Italia (1988): 3-7, 18 n. 1. Bartolus's commentary dealt with Justinian's book 12, "De dignitatibus": dignitas corresponds to "nobilitas secundum volgare nostrum," so that, Bartolus opines, although we do not have technical juridical treatises on nobility, we can rightly treat it under this heading: "licet sub nomine nobilitatis non habeamus aliquem specialem tractatum, tamen habemus hunc librum de dignitatibus," hence "de nobilitate recte tractare possumus." Cited by Donati, p. 18 n., with reference to the text in Bartolus a Saxoferrato, In Secundam Codicis Partem (Venetiis: n. p., 1585): 45v-48v. See Anna T. Sheedy, Bartolus on Social Conditions in the Fourteenth Century (New York: Columbia University Press; London: P. S. King and Staples, 1942; rpt. New York: AMS Press, 1967): esp. 105-125.

33.   William P. Shepard and Frank M. Chambers, eds. and trans., The Poems of Aimeric de Peguilhan (Evanston: Northwestern University Press, 1950): 146, poem no. 26.

34. See Alberto Vàrvaro, "La curia fridericiana," in A. Asor Rosa, ed., Letteratura Italiana 7.1 (1987): 86-98.

35. Lauro Martines (1979): 65 f.

36. Contini, ed., Letteratura Italiana delle Origini (1970): 163 f.

37. "I cortesi costumi e li belli e piacevoli riggimenti." Il libro de' vizi e delle virtudi, in C. Segre and M. Marti, eds., La prosa del Duecento (1959): 756. Also Bono Giamboni, Il Libro de' vizî e delle virtudi e il Trattato di virtù e di vizî, ed. Cesare Segre (Torino: G. Einaudi, 1968). Note the emphasis on outer conduct, as in the courtly tradition, and the hendiadys costumi e reggimenti, which returned in Francesco da Barberino's Reggimento e costumi di donna.

See a lively description of court life in Verona at the time of Cangrande in Immanuel Giudeo's Bisbidis, edited by Vincenzo de Bartholomaeis, Rime giullaresche e popolari d'Italia (Bologna: Zanichelli, 1926; rpt. Bologna: A. Forni, 1977): 68-71. De Bartholomaeis also explored the documentary value of Provençal poetry as a source for Italian history in his edition Poesie provenzali storiche relative all'Italia, Fonti per la storia d'Italia 71/72 (Roma: Tipografia del Senato, 1931).

38. Text of the Tesoretto in Gianfranco Contini, ed., Poeti del Duecento, 2 vols. (Milano, Napoli: Ricciardi, 1960): 2: 169-277. Also, Brunetto Latini, Il Tesoretto, ed. and trans. Julia Bolton Holloway (New York, London: Garland, 1981).

39. See Contini, ed., Poeti del Duecento (1960): 2: 170 for Giovanni Villani's characterization of Brunetto as the first educator ( digrossare ) of the Florentines in the art of speaking and governing.

40. Treatises and manuals on ethic abound in medieval literature both in Latin and the vernaculars, and often the versions redacted in Italy were based on French originals. Well known among such compilations are Domenico Cavalca's Pungilingua, a vulgarization of the French Dominican Guillaume Perrault's (or Peyraut, Peraldus or Paraldus, Paraldo in Italian: ca. 1200-ca. 1261) Summa aurea de virtutibus or Summa virtutum et vitiorum, a casuistic tome after pagan and Christian sources (printed Lyon 1546), and the Pisan Dominican Bartolomeo di San Concordio's (ca. 1262-1347) popular Summa casuum conscientiae, also available in the vernacular as the Maestruzzo or Pisanella by Giovanni dalle Celle. Excerpts from these and other authors in Prosatori minori del Trecento, 1: Scrittori di religione, ed. Giuseppe De Luca, La Letteratura Italiana: Storia e Testi 12.1 (Milano, Napoli: Riccardo Ricciardi, 1954). On Peraldus in Italy and the whole tradition of the exemplum see Carlo Delcorno, L'exemplum nella predicazione volgare di Giordano da Pisa, Venezia, Istituto veneto di scienze, lettere ed arti, Memorie, v. 36, fasc. 1 (1972); idem., L'exemplum e la letteratura tra medioevo e rinascimento (Bologna: Il Mulino, 1989).

41. See the annotated text in Contini, ed., Poeti del Duecento (1960): 1: 703-712, or in Contini's comprehensive edition Le opere volgari di Bonvesin da Riva, 1 (1941).

42. Anonimo Genovese, Poesie, ed. Luciana Cocito (Roma: Edizioni dell'Ateneo, 1970). Also the annotated selection in Contini, ed., Poeti del Duecento (1960): 1: 713-761. Cf. Lauro Martines (1979): 85.

43. "Le ovre dirite e le virtu(t)e / son merze bonne e zernue; / de fin da or in quele inpiega": vv. 161-163 of "Exposicio de modo navigandi," a long poem on the art of navigation (no. 145 in Cocito ed.: 621-639). See L. Martines (1979): 87-93 for an interesting analysis of this Genoese poet.

44. Paola Mildonian, "Strutture narrative e modelli retorici: Interpretazione di Novellino I-V," Medioevo romanzo 6.1 (1979): 63-97 on new sense of nurtured nobility in Guinizelli and the Novellino.

45. On Buonaccorso's impact see the detailed analysis in Hans Baron's seminal The Crisis of the Early Italian Renaissance, 2 vols. (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1955): 1: 365 f.; 2: 623-628 (abridged in 1 vol. 2d ed., ibid., 1966).

46. Maria Corti, "Le fonti del Fiore di virtù e la teoria della 'nobiltà' nel Duecento," Giornale Storico della Letteratura Italiana 36 (1959): 77.

47. Cited by Vallone (1950): 10, from I Fioretti di San Francesco, ed. Giovanni Getto (Milan: A. Martello, 1946): xxxvii, 119.

48. Contini, ed., Poeti del Duecento (1960): 259-261 with complete text. See P. Mildonian, op. cit. (1979).

49. Text in C. Segre and M. Marti, eds., La prosa del Duecento (1959): 548-554.

50. Ibid.: Conto 19 at 551-554: "Tristano e Lancelotto e altri assai ei regni loro lassaro e diero altrui, volendo cavalieri tali divenire: che quelli è re che en bontà ben se regge" (553); and the virtue that qualifies one as a true knight and king lies "in operare onne bontà d'amore de cavallaria de cortesia de larghezza de lealtà de fermezza [constancy] e de ciascun valore" (552).

51. "Re e signore solamente in operare ordenato e in fare e inviare; in operare onne bontà d'amore de cavallaria de cortesia de larghezza de lealtà de fermezza e de ciascun valore" (552).

52. Antoine Thomas, Francesco da Barberino et la litérature provençale en Italie au moyen âge (Paris: E. Thorin, 1883). See the critical edition by Giuseppe E. Sansone (Torino: Loescher-Chiantore, 1957).

53. A. Parducci, Costumi ornati (1928), and the semidiplomatic editions of the Reggimento by Carlo Baudi di Vesme (Bologna: G. Romagnoli, 1875) and of the Documenti by Francesco Egidi, 4 vols. (Roma: Società Filologica Romana, 1905-1927).

54. Emilio Cecchi and Natalino Sapegno, eds., Storia della Letteratura Italiana 2: Il Trecento (Milano: Garzanti, 1965, 1973): 688-697, and 701 for Bindo, not included among the curiali.

55. Some of the texts of Bindo di Cione, Antonio da Ferrara, Francesco di Vannozzo, and Simone Serdini in Natalino Sapegno, ed., Poeti minori del Trecento (Milano, Napoli: Ricciardi, 1952): 1-278, and Il Trecento, dalla crisi dell'età comunale all'Umanesimo, eds. Raffaele Amaturo et al., La Letteratura Italiana, Storia e Testi, 2.1, ed. Carlo Muscetta (Bari: Laterza, 1971): 527-568.

56. For example, Vannozzo's canzone of 1374 on the states of the world, "Correndo del Signor mille e trecento / anni settantaquatro," in Sapegno ed. (1952): 218-222. Of course, this tradition of court poetry continued in the following centuries: see Carlo Dionisotti, "Niccolò Liburnio e la letteratura cortigiana," Lettere Italiane 14 (1962): 33-58; Eugenio Garin, "La cultura fiorentina alla corte dei Medici," in Emilio Cecchi and Natalino Sapegno, eds., Storia della Letteratura Italiana 3: Il Quattrocento e l'Ariosto (Milano: Garzanti, 1966): 310-317; Domenico De Robertis, "Poesia delle corti padane," ibid.: 614-631; Paola Vecchi Galli, "La poesia cortigiana tra XV e XVI secolo. Rassegna di testi e studi (1969-1981)," Lettere Italiane 34 (1982): 95-141.

57. An interesting comparative survey of the transformations of the chivalric and courtois ideas in fifteenth-century European literature is T. Klaniczay et al., eds. (1988), especially the contributions by Michel Stanesco, Jean Miquet, Hana Jechová, and Lucie Brind'Amour, pp. 405-459. The scholarly usefulness of the volume is, however, impaired by the lack of precise bibliographic refer- ences for all quotations, and the Italian material is particularly unreliable in detail.

58. After A. Schiaffini's edition see this text also, together with other memoirs by Florentine merchants, in Vittore Branca, ed., Mercanti scrittori: ricordinella Firenze tra Medioevo e Rinascimento: Paolo da Certaldo, Giovanni Morelli, Bonaccorso Pitti, Domenico Lenzi, Donato Velluti, Goro Dati, Francesco Datini, Lapo Niccolini, e Bernardo Machiavelli (Milano: Rusconi, 1986): 84, par. 351.

59. Branca ed.: par. 82, p. 13, with reference to Morelli, Proverbi in Ricordi (1969): 47, for the proverbial phrase misura dura. Other passages with admonishments to use measure in Paolo's Libro paragraphs 3, 81, 232, 243, 375, 377, and 383 (Branca ed.: 5, 12, 45, 46, 92, 93, and 96).

60. Schiaffini ed.: 91-93; Branca ed.: 19 f., par. 103. See Remo Ceserani and Lidia De Federicis, eds., Il materiale e l'immaginario, 10 vols. (Torino: Loescher, 1979-1988): 3: 134 f., 597-600, 633.

61. Schiaffini ed.: 211-214. See Ceserani and De Federicis, 3: 599. Paolo da Certaldo (83 f.) is one of the many witnesses of the bourgeois practice of marrying off the daughters as early as possible, on the average around the age of fifteen, since unmarried women could be a greater burden and a less disposable commodity than they had been in feudal families. Consequently, Florentine fathers regularly falsified their declarations for the fiscal catasto in order to make their daughters appear younger. See Anthony Molho, "Deception and Marriage Strategy in Renaissance Florence: The Case of Women's Ages," Renaissance Quarterly 41 (1988): 193-217 at 205. Similar advice in Giovanni di Pagolo Morelli (1371-1444), Ricordi, ed. Vittore Branca (Firenze: Felice Le Monnier, 1956): 210. As evidenced by the memoirs conveniently available in V. Branca's Mercanti scrittori (1986), from Paolo da Certaldo's Libro to Francesco Guicciardini's Memorie di famiglia, the family was the vital structure and real center of the merchants' life and ethos, as it had been, in different ways, in early feudalism.

1. Especially E. Köhler, "Uber das Verhältnis von Liebe, Tapferkeit, Wissen und Reichtum bei den Trobadors," in Trobadorlyrik und höfischer Roman (1962)73 ff.

2. See Jaeger's (1987) interpretation of the philosophy of the Chartres masters.

3. A. Vallone (1950) has attempted to trace the poetic background to Dante's notion or, rather, "sentiment" of cortesia without any reference to social motivations but with clear awareness that the concept spans the whole period from the Provençals to Castiglione.

4. For example Köhler, Mancini ed. 4 f., 41.

5. Poésies complètes du troubadour Marcabru, ed. J.-M.-L. Dejeanne, Bibliothèque Méridionale . . . Facult́ des Lettres de Toulouse, Sér. 1 vol. 12 (Toulouse: Édouard Privat, 1909) 187. This is poem 38, st. 6 v. 7 in MS. R5 ^a ; Dejeanne, 190, translates: "aussi galanterie tourne maintenant en libertinage."

6. "[Vulgare illustre] est etiam merito curiale dicendum, quia curialitas nil aliud est quam librata regula eorum que peragenda sunt; et quia statera huiusmodi librationis tantum in excellentissimis curiis esse solet, hinc est quod quicquid in actibus nostris bene libratum est, curiale dicatur. Unde cum istud in excellentissima Ytalorum curia sit libratum, dici curiale meretur. Sed dicere quod in excellentissima Ytalorum curia sit libratum, videtur nugatio, cum curia careamus. Ad quod facile respondetur. Nam licet curia, secundum quod unita accipitur, ut curia regis Alamaniae, in Ytalia non sit, membra tamen eius non desunt; et sicut membra illius uno Principe uniuntur, sic membra huius gratioso lumine rationis unita sunt. Quare falsum esset dicere curia carere Ytalos, quanquam Principe careamus, quoniam curiam habemus, licet corporaliter sit dispersa" ( VE 1.18.4 f.). Cf. Emilio Pasquini, "cortesia," and P. V. Mengaldo, "curiale," Enciclopedia Dantesca 2. I quote the De vulgari eloquentia from the Enciclopedia Dantesca (henceforth ED ), Appendice 763.

7. Mengaldo, ED 2: 288 on Aristide Marigo's pertinent comments in his edition of the VE, lxxx-lxxxvi, 154-157, and Francesco Di Capua, Scritti minori, 2 vols. (Roma, Parigi: Desclée et Co., 1959) 1: 286-288. Incidentally, in an interesting discussion of the De vulgari eloquentia, the British poet Donald Davie ( Purity of Diction in English Verse, Oxford, London: Oxford University Press, 1953: 82-90 at 87 f.) connects Dante's notion of courtliness in De vulgari, eloquentia with "the modern notion of urbanity"—a judgment that Robin Kirkpatrick, Dante's Paradise and the Limitations of Modern Criticism: A Study of Style and Poetic Theory (Cambridge, England, and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1978) 74, cites approvingly. As we have seen, urbanity was already a traditional ingredient of curiality in the Middle Ages.

8. Compare P. V. Mengaldo, "aulico" and "curiale" in ED. Also, De vulgari eloquentia 1.16.5, 1.17.1, and 1.18.2 f. See the medieval meanings of curialis and curialitas as courtly, refined, bureaucratic, and appropriate to civil servants, in Latham's Dictionary of Medieval Latin (chap. 2 above, note 25).

9. "nisi forte novum aliquid atque intentatum artis hoc sibi preroget; ut nascentis militie dies, qui cum nulla prerogativa suam indignatur preterire dietam."

10. A. Viscardi in R. S. Loomis, ed. (1959; 1961) 423.

11. Charles T. Davis (1984), chap. 8 on Fra Remigio: see p. 203.

12. "Sì che non dica quelli de li Uberti di Fiorenza, né quelli de li Visconti da Melano: 'Perch'io sono di cotale schiatta, io sono nobile'; ché '1 divino seme non cade in schiatta, cioè in istirpe, ma cade ne Ie singular persone, e, sì come di sotto si proverà, la stirpe non fa Ie singulari persone nobili" ( Cv 4.19-21 at 20.)

13. Nicola Zingarelli, "La nobiltà di Dante," Nuova Antologia 332 (1927): 412: "La nobiltà di sangue Dante non la nega," since virtue can also be transmitted from father to son.

14. Cf. Maria Picchio Simonelli's forthcoming volume on Inferno 3 in the "Lectura Dantis Americana" (University of Pennsylvania Press).

15. "Cortesia e onestade è tutt'uno; e però che ne le corti anticamente le vertudi e li belli costumi s'usavano, sì come oggi s'usa lo contrario, si tolse quello vocabulo da le corti, e fu tanto dire cortesia quanto uso di corte."

16. Emilio Pasquini, ED 2: 227b.

17. Onesta in this Dantesque sonnet has precedents that point up its aesthetico-moral context rather than a more restricted moral one. Adorna is close to Dante's onesta in Guinizelli's "Passa per via adorna e sì gentile" ("Io voglio del ver la mia donna laudare"). See G. Contini, ed., Poeti del Duecento, 2 vols. (Milano, Napoli: R. Ricciardi, 1960) 2: 472. The subtext to Dante's sonnet was Cavalcanti's ballata grande "Veggio negli occhi della donna mia" ( Poeti del Duecento 2: 521).

18. "decens composicio membrorum," which imposes a "membrorum omnium motus ordinatus et disposicio decens in omni habitu et actione." Jaeger (1987): 614 n. 132.

19. For a discussion of Dante's use of Sordello's poetry with particular regard to Sordello's Ensenhamen d'onor, see Ruggero M. Ruggieri, L'umanesimo cavalleresco italiano da Dante al Pulci (Roma: Edizioni dell'Ateneo, 1962) ch. 3, "Tradizione e originalità nel lessico 'cavalleresco' di Dante: Dante e i trovatori provenzali."

20. The popular Nicomachean Ethics, which began by defining politics as the science of the good, became available only in the twelfth century in three partial renderings from the Greek by an anonymous translator, and then in the thirteenth century in the complete translations by Robert Grosseteste and William of Moerbeke from the Greek, in addition to one from Arabic. Dante drew on Moerbeke's text and occasionally on Grosseteste's but leaned occasionally on Aquinas's and Albertus Magnus's commentaries.

21. Dante's polemical portrait of nobility as based on intellectual and moral excellence sounded offensive to aristocratic readers when the nobility of stock became the pillars of authoritarian regimes. See an exemplary case of political use of the Convivio in a Lezione accademica of 1732 by the Pisan Angelo Poggesi, recently brought to light by Domenico Pietropaolo in "Dante's Concept of Nobility and the Eighteenth-Century Tuscan Aristocracy," Man and Nature / L'homme et la nature 5 (1986): 141-152. It is interesting to find that the Convivio could be so instrumentalized to attack the degenerate and conceited Tuscan aristocracy.

22. M. Keen (1984) 146. Other interesting reminiscences from times gone by include "il gran barone" mentioned by Cacciaguida ( Pr 16: 128), to wit Hugh the Great of Brandenburg, Otto III's Imperial Vicar who died in Florence in 1001, and William II of Sicily (1166-1189) in Paradiso 20: 64 f., who sees in Paradise how heaven appreciates a just ruler: "come s'innamora / lo ciel del giusto rege." Jacopo della Lana (1328) praised William II as liberal and his court as a hospitable place for arts and pleasure:

liberalissimo. Non era cavalieri né d'altra condizione uomo, che fosse in sua corte o che passasse per quella contrada, che da lui non fosse provveduto; ed era lo dono proporzionato a sua vertude . . .. In essa corte  . . . erano li buoni dicitori in rima di ogni condizione, quivi erano li eccellentissimi cantatori, quivi erano persone d'ogni sollazzo che si può pensare virtudioso e onesto  . . . li abitanti e sudditi nôtavano in allegrezza.

Rather than an objective reflection of the state of affairs in twelfth-century Sicily, this was a remarkable projection of the image of the court that had established itself in northern Italy. See A. Roncaglia, "Le corti medievali," in A. Asor Rosa, ed., Letteratura Italiana 1 (1982): 105, citing La Comedia di Dante degli Allagherii col Commento di Jacopo della Lana, Bolognese, ed. L. Scarabelli (Bologna: Tipografia regia, 1866) 3: 310.

23. Sonnet "Cortesia cortesia cortesia chiamo" in Mario Marti, ed., Poeti giocosi del tempo di Dante (Milano: Rizzoli, 1956) 391. All grace, the sonnet goes on, has been chased by avarizia, and those who have do not give. A younger contemporary of Dante's, Folgòre died in or before 1332.

24. Ruggero M. Ruggieri has adeptly highlighted this central concern in Dante's opus: see his article, "Cavalleria," in ED 1: 897-899, to which I refer the reader for the pertinent bibliography.

25. See Teodolinda Barolini, Dante's Poets: Textuality and Truth in the Comedy (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1984), esp. 96-100, 108-112 on Guiraut and 164-173 on Bertran, as well as the philological studies on single troubadours by Michelangelo Picone: "I trovatori di Dante: Bertran de Born," Studi e problemi di critica testuale 19 (1979): 71-94; "Giraut de Bornelh nella prospettiva di Dante," Vox Romanica 39 (1980): 22-43; and " Paradiso IX: Dante, Folchetto e la diaspora trobadorica," Medioevo romanzo 8 (1981-1983): 47-89, in addition to his "Dante e la tradizione arturiana," Romanische Forschungen 94 (1982): 1-18. Tenso, Bulletin of the Société Guilhem IX 5.1 (1989) is a special issue on the theme of "Dante's Influence on (Our Reading of) the Troubadours." In particular it focuses on the way Dante has accustomed us to underline the troubadours' exalted sense of the lady's value and the absoluteness of love.

26. On Bertran see the ample commentary in The Poems of the Troubadour Bertran de Born, eds. W. D. Paden et al. (Berkeley, Los Angeles, and Oxford: University of California Press, 1986).

27. On the contrastive parallel between Bertran and Sordello in the Divina Commedia see T. Barolini, Dante's Poets (1984), "The Poetry of Politics: Bertran and Sordello" 153-172. It is not known whether Dante also knew Sordello's moral composition "Ensenhamen d'onor."

28. Davis (1984): chap. 4, " Il buon tempo antico (The Good Old Time)," chap. 5, "The Malispini Question" with further supportive arguments from detailed analysis of the manuscripts, and the Appendix "Recent Work on the Malispini Question."

Text in Natalino Sapegno, ed., Poeti minori del Trece nto (Milano, Napoli: R. Ricciardi, 1952) 28-30. See L. Martines (1979) 84.

29.

30. Davis, chap. 3 "Poverty and Eschatology in the Commedia. "

31. Martines 126-128 and the literature cited in his notes and bibliography, esp. pp. 340 and 347.

32. See A. Scaglione, "Dante's Poetic Orthodoxy: The Case of Pier della Vigna," Lectura Dantis, ed. Tibor Wlassics, 1 (Charlottesville, VA: Bailey Printing, 1987): 49-60, rpt. in Paolo Cherchi and Michelangelo Picone, eds., Studi di Italianistica in onore di Giovanni Cecchetti (Ravenna: Longo, 1988) 57-66.

33. On Adalbert of Bremen see Jaeger, esp. 67-81.

34. See Convivio 4.13.6-9, where a sense of self-restraint even in seeking the highest goals is stressed as part of wisdom, and specifically discipline and measure in seeking knowledge beyond the possible and the useful: "Nel primo de l'Etica dice che 'l disciplinato chiede di sapere certezza ne le cose, secondo che [ne] la loro natura di certezza si riceva.'  . . . E però Paulo dice: 'Non più sapere che sapere si convegna, ma sapere a misura.'"

35. " . . . cum et mulieribus  . . . inseruiret et in omni sermone omnibus affabilem esse et iucundum se uellet; domi uero etiam contumelias seruorum ancillarumque pertulit, ut ad id aliquando quod cupiebat, ueniret."

36. Sources for the theological aspect of the episode (Pope Boniface's promise to absolve Guido for his yet uncommitted sin of deceitful counseling) do not seem to have been located, but there is a similar story in a thirteenth-century French poem, Valentin et Orson, successful enough to have received a printed edition in 1489, where an archbishop attempts to seduce King Pepin's sister by promising her absolution beforehand for the sin of fornication.

37. R. Kirkpatrick, Dante's Paradiso and the Limitations of Modern Criticism (1978); idem, Dante's Inferno: Difficulty and Dead Poetry (Cambridge, England, and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1987). It may sound like a coincidental confirmation of the preceding analysis that, in his 1978 study, Kirkpatrick phrases his conclusion on "The Organisation of the Canto in the Paradiso " thus: "[Dante is,] within the code of a divine courtliness, the lover of Beatrice. And in the Twenty Third Canto, which, in portraying the place of the Blessed Virgin in Heaven, is the supreme representation of the courtly life, Dante proves his claim to participate, according to his own peculiar virtues and abilities, in the celebration of ultimate civility " (p. 177, emphasis mine).

38. Peter Dronke, Dante and Medieval Latin Traditions (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986); Jeremy Tambling, Dante and Difference: Writing in the Commedia (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988). The methodological impasse that is evident in recent Dante criticism may be highlighted by the fact that, convincing as these objectors may sound, they have not exploited alternative methods in a satisfactory manner. For critical assessments of Dronke's, Tambling's, and Kirkpatrick's works see the reviews by Teodolinda Barolini in Renaissance Quarterly 41.2 (1988): 293-294; 42.3 (1989): 537-540; and Comparative Literature (forthcoming, 1991); also, Richard H. Lansing on Tambling, Italica 67.4 (1990): 520-522.

39. Aurelio Roncaglia, "Per il 750 ° anniversario della Scuola poetica Siciliana," Atti dell'Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei, Rendiconti della classe di scienze morali, storiche e filologiche, Serie 8 ^a : 38 (Roma: Accademia dei Lincei, 1983-1984) 321-333, has made an intriguing hypothesis about the manuscript copy of the Provençal corpus that Frederick II may have obtained from Ezzelino da Romano in Verona and made available to his court poets around 1232. But see Alberto Vàrvaro's strictures in A. Asor Rosa, ed., Letteratura Italiana 7.1 (1987): 92. See Zumthor (1987) 164-166 on the first methodical uses of written documents for literary transmission.

40. R. G. Witt (1988) 52.

41. On this aspect of Petrarca's poetic and moral psychology see my "Petrarca 1974: A Sketch for A Portrait" in A. Scaglione, ed., Francis Petrarch, Six Centuries Later: A Symposium (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press; Chicago: Newberry Library, 1975) 1-24; idem, "Classical Heritage and Petrarchan Self-Consciousness in the Literary Emergence of the Interior 'I'," Altro Polo 7 (Sydney, Australia, 1984): 23-34, rpt. in Harold Bloom, ed., Modern Critical Views: Petrarch (New York: Chelsea Press, 1989): 125-137.

Petrarca's appreciation for Occitan poetry needs no further arguing here; his taste for the "matter of Brittany," on the other hand, is not largely documented beyond such statements of awareness, tinged by condescendence for its sheer amenity and popular appeal, as in Trionfi 2: "Tr. Cupidinis," vv. 79-81: "quei che le carte empion di sogni: / Lancillotto, Tristano e gli altri erranti / onde convien che 'l vulgo errante agogni" (ed. C. Appel, Halle, 1901).

42. Lucie Brind'Amour in T. Klaniczay et al., eds. (1988): 450-453. The key texts and authors for Castille are El cancionero de Baena (1445), Juan de Mena, the Marquis of Santillana, Juan del Encina, Jorge Manrique, and Hernando de Ludueña ( Doctrinal de gentileza ); for Catalonia, especially Ausias March.

43. On the codification of Petrarchistic practice in the lyric after Bembo, especially with regard to the influential work of Girolamo Ruscelli, see Amedeo Quondam, "Livelli d'uso nel sistema linguistico del Petrarchismo," in Fernando Ferrara et al., eds., Sociologia della letteratura, Atti del 1 ° Convegno Nazionale, Gaeta 1974 (Roma: Bulzoni, 1978): 212-239.

44. Roger S. Loomis, "The Allegorical Siege in the Art of the Middle Ages," American journal of Archaeology 2.23 (1919): 255-269, and Thomas M. Greene, "Magic and Festivity at the Renaissance Court," Renaissance Quarterly 40.4 (1987): 636-659 at 642.

45. For example, A. Scaglione, "Cinquecento Mannerism and the Uses of Petrarch," in O. B. Hardison, ed., Medieval and Renaissance Studies 5 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1971): 122-155.

46. The text is worth quoting:

Lo basilisco a lo speco lucente
tragge a morire cum risbaldimento,
lo cesne canta plù gioiosamente
quand'egli è presso a lo so finimento,
  lo paon turba, istando plù gaudente,
cum a soi pedi fa riguardamento,
l'augel fenice s'arde veramente
per ritornare in novo nascimento.

In tai nature eo sentom'abenuto,
che allegro vado a morte a le belleze,
e 'nforzo 'l canto presso a lo finire;
   estando gaio torno dismarruto,
ardendo 'n foco inovo in allegreze,
per vui, plù gente, a cui spero redire.

The basilisk before the shining mirror / comes to death with joy, / the swan sings with greatest pleasure / when it approaches its end, / the peacock becomes perturbed when, / at the height of its rapture, it looks at its feet, / the phoenix burns itself to come back to a new life. / I feel I have acquired the nature of one of these animals / when I see I go toward my death in the name of beauty, / and sing more sharply as the end approaches; / even while I feel merry I become lost, / burning in fire I renew myself in joy, / all this because of you, most gentle one, to whom I seek to return.Text from Bruno Panvini, ed., Le rime della scuola siciliana 1 (Firenze: Olschki, 1962). Trans. mine.

47. Text from Contini, ed., Letteratura Italiana delle Origini (1970). Frede Jensen's new edition of the Sicilian School (1986) is useful for its criteria of selection.

48. G. Contini, ed., Poeti del Duecento (1960): 1: 107.

49. Leonard Forster, The Icy Fire: Five Studies in European Petrarchism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1969; 1978), is a brilliant study of Petrarca's antitheses within the whole Petrarchist tradition.

50. The symmetric arrangement of this passage reminds the reader of the similar cadence in Marie de France's Lai du chèvrefeuille. Tristan discloses to Iseut that he is nearby in the forest by sending her a message in the form of a twig where he has carved the couplet: "Bele amie, si est de nus: / ne vus senz mei, ne jeo senz vus!" ("This is the way with us, my sweet friend: neither you without me, nor I without you!") Writing in France and England, the Norman Marie, perhaps the natural daughter of Geoffrey IV of Anjou, is supposed to have composed her lais between 1175-1189, and the Isopet and Espurgatoire Saint Patrice after 1189.

As to the precedent of Thomas, see Jean Charles Payen, ed., Les Tristan en vers (Paris: Garnier, 1974) 178 and 231: "La bele raïne, s'amie / en cui est sa mort e sa vie," vv. 1061 f.; "cum a dame, cum a s'amie, / en qui maint sa mort e sa vie," vv. 2711 f.

51. Contini, ed., Poeti del Duecento (1960): 1: 109.

52. G. Contini, ed., Poeti del Duecento (1960): 2: 602.

53. J. Vernon Hall, " Decorum in Italian Renaissance Literary Criticism," Modern Language Quarterly 4 (1943): 177-183.

54. See, for example, his letter no. 8 to the royal secretary Zanobi da Strada at Naples in Boccaccio, Opere latine minori, ed. F. Massera (Bari: Laterza, 1928): 130-135. On Boccaccio's social and political attitudes see Franco Gaeta in A. Asor Rosa, ed., Letteratura italiana 1 (1982): 215-228. Gaeta's section of the vol., pp. 149-255, deals with the transition "Dal comune alla corte rinascimentale."

55. See Aldo Scaglione, "Boccaccio, Chaucer, and the Mercantile Ethic," in David Daiches and Anthony Thorlby, eds., Literature and Western Civilization, II: The Medieval World (London: Aldus Press, 1973): 579-600.

56. Thomas G. Bergin, Boccaccio (New York: Viking, 1981): 69, 142.

57. For example, Nicolas J. Perella, "The World of Boccaccio's Filocolo," PMLA 4 (1961): 330-339; A. Scaglione, Nature and Love in the Late Middle Ages: An Essay on the Cultural Context of the Decameron (Berkeley, Los Angeles: University of California Press; Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 1963; rpt. Westwood, CT: Greenwood Press, 1976): chap. 4.

58. "considerata periculorum susceptio et laborum perpessio" nourished on "magnificentia, fidentia, patientia, perseverantia." Cicero, De inventione 2.54.163.

59. N. Elias, The Court Society, especially Appendix 2 "On the Position of the Intendant," 284-294, gives a trenchant description of the difference between bourgeois and aristocratic economic ethics in the ancien régime: the medieval aristocratic ethic was not very different

60. For example, quote p. 63 in N. Elias, The Court Society.

61. "Vivon quasi tutti d'entrata facendo poca stima di chi non la spende tutta; si reputan a vergogna il trafficare, et chi attende al guadagno, ancorché fusse fatto con il mercatar in grosso, non è tenuto gentiluomo fra loro; per questo presumono d'esser molto superiori a' gentiluomini delle città mercantili, spendon volentieri et più che non han di rendita, però son sempre indebitati fino agli occhi." Quoted by C. Donati, L'idea della nobiltà in Italia (1988) 165 from G. Agnelli, "Relazione dello stato di Ferrara di Orazio della Rena, 1589," Atti e memorie della Deputazione ferrarese di storia patria 8 (1898): 30. On Petrarca's and Boccaccio's uses of chivalric traditions, especially in their "minor" works, see R. M. Ruggieri, L'umanesimo cavalleresco italiano da Dante al Pulci (Roma, 1962) chaps. 4 and 5, pp. 85-134.

1. See A. J. Vanderjagt, Qui sa vertu anoblist (1981). The manuscript (Brussels, Bibliothèque Royale MS. 9278-9280) used by Vanderjagt for his edition contains Jean Miélot's French version of Buonaccorso da Montemagno's De nobilitate and of Aurispa's rendering of Lucian's "Comparatio Hannibalis, Scipionis et Alexandri" before Minos from Lucian's Dialogues of the Dead. See Lucian, Loeb Classical Library (8 vols.) vol. 7, trans. M. D. Macleod (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press; London: W. Heinemann, 1961): 142-155. Keen (235) draws upon the same text from MS. 10497, f. 120v, of the Bibliothèque Royale of Brussels, allegedly containing a French version of a text by a Buonsignori da Siena—a mistaken identification. I am deeply thankful to P. O. Kristeller for calling my attention to Vanderjagt's work. Kristeller's Iter Italicum 3 (London: Warburg Institute; Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1983): 99, which gives MS. 10493-10497 ( Catalogue p. 210) as Misc. 15th century, containing only Bonaccorsus's de nobilitate in French, probably in Jean Miélot's version, is to be integrated with the information in Vanderjagt, who gives the full text of Miélot's free version of Aurispa's rendering from Lucian, collated with Aurispa's version, and another French translation (pp. 175-180) from the perhaps unique MS. 76 f. 26 of the Koninglijke Bibliotheek of The Hague, based on a slightly different version of Aurispa's text.

Livy 35.14 reported the tradition of a dialogue between Scipio and Hannibal. Asked by Scipio who was the greatest general, Hannibal responded by rating Alexander as first, Pyrrhus as second, and himself as third. When asked what, then, if he had vanquished Scipio, Hannibal answered that he would then have rated himself above all other generals. In Lucian's version, Scipio intervenes marginally at the end of the dialogue and Minos gives him second place between Alexander and Hannibal. Nowhere in the ancient texts is there any mention of the superiority of acting for the sake of the country rather than for personal glory.

2. The development of civic humanism as presented by Hans Baron and Eugenio Garin bears reconsideration in terms of the documents on moral attitudes toward duties of statesmanship and service to state and society. By Baron see, especially, his seminal The Crisis of the Early Italian Renaissance; Civic Humanism and Republican Liberty in an Age of Classicism and Tyranny [1955], rev. 1 vol. ed. with an epilogue (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1966). Of Garin's numerous relevant works it shall suffice to mention L'Umanesimo Italiano. Filosofia e vita civile nel Rinascimento (Bari: Laterza, 1965). On the philosophical connections between humanistic schools and medieval thought, including the pedagogical aspects of the rhetorical tradition, see Paul O. Kristeller's fundamental studies, for example his Eight Philosophers of the Italian Renaissance (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1964) and Renaissance Thought and Its Sources, ed. Michael Mooney (New York: Columbia University Press, 1979).

3. See Vanderjagt 158 f., and 159 and 171 for following quotes. At variance with the spirit and letter of Lucian's text, Aurispa's Minos decrees that while Scipio was at least the others' equal in military prowess, he was definitely superior in love of country and all moral virtues: "itaque cum disciplina militari rebusque bellicis aut hische equalem aut prestanciorem sciamus, (patrie) pietate vero ceterisque animi virtutibus maxime hos superasse, te preferendum censeo." In Miélot Scipio deserves first place because he never exceeded the bounds of "prouesse chevalereuse," that is, never transgressed military discipline, and excelled "en toute aultre vertu." Since "vray honneur doit estre acquis par vertu nous jugons Scipion qui jamais ne saillis hors des lices de prouesse chevalereuse et meismement en toute aultre virtu as eu renommee pardessus tous ceulx de ton temps que tu ailles premier." Besides, he never indulged in cruel destruction of human beings simply for his own glory.

4. A. Grafton and L. Jardine (1986) emphasize this aspect of humanistic paideia, even while pointing out that the extant documents of teaching and philological activity fail to show a balance between grammatical and rhetorical concerns on the one hand and moral ones on the other, since in the practice of the schoolroom most humanistic teaching seemed to reduce itself to painstaking grammatical and rhetorical explication de texte, as if even the great Erasmus assumed that philologically correct reading was sufficient to make a good Christian.

5. Jaeger (1987): esp. 601-608.

6. Jaeger (1987): 605: "This points up the fundamentally irrational nature of an education based on the formation of character. It relies on the personal moral authority of the teacher, and reasoning—certainly critical, independent thought—can become an offense against him, can diminish his authority. The old learning made the masters into an image of God, and the student's goal was to fashion himself in that image. Disputation and reasoning are fundamentally at odds with this goal. Awe and reverence are appropriate to it."

7. As already noted, this is the assumption in A. Grafton and L. Jardine (1986) with regard to both Italian and northern humanists, including Erasmus: see, for example, pp. 27, 83-98. See also their assessment of Ramus's impact on the turn toward practical social goals.

8. L. Martines (1979): 204. See an extended treatment of this matter in his The Social World of the Florentine Humanists (1963) and Lawyers and Statecraft in Renaissance Florence (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1968). More recently still, see the statistical studies by Roberto Antonelli, Simonetta Bianchini, and Christian Bec in A. Asor Rosa, ed., Letteratua Italiana 2 (1983): 171-267.

9. See Werner L. Gundersheimer, Ferrara (1973): 129-131, for the first label, and Benjamin Kohl, "Political Attitudes of North Italian Humanists in the Late Trecento," Studies in Medieval Culture 4 (1974): 418-427, for the second. "Subdital" refers to the rule of princes being praised as beneficial to the subjects, subditi.

10. John M. McManamon, Funeral Oratory and the Cultural Ideals of Italian Humanism (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1989): 88-91.

11. Cf. J. H. Hexter, Reappraisals in History (1979): "The Education of the Aristocracy in the Renaissance," 69.

12. The mental structures—what the "new historicists" like to call the "consciousness"—of the man of the Renaissance also comprise a new perception of physical space. If humanism was tied to the high bourgeoisie, often in alliance with the old or new nobility whenever this retained substantial power, the typical field of action and constant frame of reference was the space of the city, together with the political structures of the city-state. The visual image of such consciousness shines through the artistic works that formed the striking outer shell of the new society. That shell could not fail to impress domestic as well as foreign observers, certainly no less so than ancient Rome had attracted, awed, and conquered the barbarian invaders.

Dealing with the way painting incorporated the background of the new cityscapes in the representation of space, Samuel Y. Edgerton, The Renaissance Rediscovery of Linear Perspective (New York: Basic Books, 1975), as cited and paraphrased by L. Martines (1979): 275, relates linear perspective to the idea of "God's geometrically ordered universe" and concludes: "the commitment to linear perspective moved from a sense of having discerned the nature of God's mastery and was at the same time an effort to imitate His grand design.

Men would be gods." In this way of reading, the "realistic" control of nature achieved through the self-assurance of the new political masters would be a key to the humanistic art of the Quattrocento. (See L. Martines [1979], chaps. 11-13, on the representation of life and art in Quattrocento Italy from this "new historical" perspective.) If Renaissance culture can be reconsidered from this angle, some critical questions may come to mind. Since the artists, holding no personal power, were far from being self-assured and in control of nature, how could they express, as their own, perceptions that presumably belonged to their patrons? How could their master-patrons communicate to them and even impose on them feelings that were only half-conscious? Hence, did the ideal forms and motifs issue from the consumers or from the producers of the artistic representations? In other words, to what extent did the artistic forms reflect or, instead, create ideas and ideology?

13. See texts in Poggius Bracciolini, Opera omnia, 4 tomes (Torino, 1964-1969): 1: 1-31; 390-419; and 64-83 for the De nobilitate (see below).

14. See the Epistola in Mehus's ed. (1753): Part 1, p. 5.

15. "Istam  . . . stoicam virtutem  . . ., nudam, egentem, et pene molestam, quae non ingreditur civitates, sed deserta videtur et solitaria,  . . . neque in hominum coetum et communem usum prodibit." P. Bracciolini, Opera 1 (1964): 64-83 at 81 f.

16. Besides the text in Bracciolini, Opera omnia (Torino, 1964-1969), see Chiensi's response in Bracciolini's 1657 edition.

17. See, also, his De oboedientia (1470-1484) on the relationship between moral duties and public obligations toward the powerful; De fortitudine (1481); five treatises on the virtues pertaining to the management of wealth: De liberalitate, De beneficentia (both 1493), De splendore (perhaps 1493), De conviventia (perhaps 1493, containing a lively sketch of contemporary courtly mores), and De magnificentia (probably after 1494); and De magnanimitate (1499), followed by its counterpart De immanitate (1501, on public cruelty). Pontano's philosophical foundations were mostly Aristotelian. See Cesare Vasoli, "G. Pontano," in Letteratura Italiana: I Minori 1 (Milano: Marzorati, 1961): 597-624, esp. 607 f.

18. De sermone libri tres, eds. Sergio Lupi and A. Risicato (Lugano: Thesaurus Mundi, 1954). Cf. A. Asor Rosa, ed., Letteratura Italiana 3.1 (1984): 65-67.

19. Leonardo da Vinci lent his genial services to Ludovico Sforza by designing the splendid tournament of 1491 for the double wedding of Ludovico with Beatrice d'Este and Duke Alfonso d'Este with Anna Sforza in Milan. On the elaborate preparations for Giuliano's tournament see R. M. Ruggieri, L'umanesimo cavalleresco italiano da Dante al Pulci (Roma, 1962): chap. 6, "Spirito e forme epico-cavalleresche nella Giostra del Poliziano," 135-162, and chap. 7, "Letterati poeti e pittori intorno alla giostra di Giuliano de' Medici," 163-198.

20. Aeneae Silvii de curialium miseriis epistola (1928): 31: 54. We shall remember that in this 1444 tractate, written in the form of a letter to Johann von Eich and first published in 1473, the eminent Italian humanist and future pope borrowed Peter of Blois's phrase, miseriae curialium. The text is also available in Der Briefwechsel des Eneas Silvius Piccolomini, ed. R. Wolkan, 4 vols.

(Wien: Hölder, 1909-1918): 1: 453-487; in an Italian version by G. Paparelli (Lanciano: Carabba, 1943) and in a German version in Enea Silvio Piccolomini, Briefe, Dichtungen, trans. Max Mell (München: Winkler, 1966): 152-193. Sergio Bertelli, Le corti italiane (1985): 7, states that it echoed Lucian's De mercede conductis potentium familiaribus and dealt with paid courtiers and the topos of their extreme corruption and maliciousness, as Tommaso Garzoni da Bagnacavallo would later do in his 1587 Piazza universale di tutte le professioni del mondo, dedicated to Alfonso d'Este. But Bertelli does not trace this topos further back to the medieval Church reformers' anticourt tradition, thus giving an example of the limited historical horizon that derives from the established way of dealing with such matters only within defined historical periods.

21. The term occurs repeatedly in a description of Ferrara's Belriguardo palace that is part of Giovanni Sabbadino degli Arienti's De triumphis religionis, a text from the last years of the century published in Werner L. Gundersheimer, Art and Life at the Court of Ercole I d'Este (Genève: Droz, 1972). See Eugenio Battisti in A. Prosperi, ed., La Corte e il Cortegiano 2: Un modello europeo (1980): 263 f., note.

22. "Est enim in curiis principum vitiosum litteras nosse et probri loco ducitur appellari disertus"; "atria regum et aulici tumultus, in quibus nec requies nec bonarum artium exercitatio nec virtutis amor aliquis regnat, sed avaritia tantum, libido, crudelitas, crapula, invidia et ambitio dominatur." Ed. Wolkan: 1: 484 f. and 487.

23. John F. D'Amico (1983): 120-123 on these biographies as a genre, with ample bibliography.

24. D'Amico (1983): 117 f. On the activities of the papal chancery within the Curia, see Thomas Frenz, Die Kanzlei der Päpste der Hochrenaissance (1471-1527) (Tübingen: Max Niemeyer, 1986). The important study by Paolo Prodi, II sovrano pontefice (Bologna: II Mulino, 1982), proposes to see the Renaissance Roman court, starting with Nicholas V, as the prototype of the absolutist state.

25. D'Amico (1983) for a detailed survey of clerical courts in Rome and employment of humanists in them.

26. D'Amico (1983): 13 f.

27. On the complex story of the De cardinalatu and its closeness to Castiglione, as well as on the literary demography of clerics versus laymen in the Italian Cinquecento literary world, see the magisterial Carlo Dionisotti, Gli umanisti e il volgare fra Quattro e Cinquecento (Firenze: F. Le Monnier, 1968), and idem, "Chierici e laici" (1960) in his Geografia (1976): 66-71. Dionisotti (1968): 76, declares Cortesi's book "the first and foremost document of a rhetoric of the vernacular," and deals at length (pp. 52-77) with the section "de sermone." See, also, D'Amico (1983): 49-53, 78-80, 162-164, 227-239, and A. Quondam, "La 'forma del vivere,'" in A. Prosperi, ed., La Corte e il Cortegiano 2 (1980): 32-37.

Other Cinquecento treatises in the same genre, of which Cortesi's is the major exemplar, were due to the pens of Girolamo Manfredi, Fabio Albergati, Girolamo Botero, and Girolamo Piatti, S.J. (see References).

28. D'Amico (1983): 46-50. See the partial translation in Kathleen Weil- Garris and John F. D'Amico, The Renaissance Cardinal's Ideal Palace: A Chapter from Cortesi's De Cardinalatu ([Rome]: Edizioni dell'Elefante, American Academy in Rome, [1980]). On high ecclesiastical ceremonial see the work of Cortesi's younger contemporary, Agostino Patrizi Piccolomini (ca. 1435-1496), Sacrarum caeremoniarum sive rituum ecclesiasticorum S. Rom. Ecclesiae, postrema editio (Venetiis: luntae, 1582); [idem,] L'oeuvre de Patrizi Piccolomini ou le Cérimonial papal de la première Renaissance, ed. Marc Dykmans, 2 vols. (Cittè del Vaticano: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1980-1982).

29. D'Amico (1983): 57 f.

30. D'Amico (1983): chap. 4, "The Roman Academies," 89-112.

31. Calmeta, Prose e lettere edite e inedite (con appendice di altri inediti), ed. Cecil Grayson (Bologna: Commissione per i Testi di Lingua, 1959): 60-77 for the Vita del facondo poeta vulgare Serafino Aquilano. D'Amico (1983): 102-107. Calmeta's biography was for the first time incorporated into the edition of Serafino's works in the Opere del facundissimo Seraphino Aquilano (Venice, 1505).

32. See Stephen D. Kolsky, "The Courtier as Critic: Vincenzo Calmeta's Vita del facondo poeta vulgare Serafino Aquilano," Italica 67 (1990): 161-172 at 162.

33. Zini's tractate was published in Johannes Mattaeus Giberti, Opera nunc primum collecta, eds. P. and G. Ballerini (Hostiliae: A. Carattonius, 1740). See Prosperi in A. Prosperi, ed. (1980): 88-90. On Contarini see Elizabeth G. Gleason's study in Ellery Salk, ed., Culture, Society and Religion in Early Modern Europe: Essays by the Students and Colleagues of William J. Bouwsma (special issue of Historical Reflections/Reflexions Historiques 15.1, 1988).

34. Christian Bec in A. Asor Rosa, ed., Letteratura Italiana 2 (1983): 297, reiterates Gino Benzoni's conclusion that after 1550 the continued strength of the Venetian bourgeoisie vis-à-vis other areas of Italy, including Florence, was responsible for the preservation of the humanistic values in Venice while they were being lost elsewhere. There may be a connection between this predicament and the bourgeois realism to be observed in Contarini's and Zini's critiques of ecclesiastical extravagance. See Benzoni, Gli affanni della cultura. Intellettuali e potere nell'ltalia della Controriforma e barocca (Milano: Feltrinelli, 1978): 33.

35. On Castiglione's central role within the general context of the idea of nobility and the gentleman, see the excellent general study by Claudio Donati, L'idea di nobiltà in Italia (1988). An elegant early study of courtliness and conduct, of rather difficult access, is Salvatore Battaglia, "La letteratura del comportamento e l'idea del cortigiano" (1937) in his Mitografia del personaggio (Milano: Rizzoli, 1968): 85-96, at 91, on the court as the locus for an élite to develop all its potential of civilized refinement—we could say its supreme entelechy. On the same theme, Giovanni Getto, Letteratura e critica nel tempo (Milano: Marzorati, 1968): "La corte estense luogo d'incontro di una civiltà letteraria," [1953], 219-240; Giorgio Bàrberi Squarotti, L'onore in corte. Dal Castiglione al Tasso (Milano: Angeli, 1986); and Marcello Verdenelli, La teatralità della scrittura: Castiglione, Parini, Leopardi, Campana, Pavese (Ravenna: Longo, 1989): 23-43.

36. For an excellent survey of Renaissance historiography from the point of view of understanding the role of the court, from Burckhardt and De Sanctis through Croce to Antonio Gramsci and Federico Chabod, see Carlo Ossola, "'Rinascimento' e 'Risorgimento': La corte tra due miti storiografici," first in C. Mozzarelli and G. Olmi, eds., La corte nella cultura e nella storiografia. Immagini e posizioni tra Otto e Novecento (Roma, 1983): 205-236, then in C. Ossola, Dal 'cortegiano' all' 'uomo di mondo' (Torino: Einaudi, 1987): 155-181.

37. "Questa nostra fatica, se pur mai sarà di tanto favor degna che da nobili cavalieri e valorose donne meriti esser veduta  . . . " (3.1).

38. Jaeger: 153 f., 160, and 147-149.

39. Also, "liberissimo e onestissimo commerzio," "onestissimi costumi," "modestia e grandezza" (1.4), all referring to the effect on the courtiers of the Duchess's imposing presence.

40. Elias, The Court Society 231 f.

41. "Ritrovandosi il cortegiano nella scaramuzza o fatto d'arme o battaglia di terra  . . ., dee discretamente procurar di appartarsi dalla moltitudine e quelle cose segnalate ed ardite che ha da fare, farle con minor compagnia che pode al conspetto de tutti i più nobili ed estimati omini che siano nell'esercito, e massimamente alla presenzia  . . . del suo re o di quel signore a cui serve" (whenever the courtier chances to be engaged in a skirmish or an action or a battle in the field, . . . he should discreetly withdraw from the crowd, and do the outstanding and daring things that he has to do in as small a company as possible and in the sight of all the noblest and most respected men in the army, and especially  . . . his king or the prince he is serving. C. Singleton's trans.) See Michael West (1988): 654, for the military connotations of this passage.

42. "Oltre alla bontà, il vero e principal ornamento dell'animo in ciascuno penso io che siano Ie lettere, benché i Franzesi solamente conoscano la nobiltà delle arme e tutto il resto nulla estimino; di modo che non solamente non apprezzano Ie lettere, ma le aborriscono, e tutti e litterati tengon per vilissimi omini; e pare loro dir gran villania a chi si sia, quando lo chiamano clero " (1.42). The discussion of French attitudes on the education of the nobility continues through the following chapter, and Giuliano de' Medici expresses his conviction that once Francis I becomes king, he will change this situation by encouraging literary endeavors even at court.

43. Vittorio Cian (commentary to his edition of the Cortegiano [1947]: 112) recalled Flavio Biondo's De litteris et armis comparatione, Filelfo, Cristoforo Lanfranchini's Tractatus seu quaestio utrum praeferendus sit miles an doctor (Brixiae: Angelus Britannicus, 1497), Muzio's II gentilhuomo, De Ferraris's De dignitate disciplinarum, and other texts.

44. "Oltre alla bontà, il vero e principal ornamento dell'animo in ciascuno penso io che siano Ie lettere"—something which, he says, the French are not prepared to recognize (beginning of 1.42); "voglio che nelle lettere sia più che mediocremente erudito, almeno in questi studi che chiamano d'umanità; e non solamente della lingua latina, ma ancor della greca abbia cognizione, . . . nei poeti e non meno negli oratori ed istorici ed ancor esercitato nel scriver in versi e prosa, massimamente in questa nostra lingua vulgare" (beginning of 1.44).

45. "Uno amante non povero né sozzo né disorrevole ngrave;e vile . . . Questo vero quando in lui sia prudenza, modestia, sofferenza e virtù . . . ; (persona) studiosa di buone arti, litterata e ornata di molte virtù . . . . Destro, robusto della persona, animoso, ardito, mansueto e riposato; tacito, modesto, motteggioso e giocoso quanto e dove bisognava; lui eloquente, dotto e liberale, amorevole, pietoso e vergognoso, astuto, pratico, e sopra tutto fidelissimo; lui in ogni gentilezza prestantissimo, schermire, cavalcare, lanciare, saettare e a qual vuoi simile cosa adattissimo et destrissimo; lui in musica, in lettere, in pittura, in scultura, e in ogni buona e nobile arte peritissimo, e in queste anche e in molte altre lode a quale si sia primo era non secondo." Ecatonfilea in L. B. Alberti, Opere volgari, ed. Cecil Grayson, 3 vols. (Bari: Laterza, 1960-1973): 3; (1973): 199-219 at 204 f. Here and hereafter I give my translation of Alberti.

46. "Di statura mediocre, commodamente agiato de' beni della fortuna, nobile d'animo e di sangue, letterato, musico, . . . prudente, legiadro, animoso, pratico, astuto, grato, amorevole, affabile, piacevole e dolce." Text in Trattati d'amore del Cinquecento, ed. Zonta (1912): 164. See Vallone (1955): 55.

47. Saccone (1983): 58-61. Castiglione 1.26 speaks of the concealed art of the orator who is trying to "dupe" the jury: "la qual se fosse stata conosciuta, ariì dato dubbio negli animi del populo di non dover esser da quella ingannati." He does refer to the paraphernalia of the courtier's intellectual and social refinement as "pleasurable enticement" ( questo velo di piacere, illecebre ) in order to "beguile the prince with salutary deception," "ingannarlo con inganno salutifero" (4.9-4.10).

48. "Pare che farle bene non sia altro che porgersi con molta modestia giunta con leggiadria e aria signorile, tale ch'elle molto dilettino a chi ti mira. Queste sono 'l cavalcare, 'l danzare, l'andar per via e simili. Ma vi bisogna soprattutto moderare i gesti e la fronte, i moti e la figura di tutta la persona con accuratissimo riguardo, e con arte molto castigata al tutto, che nulla ivi paia fatto con escogitato artificio; ma creda chi le vede che questa laude in te sia dono innato dalla natura." L. B. Alberti, Opere volgari  . . . inedite  . . . , ed. A. Bonucci, 5 vols. (Firenze: Tipografia Galileiana, 1843-1849): 3; (1845): 72 f.

49. "Avendo io gigrave;a più volte pensato meco onde nasca questa grazia, trovo una regula universalissima,  . . . fuggir quanto più si po  . . . la affettazione; e, per dir forse una nova parola, usar in ogni cosa una certa sprezzatura, che nasconda l'arte, e dimostri ciò che si fa e dice, venir fatto senza fatica e quasi senza pensarvi. Da questo credo io che derivi assai la grazia: perché delle cose rare e ben fatte ognun sa la difficultà, onde in esse la facilità genera grandissima maraviglia. Però si po dir quella esser vera arte, che non appare esser arte; nè più in altro si ha da poner studio che nel nasconderla . . .. E ricordomi io già aver letto esser stati antichi oratori eccellentissimi, i quali  . . . sforzavansi di far credere ad ognuno sé non aver notizia alcuna di lettere; e dissimulando il sapere  . . ." (1.26; translation mine).

There has been much discussion on the precise meaning of Castiglione's grazia, with attempts to stress the novelty of his use of the term. But it is pertinent to remember that in Cicero gratiosus meant gracious, graceful, and agreeable, and was used in medieval portraits of idealized knightly characters, as we saw in Lambert of Ardres's portrait of Arnold of Guines (see my chap. 3).

50. "Ponga ogni studio e diligenzia di passar in ogni cosa un poco più avanti che gli altri, di modo che sempre tra tutti sia per eccellente conosciuto" (1.21).

51. "Motus et habitudo venusta simplicitate compta atque amena, quae statum magis sapiat dulcem et quietem quam agitationem . . . . Sint in viro motus firmiores et status celeri palaestra admodum ornati." Paragraphs 44 f. of book 2. See Cecil Grayson's edition (Bari: Laterza, 1975): 78 f. On these classical principles and the polemic concerning Raphael and Michelangelo see Robert J. Clements, "Michelangelo on Effort and Rapidity in Art," Journal of the Wartburg and Courtauld Institutes 17 (1954): 301-310, and Michelangelo's Theory of Art (New York: New York University Press, 1961): 55-66. On Castiglione's relationship to art theory see Fritz Ertl, Castigliones Beziehungen und Verhältnis zu den bildenden Künsten (Nürnberg: Stadtmission Nürnberg, 1933). Also Eugenio Battisti, "Lo stile cortigiano," in A. Prosperi, ed. (1980): 255-271 at 255 f.

52. A. R. Jones in Armstrong and Tennenhouse, eds. (1988): 46 f., for a feminist evaluation of the female role in Nifo's tractate.

53. Curtius (1963): 178 f.

54. Eduardo Saccone, " Grazia, sprezzatura, affettazione in the Courtier " (1983), and "The Portrait of the Courtier in Castiglione" (1987), has called attention to Aristotle's Nicomachean Ethics.

55. 1.26, trans. Singleton (1959): 42. Jaeger (1987): 587 f.

56. "Temperanzia  . . ., ché quando un animo è concorde di questa armonia, per mezzo della ragione poi facilmente riceve la vera fortezza" (4.17-4.18); "prudenzia, bontà, fortezza e temperanzia d'animo" (1.41). "Dolcezza," too: "la dolcezza ed eccellenzia de' stili" (1.44). "La prudenzia, la magnanimità, la continenzia e molte altre [virtù]" are equally desirable in women (3.4). "La temperantia, la fortezza" (4.4); "la bontà  . . . accompagnata con la prontezza d'ingegno e piacevolezza e con la prudentia e notizia di lettere e di tante altre cose"; "quanto onore ed utile nasca a lui ed alli suoi dalla giustizia, dalla liberalità, dalla magnanimità, dalla mansuetudine e dall'altre virtù che si convengono a bon principe" (4.5). There is a natural progression among the virtues, since temperance provides a harmonious foundation for the other virtues, justice, on a higher level still, makes them all operative, and magnanimity enhances them all; in this happy chain "la liberalità, la magnificenzia, la cupidità d'onore, la mansuetudine, la piacevolezza, la affabilità, e molte altre" (4.18) are also linked. Once again a similar list at 4.9 and 4.22, adding "continenzia, sapienzia, religione e clemenzia." In book 3, dealing with the woman-courtier, we find the famous eulogy of Isabel of Castille, praised as "chiaro esempio di vera bontà, di grandezza d'animo, di prudenzia, di religione, d'onestà, di cortesia, di liberalità, in somma d'ogni virtù," and also, most pertinent in a political figure, "il maraviglioso giudicio ch'ella ebbe in conoscere ed elegere i ministri atti a quelli offici nei quali intendeva d'adoperarli" (the marvelous judgment in recognizing and choosing the most competent ministers for affairs of state—3.35).

57. A. Scaglione, ed., The Emergence of National Languages (Ravenna: Longo,1983).

58. C. Dionisotti, Gli umanisti e il volgare fra Quattro e Cinquecento (1968).

59. Calmeta, Prose e lettere edite e inedite, ed. C. Grayson (1959).

60. See Maria Luisa Doglio, "Le Instituzioni di Mario Equicola: dall 'institutio principis alia formazione del segretario," Giornale Storico della Letteratura Italiana 159 (1982): 505-535.

61. "Il modo di descrivere loro amore fu nuovo e diverso da quello degli antichi latini; questi senza respetto, senza reverenzia, senza timore di infamar sua donna apertamente scrivevano  . . . dove il desio li spingea. Provenzali gentilmente con dissimulazione nascondevano ogni lascivia de affetti . . .. Disio di onorare più che altro mostravano, dicendo: 'Amore vuol castità.'" End of book 5, p. 181v of 1526 edition.

62. P. O. Kristeller, The Philosophy of Marsilio Ficino (New York: Columbia University Press, 1943; rpt. Gloucester, MA: Peter Smith, 1964): 285.

63. G. Ferroni, " Sprezzatura e simulazione," in C. Ossola, ed., La Corte e il Cortegiano 1 (1980): 119-147, and A. Quondam, "La 'forma del vivere': Schede per l'analisi del discorso cortigiano," in A. Prosperi, ed., La Corte e il Cortegiano 2 (1980): 15-68, especially 17-19.

64. The issue was first raised by Burckhardt, who held that the chief motive of all the courtier's actions was not—although the author dissimulates this—the service of the prince, but rather the attainment of his own perfection as a human being: "It was for this society—or rather for his own sake—that the 'cortigiano,' as described to us by Castiglione, educated himself. He was the ideal man of society [der gesellschaftliche Idealmensch], and was regarded by the civilization of that age as its choicest flower; and the court existed for him far rather than he for the court. Indeed, such a man would have been out of place at any court, since he himself possessed all the gifts and the bearing of an accomplished ruler, and because his calm supremacy in all things, both outward and spiritual, implied a too independent nature [ein zu selbstständiges Wesen]." The Civilization of the Renaissance in Italy, trans. S. G. C. Middlemore (Vienna: Phaidon Press; New York: Oxford University Press, 1937): part 5, "Society and Festivals," chap. 5, "The perfect man of society," 200 (same text also New York: Harper & Row, 1958, 2: 382; 282 f. of It. ed.; German original ed. Werner Kaegi, Berlin-Leipzig: Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt Stuttgart, 1930, 2: 277).

For recent examples of scholarly reading of Castiglione's courtier as an independent agent dedicated to the cult of the self, being so idealized as to have no appreciable bearing on political or moral realities, see Joseph A. Mazzeo, Renaissance and Revolution: The Remaking of European Thought (New York: Pantheon, 1965): 137, and Wayne A. Rebhorn, "Ottaviano's Interruptions: Book IV and the Problem of Unity in Il libro del Cortegiano," Modern Language Notes 87 (1972): 37-59. For a contrary opinion, cf. E. Saccone, " Grazia, sprezzatura, affettazione in the Courtier " (1983) and "The Portrait of the Courtier in Castiglione" (1987). The thesis of the moral purpose of the Cortegiano as basic element of unity among its four books finds a precedent as far back as Vittorio Cian: see Cian's note as quoted in Carlo Cordié's edition (pp. 291 f.). Lawrence V. Ryan, "Book IV of Castiglione's Courtier: Climax or Afterthought?," Studies in the Renaissance 19 (1972): 156-179, examines the two alternatives, while F. Whigham (1984): 107 and 200, n. 104, finds the question rather moot. An informed discussion of such matters must be based on the manuscript tradition: on this basis Ghino Ghinassi has shown in the second redaction (1521) a rapprochement to an ecclesiastical-imperial line (it is in 1521 that Castiglione became an ecclesiastic) which postulated the court and the courtier as a point of harmonization for humanistic desiderata. Cf. Ghinassi, ed., La seconda redazione del Cortegiano di Baldassarre Castiglione (Firenze: G. C. Sansoni, 1968), and a discussion of this philological vantage point in G. Ferroni, " Sprezzatura e simulazione," in C. Ossola, ed., La corte e il Cortegiano (1980): 119-121. Also, on Castiglione's rapprochement to ecclesiastical circles, José Guidi, "Baldassar Castiglione et le pouvoir politique: du gentilhomme de cour au nonce pontifical," in André Rochon, ed., Les écrivains et le pouvoir en Italie à l'époque de la Renaissance (première série) (Paris: Université de la Sorbonne Nouvelle, Centre de recherche sur la Renaissance italienne, 1973): 243-278. In a dense review of V. Cian, Un illustre nunzio pontificio (1951), C. Dionisotti, Giornale Storico della Letteratura Italiana 129 (1952): 31-57 at 41, underlined this supposed frattura ("fracture"), but identified it with a moral situation that characterizes a large area of the early Cinquecento.

65. Jaeger: 9 f. Objecting to Singleton's translation of Castiglione's key term vergogna —corresponding to Cicero's verecundia —as "shame," Jaeger (9 f., 116, and 273 n. 7) renders it with "reverence" and "considerateness."

66. "Essendo il male contrario al bene e 'l bene al male, è quasi necessario che per la opposizione e per un certo contrapeso I'un sostenga e fortifichi l'altro, e mancando o crescendo l'uno, così manchi o cresca l'altro perché niuno contrario è senza l'altro suo contrario. Chi non sa che al mondo non saria la giustizia, se non fossero le ingiurie? la magnanimità se non fossero li pusillanimi?  . . . la verità se non fosse la bugia? Però ben dice Socrate, appresso Platone, maravigliarsi che Esopo non abbia fatto un apologo, nel quale finga Dio, poiché non avea mai potuto unire il piacere e 'l dispiacere insieme, avergli attaccati con la estremità di modo che 'l principio dell'uno sia il fin dell'altro; poiché vedemo niuno piacer poterci mai esser grato, se 'l dispiacere non gli precede.  . . . Però, essendo le virtù state al mondo concesse per grazia e don della natura, subito i vicii, per quella concatenata contrarietà, necessariamente le furono compagni; di modo che sempre, crescendo o mancando l'uno, forza è che così l'altro cresca o manchi." 2.2, Cordié ed.: 95 f. (emphasis and trans. mine). Jaeger: 82 and C. Ossola (1987): 68 f.

67. See, for example, Corrado Rosso's numerous studies on the subject, principally Moralisti del "bonheur" (Pisa: Goliardica, 2d ed. 1977) and Il serpente e la sirena: dalla paura del dolore alla paura della felicità (Napoli: Edizioni Scientifiche Italiane, 1972).

68. This aspect of "play" has a rather different, more historical focus than we find in some recent interpretations that derive from Huizinga's notion of homo ludens. See, for example, Thomas M. Greene, "The Cortegiano and the Choice of a Game" in Hanning and Rosand (1983): 1-15, and Robert W. Hanning, "Castiglione's Verbal Portrait: Structures and Strategies," ibid.: 131-141, especially 137.

69. "Gentiluomini sono chiamati quelli che oziosi vivono dei proventi delle loro possessioni abbondantemente, senza avere alcuna cura o di coltivare o di alcun'altra fatica a vivere. Questi tali sono perniciosi in ogni repubblica; ma più perniciosi sono quelli che, oltre alle predette fortune, comandano a castella, ed hanno sudditi che obbediscono loro. Di queste due sorti d'uomini ne sono pieni il regno di Napoli, Terra di Roma, la Romagna e la Lombardia . . . . Colui che vuole fare dove sono assai gentiluomini una repubblica, non la può fare, se prima non gli spegne tutti." Vice versa, the prince who wants to found a principality in a region of democratic tradition cannot succeed "se non trae di quella equalità molti d'animo ambizioso ed inquieto, e quelli fa gentiluomini in fatto e non in nome, donando loro castella e possessioni, e dando loro favore di sustanzie e d'uomini, acciò che posto in mezzo di loro, mediante quelli mantenga la sua potenza, e gli altri siano costretti a sopportare quel giogo che la forza, e non altro mai, può far loro sopportare." In other words, a de facto feudal order, synonymous with power without equality, is necessary to govern when the people are not free.

See C. Donati, L'idea di nobiltà in Italia (1988): 29-36 on Machiavelli and Guicciardini on nobility. I shall cite the texts from Machiavelli, Tutte le opere, ed. Mario Martelli (Firenze: Sansoni, 1971).

70. Andrea Battistini, "I manuali di retorica dei Gesuiti," in Gian Paolo Brizzi, ed., La "Ratio studiorum": Modelli culturali e pratiche educative dei Gesuiti in Italia tra Cinque e Seicento (Roma: Bulzoni, 1981): 77-120 at 80 on the hardship of classical education in Jesuit schools as a rite of passage, a heroic test that qualified for noble leadership in society. I must add that the crucial, repeated tests of the Jesuit novice and priest, the Spiritual Exercises, were in their way an extension of the ordeal of the "vigil" as part of the dubbing ceremonial.

71. Cf. Brizzi, "Educare il principe, formare le élites: I Gesuiti e Ranuccio I Farnese," in Gian Paolo Brizzi, Alessandro D'Alessandro, and Alessandra Del Fante, Università, Principe, Gesuiti. La politica farnesiana dell'istruzione a Parma e Piacenza (1545-1622), Centro Studi "Europa delle Corti" / Biblioteca del Cinquecento (Roma: Bulzoni, 1980): 135-211 at 154: "non solo nella pietà et nelle lettere,  . . . ma in quelli altri esercitij proprij de Nobili, et necessarij a Cavaglieri," etc.

72. Ezio Raimondi, Politica e commedia (Bologna: Il Mulino, 1972): 266, on the particular motif of astuzia in Machiavelli. Raimondi also relates Machiavelli to Cicero's ethical ideas. For a recent reexamination, Wayne A. Rebhorn, Foxes and Lions: Machiavelli's Confidence Men (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1988).

73. "renuntiaranno alla republica e faranno professione all'ordine suo et mai più poi potranno pretendere al grado civile o alla benivolentia del populo." Prosperi in A. Prosperi, ed. (1980): 83 f.

1. Quondam in Prosperi (1980): 37-41, using the edition-translation by Margherita Isnardi Parente (Napoli: Morano, 1977), especially 72 f. The symbolic use of court ceremonial as part of the psychological and legal environment for monarchic absolutism from Francis I to Louis XIV is penetratingly discussed by Ralph E. Giesey, Cérémonial et puissance souveraine: France, XV ^e -XVII ^e siècles, trans. Jeannie Carlier, Cahiers des Annales no. 41 (Paris: Armand Colin, 1987). Giesey (17) criticizes the incorrect extension of Kantorowicz's notion of "the king's two bodies" to identify the king's mystic body (the body politic) with Christ's mystic body as a metaphysical foundation of absolutism, and essentially agrees with N. Elias on the Versailles court ritual as an instrument to "domesticate" the nobility by subjecting it to the king's arbitrary will. However, against Elias's contention that this evolution was consciously planned, he sees it rather as a chance development that only in retrospect acquired its charged symbolic meaning (79-85).

2. The first edition (Sevilla: Jácobo Cromberger), unauthorized, was immediately revised, much expanded, and published under the new title (Valladolid: Nicolás Tierri). See Croll's analysis of the heavily Gorgianic ornamentation in the "schematic" style in his "The Sources of the Euphuistic Rhetoric" [1916], rpt. in J. Max Patrick and Robert O. Evans, eds., Style, Rhetoric, and Rhythm. Essays by Morris W. Croll (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1966): 241-295, esp. 252-254. John Lyly is reputed to have been influenced by Guevara for his Euphues. See the useful survey by Joseph R. Jones, Antonio de Guevara (Boston: Twaine, 1975).

3. On Guevara's success in Italy see Paul F. Grendler, Schooling in Renaissance Italy: Literacy and Learning, 1300-1600 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1989): 300-304 and 422-424 on Italian editions, with no mention of the Menosprecio. See Quondam in Prosperi (1980): 41-54 on the Relox and 63-68 on the Menosprecio.

4. Cf. the edition by A. Alvarez de la Villa (Paris: Louis Michaud, [1912 or 1914]).

5. Menosprecio, ed. M. Martínez de Burgos (Madrid: Ediciones de "La Letura," 1915).

6. For the inner motives of the turn to the pastoral, see, for example, Menosprecio, ed. Martínez de Burgos, 180: "Oh how often was I seized with a desire to retire from court, to withdraw from the world, to become a hermit or a Carthusian monk; but I did not desire this because I was virtuous but because I was desperate, because the king did not give me what I wanted, and the favorite refused to see me." Translated in J. R. Jones, Antonio de Guevara 94. The Aviso is supposed to have had an important impact on the satire of the courtier/ favorite in the picaresque novel starting with the Lazarillo de Tormes (1554). Cf. Jones: 87-89.

7. See, for a few stimulating contributions: Raymond Klibansky, Erwin Panofsky, and Fritz Saxl, Saturn and Melancholy (1964); Mircea Eliade, Le mythe de l'éternel retour. Archétypes et répétitions (Paris: Gallimard, 1949; 1969; 1985); translation of 1949 edition in Cosmos and History; The Myth of the Eternal Return, trans. Willard R. Trask (New York: Harper Torchbooks, 1959), and The Myth of the Eternal Return, or, Cosmos and History (New York: Pantheon Books, 1965; Garland, 1985; London: Routledge, 1988); Harry Levin, The Myth of the Golden Age in the Renaissance (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1969); Gustavo Costa, La leggenda dei secoli d'oro nella letteratura italiana (Bari: Laterza, 1972); Frank E. and Fritzie P. Manuel, "Sketch for a Natural History of Paradise," Daedalus (Winter 1972): 83-128.

8. Li livres dou Tresor 8.1; also in the classic Tuscan version by Bono Giamboni: Il Tesoro di Brunetto Latini volgarizzato da Bono Giamboni, ed. Luigi Gaiter (Bologna: Commissione per i Testi di Lingua, 1878-1883): 4:11. This is the only complete edition but it is not regarded as methodologically correct (cf. Segre and Marti, La prosa del Duecento [1959]: 1072). Giamboni's version of Il Tesoro had been printed at Treviso: Gerardo Flandino, 1474, and Venice: per Marchio Sessa, 1533, and so on; that of Brunetto's Etica at Florence: Domenico Maria Manni, 1734.

9. Erwin Panofsky, "The Early History of Man in Two Cycles of Paintings by Piero di Cosimo," in Studies in Iconology (New York: Oxford University Press, 1939; New York: Harper Torchbooks, 1962).

10. Lorenzo de' Medici, Opere, ed. Attilio Simioni, 2 vols. (Bari: G. Laterza, 1913-1914; 2d ed. 1939): 1: 274-281.

11. "spedale delle speranze, sepoltura delle vite, . . . . mercato delle menzogne, scola de le fraudi, . . . . paradiso de i vizi, inferno de le virtù . . . . Né ermo, né bosco, né caverna, né tomba, . . . . sia pur quanto si voglia orrida, . . . . bestiale." Ed. G. Battelli (Lanciano: Carabba, 1914) 11, 14 f. See Franco Gaeta in A. Asor Rosa, ed., Letteratura Italiana 1 (1982): 251-253.

12. F. 27r of the Venice: Gherardo, 1554 edition. Quondam: 56-67.

13. Cited by Vallone (1955): 73 from Saba's 1554 edition.

14. C. Donati (1988): 64-66; Quondam in Prosperi 54-58; Claudio Scarpati, Studi sul Cinquecento italiano (Milano: Vita e Pensiero, 1982): "Ricerche su Sabba da Castiglione" 27-125. By Scarpati see, also, Dire la verità al principe (Milano: Vita e Pensiero, 1987).

15. A. Prosperi, "Libri sulla corte ed esperienze curiali nel primo '500 italiano," in Prosperi (1980): 69-91 at 69-72.

16. Genova: Antonio Bellomo, 1543; Venetia: ad instantia di M. Pelegro de Grimaldi author de l'opera, 1544. Prosperi (1980): 72-77. The author blamed Castiglione for setting up an impossibly demanding goal: see edition Venice (1544): folio 6r.

17. Compare "Egli era galantuomo, e cortigiano / A un tempo stesso; ch'egli è come dire / Fare a un tempo da basso e da soprano": unsigned "Notizie istoriche di Lorenzo Pignotti" at the head of the edition of Poesie di Lorenzo Pignotti aretino (Firenze: presso G. Molini e Compagni, All'Insegna di Dante, 1820): 3, where these verses referring to Francesco Redi are attributed to a "capitolo" by Giovan Battista Fagiuoli (1660-1742). A. Vallone, Cortesia e nobiltà nel Rinascimento 17 note 8. See Arturo Graf, Attraverso il Cinquecento (Torino: E. Loescher, 1888; G. Chiantore, 1916; 1926): 226, recording "cortegiana onesta" in the early sixteenth century.

18. "Ma quante ce ne sono oggidì non dico di reine o principesse, ma semplici e private gentildonne, che levatole un po' l'apparenza di bellezza sono senza costumi e vertù, le quali accorgendosi de l'amore di qualche gentiluomo che non sia a lor talento dei beni de la fortuna dotato, quello scherniscono e di lui si beffano?" Bandello, Le novelle, ed. G. Brognoligo (Bari: Laterza, 2d ed. 1928): 2: 160.

The courtly mentality also invests a new genre that was destined to a lively evolution through the following couple of centuries, namely that of the heraldic "imprese" Paolo Giovio, Dialogo delle imprese militari e amorose (composed in 1551), ed. Maria Luisa Doglio (Roma: Bulzoni, 1978) 34, declares to be about to speak in the ways of the court, "voler parlare alla cortigiana."

19. See Elias, Über den Prozess (1939), and The Civilizing Process (1978): chap. 2, "Civilization as a Specific Transformation of Human Behavior," 51-217, with detailed analysis of precepts on behavior at table, in public, in the house, in the bedroom, in sexual relations, and in the daily life of the knight, referring to the literature of manuals in different European countries from roughly 1200 to 1800.

20. (Lyon [and Geneva]: T. de Straton; also Stephanus, 1564; 1568); Colloques [original Latin text with facing French trans.] (Paris: Marneuf, 1586).

21. Johannes Siebert, Der Dichter Tannhäuser: Leben, Gedichte, Sage (Halle/S.: M. Niemeyer, 1934; rpt. Hildesheim, New York: G. Olms, 1980).

22. Remarques nouvelles sur la langue françoise (Paris, 1676): 1: 51, cited by Elias, The Civilizing Process (1978): 102.

23. Elias, ibid.: 216 f. Conversely, Venetian cortesan retained the meaning of courtois while shedding all association with court life. See Carlo Goldoni: "Je fis done une comédie de caractère dont le titre étoit Momolo cortesan  . . . . Il n'est pas possible de rendre l'adjectif cortesan par un adjectif françois. Ceterme  . . . . n'est pas une corruption du mot courtisan; mais il dérive plutôt de courtoisie et courtois  . . . . Aussi quand je donnai cette pièce à la presse, je l'intitulai l 'Uomo di mondo, et si je devois la mettre en françois, je crois que le titre  . . . . seroit celui de l 'Homme accompli. " Mémoires (Paris, 1787): part 1, chap. 40, now in Goldoni, Tutte le opere, ed. Giuseppe Ortolani, 1 (Milano: Mondadori, 1935): 185. See Carlo Ossola (1987): 140 f.

24. Some critics have challenged his authorship, but Torquato Tasso, who praised it in his dialogue Il padre di famiglia, read it as Della Casa's work. See G. F. Chiodaroli and Gennaro Barbarisi, "G. Della Casa," in Letteratura Italiana: I Minori 2 (Milano: Marzorati, 1961): 1208 f. Della Casa's Latin De officiis was reprinted in his Opere, 6 vols. (Napoli, 1733), the vernacular Trattato in Castiglione, Della Casa, Opere, ed. Giuseppe Prezzolini (Milano, Roma: Rizzoli, 1937) and then again in Prose di Giovanni Della Casa etc., ed. A. Di Benedetto (1970). See C. Scarpati, Studi sul Cinquecento italiano (1982), "Con Giovanni Della Casa dal De officiis al Galateo, " 126-153.

25. "Ancora il bene, quando sia soverchio, spiace. E sappi che coloro, che avviliscono se stessi con le parole fuori di misura e rifiutano gli onori che manifestamente loro s'appartengono, mostrano in ciò maggiore superbia che coloro che queste cose, non ben loro dovute, usurpano." Opere di B. Castiglione, G. Della Casa, ed. C. Cordié (1960): 390. Translation mine here and hereafter.

26. "E non è altro leggiadria che una cotale quasi luce che risplende dalla convenevolezza delle cose che sono ben composte e ben divisate l'una con l'altra e tutte insieme: senza la qual misura eziandio il bene non è bello e la bellezza non è piacevole . . . . così sono alcuna volta i costumi delle persone  . . . . se altri non gli condisce di una cotale dolcezza, la quale si chiama  . . . . grazia e leggiadria."

27. "Essere costumato e piacevole e di bella maniera; il che nondimeno è o virtù o cosa molto a virtù somigliante . . . . La dolcezza de' costumi e la convenevolezza de' modi e delle maniere e delle parole giovano non meno . . .  che la grandezza dell'animo e la sicurezza . . . .; perciocché queste si convengono essercitare ogni dì molte volte  . . . .; ma la giustizia, la fortezza e le altre virtù più nobili e maggiori si pongono in opera più di rado." Opere di B. Castiglione: chap. 1, p. 368. See Eugenio Garin, L'Umanesimo Italiano. Filosofia e vita civile nel Rinascimento (Bari: Laterza, 1965):193 f. on Della Casa's distinction between absolute morality and relative sociality, the basis for a truly human life.

28. "Non  . . . . della natura de' vizii e delle virtù, ma solamente degli acconci e degli sconci modi che noi l'uno con l'altro usiamo." Chap. 28, p. 432.

29. "Le quali cirimonie credo che siano state trapportate di Spagna in Italia, ma il nostro terreno le ha male ricevute e poco ci sono allignate, conciossiaché questa distinzione di nobiltà così appunto a noi è noiosa e perciò non si dee alcuno far giudice a dicidere chi è più nobile o chi meno"; " . . . . per I'una di queste due cagioni i più abbondano di cirimonie superflue, e non per altro: le quali generalmente noiano il più degli uomini perciocché per loro s'impedisce altrui il vivere a suo senno, cioè la libertà, la quale ciascuno appetisce innanzi ad ogni altra cosa." Chap. 17, pp. 400 f.

30. E. Garin (1965): 194.

31. Garin, ibid.

32. De la institution di tutta la vita (1543); Della institution morale (1582). Garin (1965): 196-199; C. Donati (1988): 60-62.

33. Garin (1965): 199. Francesco Piccolomini, Breve discorso della istituzione di un principe e compendia della scienza civile, ed. Sante Pieralisi (Roma: Salviucci, 1858).

34. In this context Garin (1965): 195 also calls attention to the little known Frosino Lapini (d. 1571), L'Anassarcho del Lapino, overo Trattato de' Costumi, e modi che si debbono tenere, o schifare nel dare opera agli studij. Discorso utilissimo ad ogni virtuoso e nobile scolare (Firenze, 1567; I know only the edition Fiorenza: B. Sermartelli, 1571).

35. E. Garin (1965): chap. 7, "Ricerche morali," 193-211, on the various aspects of moral speculation in the Italian Renaissance, specifically on the authors just named.

36. In the letter of dedication of the Circe to Cosimo de' Medici Gelli shows his literal derivation from Pico's oration. Of all the authors just mentioned, Gelli is a good example of the difficulty of interpreting the social and political meaning of much of our moral literature. The inherent ambiguity of the imaginative representation makes it, as it were, Protean or at least Janus-like. In the summarily coherent presentation of his 1965 book (201 f.), Garin interprets Gelli as an eloquent exhortation to accept the worldly destiny of the active member of the city of man. Enzo Noè Girardi, in contrast, interprets both Circe and Capricci as a partly mystical, Platonizing religious reflection on the limits and miseries of the human condition, weighed down by our earthiness: see Letteratura Italiana: I Minori 2 (1961): 1111-1132.

37. Cf. Garin (1965): 207.

38. A. Messina, "La fortuna editoriale in Italia e all'estero della Civil conversatione di Stefano Guazzo (sec. XVI)," Libri e documenti 2 (1976): 1-8.

39. The Latin terms are all synonyms of "wit," "witticism." The different editions have different numbering for the lemmata, which in the later editions also appear richer, especially with the added Latin synonyms. I cite from the splendid printing Vinegia: n.p., 1548 and the ed. Venetia: Paulo Vigolino, 1593, in the New York Public Library: lemma 1297 and 892 respectively (no pagination). C. Ossola (1987): 136, cites from the edition Venetia: Uscio, 1588, under lemma 892, " urbanità, " p. 120b.

40. Tavola or Index and lemma no. 2452 in the 1548 edition, no. 1574 in 1593 edition. C. Ossola (1987): 132, quotes the same definition equating conversation with social intercourse from the 1588 edition, Tavola, lemma no. 1574, and p. 213a.

Medieval Latin conversatio already had the meaning of "communal activities," as in Lambert of Ardres's Historia comitum Ghisnensium, MGH SS 24: chap. 127, p. 624, where a detailed description of the castle built by Arnulf II of Ardres in the first third of the twelfth century gives the second floor, the main part of the house, as reserved to habitatio, the living quarters, and conversatio, all communal activities.

41. Lemma no. 950 in 1548 edition: "Lat. beneficentia, munus, liberalitas, è humana e gratiosa liberalità con destri e moderati costumi così detta dalle corti de buoni Principi, ne le quali sempre tal virtù risplende." The lemma cavaliere (no. 543 in 1593 ed.) gives only a list of fitting epithets from the authors (Petrarca, Boccaccio, etc.), ending with the statement that "Sarmente [Sarmiento ?] fu primo uomo che scrivesse di cavalleria."

42. The term still covered a broad semantic field. When Annibale turns to the subject of "la conversatione delle donne," Guglielmo takes this to mean sexual intercourse ("con le quali si giuoca alle braccia," p. 290 of 1574 original; Pettie's trans.: 1: 324). The passage well illustrates the paradox of the feminine condition at court and in society, that is, the risk and ambiguity between polite conversation with women and the danger this was perceived to pose to their chastity. They had to run the tightrope act of being seductive without allowing themselves to be seduced; they had to act as teasing flirts, affable yet modest. A. R. Jones in Armstrong and Tennenhouse, eds. (1988): 44.

43. J. Burchkardt, The Civilization of the Renaissance in Italy, trans. S. G. C. Middlemore (New York: Harper & Row, 1958): 2: 371.

44. "Chi desidera adunque usar felicemente della civil conversatione, ha da considerare che la lingua è lo specchio e 'l ritratto dell'animo suo; e che sì come dal suono del denaio conosciamo la bontà e falsità sua, così dal suono delle parole comprendiamo a dentro la qualità dell'uomo et i suoi costumi." Ed. Salicato (1575): book 2: 75b.

45. Cited by Quondam in Prosperi (1980): 30, from the edition Madrid: Aribau (1874): 2.

46. 9v, 36r-37r in both 1543 and 1544 editions. C. Donati (1988): 62.

47. This occurred on 20 October 1574. See C. Donati (1988): 152-156 on the political background to Guazzo's work.

48. The oppressive presence of the terrible Vespasiano Gonzaga as protagonist in the dialogue of book 4, however, takes away much of the openness of a true dialogue. It is good to remember that Duke Guidobaldo's physical absence from the Cortegiano dialogue was a warrant of spontaneity and a condition for the necessary critical spirit.

49. Quondam in Prosperi (1980): 58-63 on Guazzo.

50. "'L viver civilmente non dipende dalla Città, ma dalle qualità dell'animo. Così intendo la conversatione civile, non per rispetto solo della Città, ma in consideratione de' costumi e delle maniere, che la rendono civile." Ed. Venice: Robino (1575): 58, and ed. ibid.: Salicato (1575): 1: 30.

51. D. Javitch, "Courtesy Books," in A. C. Hamilton et al., eds.. The Spenser Encyclopedia (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1989). The negative assessment of the Book of the Courtier as an expression of a debased social environment characterizes some recent studies, for example, Gino Benzoni, Gli affanni della cultura (1978), and John Robert Woodhouse, Baldesar Castiglione. A Reassessment of The Courtier (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1978).

52. Ed. Venice: Robino (1575): 186.

53. Tesauro, Il cannocchiale aristotelico (Torino: Zavatta, 1655; 1670), in Ezio Raimondi, ed., Trattatisti e narratori del Seicento (Milano, Napoli: Ricciardi, 1960): 19. Tesauro's treatise leaned on Baltasar Gracián's Arte de ingenio (1642). Also Tesauro, Filosofia morale derivata dall'alto fonte del grande Aristotele stagirita (Torino: Zapata, 1671). See Andrea Battistini and Ezio Raimondi, "Retoriche e poetiche dominanti," in Asor Rosa, ed., Letteratura Italiana 3.1 (Torino: Einaudi, 1984): 113-116.

54. See G. E. Ferrari, Documenti marciani e principale letteratura sui codici veneti di epopea carolingia (Venezia: Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana, 1961), with a catalogue of the Este library. On the "franco-veneti" and the reception of chivalric literature through the Orlando Innamorato see Riccardo Bruscagli et al., I libri di "Orlando Innamorato," Ferrara, Istituto di Studi Rinascimentali, Saggi (Ferrara: Panini, 1987): chap. 1.1-1.2, pp. 14-26 by Antonia Tissoni Benvenuti.

Although written records start relatively late in Italy, by using personal and place names Pio Rajna, "Contributi alla storia dell'epopea e del romanzo medievale: V, Gli eroi brettoni nell'onomastica italiana del secolo XII" and "Contributi alla storia dell'epopea e del romanzo medievale: VI, Ancora gli eroi brettoni nell'onomastica italiana del secolo XII," Romania 17 (1888): 161 ff., 355 ff., showed that the Arthurian legends were probably known in Italy as early as 1080-1100. See the still authoritative Arturo Graf, "Appunti per la storia del ciclo brettone in Italia," Giornale Storico della Letteratura Italiana 5 (1885): 80-131, especially on the Tristano Riccardiano; and Segre and Marti, eds., La prosa del Duecento (1959): 556.

55. Rolandino, Cronica in factis et circa facta Marchie Trivixiane, ed. A. Bonardi, in L. A. Muratori, Rerum Italicarum Scriptores 8, n.s. 1 (Città di Castello, 1905-1906); trans. by J. R. Berrigan, The Chronicles of the Trevisan March (Lawrence, KS: University of Kansas Press, 1980). It included the deeds of the feared Ghibelline leader and imperial vicar Ezzelino da Romano. A productive scholar, Rolandino was also a leading notary and a vigorous political leader (cf. my chap. 1 and note 81). See Waley: 222 f.

56. Waley: 228. That the particularism and separatism of many French, German, and Italian lords was not shared by their English counterparts is another matter.

57. For an authoritative discussion of the linguistic and historical characteristics of this literature, see, after A. Viscardi, Letteratura franco-italiana (1941), with bibliography, A. Roncaglia, "La letteratura franco-veneta," in Emilio Cecchi and Natalino Sapegno, eds., Storia della Letteratura Italiana, 2: Il Trecento (Milano: Garzanti, 1965; 1973): 727-759. Also Corrado Bologna, "La letteratura dell'Italia settentrionale nel Trecento," in A. Asor Rosa, ed., Letteratura Italiana 7.1 (1987): 511-600. Nicolò da Verona introduced new epic characters, including the spirited Estout, who was destined to become Boiardo's and Ariosto's Astolfo. Also Zumthor, Essai de poétique médiévale (1972): 465 f. on the originality of the Entrée and the Prise.

58. See the edition of the Attila by Giulio Bertoni (1907).

59. Pio Rajna's standard study Le fonti dell' Orlando Furioso (Firenze, 1876, 2d ed. 1890) is still considered the most exhaustive survey of Ariosto's sources, but critics have become aware of its unrealistic listing of French originals without sufficient credit being given to the much closer Franco-Venetian and Tuscan versions that Ariosto certainly had at hand. See Carlo Dionisotti, "Appunti sui Cinque Canti e sugli studi ariosteschi," in Studi e problemi di critica testuale, Convegno di studi di filologia italiana nel Centenario della Commissione per i Testi di Lingua (Bologna: Commissione per i Testi di Lingua, 1961): 369-382 at 377-379; Daniela Delcorno Branca, L' Orlando Furioso e il romanzo cavalleresco medievale (Firenze: L. S. Olschki, 1973): 6; and Aurelio Roncaglia, "Nascita e sviluppo della narrativa cavalleresca nella Francia medievale" (1975): 229-250 at 229 f.

60. Ezio Levi, I cantari leggendari del popolo nei secoli XIV e XV (Torino: Loescher, 1914); idem, ed., Fiore di leggende: cantari antichi (Bari: G. Laterza, 1914); Carlo Dionisotti, " Entrée d'Espagne, Spagna, Rotta di Roncisvalle, " in Studi in onore di Angela Monteverdi I (Modena, 1959): 207-241; Gianfranco Folena, "La cultura volgare e l' 'umanesimo cavalleresco' nel Veneto," in Vittore Branca, ed., Umanesimo europeo e umanesimo veneziano (Firenze: Sansoni, [1963] 1964): 141-158. On Pulci's chivalric content see the ample analyses in R. M. Ruggieri, L'umanesimo cavalleresco da Dante al Pulci (Roma, 1962): 199-265.

61. For easy reference see Tristan and the Round Table. A Translation of La Tavola ritonda, trans. Anne Shaver, MRT&S 28 (Binghamton: Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies, SUNY Press, 1983), based on the old but still basic Polidori edition (2 vols., rpt. Bologna: Romagnoli, 1964-1965).

62. Aldo Vallone (1955): 56-59. For an up-to-date assessment of Boiardo's way of handling the genre and his relationship to the Ferrarese court, see Charles S. Ross, Introduction to his translation of the Orlando Innamorato (Berkeley, Los Angeles, Oxford: University of California Press, 1989): 1-29.

63. Orlando Innamorato: 2.10.1: 1-6 in M. M. Boiardo, Orlando Innamorato, Amorum Libri, ed. Aldo Scaglione, 2 vols. (Torino: UTET, 2d ed. 1963): 2: 162. On chivalry in Boiardo see, for example, Antonio Franceschetti, "L 'Orlando Innamorato e gli ideali cavallereschi nella Ferrara del Quattrocento," Atti dell'Istituto Veneto di Scienze, Lettere ed Arti, Classe di scienze morali e lettere (Venezia, 1971-1972): 315-333.

64. The most recent title is Trevor Dean, Land and Power in Late Medieval Ferrara: The Rule of the Este, 1350-1450 (Cambridge, Eng., New York: Cambridge University Press, 1988). Preferment and social advancement in Ferrara chiefly took the form of land rewards conferred on "men intimately involved in the working of the Este lordship, whether as retainers, courtiers, household servants, or dependent peasant farmers" (107), in addition to knights and noblemen. Reviewing this study in Renaissance Quarterly 41.4 (1988): 708-710, W. Gundersheimer (see his 1973 book on Ferrara) finds that "Dean has confirmed in substantial detail the essentially feudal character of the Ferrarese regime" and "put to rest (p. 97) [the]  . . . simplistic notion that [the Estensi] developed a new system of authoritarian control, or a new way of governing. His extensive knowledge of earlier forms of feudalism enables him to offer many useful comparisons."

Research is still wanted on the ideological conditions of northern Italy's seigniorial courts: preliminary materials are in Il Rinascimento nelle corti padane. Società e cultura (Bari: De Donato, 1977). On the Este court as background to the literature from Boiardo to Tasso, see the methodological suggestions in Giovanni Getto, Letteratura e critica nel tempo (Milano: Marzorati, 1954, 2d ed. 1968): "La corte estense di Ferrara come luogo di incontro di una civiltà letteraria," 219-239 in 1st ed.; 325-353 in 2d ed.

65. Orlando Innamorato: 1.9.49 f. Critics have spoken of "umanesimo cavalleresco" and "umanesimo romanzesco" and tried to define Boiardo's poetic world in such terms, variously referring the romance or chivalric component of his inspiration to the medieval heritage and the humanistic one to his ample use of classical motifs, aptly blended with the Arthurian and Carolingian ones. See R. M. Ruggieri, L'Umanesimo cavalleresco italiano da Dante al Pulci (Roma, 1962; new ed. Napoli: Conte, 1977 with title L'umanesimo cavalleresco italiano, da Dante all'Ariosto ); idem, "L'umanesimo cavalleresco nell' Orlando Innamorato, " in Giuseppe Anceschi, ed., Il Boiardo e la critica contemporanea, Atti del Convegno  . . . su M. M. Boiardo, Scandiano-Reggio Emilia, 1969 (Firenze: L. S. Olschki, 1970): 467-479; Giovanni Ponte, La personalità e l'opera del Boiardo (Genova: Tilgher, 1972); and Antonio Franceschetti, L' Orlando Innamorato e le sue componenti tematiche e strutturali (Firenze: L. S. Olschki, 1975). Brandimarte's "perfect" paradigm is studied in Maristella de Panizza Lorch, "'Ma soprattutto la persona umana / era cortese': Brandimarte's cortesia as expressed through the hero's loci actionis in Boiardo's Orlando Innamorato, Book I," in G. Papagno and A. Quondam, eds., La Corte e lo spazio: Ferrara Estense 2 (1982): 739-781.

66. Curtius (178) has reminded us that this topos of sapientia and fortitudo is also found in Rabelais ( Pantagruel: chap. 8), Spenser ( Faerie Queene: 2.3.40; Shepheardes Calendar: October, vv. 66 ff.), and Cervantes ( Don Quijote: part 1,chap.38).

67. Women and knights are chiastically opposed (in gallantly reversed order) to arms and loves; then courtesy, corresponding to the first and last of the four named elements, is opposed to "audaci imprese," iterating the motif of audacia (prowess, bravery).

68. The comparison with Wolfram's Parzival brings closer analogies than with Chrétien's Perceval on account of the more radical behavior on the part of the former (see my chap. 6). We cannot know which precise versions of the story were available to Ariosto, but even though the range of his readings was admittedly very wide, it could not include German texts.

69. Many critics have wrestled with Ariosto's symbolism concerning characters and adventures, with sharp assessments of his way of revising traditional allegories and emptying them of their moral import. A good recent example of such interpretations with regard to Ruggiero and all major characters is Peter DeSa Wiggins, figures in Ariosto's Tapestry: Character and Design in the Orlando Furioso (Baltimore, London: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1986).

70. Ferdinand Lot, Étude sur le Lancelot en prose (1918): chap. 2, rpt. in M. L. Meneghetti, ed., Il romanzo (1988): 299-311 at 306.

71. Tony Hunt, Forum for Modern Language Studies 17 (1981): 99 f.

72. A recent study in this vein of reaction to the Romantic view of the Furioso is Albert Russell Ascoli, Ariosto's Bitter Harmony: Crisis and Evasion in the Italian Renaissance (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1987). Marina Beer, Romanzi di cavalleria. Il Furioso e il romanzo italiano del primo Cinquecento, Centro Studi "Europa delle Corti" / Biblioteca del Cinquecento 34 (Roma: Bulzoni, 1987), speculates that the madness of Roland was a result of the medical views of love as an illness, as also recorded in Equicola's Libro de natura de amore, so that Ariosto's representations are rather a parody of Platonic and courtly love—or rather the excesses of the latter—even while his image of knighthood is idealistically in reaction against the brutality of contemporary warfare.

73. Discorso intorno al comporre dei romanzi (Roma, 1554): see the edition: Giovan Battista Giraldi Cintio [sic], De' romanzi, delle commedie e delle tragedie, ragionamenti . . .; documenti intorno alla controversia sul libro de' romanzi con G. B. Pigna (Milano: Biblioteca Rara di G. Daelli, 1864), and Henry L. Snuggs, ed. and trans., Giraldi Cinthio on Romances: Being a Translation of the Discorso intorno al comporre dei romanzi (Lexington: University of Kentucky Press, 1968): xiv. The new label and the defense of the newly recognized and theorized genre was also in the essay I romanzi  . . . divisi in tre libri. Ne quali della poesia et della vita dell'Ariosto si tratta  . . . (Vinegia: nella bottega d'Erasmo appresso V. Valgrisi, 1554) by Cinthio's pupil, Giovan Battista Nicolucci Pigna. Both Cinthio and Pigna were, together with Speroni, prominent courtiers of the Este in Ferrara, and all three were well known to Tasso, who is supposed to have represented them in characters of the Aminta (as first proposed by Gilles Ménage in the Aminta' s first annotated edition, Paris: Courbé, 1655). The subtle game of multiple agnitions was undoubtedly an alluring challenge to the court audience.

74. See Javitch (1988) on W. Booth's assessment and the current theoretical framework among "narratologists" (and narrators as well).

75. Similarly, however original and personal Ariosto's famous "median style" may sound to us, it also had its generic antecedents in the romances, signally Chrétien's.

76. Speroni referred to Cinthio's Discorso dei romanzi (1554) in a fragment entitled "De' romanzi" probably composed soon after the appearance of Bernardo Tasso's Amadigi in 1560: see Javitch (1988): 61.

77. D. Javitch, "Narrative Discontinuity in the Orlando Furioso and Its Sixteenth-Century Critics," Modern Language Notes 103 (1988): 50-74. This survey of Cinquecento reception does not address the question of historical antecedents to such practices, and much Ariosto criticism similarly fails to engage in a more thorough historicization of this masterpiece, as if it might detract from its undoubted originality. See, also, Klaus W. Hempfer, Diskrepante Lektüren: die Orlando-Furioso-Rezeption im Cinquecento. Historische Rezeptionsforschung als Heuristik der Interpretation (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner, 1987).

78. (Lyon, 1955; rpt. Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1930 and Genève: Slatkine Reprints, 1971): 2.8, "De l'euures heroïque," 78 f. See S. John Holyoake, An Introduction to French Sixteenth-Century Poetic Theory: Texts and Commentary (Manchester: Manchester University Press; New York: Barnes and Noble, 1972): 172, and J. Frappier in R. S. Loomis, ed. (1959; 1961): 299. In the course of a detailed analysis of Virgil's narrative excellence, Peletier says: "E parmi l'universel discours, il fèt bon voer, comment le Poëte, apres avoer quelquefoes fèt mancion d'une chose mémorable  . . . , la lesse la pour un tans: tenant le Lecteur suspans, desireus e hátif d'an aler voer l'evuenemant. An quoi je trouve noz Rommanz bien inuantiz. E dirè bien ici an passant, qu'an quelques uns d'iceus bien choesiz, le Poëte Heroïque pourra trouuer a fere son profit: comme sont les auantures des Chevaliers, les amours, les voyages, les anchantemans, les combaz, e samblables choses: déqueles l'Arioste à fèt amprunt de nous, pour transporter an son Liure."

79. Vinaver, The Rise of Romance (1971).

80. Kellermann, Aufbaustil und Weltbild Chrestiens von Troyes im Percevalroman, Beihefte zur Zeitschrift für romanische Philologie 88 (Halle/Saale: M. Niemeyer, 1936; rpt. Tübingen: M. Niemeyer, 1967). A critical survey of the question in E. Köhler, L'aventure chevaleresque (1974): chap. 7, "La forme du roman arthurien chez Chrétien de Troyes: Rapport entre contenu et structure signifiante," 269-298.

81. On the Cinquecento critics' misjudgment of Ariosto's thematic and formal unity owing to their imposition of supposed Aristotelian principles see, also, Peter V. Marinelli, Ariosto and Boiardo: The Origins of Orlando Furioso (Columbia, MO: University of Missouri Press, 1987), who rightfully insists on the need to take into account Ariosto's connection with Boiardo. Also, on the question of genre, Marina Beer, Romanzi di cavalleria. Il Furioso e il romanzo italiano del primo Cinquecento (1987). The second part of this book provides a full statistical and bibliographic account of the readership and popularity of the chivalric poem between 1470 and 1600 (apparently a circulation of about half a million copies).

82. Tasso, Prose, ed. Ettore Mazzali (Milano, Napoli: R. Ricciardi, 1959): 487-729. The third of the six discorsi (pp. 561-624) deals principally with the Aristotelian unity of plot in epic and romance—declared to be of a similar kind, hence subject to the same poetic criteria. It is a protracted argument about the Furioso, objections starting with the difficulty of retaining the mass of events in one's memory (572 ff.). Similar were the approach and the critiques in Tasso's earlier (1587) Discorsi dell'arte poetica e in particolare sopra il poema eroico (ibid.: 349-410). Montaigne voiced the same objections.

83. Bibliotheca Selecta: book 1, chap. 25, p. 113 of the 1593 edition (Roma: Typographia Apostolica Vaticana). On some of Possevino's diplomatic activities within the academic world see A. Scaglione, The Liberal Arts and the Jesuit College System (Amsterdam: John Benjamins, 1986): 136 f., 146 f. On the chapter in question see M. Fumaroli (1985): 23 and note.

84. E. Köhler, "Die Pastourellen des Trobadors Gavaudan," GermanischRomanische Monatsschrift 14 (1964); Mancini ed.: 217-232. The pastoral world of the Aminta finds its fitting style in a deceptive naturalness that is the counterpart of the symptomatic "baroque" artificiality of Tasso's other works, from the Gerusalemme to his lyrics and even the correspondence. In chapter 18 on Marino in his Storia della letteratura italiana (1870-1871), Francesco De Sanctis characterized the style of the Aminta as "naturalezza con una sprezzatura che pare negligenza ed è artificio finissimo": the connection with Castiglione's vocabulary is revealing. It is as if Tasso were representing the spectacle or the make-believe of the court in the Aminta and its true inner nature in his other works.

85. Cf. Paolo Braghieri, Il testo come soluzione rituale: Gerusalemme Liberata (Bologna: Pàtron, 1978): 14: "la molla narrativa scatta nella dialettica che al moto centripeto del desiderio del capitano oppone quello centrifugo, disgregativo, dei 'compagni erranti.' In questo senso il testo emerge, dalla minaccia dell'errare-errore, come tentativo di stabilire un ordine."

86. See Raimondi's edition of Tasso's Dialoghi (Firenze: Sansoni, 1958): 1: 3-5. The titles of the successive dialogues most directly pertinent to our subject will indicate the range of courtly and chivalric themes: Il Forno overo della nobiltà; Il Beltramo overo della cortesia; Il Gonzaga overo del piacere onesto; Il Messaggiero; Il padre di famiglia; De la dignità; Della precedenza; Il Romeo overo del giuoco; Il Rangone overo della pace; Il Malpiglio overo della corte; Il Malpiglio secondo overo del fugir la moltitudine; Il Gianluca overo de le maschere; La Molza overo de l'amore; Il Conte overo de l'imprese.

87. Dialoghi, ed. Raimondi: vol. 2, tome 1: 1-113.

88. Tasso, Dialoghi, ed. Ezio Raimondi (1958). Il Malpiglio is also available with facing Italian text in Tasso, Dialogues, trans. Carnes Lord and Dain A. Trafton (Berkeley, Los Angeles, London: University of California Press, 1982): 151-191. Another of Tasso's dialogues, Il segretario (Ferrara: V. Baldini, 1587), dealt with that particular ministerial office—the subject of a number of contemporary treatises going from Francesco Sansovino, Del segretario (Venetia: F. Rampazetto, 1564; 14 editions until 1608) to Battista Guarini, Il segretario (Venezia: B. Magiotti, 1594), Angelo Ingegneri, Del buon segretario (Roma: G. Falcotti, 1594), and on through the following century. See Amedeo Quondam, "Il dominio del segretario, l'ordine della retorica," in A. Quondam, ed., Le "Carte Messaggiere"—Retorica e modelli di comunicazione epistolare: per un indice dei libri di lettere del Cinquecento (Roma: Bulzoni, 1981): 120-150.

89. Tasso's Dialogues, trans. Lord and Trafton (1982): 180.

90. Ibid.: 174 f., there rendered with: "Concealment becomes the courtier more than showing off."

91. Ibid.: 178-180. Vallone (1955: 60) seems to misinterpret the important letter of 1584 to Curzio Ardizio in which Torquato Tasso assessed the historical value of the figure of the courtier as presented by Castiglione: see Tasso, Epistolario, ed. Scipio Slataper (Lanciano: R. Carabba, 1932): 1: 88. Tasso did not mean that in his view Castiglione's courtier was purely imaginary, as the skeptical Prezzolini maintained against Vittorio Cian in the well-known polemic on the historical meaning of the great treatise. He was rather expressing his own feeling that the court had ceased to be an operative agency of good government in his own days as it might have been in times past, even though Castiglione's picture of both the courtier and the prince was inspired by a noble Platonic idea.

92. Giorgio Bàrberi Squarotti, "Il forestiero in corte," Lettere Italiane 39 (1982): 328-347 at 345-347: "Di politica non c'è più traccia nelle pagine del Tasso che si riferiscono alla corte . . . . Il rapporto fra principe e cortigiano è quello fra padrone e servo, e il servo non deve mai apparire da più del padrone."

1. Marino Berengo, Nobili e mercanti nella Lucca del Cinquecento (Torino: Einaudi, 1965): 54 on the "predominio del ceto nobiliare nella vita italiana" that became an accomplished fact around 1550, and 252-263 for major Cinquecento texts on the consciousness of nobility; idem, "Il Cinquecento," in La storiografia italiana negli ultimi vent'anni, Congresso nazionale di scienze storiche, Perugia 1967, 2 vols. (Milano: Marzorati, 1970): 2: 483-518; L. Martines (1979): 174.

2. C. Dionisotti, Geografia e storia (1967): 230 f.; C. Donati, "L'evoluzione della coscienza nobiliare," in C. Mozzarelli and P. Schiera, eds., Patriziati e aristocrazie nobiliari (Trento, 1978): 18 f.; idem, L'idea di nobiltà in Italia (1988): 93.

3. See my chap. 9, note 68.

4. Eduardo Saccone (1987: 10): "The fashioning of the courtier depends very much on the public, the audience, the others."

5. E.g., Stephen Greenblatt, Renaissance Self-Fashioning (1980), "Epilogue," 255-257 at 256. Giuseppe Falvo (1988: 164) refers to R. Barthes, M. Foucault, and Louis Marin for the notion of "rhetoric of power" and "techniques of representation" in the analysis of courtly literature. "Representation" is used by these critics to mean the fictive presentation of an attractive mask hiding the real elements of power, for public consumption and the effective legitimation of that oppressive power.

6. "Sempre che ha d'andare in loco dove sia novo e non conosciuto, procuri che prima vi vada la bona opinione di sé che la persona, e faccia che ivi s'intenda che esso in altri lochi, appresso altri signori, donne e cavalieri, sia ben estimato." Il Cortegiano 2.32.

7. "Essendo aiutato dagli ammaestramenti e dalla educazione ed arte del cortegiano, formato da questi signori tanto prudente e buono,  . . . sarà gloriosissimo e carissimo agli omini ed a Dio, per la cui grazia acquisterà quella virtù eroica, che lo farà eccedere i termini della umanità e dir si potrà più presto semideo che uom mortale" ( Il Cortegiano 4.22).

8. "Servando tra tutti in certe cose una pare equalità, come nella giustizia e nella libertà; ed in alcune altre una ragionevole inequalità, come nell'esser liberale, nel remunerare, nel distribuir gli onori e dignità secondo la inequalità dei meriti, li quali sempre debbono non avanzare, ma esser avanzati dalle remunerazioni; e che in tal modo sarebbe non che amato ma quasi adorato dai sudditi" ( Il Cortegiano 4.33). See Ullrich Langer (1988): 225. Queen Elizabeth's role has been much studied in recent years as part of the evolution of absolutist ideology and the way it involved courtiers and particularly such courtier poets as Spenser and Sidney: for one title only, see S. Greenblatt, "To Fashion a Gentleman," in Greenblatt (1980): especially 166-192.

9. Ullrich Langer (1988) has expertly explored this connection with regard to Castiglione's treatise and other French texts: see his bibliography, p. 223 and passim. See Franco Moretti, Signs Taken for Wonders (London: Verso; New York: Schocken Books, 1983), "The Great Eclipse: Tragic Form as Deconsecration of Sovereignty," 42-82, for a penetrating analysis of the other side of the coin, the representation of the absolute monarch as tyrant (that is, what I have analyzed so far as part of the feudal mentality and sense of values as evidenced in parts of the epic and the romance) in the English Tudor tragedy (especially Gorboduc, whose plot derived from Geoffrey of Monmouth).

10. E. Köhler, L'aventure chevaleresque (1974), especially 11-15 for the definition of King Arthur's role as upholder of feudal rights in Chrétien de Troyes's Erec.

11. Castiglione's solution to Italy's political and social problems was a kind of courtly society that would have been similar to the Prussian courtly government from Frederick the Great onward—the kind of historical background that made the Weimar republic an unworkable experiment in the Germany of the 1920s and 1930s, as interpreted by Norbert Elias (see end of my Introduction).

12. Muzio, Il duello con Le risposte cavalleresche (Vinegia: Gabriel Giolito de' Ferrari, 1550; new ed. 1551, 1553, 1554, 1558, 1560, 1563, 1564, 1566, 1571, 1576, 1585); idem, Il gentilhuomo, trattato della nobiltà (Venetia: Giovanni Andrea Valvassori detto Guadagnino, 1571).

13. Baldi, Delle considerationi e dubitationi sopra la materia delle mentite e offese di parole; Delle mentite, discorso (Venice: Bartolomeo Fontana, 1634). See C. Donati (1988): 94-96 on Muzio, 170-173 on Romei, and the whole of his chap. 4, 93-136 on this literature.

14. "la opinione de' cavalieri è, che legge alcuna né di patria, né di principe, né interesse di havere, né di vita, all'honore non debbia essere anteposta." 1588 ed.: 175v. C. Donati (1988): 96. Also F. R. Bryson, The Point of Honour in Sixteenth-Century Italy: An Aspect of the Life of a Gentleman (New York, 1935); idem, The Sixteenth-Century Italian Duel: A Study in Renaissance Social History (Chicago, 1938); G. Angelozzi, "La trattatistica su nobiltà e onore a Bologna nei secoli XVI e XVII," Atti e memorie della Deputazione di storia patria per le provincie di Romagna 25/26 (1974/1975): 187-264; and Francesco Erspamer, La biblioteca di don Ferrante: duello e onore nella cultura del Cinquecento, Biblioteca del Cinquecento 18 (Roma: Bulzoni, 1982).

15. C. Donati (1988): 102-104 and 110 for the 1560 Cartelli.

16. (Florence: Lorenzo Torrentino). Copy in the Biblioteca Marucelliana of Florence used by C. Donati (1988): 141, n. 64.

17. Osorius, De nobilitate civili libri duo and De nobilitate christiana libri tres (Lisbon, 1542; Florentiae: Laurentius Torrentinus, 1552); Tiraquellus, Commentarii de nobilitate et de iure primigeniorum (definitive edition, posthumous, Lugduni: Gulielmus Rovillius, 1559; 1573); Cassanaeus, Catalogus gloriae mundi (1529; Venetiis: Vincentius Valgrisius, 1569). C. Donati (1988): 113-117.

18. The authority of "il gran Tiraquello regio consigliere nel Parlamento di Parigi" is invoked by Annibale Magnocavallo in the long discussion on the nature of nobility in book 2 of Guazzo's Civil conversatione (1575 Salicato ed.: 224-226). Annibale distinguishes between "seminobili, nobili e nobilissimi": seminobili owe their distinction to personal worth, nobili add blood, and the nobilissimi also wealth. Cortesia characterizes the noble conversant even when he communicates with the ignobili.

19. "Est igitur nobilitas dignitas generis, in quo maximae virtutes exstiterunt, vitae communi salutares et commodae," and so on. Florence 1552 edition: 3-50.

20. C. Donati (1988): 128; see 126-128 on Muzio's 1571 treatise.

21. "Mulieres vero popularium portare solent caputia ex panno laneo, et ista est notoria et manifesta differentia,  . . . eo quia habitus demonstrat qualitatem et dignitatem personae deferentis." Chasseneux, Valgrisio 1559 ed.: 159v-171r., cited by C. Donati (1988): 114.

22. C. Donati (1988) 130 f. on Cosimo's decree.

23. C. Donati (1988): chap. 7, "Le 'prove di nobiltà' dei cavalieri italiani dell'Ordine di Malta (1555-1612)," 247-265.

24. See Le pouvoir et la plume (Paris, 1982), José Guidi, "Le jeu de cour et sa codification dans les différentes rédactions du Courtisan, " 97-115, and especially Giancarlo Mazzacurati, "'Decoro' e indecenza: linguaggi naturali e teoria delle forme nel Cinquecento," 215-282.

25. The discourse was printed as part of Botero's I Capitani  . . . e due Discorsi della Monarchia e della Nobiltà (1607).

26. Ullrich Langer (1988): 234. Rabelais, Oeuvres complètes, eds. Jacques Boulenger and Lucien Scheler (Paris: Gallimard, 1965).

27. M. Bakhtin, Rabelais and His World, trans. Hélène Iswolsky (Cambridge, MA: M.I.T. Press, 1968; 1988; Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1984; Russian original Tvorchestvo Fransua Rable, Moscow: Khudozhestvennia Literatura, 1965): 138 f. of 1984 ed.; It. ed. L'opera di Rabelais e la cultura popolare, trans. Mili Romano (Torino: Einaudi, 1979, 3d ed. 1982): 152.

28. For Guazzo's considerable impact in England, see J. L. Lievsay's learned study (1961); D. Javitch, "Rival Arts of Conduct in Elizabethan England: Guazzo's Civile Conversation and Castiglione's Courtier," Yearbook of Italian Studies 1 (1971): 178-198; and idem, "Courtesy Books," in A. C. Hamilton et al., eds., The Spenser Encyclopedia (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1989), where Guazzo's reception in England is contrasted to Castiglione's as part of a late Renaissance reaction to the latter's emphasis on courtly values in favor of a more universally valid coherence between the inner and outer self. Spenser, Javitch opines, intimated "that courtesy ought to be a virtue which reconciles Castiglione's courtliness with Guazzo's civility":

Of Court it seems, men Courtesie doe call,
    For that it there most useth to abound;
  And well beseemeth that in Princes hall
  That vertue should be plentifully found,
  Which of all goodly manners is the ground,
  And root of civill conversation.
                                           (Faerie Queene: 6.1.i)

29. Elias, Power and Civility: 358.

30. George Puttenham, The Arte of English Poesie, eds. G. D. Willcock and Alice Walker (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1970): 299. Javitch (1982): 227 f. The models of social behavior had broad consequences which, beyond the practical sphere, also affected imaginative literature in several countries. Jaeger 13 f. attributes to Daniel Javitch (1978) the discovery that the "poetics of conduct" induced by Italian etiquette literature produced, in Elizabethan England, "manuals of court behavior and etiquette [that] could provide the model for books of poetics; decorum, elegance and 'style' in behavior could be seen as analogous to the same qualities in verse." Ruth Kelso, The Doctrine of the English Gentleman in the Sixteenth Century (1929), is a classic on the matter.

31. Puttenham: 197. See Franco Moretti, Signs Taken for Wonders (1983): 77; Heinrich F. Plett (1983): 597-621; and Michael West, "Spenser's Art of War: Chivalric Allegory, Military Technology, and the Elizabethan MockHeroic Sensibility," Renaissance Quarterly 41.4 (1988): 654-704 at 695.

32. Javitch (1982): 233-237.

33. N. Elias, The Civilizing Process 2 (1982): 216.

34. D. Javitch (1971) and S. Greenblatt (1980): 163-165.

35. Curiously enough, just like Philibert de Vienne, in his dialogue Il Malpiglio Tasso will also bring in Socrates as a master and example of supreme "dissimulation" in social discourse: "vi concederò facilmente  . . . che 'l simulare in questo modo sia virtù di corte, non solamente socratica": see Tasso, Dialogues, trans. Carnes Lord and Dain A. Trafton (Berkeley, Los Angeles, London: University of California Press, 1982): 182.

36. C. A. Mayer, "L'honnêre homme. Molière and Philibert de Vienne's Philosophe de cour," Modern Language Review 46 (1951): 196-217.

37. See Philibert's concluding chapter. Javitch (1971): 99.

38. Javitch (1971): 101.

39. C. A. Mayer (1951) pointed to Lucian's De parasitu as the model and P. M. Smith (1966: 98-151) agreed with Mayer that Philibert was attacking Castiglione. I should add that hostility to Machiavelli must also have been in the background of this picture of degenerate public mores. Italianism at the court of Henry II and Catherine de Medici had a bad reputation among mor- alistic nationalists and Protestant sympathizers: in their eyes, Machiavelli was the epitome of what was immoral in Italian forms of conduct. See Javitch (1971): 105 f., who also cites Giovanni Macchia, Il cortegiano francese (Firenze: Parenti, 1943): "Il cortegiano francese," 45-56, as the best study "on the conflation of Machiavelli and Castiglione in France." Philibert's satirical intent was made obvious by a poem added at the end of the second edition (1548), advising the reader that he would find much to laugh at in the book.

40. Some have recently seen the beginning of a court literature in England in the early sixteenth century, on the assumption that there was no true court in that land before 1489 under Henry VII, the first Tudor monarch (d. 1509): see John Scattergood and J. W. Sherborne, eds., English Court Culture in the Later Middle Ages (London: Duckworth, 1983), and David Carlson, "Politicizing Tudor Court Literature: Gaguin's Embassy and Henry VII's Humanists' Response," Studies in Philology 85.3 (1988): 279-296. This comes from concentrating on the centralized, absolutistic court culture best exemplified by the Versailles of Louis XIV: it results in a narrow-gauged implication that a socially and politically conditioned court culture was possible only in a centralized national court without competition from regional courts. By such a definition there was no medieval courtly literature even at royal courts.

41. Students of Philibert's text have not shown awareness of this paradox, which has been eloquently brought out by Franco Moretti, Signs Taken for Wonders (1983): "The Great Eclipse: Tragic Form as Deconsecration of Sovereignty," 42-82.

42. See Hexter, Reappraisals in History (1979): "The Education of the Aristocracy in the Renaissance," 45-70 at 69 (originally published in JMH 1950).

43. "Si son gouverneur tient de mon humeur, il luy formera la volonté à estre tres loyal serviteur de son prince et tres-affectionnée et tres-courageux; mais il Iluy refroidira l'envie de s'y attacher autrement que par un devoir publique. Outre plusieurs autres inconvenients qui blessent nostre franchise par ces obligations particulieres, le jugement d'un homme gagé et achetté, ou il est moins entier et moins libre, ou il est taché et d'imprudence et d'ingratitude. Un courtisan ne peut avoir ny loy ni volonté de dire et penser que favorablement d'un maistre qui, parmi tant de milliers d'autres subjects, I'a choisi . . .. Cette faveur et utilité corrompent  . . . sa franchise, et l'esblouissent." See Hexter, ibid.: 70.

44. Hexter, ibid.

45. See M. Fumaroli (1985) on this episode of the literary quarrels concerning the chivalric novel, especially in France. Amyot (d. 1593), the famous translator of Plutarch on Francis I's order, later became bishop of Auxerre (1570). He had been tutor to the future kings Charles IX and Henry III.

46. The dates are as given by Fumaroli on the basis of what he found available in the Reserve of the Bibliothèque Nationale.

47. M. Fumaroli (1985): 37-39. Further arguments in defense of the chivalric genre appeared in Gohory's dedication of book fourteen (1575). See Le premier livre d'Amadis de Gaule (Paris: Estienne Groulleau, 1548); Le premier livre d' Amsidis de Gaule, ed. Yves Giraud (Paris: Nizet, 1986).

48. M. Fumaroli (1985): 23.

49. For example, Joseph Bédier, Paul Hazard, and Pierre Martino, eds., Littérature française, 2 vols. (Paris: Larousse, 1948): 1: 201.

50. On this and other texts related to the doctrine of gentlemanly grace in external conduct, with references to the doctrine of graceful movement in daily conduct as well as in the arts, like dance, see Mark Franko, "Renaissance Conduct Literature and the Basse Danse: The Kinesis of bonne grace, " in Richard C. Trexler, ed., Persons in Groups: Social Behavior as Identity Formation in Medieval and Renaissance Europe, MRT&S 36 (Binghamton, NY: Center for Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies, 1985): 55-66.

51. The middle position of Faret's honeste homme between the courtier and the gentleman is symptomatically underscored by the use of the two terms in the double title of its German translation, Ehrliebender Hof-Mann/Der Ehrliebende Welt-Mann (1647/1648). The courtier was still addressed directly in the successful Traité de la cour (1616) by Eustache du Refuge (d. 1617): see the annotated edition: Eustache Du Refuge, Traicté de la cour, ou instruction des courtisans (Paris: Cardin Besonge, 1636). It was soon translated into English as A Treatise of the court, digested into two bookes, written in French by Denis de Refuges [sic], done into English by John Reynolds (London: A. Matthewes, 1622), followed by Eustache Du Refuge, Arcana aulica, or Walsingham's Manual of Prudential Maxims, for the States-man and the Courtier (London: John Williams, 1652). See Eustache Du Refuge, [ Traicté de la cour ] A Practical Guide for Ambitious Politicians (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1961). It was translated into German by Harsdörffer as Kluger Hofmann (1655): see my note 78 below.

52. N. Elias, The Civilizing Process (1978): 217.

53. See the peremptory statement in Joseph Bédier et al., eds., Littérature française (1948): 1: 316: "Il a certainement contribué à adoucir la rudesse des moeurs," and the whole analysis on pp. 313-316.

54. The Court Society (1983): 246-251, 255-266. The Astrée' s standard edition is that of Henry Vaganay (5 vols., Lyon, 1925-1928; rpt. Genève: Slatkine, 1966). Relevant complete "books" (there are twelve for each part) are available in the partial editions by Maurice Magendie (Paris: Perrin, 1928), Gérard Genette (Paris: Union Générale d'Editions, 1964), and Jean Lafond (Paris: Gallimard, 1984).

55. Elias (1983): 259 and 256 f. The assimilation of honesty to the mores of the lower nobility was contrasted with the moral looseness of the court. This assimilation went hand in hand with the further inculcation of the moral virtues of emotional reliability, chastity, sobriety, financial responsibility, thrift, and industriousness in educational treatises addressed to the middle class—treatises which became commonplace in the late sixteenth century and later. The relevant texts had started with the fourteenth- and fifteenth-century merchants' books of advice to children (e.g., Pagolo Morelli's, see above) or treatises on the management of the family (signally L. B. Alberti's already mentioned Della famiglia ). Of particular interest are the precepts addressed to women as managers of the house. In his Discorso della virtù femminile e donnesca (1582), Torquato Tasso distinguished between the need for domestic thrift in the mother of a bourgeois family and the regal display of wealth and social prominence in the noble lady, thus sharply opposing the two social codes. Giovanni Michele Bruto's (ca. 1515-ca. 1594) Institutione di una fanciulla nata nobilmente, dedicated, despite the title, to Marietta Cattaneo, daughter of a Genoese merchant living in Antwerp, pointedly warned the young woman to pattern her behavior, not after the sumptuous ways of highborn ladies, but on the value of modest and useful domestic skills. In Protestant and Puritan England, where Bruto's tractate was promptly translated by Thomas Salter as A Mirrhor mete for all Mothers, Matrones and Maids (1579), this banishment of aristocratic luxury was upheld as the educational ideal for the middle class. See A. R. Jones in Armstrong and Tennenhouse, eds. (1988): 54-57, and F. Whigham (1984): 155-169, with tables 164-167, on sumptuary laws, interpreted as meant to privilege the true gentleman and separate the nobility from the middle class. See, also, end of my chap. 8. See text as published at the place of the addressee: G. M. Bruto, La institutione di una fanciulla nata nobilmente. L'institution d'une fille de noble maison, traduite de langue tuscane en françois (Anvers: I. Bellére, 1555; Antwerpen: Vereenigung der Antwerpsche Bibliophielen, 1594). Also G. M. Bruto, The necessarie, fit and convenient education of a yong gentlewoman, written both in French and Italian, and translated into English by W. P. [sic] and now printed with the three languages togither  . . . (London: Adam Islip, 1598).

56. Elias (1983): 261-263.

57. "Histoire de Lydias et de Mélandre," book 12 of first part.

58. "Histoire de Childéric etc.," book 12 of third part. J. Lafond ed.: 354.

59. J. Lafond ed.: 413, 440. For a recent discussion of the political and moral dimensions of the novel see Madeleine Bertaud, L'Astrée et Polexandre. Du roman pastoral au roman héroïque (Genève: Droz, 1986).

Giuseppe Papagno, "Corti e cortigiani," in A. Prosperi, ed. (1980): 195-240, provides a useful description of an early case of absolutist centralized court within a strictly aristocratic society, namely that of Portugal, starting at the end of the fourteenth century and continuing until the early nineteenth century.

60. Hermann von Sachsenheim, Die Mörin; nach der Wiener Hs., ed. Horst Dieter Schlosser (Wiesbaden: Brockhaus, 1974).

61. [ Ponthus et Sidoine ] Pontus und Sidonia in der verdeutschung eines ungenannten aus dem 15. Jahrhundert, ed. Karin Schneider ([Berlin:] E. Schmidt, [1961]).

62. See the popular edition, Die Geschichte von der schönen Melusine: die eine Meerfei gewesen ist. Nach der ältesten deutschen Druckausgabe von 1474 für Jung und Alt, ed. Fedor von Zobeltitz (Hamburg: Alster-Verlag, 1925).

63. See above, end of chap. 6.

64. Der Jungen Knaben Spiegel (Straszburg: Jacob Frölich, 1555); [Georg or Jörg Wickram,] Sämtliche Werke (Berlin: W. de Gruyter, 1967-1973); Der Jungen Knaben Spiegel (Strassburg: K. J. Trübner, 1917); Der Goldfaden (Berlin: Rütten & Loening [1963]; München: Obpacher, [1963?]).

65. Sigmund J. Barber, Amadis de Gaule and the German Enlightenment (New York: Peter Lang, 1984).

66. Der christlichen königlichen Fürsten Herkuliskus und Herkuladisla auch ihrer hochfürstlichen Gesellschaft anmuhtige Wundergeschichte (Braunschweig: C. F. Zilliger). See Gerhard Spellerberg, "Höfischer Roman," in H. A. Glaser, ed., Deutsche literatur 3 (1985): 319-323.

67. Cf. Harald Weinrich, "La Crusca fruttifera. Considerazioni sull'effetto dell'Accademia della Crusca nella vita accademica in Germania," in La Crusca nella tradizione letteraria e linguistica italiana (Firenze: Accademia della Crusca, 1985): 32-34; Martin Bircher, "The Fruchtbringende Gesellschaft and Italy: Between Admiration and Imitation," in The Fairest Flower: The Emergence of Linguistic National Consciousness in Renaissance Europe (Firenze: Accademia della Crusca, 1985): 121-132.

68. Aramena (Nürnberg: Johann Hoffmann, 1669-1680), rpt. ed. Blake Lee Spahr (Bern, Frankfurt/M.: H. Lang, 1975-); Octavia (Nürnberg: Johann Hoffmann, 1685-1707).

69. Full title, changed in later editions: Exempel unveränderlicher Vorsehung Gottes / unter der Historie des Keuschen Josephs in Aegypten vorgestellt, published 1670 and 1671 (2d ed. Nürnberg: Felsecker). See now Des vortrefflich keuschen Josephs in Egypten Lebensbeschreibung samt des Musai LebensLauff, ed. Wolfgang Bender (Tübingen: M. Niemeyer, 1968).

70. Gro b müthiger Feldherr Arminius oder Hermann nebst seiner durchlauchtigsten Thusnelda in einer sinnreichen Staats-, Liebes- und HeldenGeschichte in zwei Teilen vorgestellt (posthumous, second part completed after Lohenstein's plan by Christian Wagner; later edition 2 vols. Leipzig: J. F. Gleditsch, 1689; rpt. Bern: H. Lang, 1973; Hildesheim, New York: G. Olms, 1973).

71. Of the more comprehensive histories of German literature, particularly useful for detailed information are: Helmut de Boor and Richard Newald, eds., Geschichte der deutschen Literatur 4, tomes 1-2, by Hans Rupprich (esp. 48-88 on epic and romance, 296-302 on "Spiegelliteratur; Standesund Sittenlehre"), and 5 by R. Newald (esp. 154-230 on epic and romance) (München: C. H. Beck, 1970, 1973, 1951, respectively); Heinz Otto Burger, ed., Annalen der Deutschen Literatur (Stuttgart: J. B. Metzlersche Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1951, 2d ed. 1971); Max Wehrli, Geschichte der deutschen Literatur 1 (Stuttgart: Philipp Reclam Jun., 1980); Horst Albert Glaser, ed., Deutsche Literatur, Eine Sozialgeschichte 2 and 3 (Reinbeck bei Hamburg: Rowohlt, 1985). Also Henry and Mary Garland, The Oxford Companion to German Literature (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1976), for lemmata on individual works.

72. Before the deep disillusionments of the baroque age, Germany was not overly inclined to develop the theme of anticourt criticism: Aeneas Silvius Piccolomini's De curialium miseriis (as well as Ulrich von Hutten's Misaulus, 1518/1519) found a confutation in Wilhelm von Grevembroich's Aula dialogus (Köln: Neuss, 1539), while the body of Castiglione's text would soon be read as a positive presentation.

73. See the reprint of the 1597 ed.: Giovanni Della Casa, Galateus: das Büchlein von erbarn/höffichen und holdseligen Sitten, verdeutscht von Nathan Chytraeus, 1597, ed. Klaus Ley (Tübingen: M. Niemeyer, 1984).

74. I have seen the 1630 edition of Chytraeus's Latin Galateus (Oxoniae: John Litchfield), which still carried Caselius's two prefaces, dated 1578, and his discourse on the virtues that are necessary in social intercourse, chiefly veritas, humanitas, and urbanitas.

In addition to his 1979 monographic study, Emilio Bonfatti, "Verhaltenslehrbücher und Verhaltensideale," in Horst A. Glaser, ed., Deutsche Literatur. Eine Sozialgeschichte 3, Zwischen Gegenreformation und Frühaufklärung: Späthumanismus, Barock: 1572-1740, ed. Harald Steinhagen (Reinbeck bei Hamburg: Rowohlt, 1985): 74-87, provides an expert short survey of the whole span of conduct literature in Germany at this period. See Bonfatti in Glaser (1985): 80 on the question of the lively Protestant interest in the uses of the Galateo and the Civil conversatione in Germany, including the role of Caselius.

75. Emilio Bonfatti, La Civil Conversazione in Germania. La letteratura del comportamento da Stefano Guazzo a Adolph Knigge (1979).

76. Grobianus et Grobiana (Francoforti: Haeredes Chr. Egen., 1564; Berlin: Weidmann Buchhandlung, 1903); Grobianvs. Von groben sitten und unhöflichen gebärden, trans. Caspar Scheidt von Worms (1551) and Wendelin Hellbach (1567), ed. Wilhelm Mathiessen (München: G. Müller, 1921); Grobianus (Leipzig: Zentralantiquariat der Deutschen Demokrarischen Republik, 1979); Grobianus: de morum simplicitate / Grobianus: von groben Sitten und unhöflichen Gebärden, trans. Caspar Scheidt, ed. Barbara Könneker (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1979) [rpt. of 1903, Berlin: Weidmann, Latin text and 1551 German text]. It is worth recalling that in his influential study of Rabelais and popular culture (1965, Eng. ed. Rabelais and His World, trans. Helene Iswolsky, Cambridge, MA: M.I.T. Press, 1968), Mikhail M. Bakhtin often refers to German Grobianic literature as an aspect of the surfacing of what he calls the grotesque or comic realism of popular culture, but with the proviso that in that literature the popular motifs are vulgarized and laughter is turned to a negative form of social satire.

77. Otto Brunner, Neue Wege der Sozialgeschichte. Vorträge und Aufsätze (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck und Ruprecht, 1956) "Das 'ganze Haus' und die alteuropäische 'Ökonomik,'" 33-61, 225-230 (2d ed. ibid. 1968; 3d ed. 1980, with title Neue Wege der Verfassungs- und Sozialgeschichte ). Idem, Adeliges Landleben und europäischer Geist. Leben und Werk Wolf Helmhards von Hohberg 1612-1688 (Salzburg: O. Müller, 1949); It. ed.: Vita nobiliare e cultura europea (Bologna: II Mulino, 1982).

78. Mr. Du Refuge, Kluger Hofmann (Franckfurt: Johann Naumanns, 1667). See my note 51 above.

79. Frauenzimmer Gesprächspiele, ed. Irmgard Böttcher (Tübingen: M. Niemeyer, 1968-) [vol. 1 and 2 reprinted from the 2d ed., Nürnberg: W. Endter, 1644 and 1657; vols. 3-8 from the 1st ed., 1643-1649].

80. See the later edition: Mercurius historicus = Der historische Mercurius: das ist, hundert neue und denckwürdige Erzehlungen, theils trauriger, theils frölicher Geschichte  . . . mit Anfügung eines umbständigen Discursus von der Höflichkeit durch Octavianum Chiliadem (Franckfurt: Johann Naumans Buchh., 1665).

81. Thomasius, Discours welcher Gestalt man denen Frantzosen in gemeinem Leben und Wandel nachahmen solle. See Bonfatti in Glaser (1985): 83-87.

82. Bonfatti in Glaser (1985): 80.

1. For example, G. Duby, Hommes et structures (1973): 344, and F. Cardini (1976). Summarily stated, the complex question of the social, legal, and political nature of knighthood is given a chronological locus by Duby, The Three Orders (1980): 293, with the conclusion: "in the eighth decade of the twelfth century, at the end of Louis XII's reign,  . . . knighthood became a genuine institution."

2. P. Zumthor (1987) 72-76.

3. The implications of literary references to social condition are complex, hence it is problematic to think of "classes" in medieval society. The term "class" is used hereafter for its convenience, but with the caveat that its sense differs from its modern use, since the term ordo of the sources referred to functions rather than fixed and uniform social estates. "Estate" is probably a good rendering for the Latin ordo in its broadest acceptation: cf. H. Fuhrmann (1986): 177. J. Flori (1983; 1986), a student of Duby and, indirectly, of Génicot, while reiterating Génicot's warnings that generalizations are difficult because social situations varied greatly from region to region, denies that the state of knight was recognized at all before the year 1000. See, for example, Flori (1986): 3 and passim for numerous citations of uses of the term around the year 1000 with varying connotations sometimes implying noble status. On the question of chivalry and knighthood see F. Cardini's (1982) bibliographic study. Bumke (esp. 1964, and chap. 7 added to 2d ed. 1977, "On the State of Research into Knighthood" in 1982 trans. 124-161) insists on-necessary distinctions and on the non-existence of a knightly "class" as such. He points out approvingly (1982: 140) that in Fleckenstein (1972) the term Ritterstand does not even appear. Linda Paterson, Forum for Modern Language Studies 17 (1981): 126, resumes Flori's argument thus: "before 1180 a knight in the eyes of French epic poets and their audiences is not a member of some 'order of chivalry' or homogeneous social class, but a professional horseback warrior with special equipment." Hence, when it appeared—through literary and cultural impact rather than social change—the chivalric ideology had a novel significance. Compare G. Duby, The Three Orders (1980) 294: "Thanks to the vocabulary of the charters, we can fix two chronological markers in a very fluid evolution: beginning in 1025, the word miles slowly came into usage to distinguish the members of one social group from other men (whereas in German-speaking Lorraine this term penetrated only after 1170 and really became established only after 1200). After 1175 the title miles regularly preceded the patronymic of all knights and was connected, as a rule, with the title dominus, 'messire.'" See M. Keen (1984), chap. 8 "The Idea of Nobility," especially p. 148, on the problematic character of the aristocratic status in the later Middle Ages.

4. For recent contributions to a still wanting history of the practice of dubbing see M. Keen (1984) chap. 4, "The Ceremony of Dubbing to Knighthood," 64-82, and the more extended J. Flori (1986), especially 319-329, together with Flori's previous "Les origines de l'adoubement chevaleresque. Étude des remises d'armes dans les chroniques et annales latines du IX ^e au XIII ^e siècle," Traditio 35 (1979): 209-272.

Liturgical acts and symbolism varied greatly and their practice is still largely unclear. For the German area see an expert discussion of the social implications of dubbing in J. Bumke (1964) chap. 5, especially 83-96, with rich bibliographic references. Pierre Bonnassie, La Catalogue du milieu du X ^e à la fin du XI ^e siècle: croissance et mutation d'une société (1975) 31, 805-807, 875, assumed, perhaps too hastily, that such ceremonies existed in Catalonia from the end of the eleventh century. A significant early figuration of the ceremony is in section 21 of the celebrated Bayeux tapestry (see figures 1-2): Edward the Confessor of England had purportedly sent Harold Godwinson, son of the earl of the West Saxons, to William of Normandy with the message that William would be Edward's successor. To impress on Harold, a powerful pretender to the throne, the symbolic meaning of being invested as a liegeman to his new lord William, the latter dubbed him knight—an investiture act not yet current in England—and exacted from him a solemn oath of fealty. When at Edward's death two years later Harold succeeded to the throne, William invaded England and killed Harold at Hastings. The inscription over the figures in the tapestry reads: "Hic Willelmus dedit Haroldo arma."

An example of the elaborate nature of the ceremony, once it became established, was the great court festival at Mainz in 1184 for the initiation of Barbarossa's sons. The Hennegau Chronicle (Chronica Hanonia) of Gislebert de Mons reports that seventy thousand milites assembled for the occasion, including noblemen and ministeriales (Bumke 1982: 142). See an extended study of that festival and another one held in 1188, again at Mainz, in J. Fleckenstein (1972): Barbarossa's imperial court "had adopted chivalric norms for itself" (1029), and Fleckenstein relates this phenomenon to French cultural impulses by tracing it back to Barbarossa's having held court at Besançon in Burgundy in 1157 (1040-1041). Dubbing might or might not confer aristocratic status. Barbarossa had also been dubbed knight, and he derived from his family a habit of chivalrous ceremonials: the first recorded chivalric tournament was held in Würzburg in 1137 by Dukes Frederick and Konrad of Swabia, Barbarossa's father and uncle (Otto of Freising, Gesta Frederici 1.27). See J. Bumke (1982): 93 f., 143.

5. Like the decisive oath by the senior to defend the vassal, the practice of immixtio manuum is known in Italy, too, but some historians consider it ended by the middle of the tenth century within the Italic Kingdom: see Storia d'Italia, eds. Romano and Vivanti, 5.1: 263, 277.

6. B. D. Lyon (1957), especially 243 on fief-rentes as new forms of enfeoffment by annual money grants rather than land grants.

7. G. Duby, The Three Orders 299, with reference to the Cistercian monk Hélinand de Froidmont's On the Correct Princely Conduct, of those years ( Patrologia Latina [henceforth PL ] 212: 743 f.). The type of dubbing that marked the investiture of a knight derived from the ceremonial granting of feudal nobility as part, in turn, of the ritual recognition of authority in the emperor, king, pope, or bishop. The ritual climaxed in the tapping with the sword on the shoulder and girding with the sword belt as symbol of power: see Robert de Blois, Ensoignement des princes, ed. J. H. Fox (1948): 94, ll. 73-78: "Senefie que toz li mons / Doit le chevalier honorer, / Quant Ie voit espee porter / Cinte, que nus ne la çognoit / Jadis, se chevalier n'estoit." (It signifies that the whole world must honor the knight when he is seen carrying the sword at his waist, which no one used to wear without being a knight.) The first detailed description of a dubbing ceremony seems to be the knighting of Geoffrey the Fair of Anjou in 1128 at Rouen on the eve of his marriage to Matilda, the daughter of Henry I of England, as related in [Jean de Marmoutier's] Chroniques des Comtes d'Anjou, eds. Halphen and Poupardin (1913): 179 f. See M. Keen (1984) 64 f. But P. van Luyn, "Les milites dans la France du XI ^e siècle. Examen des sources narratives," Le Moyen Age 77 (1971): 5-51, 193-238, has discovered eleven more cases from the period 1070-1125. Cf. Bumke (1982): 133 f.

8. A good presentation of the matter is in M. Keen (1984): 144 f. As to the cost of horse and armor, see H. Fuhrmann (1986): 177: "in the eighth century a full set of equipment for a cavalryman was equivalent in value to forty-five cows or fifteen mares. In the eleventh century a horse was worth five to ten oxen, and a mail-shirt anything from twenty to a hundred oxen. When in 1100 Count Robert of Flanders undertook to provide 500 knights, it was assumed that each would have three horses, and this seems to have been normal for the Staufer period: one to travel on, one to fight on and one to carry baggage. It has been calculated that an estate would have to be a minimum of 400 acres in order to support a knight who was ready to fight at all times."

9. Duby, Hommes et structures (1973): 347-352.

10. Génicot, L 'économie namuroise (1960). It deserves stressing that for our purpose the specialist's insistence on local peculiarities and circumstances as the only scientific way to understand reality is not completely helpful where general causes should be invoked, since broad historical phenomena do have general causes.

11. Given the state of our knowledge of medieval society, the social status of freedom that plays a striking role in Génicot's researches is still rather unclear. Serfdom meant different things in different areas and different times, and the relationship between serf and master could vary radically. The widest divergences probably obtained between western and eastern parts of Europe, especially Russia, as Suzanne Massie has brilliantly illustrated, perhaps in a somewhat generalized manner, in her celebrated Land of the Firebird (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1980). See J. Flori (1986) 223-230 for a description of different situations as to the status of knights vis-à-vis the nobility in the main regions of France, Flanders, England, and Germany in the twelfth century.

12. Duby, Hommes et structures (1973): 160.

13. Our knowledge of administrative and fiscal practices in Catalonia 1151-1213 is now solidly documented through the archival researches of Thomas N. Bisson, Fiscal Accounts of Catalonia under the Early Count-Kings (1151-1213), 2 vols. (Berkeley, Los Angeles, Oxford: University of California Press, 1984). Ramon Berenguer IV's (Count of Barcelona 1131-1162) first fiscal officer was the able knight Bertran de Castellet. The vicars of royal domains were usually of baronial or knightly class. The bailiffs, operating under temporary tenures of one to three years, could be rich peasants or Jews. The best general historical survey of this geographic area is now T. N. Bisson, The Medieval Crown of Aragon: A Short History (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1986). Pierre Bonnassie's numerous studies are also valuable for this area and southern France.

14. John T. Noonan, Jr., "The Power to Choose," Viator 4 (1973): 419-434; J.-B. Molin and P. Mutembe, Le rituel du mariage en France du XII ^e au XVI ^e siècle (Paris: Beauchesne, 1974); Marie-Odile Métral, Le mariage: les hésitations dans l'Occident (Paris: Aubier, 1977); G. Duby, Le chevalier, la femme et le prêtre: le mariage dans la France féodale (1981); Jean Leclercq, Le mariage vu par les moines au XII ^e siècle (Paris: Cerf, 1983).

15. The policy was meant to counter the feudal thrust toward hereditariness of royal benefices, which resulted in eventual independence for the vassals. "Bishops are given the secular office of count. This appointment of high ecclesiastics without heirs was intended to put a stop to the tendency of functionaries of the central authority to turn into a 'hereditary, landowning aristocracy' with strong desires for independence": N. Elias, Power and Civility (1982): 20. It did not quite work out that way, however, since the count-bishops tended to become just as independent as the secular princes, and could also turn their domains into hereditary ones.

16. See beginning of my chapter 7 on the Italian cathedral schools.

1. For example, G. Duby, Hommes et structures (1973): 344, and F. Cardini (1976). Summarily stated, the complex question of the social, legal, and political nature of knighthood is given a chronological locus by Duby, The Three Orders (1980): 293, with the conclusion: "in the eighth decade of the twelfth century, at the end of Louis XII's reign,  . . . knighthood became a genuine institution."

2. P. Zumthor (1987) 72-76.

3. The implications of literary references to social condition are complex, hence it is problematic to think of "classes" in medieval society. The term "class" is used hereafter for its convenience, but with the caveat that its sense differs from its modern use, since the term ordo of the sources referred to functions rather than fixed and uniform social estates. "Estate" is probably a good rendering for the Latin ordo in its broadest acceptation: cf. H. Fuhrmann (1986): 177. J. Flori (1983; 1986), a student of Duby and, indirectly, of Génicot, while reiterating Génicot's warnings that generalizations are difficult because social situations varied greatly from region to region, denies that the state of knight was recognized at all before the year 1000. See, for example, Flori (1986): 3 and passim for numerous citations of uses of the term around the year 1000 with varying connotations sometimes implying noble status. On the question of chivalry and knighthood see F. Cardini's (1982) bibliographic study. Bumke (esp. 1964, and chap. 7 added to 2d ed. 1977, "On the State of Research into Knighthood" in 1982 trans. 124-161) insists on-necessary distinctions and on the non-existence of a knightly "class" as such. He points out approvingly (1982: 140) that in Fleckenstein (1972) the term Ritterstand does not even appear. Linda Paterson, Forum for Modern Language Studies 17 (1981): 126, resumes Flori's argument thus: "before 1180 a knight in the eyes of French epic poets and their audiences is not a member of some 'order of chivalry' or homogeneous social class, but a professional horseback warrior with special equipment." Hence, when it appeared—through literary and cultural impact rather than social change—the chivalric ideology had a novel significance. Compare G. Duby, The Three Orders (1980) 294: "Thanks to the vocabulary of the charters, we can fix two chronological markers in a very fluid evolution: beginning in 1025, the word miles slowly came into usage to distinguish the members of one social group from other men (whereas in German-speaking Lorraine this term penetrated only after 1170 and really became established only after 1200). After 1175 the title miles regularly preceded the patronymic of all knights and was connected, as a rule, with the title dominus, 'messire.'" See M. Keen (1984), chap. 8 "The Idea of Nobility," especially p. 148, on the problematic character of the aristocratic status in the later Middle Ages.

4. For recent contributions to a still wanting history of the practice of dubbing see M. Keen (1984) chap. 4, "The Ceremony of Dubbing to Knighthood," 64-82, and the more extended J. Flori (1986), especially 319-329, together with Flori's previous "Les origines de l'adoubement chevaleresque. Étude des remises d'armes dans les chroniques et annales latines du IX ^e au XIII ^e siècle," Traditio 35 (1979): 209-272.

Liturgical acts and symbolism varied greatly and their practice is still largely unclear. For the German area see an expert discussion of the social implications of dubbing in J. Bumke (1964) chap. 5, especially 83-96, with rich bibliographic references. Pierre Bonnassie, La Catalogue du milieu du X ^e à la fin du XI ^e siècle: croissance et mutation d'une société (1975) 31, 805-807, 875, assumed, perhaps too hastily, that such ceremonies existed in Catalonia from the end of the eleventh century. A significant early figuration of the ceremony is in section 21 of the celebrated Bayeux tapestry (see figures 1-2): Edward the Confessor of England had purportedly sent Harold Godwinson, son of the earl of the West Saxons, to William of Normandy with the message that William would be Edward's successor. To impress on Harold, a powerful pretender to the throne, the symbolic meaning of being invested as a liegeman to his new lord William, the latter dubbed him knight—an investiture act not yet current in England—and exacted from him a solemn oath of fealty. When at Edward's death two years later Harold succeeded to the throne, William invaded England and killed Harold at Hastings. The inscription over the figures in the tapestry reads: "Hic Willelmus dedit Haroldo arma."

An example of the elaborate nature of the ceremony, once it became established, was the great court festival at Mainz in 1184 for the initiation of Barbarossa's sons. The Hennegau Chronicle (Chronica Hanonia) of Gislebert de Mons reports that seventy thousand milites assembled for the occasion, including noblemen and ministeriales (Bumke 1982: 142). See an extended study of that festival and another one held in 1188, again at Mainz, in J. Fleckenstein (1972): Barbarossa's imperial court "had adopted chivalric norms for itself" (1029), and Fleckenstein relates this phenomenon to French cultural impulses by tracing it back to Barbarossa's having held court at Besançon in Burgundy in 1157 (1040-1041). Dubbing might or might not confer aristocratic status. Barbarossa had also been dubbed knight, and he derived from his family a habit of chivalrous ceremonials: the first recorded chivalric tournament was held in Würzburg in 1137 by Dukes Frederick and Konrad of Swabia, Barbarossa's father and uncle (Otto of Freising, Gesta Frederici 1.27). See J. Bumke (1982): 93 f., 143.

5. Like the decisive oath by the senior to defend the vassal, the practice of immixtio manuum is known in Italy, too, but some historians consider it ended by the middle of the tenth century within the Italic Kingdom: see Storia d'Italia, eds. Romano and Vivanti, 5.1: 263, 277.

6. B. D. Lyon (1957), especially 243 on fief-rentes as new forms of enfeoffment by annual money grants rather than land grants.

7. G. Duby, The Three Orders 299, with reference to the Cistercian monk Hélinand de Froidmont's On the Correct Princely Conduct, of those years ( Patrologia Latina [henceforth PL ] 212: 743 f.). The type of dubbing that marked the investiture of a knight derived from the ceremonial granting of feudal nobility as part, in turn, of the ritual recognition of authority in the emperor, king, pope, or bishop. The ritual climaxed in the tapping with the sword on the shoulder and girding with the sword belt as symbol of power: see Robert de Blois, Ensoignement des princes, ed. J. H. Fox (1948): 94, ll. 73-78: "Senefie que toz li mons / Doit le chevalier honorer, / Quant Ie voit espee porter / Cinte, que nus ne la çognoit / Jadis, se chevalier n'estoit." (It signifies that the whole world must honor the knight when he is seen carrying the sword at his waist, which no one used to wear without being a knight.) The first detailed description of a dubbing ceremony seems to be the knighting of Geoffrey the Fair of Anjou in 1128 at Rouen on the eve of his marriage to Matilda, the daughter of Henry I of England, as related in [Jean de Marmoutier's] Chroniques des Comtes d'Anjou, eds. Halphen and Poupardin (1913): 179 f. See M. Keen (1984) 64 f. But P. van Luyn, "Les milites dans la France du XI ^e siècle. Examen des sources narratives," Le Moyen Age 77 (1971): 5-51, 193-238, has discovered eleven more cases from the period 1070-1125. Cf. Bumke (1982): 133 f.

8. A good presentation of the matter is in M. Keen (1984): 144 f. As to the cost of horse and armor, see H. Fuhrmann (1986): 177: "in the eighth century a full set of equipment for a cavalryman was equivalent in value to forty-five cows or fifteen mares. In the eleventh century a horse was worth five to ten oxen, and a mail-shirt anything from twenty to a hundred oxen. When in 1100 Count Robert of Flanders undertook to provide 500 knights, it was assumed that each would have three horses, and this seems to have been normal for the Staufer period: one to travel on, one to fight on and one to carry baggage. It has been calculated that an estate would have to be a minimum of 400 acres in order to support a knight who was ready to fight at all times."

9. Duby, Hommes et structures (1973): 347-352.

10. Génicot, L 'économie namuroise (1960). It deserves stressing that for our purpose the specialist's insistence on local peculiarities and circumstances as the only scientific way to understand reality is not completely helpful where general causes should be invoked, since broad historical phenomena do have general causes.

11. Given the state of our knowledge of medieval society, the social status of freedom that plays a striking role in Génicot's researches is still rather unclear. Serfdom meant different things in different areas and different times, and the relationship between serf and master could vary radically. The widest divergences probably obtained between western and eastern parts of Europe, especially Russia, as Suzanne Massie has brilliantly illustrated, perhaps in a somewhat generalized manner, in her celebrated Land of the Firebird (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1980). See J. Flori (1986) 223-230 for a description of different situations as to the status of knights vis-à-vis the nobility in the main regions of France, Flanders, England, and Germany in the twelfth century.

12. Duby, Hommes et structures (1973): 160.

13. Our knowledge of administrative and fiscal practices in Catalonia 1151-1213 is now solidly documented through the archival researches of Thomas N. Bisson, Fiscal Accounts of Catalonia under the Early Count-Kings (1151-1213), 2 vols. (Berkeley, Los Angeles, Oxford: University of California Press, 1984). Ramon Berenguer IV's (Count of Barcelona 1131-1162) first fiscal officer was the able knight Bertran de Castellet. The vicars of royal domains were usually of baronial or knightly class. The bailiffs, operating under temporary tenures of one to three years, could be rich peasants or Jews. The best general historical survey of this geographic area is now T. N. Bisson, The Medieval Crown of Aragon: A Short History (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1986). Pierre Bonnassie's numerous studies are also valuable for this area and southern France.

14. John T. Noonan, Jr., "The Power to Choose," Viator 4 (1973): 419-434; J.-B. Molin and P. Mutembe, Le rituel du mariage en France du XII ^e au XVI ^e siècle (Paris: Beauchesne, 1974); Marie-Odile Métral, Le mariage: les hésitations dans l'Occident (Paris: Aubier, 1977); G. Duby, Le chevalier, la femme et le prêtre: le mariage dans la France féodale (1981); Jean Leclercq, Le mariage vu par les moines au XII ^e siècle (Paris: Cerf, 1983).

15. The policy was meant to counter the feudal thrust toward hereditariness of royal benefices, which resulted in eventual independence for the vassals. "Bishops are given the secular office of count. This appointment of high ecclesiastics without heirs was intended to put a stop to the tendency of functionaries of the central authority to turn into a 'hereditary, landowning aristocracy' with strong desires for independence": N. Elias, Power and Civility (1982): 20. It did not quite work out that way, however, since the count-bishops tended to become just as independent as the secular princes, and could also turn their domains into hereditary ones.

16. See beginning of my chapter 7 on the Italian cathedral schools.

17. Also Fleckenstein, Early Medieval Germany (1978) chaps. 9-13, pp. 131-176, on Otto I's imperial and educational policies. At Magdeburg Anno of St. Maurice founded a famous school on the king's orders, and Würzburg florished under the celebrated scholar Stephen of Novara, called there by Otto I (Fleckenstein 155). Schools started at Cologne in 953 (under Brun), Hildesheim in 954, and Trier in 956.

18. Jaeger (1987): 574 f. For Jaeger (1985: 67-81 and passim) the administration of Archbishop Adalbert of Bremen (1043-1072) and the reforms of Bishop Azelinus at Hildesheim (1044-1054) are clear examples of this activity at its moment of full maturity.

19. The Letters of Gerbert, with his papal privileges as Sylvester II, trans. Harriett (Pratt) Lattin (New York: Columbia University Press, 1961), Letters 153 and 154; see Frova (1973): 65 f. Text in J.-P.-E. Havet, ed., Lettres de Gerbert (983-997) (Paris: Picard, 1889): 173, no. 187: "Nescio quid divinum exprimitur cum homo genere Graecus, imperio Romanus, quasi hereditario iure thesauros sibi Graecae ac Romanae repetit sapientiae." See also ibid.: no. 186 p. 172, and PL: 139 col. 159. Compare A. Roncaglia, "Le corti medievali" in A. Asor Rosa, ed., Letteratura italiana 1 (1982): 82. Gerbert had taught liberal arts at Reims for ten years (972-982) while counselor and secretary to the local bishop, and the chronicle of his pupil Richer, a monk at the monastery of Saint-Rémy in Reims, dedicated twenty-three chapters of book 3 to Gerbert's school, thus making it probably the best documented school of the early Middle Ages (Pierre Riché 1979: 180 f., 358 f.). See Richer de Saint-Rémy, Histoire de France (888-995), ed. Robert Latouche, 2 vols. (Paris: Champion, 1930-1937). Stephen G. Nichols, Jr., Romanesque Signs: Early Medieval Narrative and Iconography (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1983) 1-7, discusses Richer's historiographic method and his relationship to Gerbert. It may not be purely accidental that Richer's manuscript came back to light in 1833 in Germany, in the library of St. Michael's monastery in Bamberg.

20. Havet, ed., Lettres de Gerbert: 145, no. 163.

21. Lauro Martines (1979): 24-26.

22. After 1122 investitures were often made by the local lay princes rather than by the pope or by the emperor, as, for example, in the case of the bishops of Cambrai, who after 1167 were chosen by the counts of Flanders or Hainaut. See Henri Platelle in Louis Trenard, ed., Histoire des Pays-Bas Français (Toulouse: E. Privat, 1972): 88.