1. ¿He vivido en vano? 38-39.

2. Ibid., 55-61.

3. Ibid., 67-68.

4. This type of cultural explanation, quite popular among Latin Americanists as late as the 1960s, underlies even the influential North American interpretation, ostensibly written from the dependency perspective, by Stanley and Barbara Stein, Colonial Heritage .

5. D. Platt, "Dependency," 113-31; Gootenberg, Between Silver and Guano ; Mathew, "First Anglo-Peruvian Debt," 562-86.

6. Bushnell and Macaulay, Emergence , ch. 13; Lewis, Evolution .

7. Bagú, Economía ; Frank, Capitalism ; Wallerstein, Modern World System .

8. Stavenhagen, Social Classes in Agrarian Societies ; de Janvry, Agrarian Question ; Bartra, Estructura agraria ; Duncan and Rutledge, Land and Labour ; Bergad, Coffee ; Roseberry, Coffee ; Seligson, Peasants ; Sabato, Agrarian Capitalism . For Peru, see Mallon, Defense of Community ; Burga, De la encomienda ; Piel, Capitalisme agraire ; Gonzales, Plantation Agriculture ; Macera, Las plantaciones azucareras ; Caballero, Economía agraria .

9. On different systems of markets, not all of which are associated with capitalism, see Polanyi, Great Transformation .

10. For Latin America, see Bauer, "Industry." On Spain's path of agrarian transformation, see the magisterial work by Herr, Rural Change , esp. 712-54. On the persistence of ancien régime features after the presumed twin "revolutions," bourgeois and industrial, see A. Mayer, Persistence ; Weber, Peasants into Frenchman . On the specificity of each and every path of development, see Blackbourn and Eley, Peculiarities .

11. For an eloquent recent statement, see Roseberry, Histories and Anthropologies .

12. Cf. Veliz, Centralist Tradition .

13. This is not to deny the truism that dominant trends during a given epoch benefit or hurt the interests of one social group in relation to another social group, a crucial element in my assessment of the cycles in altiplano development.

14. See Jacobsen, "Between the 'Espacio Peruano' and the National Market."

15. Cf. Trazegnies, La idea de derecho , esp. part 3.

16. The issue has recently been taken up by Gootenberg, Between Silver and Guano , from the perspective of Lima, and for the immediate postindependence decades. For interior regions as the altiplano it remains significant after the consolidation of the liberal guano state, and even as late as the 1920s.

17. G. Smith, Livelihood and Resistance , esp. ch. 2.

18. Knight, "Mexican Revolution," 19.

19. Romero, Monografía del departamento de Puno , 75-76; C. Smith, "Central Andes," 266; Romero, Perú , 188-91.

20. Romero, Perú , 212-13; Romero, Monografía del departamento de Puno , 99-101.

21. Romero, Monografía del departamento de Puno , 138; Salas Perea, Monografía , 168; Rossello Paredes, Murales de Azángaro , 5-6.

22. Martínez, Las migraciones , 17.

23. The lake may have covered a considerably larger surface in prehistoric times; see Romero, Perú , 190, 218.

24. Ibid., 218; Min. de Hacienda y Comercio, Plan regional 27:12.

25. Min. de Hacienda y Comercio, Plan regional 27:11; Romero, Perú , 218; Dollfus, Le Pérou , 37.

26. Dollfus, Le Pérou , 36.

27. Romero, Perú , 207; Min. de Hacienda y Comercio, Plan regional 27:5.

28. Romero, Perú , 209-11.

29. Some authors suggest that severe droughts occur in five- or seven-year cycles; see ibid., 211. Dollfus ( Le Pérou , 37) describes the effects of the most devastating droughts in recent history, those of 1955-57; the massive development study of southern Peru from the late 1950s (the Plan regional , published by the Ministerio de Hacienda y Comercio) was undertaken in reaction to the economic, social, and demographic dislocations caused by the droughts. For the devastating effects of a drought from 1814 to 1816, see Choquehuanca, Ensayo , 59.

30. Choquehuanca, Ensayo , 62.

31. Romero, Monografía del departamento de Puno , 408.

32. Pulgar Vidal, Geografía , 92; Romero, Perú , 220.

33. Although leguminous pastures are rare in the altiplano, the cloverlike layo (Trifolium amabile) has been used as animal fodder in Azángaro at least since the early nineteenth century; see Choquehuanca, Ensayo , 11; Romero, Perú , 220; Lavalle y García, "El mejoramiento," 74-75. I would like to thank Marcel Haitin for pointing out this last work to me. For more information on grasses and pastures, see Jacobsen, "Land Tenure," 21-22.

34. Romero, Perú , 219; C. Smith, "Central Andes," 269. In 1831 Choquehuanca ( Ensayo , 11) mentioned as important grasses quisna, huaylla, sicuya (used not only for fodder but also for thatches of roofs), carhuayo (particularly fitted as fodder for llamas), and sora , flourishing in humid spots of the pampas. I have not found any mention of these grasses in modern works.

35. Romero, Monografía del departamento de Puno , 236-37; for other semiaquatic plants not identified in modern works, see Choquehuanca, Ensayo , 11. The famous totora ( Malacochete totora ) is only rarely used as fodder because of its great versatility; it is used for constructing boats, mats, and roofs and is also a delicious food for humans.

36. On the relation between agriculture and livestock raising in the Andes, see Golte, La racionalidad ; Figueroa, Capitalist Development ; Caballero, Economía agraria ; see also Crotty, Cattle, Economics, and Development .

37. For Azángaro's crop production, see Jacobsen, "Land Tenure," 24, table 1-3.

38. Romero, Perú , 218; Choquehuanca, Ensayo , 15-55.

39. The potatoes are spread in an open field during the time of sharp frosts in June to July. After exposure to night frosts for about eight days, they are stepped on to squeeze out liquids, left for a few more days to freeze overnight, and are then ready for long-term storage. A more desired and expensive variety of chuño , called moraya , is placed into running streams for a few days between frost treatments; see Choquehuanca, Ensayo , 9-10.

40. Pulgar Vidal, Geografía , 97-98.

41. Cobo, Historia del nuevo mundo 1:161-62; Choquehuanca, Ensayo , 9, 15-55; Romero, Perú , 222; Pulgar Vidal, Geografía , 95-96.

42. Romero ( Perú , 221) reports that barley was widely grown during the colonial period as forage for the large mule herds. Yet as late as the 1650s it was hardly planted at all in the altiplano because people believed that it would not withstand the region's harsh climate; see Cobo, Historia del nuevo mundo 1:161.

43. Choquehuanca, Ensayo , 9.

44. A rather unreliable account of agricultural production for the early 1950s claims higher production of barley than of quinua and canihua; see Guevara Velasco, Apuntes , vol. 1.

45. Cobo, Historia 1:162; Choquehuanca, Ensayo , 9; Romero, Monografía del departamento de Puno , 412-13.

46. Romero, Monografía del departamento de Puno , 246-49; Choquehuanca, Ensayo , 12.

47. Romero, Monografía del departamento de Puno , 247, 250, 436.

48. Dollfus, Le Pérou , 37; Romero, Monografía del departamento de Puno , 247.

49. Ibid., 252-53, 438; Choquehuanca, Ensayo , 13.

50. Ibid., 14; Erickson, "Archaeological Investigation." On Alan Kolata's work at Tiwanaku, see Obermiller, "Harvest from the Past."

51. Cobo, Historia del nuevo mundo 1:163.

52. Villanueva Urteaga, Cuzco 1689 , 114-15.

53. Tschudi, Reisen durch Südamerika 5:359; Tschudi, citing Juan Domingo Zamacola y Tauregui, a late eighteenth-century priest from Cayma near Arequipa, speaks of an implausible population decline from 23,000 to 2,000 in the doctrina of Azángaro. Choquehuanca ( Ensayo , 57-58) says that the 1719-20 epidemic reduced the province's population by two-thirds. Wightman, Indigenous Migration and Social Change , 42-44, 67-73.

54. Personal communication from David Cahill, February 1989.

55. An analysis of parish registers for the parish of Yanahuara, near Arequipa, rendered a 2.4 percent natural population increase annually between 1738 and 1747; see Cook, "La población," 33.

56. On the drought of 1803-5, see Tandeter, "Crisis in Upper Peru"; Macera and Márquez Abanto, "Informes geográficas del Perú colonial."

57. Gootenberg, "Population and Ethnicity."

58. Miller, "Reinterpreting the 1876 Census"; C. Smith, "Patterns," 77-78.

59. Kubler, Indian Caste , 28, 34.

60. On Azángaro's index of masculinity as a gauge for migratory patterns, see Jacobsen, "Land Tenure," 38, table 1-7.

61. In 1887, for example, Petrona Mamani and her husband Antonio Poma from Arapa sold their land, since they had permanently moved to Patambuco, in the ceja de la selva of Sandia; see REPA, año 1887, Rodríguez, F. 136, No. 64 (May 24, 1887).

62. In 1861 an old peasant woman, the widowed Petrona Quispe from Muñani, gave her Estancia Chichani to hacendado Juan Antonio Iruri because her only surviving son, Pedro Nolasco Luque, had left with the army long before and nobody knew his whereabouts or whether he was still alive; REPA, año 1861, Manrique, F. 169, No. 79 (Nov. 30, 1861).

63. Tschudi, Reisen durch Südamerika 5:210-11.

64. Grandidier, Voyage , 196; report by British Consul Wilthew about Islay trade in 1856, in Bonilla, Gran Bretaña 4:102.

65. On the ley del terror , see J. Basadre, Historia de la república 4:1653; E. Vásquez, La rebelión de Juan Bustamante , 190-92.

66. On recruiting practices in Azángaro province and countermeasures by haciendas, see Fischer to Castresana, Picotani, July 25, 1909, AFA-P.

67. Martínez, Las migraciones , 79-90, 115-17.

68. REPA, año 1907, Jiménez, F. 456, No. 178 (Sept. 3, 1907).

69. ''Informe del médico titular de Azángaro,'' Aug. 10, 1920, cited in Roca Sánchez, Por la clase indígena , 284-85.

70. "Memoria del médico titular de las provincias Azángaro y Ayaviri para el año de 1908," in Memoria del Presidente de la H. Junta Departamental , app. 21, 99-103; on the closure of the port of Mollendo for two months in 1903 because of the outbreak of bubonic plague, see Bonilla, Gran Bretaña 4:57; for the epidemic on Haciendas Checayani and Caravilque, see REPA, año 1904, Jiménez, F. 597, No. 235 (Jan. 9, 1904).

71. Jacobsen, "Land Tenure," 44, table 1-9.

72. This assessment follows Brading, Haciendas , 50-53.

73. Cf. Gootenberg, "Population and Ethnicity"; Glave, "Demografía."

74. Van Young, Hacienda and Market .

1. Bueno, Geografía , 115; Alcedo, Diccionario 1:162-63.

2. Céspedes del Castillo, Lima y Buenos Aires , 65; Sempat Assadourian, El sistema .

3. Piel, Capitalisme agraire 1:132-33; Bueno, Geografía , 113-15; Cobb, "Supply and Transportation," 31-33; Glave, Trajinantes , 9-67.

4. Romero, Historia económica del Perú , 154-55; Alcedo, Diccionario 1:89.

5. Bueno, Geografía , 113-15; Alcedo, Diccionario 1:165.

6. Flores Galindo, Arequipa , 19.

7. Rivero y Ustáriz, "Visita a las minas del departamento de Puno en el año de 1826," in his Colección de memorias 2:36; Markham, Travels , 99-102.

8. Murra, "El contról verticál," 89-123.

9. Cephalio, "Disertación."

10. The livestock production of the southern altiplano supplied cities and mining centers between La Paz and La Plata.

11. Cephalio, "Disertación"; Barriga, Memorias 1:52-57.

12. This enormous number of sheep must have served both for urban meat supplies and for restocking livestock ranches in Cuzco's pastoral zone thus also indirectly supplying wool for the obrajes of Quispicanichis and Canas y Canchis.

13. Macera dell'Orso and Márquez Abanto, "Informes geográficos del Perú colonial," 229.

14. Paucarcolla's obrajes produced blankets for the army as late as the War of the Pacific in 1879; M. Basadre y Chocano, Riquezas peruanas , 103; Romero, Historia económica del Perú , 138-40.

15. Silva Santisteban, Los obrajes , 150; Mörner, Perfíl , 82-88.

16. Cephalio, "Disertación," table 2, between ff. 228 and 229; as late as 1780 the obraje of Chacamarca in the partido of Vilcashuaman near Huamanga (some five hundred kilometers northwest of Azángaro) received 80 percent of its raw wools from the Collao; see Salas de Coloma, "Los obrajes huamanguinos," 228, table I.

17. Cephalio, "Disertación."

18. For the great variety of European textiles sold in Arequipa during the 1780s, see Barriga, Memorias 1:96-99.

19. "Partido de Lampa de la Provincia e Intendencia de la Ciudad de Puno," May 23, 1808, BNP.

20. Macera dell'Orso and Márquez Abanto, "Informes geográficos del Perú colonial," 250.

21. Estimating 1.5 male tribute payers per household; based on figures from 1786 tribute recount, in Macera, Tierra y población 1:162.

22. See Kriedte, Medick, and Schlumbohm, Industrialisierung ; for an excellent case study, see Mooser, Ländliche Klassengesellschaft .

23. This view coincides with Emmanuel LeRoy Ladurie's view that in France during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries population development--ultimately shaped by epidemiological regimes--is the independent variable and economy is the dependent variable; see his "Die Tragödie des Gleichgewichts," 40.

24. O. H. Hufton, The Poor of Eighteenth Century France, 1750-1789 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1974), 15, as cited by Mooser, Ländliche Klassengesellschaft , 48.

25. See, e.g., "Información testimonial tomada por el corregidor de Potosí en 1690," in Sanchez Albornóz, Indios y tributos , esp. 128-30; O'Phelan Godoy, Rebellions , 99-108; O'Phelan Godoy, "Aduanas," 58-61; Spalding, Huarochirí , 200-204; ANB, EC año 1762, No. 144.

26. See Sempat Assadourian, El sistema .

27. Céspedes del Castillo, Lima y Buenos Aires , 65-66.

28. Ibid.; Flores Galindo, Arequipa , 23.

29. Rivero y Ustáriz, "Visita a las minas," in his Colección de memorias 2:21; Choquehuanca, Ensayo , 64; Glave, Trajinantes , 23-79.

30. Glave, Trajinantes , 23-79; Sánchez Albornóz, Indios y tributos , esp. 130; complaints against Kuraka Diego Choquehuanca by Indians from ayllus Nequeneque, Picotani, and Chuquini (1760-62), ANB, EC año 1762, No. 144.

31. Tandeter and Wachtel, Precios , 9-15, 23-30; Tyrer, "Demographic and Economic History," 97-98; Moscoso, "Apuntes," 67-94.

32. Céspedes del Castillo, Lima y Buenos Aires , 65-66; Kossok, El virreinato , 57-60, 68-79.

33. Haring, Spanish Empire in America , 315-16; Kossok, El virreinato , 57.

34. Céspedes del Castillo, Lima y buenos Aires , 120-21; O'Phelan Godoy, "Las reformas," 342.

35. J. Fisher, Commercial Relations , 14.

36. Ibid., 46, 55; for the effects on Lima-based commerce, see Flores Galindo, "Aristocracia en vilo," 274-77, and Haitin, "Urban Market and Agrarian Hinterland," 284-86.

37. Tandeter, "Trabajo forzado."

38. Céspedes del Castillo, Lima y Buenos Aires , 185.

39. O'Phelan Godoy, Rebellions , 162-68.

40. Ibid. The literature on the Túpac Amaru rebellion has become vast; for divergent interpretations, see Campbell, "Recent Research," 3-48; Golte, Repartos y rebeliones ; Cornblit, "Society and Mass Rebellion"; Vega, José Gabriel Túpac Amaru ; Flores Galindo, Túpac Amaru II ; and Actas del Coloquio . The best general account is still Lewin, La rebelión .

41. Angelis, Colección 4:347; for other royalist kurakas in Azángaro, see "Carta del Ilmo. Sr. Dr. D. Juan Manuel Moscoso, Obispo del Cuzco, al de La Paz, Dr. D. Gregorio Francisco del Campo, sobre la sublevación de aquellas provincias," in ibid. 4:443.

42. Sahuaraura Titu Atauchi, Estado del Perú , 14 n. 32; on the symbolism of massive violence during the rebellion, see Flores Galindo, Buscando un Inca , 133-39; for skepticism on the extent of violence and destruction during the rebellion, see Mörner, Perfíl de la sociedad rural , 123-29.

43. Sahuaraura, Estado del Perú , 116 nn. 28-29; L. Fisher, Last Inca Revolt , 254-55; Jacobsen, "Land Tenure," 70-71.

44. "Breve reseña historica," 9.

45. Paz, Guerra separatista 1:270-271.

46. Diego Cristóval Túpac Amaru to Juan Manuel Moscoso, Bishop of Cuzco, May 8, 1782, in ibid. 2:239; see also ibid. 1:284.

47. Petition by corregidores of Carabaya and Azángaro, Jan. 18, 1781, ANB, EC año 1781.

48. Sahuaraura, Estado del Perú , 10 n. 10.

49. Cephalio, "Disertación," 225.

50. J. Fisher, Government , 127-28; Glave and Remy, Estructura agraria , 442-43, 518-19, speak of a crisis of overproduction in the southern sierra for the 1780s to 1820.

51. J. Fisher, Government , 49-52.

52. "Nuevo plan que establece la perpetua tranquilidad del vasto imperio del Perú y produce sumas ventajas a todos los dominios de S.C.M.," in Juicio de limites 4:95-112.

53. Flores Galindo, Arequipa , 39-44.

54. Ibid., 44.

55. Roel, Historia social , 223.

56. Cornejo Bouroncle, Pumacahua , 369-70. In 1814 the five-year-old Josée Rufino Echenique, the later Peruvian president whose family owned estates in the provinces of Carabaya and Azángaro, escaped death by lynching from a mob in the town of Phara, Carabaya, only through the mercy of one of the Indian peasants; see Echenique, Memorias 1:4.

57. Cornejo Bouroncle, Pumacahua , 385-447, 487-90.

58. Abascal y Sousa, Memoria de gobierno 1:219.

59. Ibid. 2:193.

60. Halperin donghi, Revolución y guerra , 79-80.

61. Pentland, Informe , 104; Charles Ricketts to George Canning, Lima, 1826, in Bonilla, Gran Bretaña 1:64.

62. Choquehuanca, Ensayo , 64.

63. Halperín Donghi, Historia contemporanea , 147.

64. Haigh, Sketches , 380-81; see also Gootenberg, "Merchants, Foreigners, and the State," 175-77.

65. Bonilla, "Aspects" 1:65.

66. Gootenberg, "Merchants, Foreigners, and the State," 44.

67. "Manuel Aparicio, Prefecto de Puno al Ministro de Estado en el departamento de Gobierno y Relaciones Exteriores," Puno, June 15, 1826, cited in Bonilla, del Rio, and Ortíz de Zevallos, "Comercio libre," 18. The classical formulation of the dependency position remains Cardoso and Faletto, Dependencia ; for Peru, see Bonilla and Spalding, "La independencia en el Perú," 15-65; for an opposing view, see D. Platt, ''Dependency," 113-31.

68. Rivero, Memorias , 27; Gootenberg, "Merchants, Foreigners, and the State," 206; Tamayo Herrera, Historia social del Cuzco , 36-43.

69. Langer, "Espacios coloniales y economías nacionales," 140-47; Mörner, Notas sobre el comercio , 10.

70. Gootenberg, "Merchants, Foreigners, and the State," 215-16; Tamayo Herrera, Historia social del Cuzco , 41-43; Bosch Spencer, Statistique commerciale , 50-51, 331.

71. During the 1790s Tadeo Haenke noted that the abolition of repartos had diminished the price of many goods for Indians by half or more; see his Descripción del Perú , 112-14.

72. Choquehuanca, Ensayo .

73. Ibid., 65; Krüggeler, "Sozial und Wirtschaftsgeschichte," 13-14; Krüggeler, "El doble desafío"; Rivero, Memorias , 12.

74. Choquehuanca, Ensayo , 69.

75. Bosch Spencer, Statistique commerciale , 50-51; on Indian apparel circa 1870-1900, see Plane, Le Pérou , 27, 40-44; Forbes, On the Aymara Indians , 37; Tschudi ( Peru 2:174-75), despite racism in some passages, admiringly described how Indians in the early 1840s continued to weave "cloth of excellent fineness." For a surely exaggerated view of the Indians' almost total reliance on imports, see Markham, Travels , 76 n. 6.

76. Marcoy, Travels 1:79, 84-85, 103.

77. I estimate southern Peru's sheep population, circa 1830, to have been 2,242,799 head, and that of cameloids 380,423 head. These figures are based on the ratio between livestock population for a few altiplano provinces from the early nineteenth century, contained in table 4.3, and from 1959, contained in Min. de Hacienda y Comercio, Plan regional 28:239-59. I applied these ratios to the 1959 figures for total sheep and cameloid populations in southern Peru to arrive at the estimates for 1830. Southern Peru includes the modern departments of Apurímac, Arequipa, Cuzco, Madre de Dios, Moquegua, Puno, and Tacna. In estimating wool production in 1830 I used the mean production figure per animal from 1959, contained in Plan regional. This calculation results in estimates of 1,677.614 metric tons of sheep wool and 652.045 metric tons of cameloid wools produced in southern Peru in 1830. Mean exports of sheep wool from Islay, 1837-40, were 764.382 tons per year, or 45.6 percent of southern Peru's estimated sheep wool production. The peak year of 1840 saw exports of 904.767 tons of sheep wool, 53.9 percent of estimated production. Mean annual cameloid wool exports from Islay in 1837-40 were 345.125 metric tons, or 52.9 percent of estimated production. In the peak year of 1840, 598.117 tons of cameloid wools were exported, 91.7 percent of production. The rates of wools exported are upper-bound estimates.

78. Choquehuanca, Ensayo , 28, 37 n. 1, 64.

79. For Mexico between the 1820s and 1860s, see Tutino, From Insurrection to Revolution , 229.

80. Wittman, Estudios históricos sobre Bolivia , 174.

81. Pentland, Informe sobre Bolivia , 105; José Maria Dalence, Bosquejo estadístico de Bolivia (Chuquisaca, 1851), as cited in Peñaloza, La Paz 4:24.

82. Pentland, Informe sobre Bolivia , 105; Peñaloza, La Paz 4:24; Peñaloza, Historia económica de Bolivia 2:91-92.

83. On commercial relations between Peru and Bolivia from the 1830s to 1860, see Jacobsen, "Land Tenure," 88-90; on continuity rather than ruptures in cross-border Andean trade, see Langer, "Espacios coloniales y economías nacionales."

84. Langer, "Espacios coloniales y economías nacionales," 146.

85. Among Macedo's co-conspirators were notable landowners and politicians, including Pedro Aguirre and Pedro Miguel Urbina and perhaps the Azangarinos José Mariano Escobedo and José Domingo Choquehuanca; see Herrera Alarcón, Rebeliones , 13-44.

86. The Azangarino hacendados Juan Cazorla and José Antonio de Macedo were deputies to the Assambly of Sicuani, which on March 17, 1836, declared the creation of a south Peruvian state under the protectorate of Santa Cruz; see Valdivia, Memorias , 160.

87. Colonel Manuel José Choquehuanca, a cousin of José Domingo, held this opinion; see Luna, Choquehuanca el amauta , 51.

88. Amat y Junient, Memoria de Gobierno , 230-32.

89. Hunt, Price and Quantum Estimates , 38-40; Bonilla, "Aspects" 1:26, 33, 39, 45; Bonilla, "Islay," 31-47.

90. On wool export statistics and their problems, see Jacobsen, "Land Tenure," 93-102.

91. Ibid., 95-96; Haigh, Sketches , 380-81.

92. Gosselman, Informes , 76-77.

93. For the years from 1843 to 1851 only a few highly contradictory wool export statistics are available. See Jacobsen, "Land Tenure," 97-99; Hunt, Price and Quantum Estimates , 38-39; Bonilla, "Islay," 42-43; Esteves, Apuntes para la historia económica , 38-45.

94. Gootenberg, "Social Origins"; Rivero, Memorias , 68-69.

95. Deane and Cole, British Economic Growth , 192-210; Southey, Rise , 4; Dechesne, L'evolution , 140-41.

96. Jacobsen, "Land Tenure," 97-99; Hunt, Price and Quantum Estimates , 38-39; Bonilla, "Islay," 42-43; R. Miller, "Wool Trade."

97. Detailed wool export statistics, omitted here for reasons of space, can be found in my article "Cycles and Booms," 492-500, and in Jacobsen, "Land Tenure," app. 1, 815-33.

98. Southey, Rise , 35-37, 77.

99. Jacobsen, "Land Tenure," 99-102; Hunt, Price and Quantum Estimates , 38-40; Bonilla, "Islay," 42-44.

100. Haigh, Sketches , 381.

101. Choquehuanca, Ensayo , 13; Rivero y Ustáriz, "Visita a las minas," in his Colección 2:5-36; Romero, Monografía del departamento de Puno , 439-56; Deustua, "Producción minera."

102. Deustua, "Producción minera"; Romero, Monografía del departamento de Puno , 448; Markham, Travels , 99-102; Castelnau, Expedition 3:404-5; Rivero y Ustáriz, "Visita a las minas," Colecció 2:36; Porras Barrenechea, Dos viajeros franceses , 55. On Puno silver mining after independence, see Deustua, La minería , 86-96.

103. Romero, Monografía del departamento de Puno , 441, 454-56; Markham, Travels , 99-102.

104. Deustua, "El ciclo interno," 23-49.

105. Ibid., 27; M. Basadre y Chocano, Riquezas peruana , 144; Herndon and Gibbon, Exploration 2:91-92.

106. Romero, Monografía del departamento de Puno , 444-50; Deustua, "El ciclo interno," 27, 31-35.

107. Ibid., 31-32; Markham, Travels , 206-11; J. Basadre, Historia de la república 2:848-49; Herndon and Gibbon, Exploration 2:91-92. On the embeddedness of mining in the Andean agrarian economy, see Contreras, Mineros , esp. chs. 9-11.

108. Marcoy, Travels 1:99-100.

109. Basadre, Historia de la república 3:1310; Dancuart and Rodríguez, Anales 3:41-42.

110. Dancuart and Rodríguez, Anales 3:41-42; Rivero, Memorias , 40; Romero, Historia económica del Perú , 344; REPA, año 1855, Oblitas (May 22, 1855).

111. Great Britain, Parliament, Sessional Papers , 1837-38, 47:401-2.

112. Reports by Consul Cocks about Islay trade in 1863 and 1864, in Bonilla, Gran Bretaña 4:140-44, 164; Markham, Travels , 206.

113. Rivero, Memorias , 27, 66.

114. M. Basadre y Chocano, Riquezas peruanas , 122.

115. Ibid., 144; REPA, 1864, Patiño, F. 133, No. 57 (Dec. 24, 1864).

116. On the central sierra, see Manrique, Mercado interno , esp. 108-41; Wilson, "Propiedad," 36-54.

117. Tschudi, Reisen durch Südamerika 5:167.

118. Ibid. 5:351; Haigh, Sketches , 380-81.

119. Tschudi, Reisen durch Südamerika 5:179-80.

120. Hermenegildo Agramonte to Juan Paredes, Cabanillas, Dec. 3, 1850, MPA.

121. Glade, Latin American Economies , 202-3; Gootenberg, "Merchants, Foreigners, and the State," 203-22.

122. Will of Juan Paredes, Dec. 8, 1874, MPA.

123. Juan Bautista Zea to Juan Paredes, Arapa, Mar. 10, 1847, MPA.

124. Hermenegildo Agramonte to Juan Paredes, Cabanillas, Dec. 3, 1850; Agustín Aragón to Juan Paredes, Checayani, Sept. 22, 1853; Aragón to Francisco Esquiróz, San Antón, Mar. 15, 1867; all MPA.

125. See, e.g., Escobedo to Paredes, Arequipa, Apr. 11, 1862; see also Agustín Aragón to Paredes, Checayani, Sept. 22, 1853; both in MPA.

126. Mestas to Paredes, Caminaca, July 12, 1845, MPA (my translation retains the errors in the original).

127. Appleby, "Exportation and Its Aftermath," 55.

128. See Jacobsen, "Land Tenure," table 2-1, 112-12a.

129. Porras Barrenechea, Dos viajeros franceses , 204; M. Paz Soldán, Geografía del Perú , 423.

130. On the fair at Pucará, see Marcoy, Travels 1:107-8.

131. Bustamante, Apuntes , 10; Markham, Travels , 284.

132. Markham, Travels , 284.

133. For the lower estimate, see M. Paz Soldán, Geografía del Perú, 423; for the higher estimate, see   Bustamante, Apuntes , 10.

134. M. Paz Soldán, Geografía del Perú , 423; report by Consul Wilthew about Islay trade in 1859, in Bonilla, Gran Bretaña 4:247.

135. See Glade, Latin American Economies , 202-3; Flores Galindo, Arequipa , 75.

136. Juan Bautista Zea to Juan Paredes, Arapa, Mar. 10, 1847; Juan Medrano to Paredes, Caira (dept. de Cuzco), Nov. 1857; both MPA.

137. Andrés Urviola to Manuel E. Paredes (his son-in-law), Muñani, Nov. 9, 1867, MPA.

138. M. Paz Soldán, Geografía del Perú , 464; J. Basadre, Historia de la república 3:1290-91; Flores Galindo, Arequipa y el sur andino , 108-9; Marcoy, Travels 1:52.

139. Piel, "Place of the Peasantry," 120-22.

1. This distinction is based on Polanyi, Great Transformation , esp. chs. 4-6.

2. On core and frontier regions, see Schwartz and Lockhart, Early Latin America ; Cangas, Compendio histórico, geográfico y genealógico y político del Reino del Perú (1780), as cited by Moreno Cebrián, El corregidor , 79. Alistair Hennessy's notion of a "frontier of inclusion," in which "ethnic, cultural and economic facets of the indigenous society are absorbed within Westernized society," may be applied to eighteenth-century Azángaro; see his The Frontier , 19.

3. See, e.g., Spalding, De Indio a campesino ; Macera, Instructiones ; Macera, Mapas coloniales de haciendas cuzqueñas ; Macera, "Feudalismo colonial americano"; Golte, Bauern in Peru.

4. Cook, Tasa de la visita , 87-110.

5. During the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries proprietors of encomiendas in Azángaro or neighboring altiplano provinces held encomiendas and were owners of estates or prominent office holders in Cuzco; among them were Juan de Berrio, Martín Hurtado de Arbieto, Gerónimo de Costilla, and Doña Beatriz Coya, daughter of Inca Sayri Túpac. In all cases the primary power base was Cuzco. See Glave and Remy, Estructura agraria , 81-83, 112, 118, 120, 124, 128, 146-48; Cook, Tasa de la visita , 87-89, 107.

6. Piel, Capitalisme agraire 1:147-67; Glave and Remy, Estructura agraria , ch. 3; K. Davies, Landowners ; the most thorough discussion of elite landholding in colonial Peru is Ramirez, Provincial Patriarchs , esp. ch. 6.

7. For 1595: "Datos para un estudio monográfico," 3. For 1607: eight different manuscripts of visitas de estancias and visitas de ayllos , ANB, Materiales sobre tierras e Indios, año 1607, Nos. 5, 9, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 19, and 20. For 1655: litigation about despojo from lands Acañani and Viscachani, Putina; ANB, Materiales sobre tierras e Indios, año 1759, No. 102. For 1717: litigation over deslinde of Hacienda Purina, dist. Asillo, Mar. 13, 1915, AJA.

8. REPC, J. C. Jordán, 1819/20, F. 132-35 (Nov. 16, 1819); Villanueva Urteaga, Cuzco 1689 , 112.

9. Villanueva Urteaga, Cuzco 1689 , 118-19; litigation over deslinde of Hacienda Purina, dist. Asillo, Mar. 13, 1915, AJA.

10. See Jacobsen, "Livestock Complexes," 113-42. For peasant communities' use of livestock herds as a protective mechanism against Spanish land encroachments in central Mexico, see C. Gibson, Aztecs , 212, 262, 540 n. 33. Crotty ( Cattle, Economics, and Development , 87-88) ventures the fascinating speculation that the great vulnerability of the prehispanic American civilizations to European conquest may have had much to do with the almost total absence of conflict between pastoralists and crop-raising cultures in the Americas; this conflict had, of course, had a major impact on military development in the eastern hemisphere.

11. O'Phelan Godoy, Rebellions , 53-57.

12. Spalding, De Indio a campesino , 50.

13. Luna, Choquehuanca el amauta , 81-98. Most of these estancias do not appear in the report of Father José de Moscoso, parish priests of Azángaro, to Bishop Mollinedo in 1689.

14. Cf. Celestino and Meyers, Las cofradías , 149-56.

15. See the case of the powerful seventeenth-century kuraka Bartolomé Tupa Hallicalla of Asillo, analyzed in Glave, Trajinantes , ch. 6.

16. Spalding, De Indio a campesino , 55.

17. On the Choquehuanca family history, see Luna, Choquehuanca el amauta ; Salas Perea, Monografía , 18-19; Torres Luna, Puno histórico , 183-203.

18. Account of the Services and Losses of the Choquehuanca family during the Túpac Amaru rebellion, ANB, EC año 1782, No. 57.

19. For the properties of Cristóbal Mango Turpo in 1741, see Salas Perea, Monografía , 20-21.

20. In Cuzco it was also the livestock-raising provinces--Canas y Canchis and Chumbivilcas--where the number of estates increased notably between 1689 and the 1780s, while in all other provinces it stagnated or declined. See Mörner, Perfíl , 32, table 17.

21. For example, Hacienda Ccalla, halfway between the pueblos of Azángaro and Arapa, in 1689 was said to belong to an Indian community, but by the late colonial period it was claimed by the Choquehuancas; see Villanueva Urteaga, Cuzco 1689 , 115.

22. Roel, Historia social , 276-77; Viceroy José F. de Abascal y Sousa, in his Memoria de gobierno 1:286, affirmed that on the basis of this cedula much land was sold or confirmed by composition between 1754 and 1780.

23. Complaints against Diego Choquehuanca by Indios from ayllus Nequeneque, Picotani, and Chuquini, ANB, Materiales sobre tierras e Indios, EC año 1762, No. 144.

24. Piel, Capitalisme agraire 1:170.

25. Spalding, De Indio a campesino , 144-45.

26. Piel, Capitalisme agraire 1:170; Juan y Santacilia and Ulloa, Noticias secretas 1:321.

27. Golte, Bauern in Peru , 64; Santamaría, "La propiedad," 261-62.

28. Macera, Mapas coloniales de haciendas cuzqueñas , cxii-cxv; Piel, Capitalisme agraire 1:211.

29. Macera, Mapas coloniales de haciendas cuzqueñas , lxvi-lxvii; evaluation of the formerly Jesuit livestock estancias of Llallahua and Titiri, parish of Santiago de Pupuja, of 1771, in ibid., cxlvii-cxlviii.

30. "Arancel de los jornales de Perú, 1687," in ibid., 145-46; see also "Obligaciones que han de tener los Indios Yanaconas de esta estancia [Camara, May 12, 1693]," in ibid., 74-75.

31. Ibid., xxi-xxii; Juan y Santacilia and Ulloa, Noticias secretas 1:295-96.

32. Macera, Mapas coloniales de haciendas cuzqueñas , cxii-cxv.

33. For the Peruvian hacienda of the eighteenth century there exists to my knowledge no thorough analysis of the issue of debt peonage comparable to those by Herbert Nickel, Herman Konrad, and others on Mexico. During the 1740s Juan y Santacilia and Ulloa observed that Andean cattle ranches often strove to put their mitayos in debt in an attempt to retain them permanently on the estate. Pablo Macera surmises debt peonage on Peruvian Jesuit estates during the eighteenth century. He reports that debts were considered such an integral part of hacienda operations that they were counted with capital investments. Some estates employed guatacos to capture peasants for the estate and buscadores to round up escaped colonos. However, the 1702 instructions for the Jesuit livestock estancias Ayuni and Camara in Cuzco ordered that colonos should never be given more money or goods than they were due for work done, "because the Indian, when the owes, flees and the hacienda loses him." See Juan y Santacilia and Ulloa, Noticias secretas 1:293-94; Macera, Mapas coloniales de haciendas cuzqueñas , lxxxv, cix-cxi. On prerevolutionary Mexico, see Nickel, "Zur Immobilität," 289-328; Konrad, Jesuit Hacienda , 232. For a reinterpretation of credit to colonos, see Bauer, "Rural Workers," 34-63.

34. Macera, Mapas coloniales de haciendas cuzqueñas , xci-xcii.

35. Ibid.

36. Macera, Mapas coloniales de haciendas cuzqueñas , 76-102; Juan y Santacilia and Ulloa, Noticias secretas 1:296-97; Jacobsen, ''Land Tenure," 193-95.

37. Villanueva Urteaga, Cuzco 1689 , 77, 112; Macera, Mapas coloniales de haciendas cuzqueñas , cxlvii-cxlviii; rent of Estancia Parpuma (Azángaro parish), REPC, J. C. Jordán, 1816-18, F. 384 (Mar. 3, 1818). In exceptional cases (very good pastures, sufficient water, plentiful permanent labor force) rental rates were higher by as much as one-fifth.

38. Flores Galindo, Arequipa , 17.

39. Villanueva Urteaga, Cuzco 1689 , 112.

40. Piel, Capitalisme agraire 1:189.

41. Ponce de Léon, "Aspecto económico del problema indígena," 139-41; Spalding, Huarochirí , 48-53.

42. Spalding, Huarochirí , 156-67; Stern, Peru's Indian Peoples , 76-113.

43. Bakewell, Miners of the Red Mountain ; Cole, Potosí Mita ; Tandeter, "Trabajo forzado."

44. See, e.g., Sempat Assadourian, El sistema , 313; T. Platt, Estado boliviano , esp. ch. 1.

45. Kubler, "Quechua," 346.

46. Piel, Capitalisme agraire 1:182-83.

47. Ibid. 1:191-95; Spalding, Huarochirí , 183.

48. Costa, Colectivismo agrario en España 7:174; for enlightened Spanish notions on property, see Herr, Rural Change , esp. chs. 1 and 2; for use of such notions in the altiplano, see Jacobsen, "Campesions."

49. Spalding, De Indio a campesino , 143; Spalding, Huarochirí , 205-8.

50. Spalding, Huarochirí .

51. Juan y Santacilia and Ulloa, Notícias secretas 1:318-19.

52. Santamaría, "La propiedad," 261.

53. Ibid.; Choquehuanca ( Ensayo , 16 n. 4) says that forasteros or sobrinos , as they were called in Azángaro after independence, were assigned "estancias in the places which the originarios did not occupy"; for a 1772 grant by the cacique of a plot of community land not used by any member, see "Documento para la historia de Azángaro," n.p.

54. Wightman, Indigenous Migration .

55. ANB, Año 1761, No. 102 (Sept. 5, 1761).

56. Spalding, De Indio a campesino , 119-21.

57. RPIP, T. 2, F. 240, p. cv, A. No. 1, Dec. 15, 1900.

58. Personal communication from David Cahill, Feb. 1989. Indians holding land in fee simple were eager to maintain their status as members in communities in order to enjoy its protection and privileges.

59. Conjecture based on the surnames of affluent peasants in the early postindependence period.

60. Cf. Poole, "Qorilazos abigeos," 268-69.

61. Spalding, De Indio a campesino .

62. Santamaría, "La propiedad," 270-71.

63. On Sept. 9, 1779, the Audiencia of Charcas ruled accordingly; ANB, Materiales sobre tierras e Indios, EC año 1779, No. 224.

64. Complaints against Cacique Diego Choquehuanca by Indians from ayllus Nequeneque, Picotani, and Chuquini, ANB, Materiales sobre tierras e Indios, EC año 1762, No. 144.

65. J. Basadre, "El régimen de la mita"; and Juan y Santacilia and Ulloa, Notícias secretas 1:289-90.

66. J. Basadre, "El régimen de la mita," 334.

67. Kubler, "Quechua," 372-73.

68. Cole, Potosí Mita , ch. 2.

69. Golte, Bauern in Peru , 74.

70. Macera, Iglesia y economía , 29-30; for repartos de bienes by priests, see also Amat y Junient, Memoria de gobierno , 200.

71. Sánchez Albornóz, El Indio , 94.

72. See, for example, ANB, Materiales sobre tierras e Indios, EC año 1762, No. 18; EC año 1762, No. 144; and EC año 1783, No. 76.

73. Spalding, De Indio a campesino , 55.

74. Francisco Alvarez Reyes, "Descripción breve del distrito de la Real Chancillería de la Ciudad de la Plata" (Aug. 26, 1649), in Juicio de limites 3:216.

75. Moreno Cebrián, El corregidor , 279-316.

76. Ibid., 321.

77. This figure assumes between one and two adult male family members paying a tribute rate as originarios of between six and eight pesos per year.

78. Golte, Repartos y rebeliones , 105, calculated a per capita reparto of 9.92 pesos in 1754 for Azángaro province.

79. ANB, EC año 1771, No. 113.

80. For abuses of repartos in Azángaro, see Moreno Cebrián, El corregidor , 176, 203, 207, 222.

81. L. Fisher, Last Inca Revolt , 254.

82. Moreno Cebrián, El corregidor , 79.

83. Ibid.; on p. 184 the author speaks of the "alliance caciquecorregidor."

84. Informe by Diego Cristóbal Túpac Amaru, Oct. 18, 1781, in Angelis, Colección de obras 4:421.

85. ANB, Materiales sobre tierras e Indios, EC año 1779, No. 224; Juan y Santacilia and Ulloa, Noticias secretas 1:232.

86. Similarly, in various parts of Europe many peasants had sufficient land resources but during the mid-eighteenth century, faced with rising rents, taxes, and fees, scarcely kept enough of their products for simple reproduction of their family. Cf. Harnisch, Die Herrschaft Boitzenburg , 219-21.

87. Amat y Junient, Memoria de gobierno , 193.

88. ANB, Materiales sobre tierras e Indios, EC año 1783, No. 76; Luna, Choquehuanca el amauta , 81-98; Lewin, La rebelión , 193; for intraelite conflicts between priests and kurakas in Coporaque, Cuzco, just before the Túpac Amaru rebellion, see Hinojosa Cortijo, "Población," 232-33, 255.

89. Vega, José Gabriel Túpac Amaru.

90. J. Fisher, Government , 78-79.

91. Ibid.

92. Ibid., 51; Fisher also lists (92-93) a case of abuses by Azángaro's subdelegado, Antonio Coello y Doncel, in 1801; Moreno Cebrián, El corregidor , 700-701; Cahill, " Curas. "

93. L. Fisher, Last Inca Revolt , 223; Sahuaraura Titu Atauchi, Estado del Perú , 7 n. 4.

94. Roel, Historia social , 372-76. Cf. Cahill, "Towards an Infrastructure."

95. ANB, Materiales sobre tierras e Indios, EC año 1782, No. 57, and EC año 1783, No. 7; letter of Jan. 3, 1925, to Arequipa newspaper by Manuel Isidoro Velazco Choquehuanca in Luna, Choquehuanca el amauta , 100-102 n. 2; ibid., 81-98.

96. "Oficio del Señor Antonio Zernadas Bermúdez [Oidor of Audiencia of Cuzco] al Señor Gobernador Intendente de Puno," Feb. 18, 1791, in Cornejo Bouroncle, Pumacahua , 216-17; Salas Perea, Monografía , 22-23. For evidence of succesful legal battles by communities against newly imposed kurakas, see Walker, "La violencia."

97. But cf. Larson, Colonialism , 277.

98. Vega, José Gabriel Túpac Amaru , 29-30.

99. Lewin, La rebelión , 576. For rebel plans to distribute hacienda lands, see Vega, José Gabriel Túpac Amaru , 30-31.

100. Petition by parish priests of Orurillo and Santiago to Bishop of Cuzco, October 5, 1799, in Comité Arquidiocesano, Túpac Amaru , 368.

101. Roel, Historia social , 223.

102. "Expediente sobre la queja presentada por el pueblo de Azángaro para que el gobierno virreynal ponga término a los desmanes que comete el Subdelegado Escobedo," Apr. 2, 1813, BNP, MS. D 656.

103. Petition by parish priests, Oct. 5, 1799, in Comité Arquidiocesano, Túpac Amaru , 368.

104. Abascal y Sousa, Memoria de gobierno 1:286-87.

105. Ibid.

106. "Composición y venta de la Estancia Caiconi," Nov. 16, 1802, Archivo de la Prefectura, Puno.

107. ''Expediente sobre la queja presentada por el pueblo de Azángaro," Apr. 2, 1813.

108. Sallnow, "Manorial Labour," 39-56.

109. Enrique Mayer, "Tenencia y control comunal," 59-72.

110. Only in 1870, in a phase of rapid hacienda expansion, did Choquehuanca's descendants reclaim the land from the descendants of those Indian families. See Interdicto de adquirir of fundo Caluyo-Oque-Chupa, Sept. 3, 1920, AJA. For steep declines in the number of yanaconas in maize-producing haciendas of Larecaja, Bolivia, during the late eighteenth century, see Santamaría, "La estructura agraria," 589.

111. Sahuaraura Titu Atauchi, Estado del Perú , 15 n. 37.

112. Ibid., 12.

113. Ibid.

114. Choquehuanca, Ensayo , 57, 59; for military recruitments in Azángaro, see "Expediente formado a consecuencia de la representación que los Indios de Pupuja hacen ante el Justicia Mayor de Azángaro para no volver a ser alistados para la expedición y dicho Justicia Mayor lo dirige original a la Exma. Junta Provincial," Cuzco, Oct. 9, 1813, BNP, MS. D 515.

115. Most intendants passed decrees against vagrancy. The intendant of Puno, Quimper, in his Bando de Buen Gobierno of December 30, 1806, imposed a punishment of a month's public work on vagrants; see J. Fisher, Government , 171.

116. L. Fisher, Last Inca Revolt , 358.

117. For Viceroy Amat y Junient's concern in the 1770s, see his Memoria de gobierno , 193-94. During the 1780s and 1790s mitayos from Azángaro stayed on in Potosí after the end of their term and established a small trade in tallow from their native province, despite new decrees obliging mitayos to return to their communities to prevent a further drain of scarce rural population. See Tandeter, "Trabajo forzado," 35.

118. Pablo José Oricain, "Compendio breve de discursos varios sobre diferentes materias y noticias geográficas comprehensivas a éste Obispado del Cuzco" (1790), in Juicio de limites 11:331.

119. For an opposing view see Cahill, " Curas. "

120. J. Fisher, Government , 88-89.

121. Ibid., 112-13.

122. Ibid., 111-14.

123. Report of Dec. 31, 1791, by Pedro Antonio Zernadas Bermúdez, oidor of the Audienca de Cuzco and president of the Comisión de la Caja General de Censos de Indios del Cuzco, entitled "Razón de los principales censos perdidos, unos por haberse arruinado las fincas sobre que estaban impuestos, otros por haberse oblado, y no vuelto a imponerse, y otros por haberse perdido en los pleitos de concurso de acreedores y de mas seguidos contra las fincas en que estaban impuestos"; BNP, MS. C 1274. According to Zernadas, communal properties valued at 50,489 pesos were totally lost; properties worth 120,138 pesos were in limbo and rent had not been paid for years; rental fees were currently paid only on further properties valued at 29,783 pesos.

124. José Victoriano de la Riva, Contaduría General de Puno, to Mariano Escobedo, Justicia Mayor of Azángaro, Puno, May 27, 1813, BNP, MS. D 456, about failure of subdelegado to collect "contribución provisional" after abolition of tribute in 1812. On the autonomy of peasants in Cuzco after the Túpac Amaru Rebellion, see Walker, "Peasants, Caudillos, and the State," chs. 2-3.

1. Choquehuanca, Ensayo .

2. Romero, Historia económica del Perú , 241-42. On the land market in Cuzco during the early republican era, cf. Mörner et al., Compraventas , esp. 42, table 6.

3. Hacienda Purina in Asillo, for example, passed from the heirs of Asillo's encomendero into the hands of the church sometime between 1717 and 1828; Expediente judicial, Mar. 13, 1915, AJA; RPIP, T. 5, F. 453, p. clii, A. No. 1 (Mar. 9, 1914).

4. "Regimiento de Dragones del Partido de Azángaro, provincia de Puno," Oct. 6, 1806, BNP; information for midcentury based on my index of persons participating in transactions over land in notarial contracts since 1852 and on 1862 population census of province of Azángaro, BMP.

5. Dancuart and Rodríguez, Anales 1:222; Luna, Choquehuanca el amauta , 27, 56-64.

6. Cf. Ramirez, Provincial Patriarchs , 136, on the north coast during the seventeenth century. Sabato ( Agrarian Capitalism , 61) finds the same preponderance of officeholders and merchants among owners of livestock estates in Buenos Aires during the 1830s.

7. Information taken from a portrait of Francisco Lizares in the possession of Sr. Armando Dianderas, Arequipa.

8. Will of Francisco Lizares's daughter, María Dolores Lizares Montesinos, of July 4, 1904; REPA, año 1904, Jiménez, F. 837, No. 319. Emphyteusis contracts for Fincas Huntuma and Cuturi: REPP, año 1913, González, F. 54, No. 20 (Jan. 14, 1913), and F. 224, No. 75 (Apr. 23, 1913).

9. Amiable settlement concerning land of Hacienda Nequeneque (district Muñani) between Hilario Velazco and José María Lizares Quiñones, Dec. 4, 1854; REPA, año 1854, Calle. For a vicious description of Josefa Quiñones and her descendents, see the vitriolic pamphlet by an anonymous author (thought to be Luis Felipe Luna), Biografía criminal , 4-11.

10. REPC, años 1823-25, Jordán, F. 328 (July 5, 1824); on earlier sale of Huasacona by aristocratic Cuzqueño families, see REPC, años 1819-20, Jordán, F. 132-34 (Nov. 16, 1819).

11. Estévez had taken out large loans from his brother Pedro, a merchant in Tacna, to come up with the considerable purchase price for Huasacona and two smaller estates on the peninsula of Capachica close to Puno; REPP, año 1853, Cáceres (July 8, 1853), and año 1854 (July 7, 1854).

12. REPP, año 1854, Cáceres (Feb. 17, 1854).

13. Piel, Capitalisme agraire 1:261; see also J. Basadre, Historia de la república 1:182.

14. Valdéz de la Torre, Evolución , 158.

15. J. Basadre, Historia de la república 1:171-72; Valdéz de la Torre, Evolución , 158.

16. REPP, año 1853, Cáceres (June 7, 1853); for the early history of the Escobedos in Azángaro, see Wibel, "Evolution," 189-90.

17. A decree issued by President Ramón Castilla on August 6, 1846, facilitated the return of church estates, expropriated during the Orbegoso and Santa Cruz administrations, by the present owners to the original proprietors; see Valdéz de la Torre, Evolución , 172-73.

18. Echenique, Memorias 1:94.

19. The significant exception was the sale of the church hacienda Pasincha by the state on March 2, 1836, for 1,500 pesos to Juan Antonio de Macedo, a partisan of Santa Cruz.

20. Between 1843 and 1850 nearly all newly listed estates were small, marginal fincas with between 600 and 1,000 OMR.

21. "Padrón de contribución de predios rústicos . . . de Lampa, 1843"; "Padrón de contribuciones prediales . . . de Lampa, 1850" (both AGN).

22. Romero ( Monografía del departamento de Puno , 436) apologetically points out that "the extension of a hacienda is not always a sign of wealth and prosperity." Puno's latifundism, according to him, was a necessary consequence of the scarcity of pastures.

23. Brading, "Hacienda Profits," 33.

24. See, e.g., rent of Hda. Calacala, distr. Chupa, by Martina Carpio vda. de Urbina to Bonifacio Ramos in 1853, REPP, año 1853, Cáceres (Oct. 5, 1853).

25. For those estates operated by their owners, the state levied rural property tax at 4 percent of assessed gain from hacienda operation. If operated by renters or emphyteutic holders, an additional 2 percent tax was levied. However, only in a few cases did the 1843 and 1850 tax lists from Lampa explicitly enter 50 percent more gain for haciendas held by lease or emphyteusis, i.e., a ratio of gain:livestock capital of 1.5:10.

26. This estimate assumes a ratio of gain:livestock capital of 2:10, allowing for an equal share of income for owner and tenant.

27. Choquehuanca, Ensayo , 60.

28. REPP, año 1854, Cáceres (July 7, 1854).

29. Escobedo to Paredes, Arequipa, Apr. 11, 1862, MPA.

30. Rivero, Memorias , 9.

31. The mean value per topo of land in the department of Cuzco increased briefly during the early 1830s and declined from the late 1830s to the early 1850s; see Mörner et al., Compraventas , 27-32, graph no. 1, 35. The greater short-term volatility of land prices arises in Cuzco's cereal and sugar growing areas.

32. See, e.g., sale of estancia Carpani, distr. Muñani; REPA, año 1863, Patiño, F. 58, No. 18 (Apr. 22, 1863). Evaluation of Llallahua in 1771, in Macera, Mapas coloniales de haciendas cuzqueñas , cxlvii-cxlviii; evaluation of Huancarani, Azángaro, Apr. 12, 1845, MPA.

33. REPP, año 1869, unnamed judge (Feb. 15, 1869).

34. Cf. Burga, De la encomienda a la hacienda , 111-12 for the north coast during the seventeenth century.

35. Cf. Manrique, Mercado interno , 86.

36. REPP, año 1854, Cáceres (Jan. 24, 1854).

37. Jacobsen, "Land Tenure," 411, table 5-15.

38. The exact number of rented haciendas in Lampa province in 1843 belonging to corporate holders cannot be determined because of lack of information on the owners of fifty-five rented haciendas.

39. Rivero, Memorias , 43.

40. For sale of an estancia because the owner lived far away and saw no way of managing it profitably, see REPP, año 1857, Cáceres (Nov. 10, 1857).

41. REPP, año 1854, Cáceres (June 3, 1854).

42. For long-term failure to replenish the stock of Hda. San Francisco de Pachaje, Putina, see REPP, año 1858, Cáceres (Sept. 29, 1858); REPP, año 1859, Cáceres (Apr. 5, 1859); "Matrícula de predios rústicos, provincia de Azángaro, año de 1902," BMP.

43. Jacobsen, "Land Tenure," 871-81, app. 6.

44. During the 1750s Azángaro's human population was only one-third that of 1825-29. Assuming the same mean number of OMR per estate and the same ratio between livestock in the estate and peasant sectors as in 1825-29, and estimating the number of estates in the province during the 1750s at 70, an increment of 23 over the number for 1689, the ratio between livestock and human populations for the 1750s might have been as high as 30:1. The associated estimate for the province's livestock population for the 1750s is 414,697 OMR. These are lower range estimates, since they do not account for the considerable herds of cattle and sheep belonging to the church and private members of the elite pastured on community lands. The human population estimate for the ratio is based on 8 percent provincial population being white or mestizo, above the Indian population calculated from the tribute recounts for 1758-59.

45. Rivero, Memorias , 43.

46. Thompson, Mosley-Thompson, Bolzan, and Koci, "A 1500-Year Record"; the authors suggest below-average precipitation beginning in the 1720s and lasting until 1860.

47. Choquehuanca, Ensayo , 62.

48. Jacobsen, "Land Tenure," 222, table 3-6.

49. Choquehuanca, Ensayo , 57.

50. Ibid., 62.

51. Jacobsen, "Land Tenure," 230, table 3-8.

52. REPA, año 1860, Manrique (Aug. 24, 1860); REPA, año 1865, Patiño (May 22, 1865).

53. Trazegnies, La idea de derecho , 188; García Jordán, "La iglesia peruana," 19-43.

54. During the late colonial period apparently a larger number of chaplaincies consisted only of livestock herds, without land. Personal communication from David Cahill, July 1988.

55. In the Intendency of Arequipa chaplaincies and loans played an important role at least until 1840 and were considered by landholders as a dangerous drain on their income; see Wibel, "Evolution," 114-15, 353.

56. On Loquicolla Grande, see REPP, año 1856, Cáceres (Oct. 31, 1856); REPP, año 1859, Cáceres (Jan. 10, 1856); REPP, año 1913, González, F. 363, No. 118 (June 6, 1913); on Picotani, see REPA, año 1879, Torres Nuñez, F. 25, No. 53 (May 7, 1879); REPP, año 1897, González, No. 11 (Feb. 7, 1897); RPIP, T. 3, F. 379, p. lxxxiii, A. No. 2 (Sept. 29, 1906); on Huasacona, see contracts listed in notes 10 and 11.

57. Piérola, Anales .

58. Properties that carried encumbrances from church loans in the archdiocese of Lima during the seventeenth century, with a few exceptions, lay close to the city; see Hamnett, "Church Wealth in Peru."

59. Abascal y Sousa, Memoria de gobierno 1:175-80. Originarios in this context probably means the autochtonous population. The crown had reintroduced tribute in 1815, but it may not have been implemented in Peru by the time Abascal wrote his report in 1816; in the remaining quinquennium before the occupation of Lima by the patriot troops its collection never recovered pre-1812 levels.

60. Valdéz de la Torre, Evolución , 145-46; J. Basadre, Historia de la república 1:170-71.

61. Valdéz de la Torre, Evolución , 147-48; T. Davies, Indian Integration in Peru , 21.

62. Dancuart and Rodríguez, Anales 1:272; Peralta Ruíz, En pos del tributo , 36-43.

63. Ibid. 1:277-78; Valdéz de la Torre, Evolución , 148.

64. Piel, Capitalisme agraire 1:281-82.

65. Circular of February 1827, as cited in Valdéz de la Torre, Evolución , 152.

66. Ibid., 149.

67. Dancuart and Rodríguez, Anales 2:136; J. Basadre, Historia de la república 1:227.

68. REPA, año 1859, Manrique (May 10, 1859).

69. Choquehunaca, Ensayo , 72.

70. Ibid.

71. See Langer, "El liberalismo," 59-95, on early republican land legislation in Bolivia.

72. Min. de Hacienda, Memoria [1847] , 3-4. See also the circular of Prefect Ramón Castilla to five subprefects of the department of Puno, Dec. 5, 1834, in Instituto "Libertador Ramón Castilla," Archivo Castilla 4:183.

73. See, for example, T. Davies, Indian Integration in Peru , 22; Sivirichi, Derecho indígena , 102; and Mariátegui, "El Problema de la tierra," in his Siete ensayos , 75.

74. Macera, Las plantaciones azucareras , cl, speaks of "equilibrium" in the "secular conflict between the Indian communities and haciendas" from the 1780s to the 1850s.

75. For similar interpretations on Mexico, see Coatsworth, "Railroads," 48-71; Tutino, From Insurrection to Revolution , ch. 6; González Navarro ( Anatomía , 142-47) demonstrates that attempts by national, state, or provincial governments and by local authorities to privatize Indian community lands in Central Mexico failed before 1855 against unrelenting peasant opposition.

76. T. Davies, Indian Integration in Peru , 21.

77. Sivirichi, Derecho indígena , 210ff.

78. J. Basadre, Historia de la república 3:1309.

79. Valdéz de la Torre, Evolución , 159.

80. REPA, año 1892, Meza (Dec. 21, 1892, prot. of original proceedings of Feb. 23, 1844).

81. See, for example, Valdéz de la Torre, Evolución , 159, specifically on Puno's communities.

82. Hünefeldt, "Poder y contribuciones."

83. Valdéz de la Torre, Evolución , 143.

84. "Infracciones de la Constitución en el Departamento de Puno manifestadas por la representación departamental," Dec. 1828, in Puertas Castro, José Domingo Choquehuanca , 22-27.

85. Ibid., 28.

86. Paul Marcoy in 1860 encountered a group of Indians chanting and dancing "kacharparis," the parting ceremony for mitayos during the colonial period. The ceremony was intoned for "Indians from Pujuja [ sic ] or Caminaca who the subprefect of Lampa [ sic ] has sent to work in some mine in the Raya [a mountainous border area between the altiplano and Cuzco department]"; Marcoy, Travels 1:113.

87. M. Basadre y Chocano, Riquezas peruanas , 144.

88. J. Basadre, Historia de la república 1:178; Sivirichi, Derecho indígena , 121; Jacobsen, "Taxation," 311-39.

89. Jacobsen, "Taxation," 325, table 2, where I estimate per capita tribute collection to have declined from 1.35 pesos in 1795 to 1.04 pesos in 1850, a drop of 23 percent.

90. Mean tribute collection for the Intendency of Puno during the 1790s (190,691.2 pesos) calculated from the gross intake of the cajas reales of Carabaya and Chucuito, given by TePaske and Klein, Royal Treasuries 1:99-101, 2:97-99. The number of tributarios in Puno in 1793 was estimated as follows: according to "El Obispado del Cuzco Visitado por su actual Diocesano el Y. N. D. D. Bartholomé Maria Heras . . . que lo exercía el dho. Sr. pr. todo el [ sic ] en 5 años contínuous y se dio a luz el año de 1798," reprinted facsimile in Mörner, Perfil , between pp. 132 and 133, the percentage of Indians in total population of the three altiplano partidos belonging to the bishopric of Cuzco was 86.85 percent. To arrive at total Indian population in the Intendency of Puno, I applied this percentage to total population for the intendency according to the census of Viceroy Gil y Lemos of 1793 (186,682), given by Romero, Monografía del departamento de Puno , 225; I divided the total Indian population by the conventional factor 4.5 to arrive at the number of tributarios (36,030) in the intendency. Values for 1846 were calculated as follows: according to "Estado que manifiesta el valor anual de la contribución jeneral de indíjenas y sus gastos con distinción de lo que satisfacen los poseedores de tierras y de lo que pagan los que no las tienen," in Min. de Hacienda, Memoria [1847] , 53,612 Indian tributaries were registered in the latest rolls for the Indian head tax in Puno, who were supposed to pay a total 306,926.25 pesos in 1846. But according to "Cuenta general de la administración de las rentas de la república," drawn up by the Sección de Valores of the Tribunal de Cuentas, also appended to the Memoria [1847] , by May 1847 88,073 pesos and 2.5 reales of all direct taxes owed for 1846 were still not paid (although they were to be collected during the year of assessment). The likelihood that they would have been paid in subsequent months seems remote, as the treasury of Puno also listed debts of some 480,000 pesos on direct taxes from prior years. The overwhelming part of these "quiebras,'' or tax debts, had to stem from unpaid contribución de indígenas, as it accounted for more than 95 percent of total direct taxes in the department. Even if we assume that not one real was paid on all other direct taxes owed in Puno for 1846, the debt on the Indians' contribution for that year would still have amounted to 80,493 pesos and 4.25 reales. I subtracted this sum from the amount owed according to the matrículas and arrived at the sum of 226,432 pesos 5.75 reales actually paid in contribuciones de indígenas in Puno during 1846. Dividing that sum through the number of tributaries listed in the matrículas rendered the mean Indian contribution paid per tributary.

91. Sánchez Albornóz, Indios , 43.

92. In Azángaro the ratio of originarios to forasteros stood at 1:6.6 in 1786, 1:4.5 in 1825-29, and 1:7.3 in 1843.

93. Renewed decline in Azángaro's ratio between originarios and forasteros from 1825-29 to 1843 is responsible for the declining mean per capita tax rate owed from 1825-29 to 1843.

94. Macera, Tierra y población 1:257-66. Uros were the remnants of an ancient altiplano ethnic group. Sacristanes (sextons) and yerbateros (collectors of fodder or herb?) were apparently community peasants whose families traditionally held certain offices.

95. As early as the 1790s Tadeo Haenke considered the distinction between originarios and forasteros as "ridiculous" because the forasteros "today are as originarios as those that carry that label and possibly more well off"; Haenke, Descripción del Perú , 111.

96. For precise figures and sources, see n. 90. Cf. Peralta Ruíz, En pos del tributo , chs. 3-4, for the case of Cuzco.

97. Circulars, Ramón Castilla to five subprefects of department of Puno, Oct. 18, 1834 and Nov. 17, 1834, in Instituto "Libertador Ramón Castilla," Archivo Castilla 4:146, 169.

98. By January 31, 1835, four former subdelegados or subprefects of Azángaro owed 28,703 pesos on unremitted taxes; this figure did not include debts considered uncollectable; Ramón Castilla to Ministro de Estado en el Departamento de Hacienda, Puno, Feb. 6, 1835, in ibid. 4:223-25; for the instability and contested nature of local administration, see Hünefeldt, "Poder y contribuciones."

99. See Choquehuanca, Ensayo , 60-61, on collection procedures.

100. Porras Barrenchea, Dos viajeros franceses , 53 n. d, 55; Markham, Travels , 177. Recruitment caused such horror among peasants that some young men committed suicide to escape; see Bustamante, Apuntes , 90-93.

101. Mariátegui, "El problema de la tierra," in his Siete ensayos , 69.

102. For the case of Cuzco, see Walker, "Peasants, Caudillos, and the State," chs. 5-6, and Peralta Ruíz, En pos del tributo , 67.

103. Min. de Hacienda, Memoria [1849] , 8. On the typhoid epidemic of the mid-1850s, see ch. 1.

104. M. Basadre y Chocano, Riquezas peruanas , 144.

105. Giraldo and Franch, "Hacienda y gamonalismo," 7-8; Urquiaga Vásquez, Huella histórica de Putina , 28-29, 46.

106. According to a "Padroncillo de confesiones de la doctrina del pueblo de Putina" from 1809, at least 117 españoles lived in the parish; see Urquiaga Vásquez, Huella histórica de Putina , 57-59. The vecindario (Spanish citizens) of Azángaro amounted to only eight families in 1813; see "Expediente sobre la queja presentada por el pueblo de Azángaro para que el gobierno virreynal ponga término a los desmanes que comete el subdelegado [Ramón] Escobedo," Apr. 2, 1813, BNP, MS. D 656.

107. "Expediente sobre la queja"; Putina had creole mayors at least since 1792; Urquiaga Vásquez, Huella histórica de Putina , 104.

108. Choquehuanca, Ensayo , 15 n. 1.

109. Ibid., 15-52; the mean value for "complete houses" in the late 1820s was 417 pesos, and 24 pesos for "incomplete houses" (one-room peasant cottages).

110. Choquehuanca, Ensayo , 17 n. 2; Sallnow, "Manorial Labour," 39-56.

111. Choquehuanca, Ensayo , 65; for similar observations on a ranching community in mid-nineteenth century Mexico, see González, Pueblo en vilo , 104-5.

112. "Regimiento de Dragones del Partido de Azángaro, provincia de Puno," Oct. 6, 1806, BNP.

113. Choquehuanca, Ensayo , 16 n. 1, 60.

114. Ibid., 68.

115. Ibid., 60. Choquehuanca's implicit estimate of the size of the "class" of pobres --basically one-third of the Indian population--is high. Included in this group were truly landless peasants--less than 10 percent of Indian peasants according to my estimates--and colonos on estates, although it is difficult to see why their livelihood should have been any less secure than that of middling community peasants. But according to my estimates, these two groups together amounted to only some 23 percent of the Indian peasantry. If Choquehuanca's estimate of the province's poor population is not simply too high--a distinct possibility--perhaps the poorest of the "new proprietors" also suffered periodic life-threatening scarcities. Following are my estimates of Azángaro's Indian peasantry (excluding Poto, Taraco and Pusi) according to land tenure status and tax categories between 1826 and 1835: Colonos on estates, 13.8%; originarios, 22.3%; forasteros with land, 54.7%; forasteros (excluding colonos) without land, 9.1%. For sources and method of estimation, see Jacobsen, "Land Tenure," pp. 834-41, app. 2.

116. Choquehuanca, Ensayo , 15-48.

117. "Contribución general de industria, Padrón de contribuyentes del Pueblo de Vilcapaza, Capital de la Provincia de Azángaro que empieza a regir desde el semestre de San Juan de 1850," private archive of Augusto Ramos Zambrano, Puno; for priests' life-styles in the altiplano around 1850, see Herndon and Gibbon, Exploration 2:88; Mörner, Andean Past , 133.

118. Altamirano, "La economía campesina," 93-130, suggests a preponderant role of artisanal production for peasant subsistence.

119. See Dancuart and Rodríguez, Anales 2:134; Calle, Diccionario 3:324-26.

120. "Contribución general de industria," private archive of Augusto Ramos Zambrano, Puno.

121. See Orlove, "Urban and Rural Artisans," 209.

122. On a mountain road Clements Markham encountered an "active young vicuña hunter, well mounted, and provided with a gun," who claimed to be on a wool-purchasing expedition for "the cacique Choquehuanca of Azángaro"; Travels , 196.

123. For example, the Zecenarro Mamanis' Estancia San Antonio de Lacconi, Azángaro district, in 1862 had 100 cows, more than 1,000 sheep and a "substantial string of horses and mules." REPA, año 1862, Patiño, F. 332, No. 159 (Oct. 31, 1862).

124. Choquehuanca, Ensayo , 67. During the mid-nineteenth century established families in that city kept Indian "pages," young boys serving the lady of the house and admired as something exotic. They were "purchased for a few piastres and a supply of cocoa [ sic ] and brandy" from their families in the highlands; Marcoy, Travels 1:43-44.

125. For very similar rates of rural labor employed on estates in the department of Cuzco in 1845, see Peralta Ruíz, En pos del tributo , 60-61.

126. Bustamante, Apuntes , 19; "Cuaderno de la Hacienda Quimsachata que corre desde primero de Agosto de 1841 a cargo del Mayordomo Manuel Machaca," MPA.

127. Taylor, "Earning a Living," 103-4. For multiple artisanal occupations within one family, see Herndon and Gibbon, Exploration 2:69; Mörner, Historia social latinoamericana , 187-233.

128. See, e.g., Spalding, De Indio a campesino , 192.

129. Choquehuanca, Ensayo , 65.

130. "El Obispado del Cuzco . . . año de 1798," in Mörner, Perfíl , between pp. 132 and 133; Dir. de Estadística, Resumen del censo [1876] , 93-109; "Censo de población de 1862, provincia de Azángaro," BMP.

131. On mestizos in early republican Cuzco, cf. Remy, "La sociedad," 451-84.

132. On "exclusionary" liberalism in Peru, cf. Gootenberg, "Beleaguered Liberals"; for Argentine debates, see Halperin Donghi, "Argentina." On consumption as a determinant of social status in nineteenth-century Latin America, see Bushnell and Macaulay, Emergence of Latin America , 52-53.

133. Bustamante, Los Indios del Perú , 19-20.

134. See the bond posted by the affluent peasants Francisco Zecenarro for Manuel E. Rosello, REPA, Manrique, año 1859 (Feb. 26, 1859); and Francisco Puraca for Antonio Chávez, REPA (minutes), Patiño, año 1863, F. 72 (Nov. 11, 1863).

135. Calle, Diccionario 1:268, 3:633.

136. Echenique, Memorias 2:181.

137. Leubel, El Perú , 233; ''Censo de población de 1862, provincia de Azángaro," BMP.

138. Urquiaga Vásquez, Huella histórica de Putina , 76.

139. Cf. Trazegnies, La idea de derecho , 30-36, 285-340.

1. Hunt, "Growth and Guano," 255-318; Bonilla, Guano y burguesía ; Yepez del Castillo, Perú 1820-1920 ; for Latin America in general, see Glade, "Latin America" 4:1-56.

2. Exports rose fourfold between the nadir of 1883 and 1910, from 1.4 to 6.2 million pounds sterling, and may have doubled again until 1919; British and U.S. capital investments grew nearly tenfold between 1880 and 1919, from U.S. $17 to 161 million; Thorp and Bertram, Peru 1890-1977 , 27, 338.

3. Ibid., chs. 3-7.

4. There are no reliable figures for total Peruvian wool production before the late 1930s. In 1921 estimated global wool production amounted to 3,003 million English pounds; in that year Peru exported about 14 million English pounds, including both sheep and cameloid wools. See Hamilton, Statistical Survey , 56, table 17; Wool Year Book, 1930 , 29-30.

5. Margins of error for export statistics on Peruvian wool for most years between the mid-1850s and 1920 lay in the range of 10 percent, only exceptionally rising to 20 percent. See the careful comparison of Peruvian export and British import statistics in Miller, "Wool Trade."

6. Deane and Cole, British Economic Growth , 196-201; Mues, Die Organisation , 152.

7. Based on English import prices, for lack of a long-term series of FOB Peruvian wool prices. Given the importance of currency devaluations, I calculated the soles equivalent of pound sterling import prices. I converted the values for years prior to 1863 from pesos into the decimal soles m.n., applying the conversion 1 peso = 0.80 soles m.n. Detailed wool export statistics are in Jacobsen, "Cycles and Booms," 491-500.

8. Bonilla, Gran Bretaña 4:103, 105-7, 168-69; Tschudi, Reisen durch Südamerika 5:351.

9. Lewis, Evolution , 80-81; Sabato, "Wool Trade," 65.

10. Saul, Studies , 102.

11. Report by Consul Robilliard about Mollendo trade in 1880, in Bonilla, Gran Bretaña 5:5-7; Manrique, Yawar Mayu , 103-5.

12. Report by Consul Robilliard about Mollendo trade in 1886, in Bonilla, Gran Bretaña 5:9.

13. Miller, "Wool Trade," 299; Manrique ( Yawar Mayu , 94-135) even speaks, mistakenly in my view, of the relative affluence of wool producers during the war because of increased domestic demand for the production of uniforms and other articles.

14. Sartorius von Waltershausen, Die Entstehung der Weltwirtschaft , 419; Lewis, Evolution , 280-81, table A.11.

15. For world production of wool, see Lewis, Evolution , 277, table A.10. Australia's sheep population nearly doubled between 1880 and 1895, reaching a peak of 100,940,405 in the latter year; see Mues, Die Organisation , 155, app. 9.

16. Sigsworth and Blackman, "Woolen and Worsted Industries," 142-44; Saul, Studies , 106-7.

17. Lewis, Evolution , 277-81, tables A.10, A.11.

18. Saul, Studies , 126-27.

19. For the early war crisis in Peru, see Albert and Henderson, South America , ch. 2. For mechanisms to increase wool production in response to strong demand, see Burga and Reátegui, Lanas , 47-48, 99.

20. Saul, Studies , 93.

21. Bairoch, Economic Development , 119, table 35.

22. Miller, "Wool Trade," 303-4.

23. Garland, La moneda en el Perú , 67; Quiroz, "Financial Institutions," 232-37; Thorp and Bertram, Peru 1890-1977 , 26-30; Jacobsen, "Land Tenure," 277, table 4-1.

24. Moll and Barreto, "El sistema monetario del Perú," 146-48.

25. In terms of pound sterling, earnings for the best year of this period, 1890, lay 56 percent below the best year of the 1860s, 1864.

26. Mean value of sheep wool exports from Islay and Mollendo, FOB, in soles m.n.: 1861-66: 653,891 soles; 1892-1903: 616,654 soles. To calculate FOB prices for 1892-1903, I used the mean ratio between CIF and FOB prices for 1886-92.

27. Benavides, Historia de la moneda boliviana , 39-41.

28. For Peruvian attempts to deal with Bolivian moneda feble , see Garland, La moneda en el Perú , 33-35; Echenique, Memorias 2:202-3; J. Basadre, Historia de la república 3:1451-52; on Bolivian conversion schemes, see Benavides, Historia de la moneda boliviana.

29. Min. de Hacienda y Comercio, Memoria [1890] , lxii-lxvii.

30. Guía general ; for a model of currency exchange circuits, see Burga and Reátegui, Lanas , 163-67.

31. Benavides, Historia de la moneda boliviana , 97-99.

32. Political developments in Bolivia (such as the war with Brazil over the Acre territory in 1902-3) also played a role in the depreciation of her currency. The adoption of the silver standard by China and India, and Great Britain's rush to buy silver to supply these countries, led to a brief appreciation of bolivianos and debased pesos beginning in 1904; ibid., 83.

33. Paco Gutiérrez to Ricketts, Ayaviri, May 8, 1915, Lb. 26-Interior, AFA-R.

34. Sigsworth, Black Dyke Mills , 237, 243-56; I am indebted to Gordon Appleby for this reference. Handling alpaca wool apparently became a specialized businesses in Arequipa, increasing local oligopsonistic control; personal communication from Rory Miller, Aug. 1990.

35. Hutner, Farr Alpaca Company , 32-34.

36. Sigsworth, Black Dyke Mills , 254.

37. Burga and Reátegui, Lanas , 35, speak of an "alpaca cycle" for 1915-19. Although this description is accurate for Ricketts, for southern Peru as a whole the boom years were a "sheep wool cycle." Prices and export volume for this fiber rose faster than did those for alpaca wool.

38. FOB prices as a percentage of CIF prices for alpaca wools developed as follows: 1861-66: 68.7%; 1886-91: 74.0%; 1928-29: 74.7%. There were enormous fluctuations from year to year within these periods. This fact, along with the unexpectedly large difference between CIF and FOB prices, suggests that the alpaca market was more speculative than was the sheep wool market.

39. On the correlation between southern Peruvian wool exports and international Kondratieff cycles, see Jacobsen, "Cycles and Booms."

40. According to the National Wool Producers Association, in 1942 about 4,085 tons of sheep wool and 2,318 tons of alpaca wool were either exported or consumed by factories in all of Peru. A further 2,000 tons, undifferentiated as to type of wool, was estimated to be used by Indian household production or urban artisans. If we generously assume that 50 percent of household and artisanal consumption pertained to alpaca wools, then total national wool production would have consisted of about 58.2 percent sheep wool, 38 percent alpaca wool, and 3.8 percent llama and huarizo wool. (A huarizo is a cross between a llama and an alpaca.) In the south the share of alpaca was perhaps higher. See Memoria . . . de la Industria Lanar , 56.

41. Duffield, Peru , 15-16.

42. Forbes, On the Aymara Indians , 69-70.

43. See Burga and Reátegui, Lanas , 88. I estimate the community peasants' and hacienda colonos' share of cameloids in Azángaro province around 1920 at between 60 and 70 percent; see Jacobsen, "Land Tenure," 871-81, app. 6.

44. Thorp and Bertram, Peru 1890-1977 , 33-35, 348-49 (tables A.4.2, A.4.3); Wright, The Old and the New Peru , 448; Yepez del Castillo, Perú 1820-1920 , 171-72; Boloña, "Tariff Policies," 83, table 3.3.

45. Report by Vice-Consul Robilliard about Mollendo trade in 1902, in Bonilla, Gran Bretaña 4:52.

46. Thorp and Bertram, Peru 1890-1977 , 124-27; Lewis, Evolution , 170-71.

47. Table 5.5 exaggerates that slump for the years 1886 to 1901, however, as mineral exports from Bolivia, not listed separately in available trade statistics until 1902, contributed a growing share to total Mollendo exports until the completion of the rail link from La Paz to Arica in 1914.

48. Jacobsen, "Free Trade," 153; Reports by British vice consuls about Mollendo trade for 1898, 1900, 1901, and 1908-9, in Bonilla, Gran Bretaña 4:32, 40-47, 79; Dunn, Peru , 464-65.

49. See reports by the British consuls on Islay and Mollendo trade for 1862, 1863, 1871, and 1878 in Bonilla, Gran Bretaña 4:133, 144, 190-91, 257; on the decline of silver mining between the late 1840s and 1890, see Deustua, "Producción minera." For the crucial role of transport costs for mining in the central sierra, see Contreras, "Mineros." For Bolivian and Mexican mining conjunctures, cf. Mitre, Los patriarcas de la plata ; Urrutia de Strebelski and Nava Oteo, ''La minería," 119-45.

50. Reports by British consuls about Mollendo trade for 1890, 1898, 1900, 1901, 1902, 1906-7, 1908-9 and 1910-11, in Bonilla, Gran Bretaña 4:17, 32, 40, 47, 52, 74, 79, 87; Wright, The Old and the New Peru , 357.

51. Export of coinage, considerable during some years, appears to have been linked not to balance-of-trade deficits but rather to the attempted withdrawal of Bolivian currency from circulation in southern Peru during the 1890s. Report by British Vice-Consul Rowlands about Mollendo trade in 1908-9, in Bonilla, Gran Bretaña 4:79; Deustua, "El ciclo interno," 23-49.

52. A table on Islay and Mollendo's balance of trade, 1853-1931, can be obtained from the author.

53. Dunn, Peru , 24.

54. Imports through Mollendo accounted for between 7.2 and 11.0 percent of national imports from 1909 to 1916. Total southern Peruvian imports were somewhat higher.

55. Appleby, "Exportation and Its Aftermath," 81.

56. Burga and Reátegui, Lanas , 151.

57. My own calculation, based on Montavon, Wearing Apparel in Peru , 16-21.

58. Montavon, Wearing Apparel in Peru .

59. Krüggeler, "Lifestyles in the Peruvian Countryside."

60. REPP, Cáceres, año 1858 (Aug. 17, 1858).

61. REPP, año 1890 II, San Martín, No. 18 (Apr. 30, 1890).

62. Mercedes Martínez to Manuel E. Paredes; Puno, Feb. 17, 1873, MPA.

63. Will of Mariano Wenceslao Enríquez, in REPP, año 1909, Garnica, F. 375, No. 187 (Oct. 27, 1909).

64. Markham, Travels , 76 n. 6.

65. Appleby, "Exportation and Its Aftermath," 84-85; see also the inventory of a Puno store, in REPP, año 1890 II, San Martín, No. 18 (Apr. 30, 1890).

66. Import substitution of textiles advanced faster for Peru as a whole than for the south. Between 1911 and 1914 textiles and clothing accounted for only 19-22 percent of total national imports. See Thorp and Bertram, Peru 1890-1977 , 119, table 6.4; Boloña, "Tariff Policies," 253-63.

67. Southern Peru's imports of staple foods, primarily wheat flour from Chile, accounted for only 5-10 percent of total imports between the 1860s and the years of World War I, growing roughly proportionate to the general growth of imports. Before the 1920s there are no signs of serious longer-term food shortages in the region. Report about Islay trade in 1863 by Consul Cocks, in Bonilla, Gran Bretaña 4:140; and table on Mollendo imports, 1910-31, constructed by author. Vincent Peloso, in his article "Succulence and Sustenance," argues that price and availability of staple foods, especially bread, became a political issue in Peru first during the 1860s and especially after the War of the Pacific. It was an issue for working classes of Lima, not the altiplano peasantry.

68. Markham, History , 498; Markham, Travels , 102-3.

69. Burga and Reátegui, Lanas , 179.

70. I chose 1840 as starting point since the small initial wool exports around 1830 would have distorted the picture.

71. These are low estimates, especially for 1917. They refer to peak years of wool exports and are based on an assumption of linear absolute growth of livestock populations between 1830 and 1917. In fact, the absolute growth of flocks must have been considerably larger between about 1890 and 1917 than before. Thus the share of domestically retained wools in southern Peru by the end of World War I is likely to have grown back to about two-thirds in the case of sheep wool and one-third in the case of alpaca wool. For 1942 the Junta Nacional de la Industria Lanar estimated that of a total of 8,667.9 metric tons of wools of all types, 5,148,8 tons, about 60 percent, were retained domestically. See Memoria . . . de la Industria Lanar , 56.

72. Wright, The Old and the New Peru , 448; Yepez del Castillo, Perú 1820-1920 , 171-72; Burga and Reátegui, Lanas , 138-39.

73. Burga and Reátegui, Lanas , 136-37; Wright, The Old and the New Peru , 448.

74. Yepez del Castillo, Perú 1820-1920 , 171-72; the author's claim that domestic industrial wool production was about 10 percent of wool exports is misleading, as he includes both sheep and alpaca wools in the export figures. Domestic factories consumed practically no alpaca wool.

75. Even if all of the 680 tons of sheep wool consumed by domestic factories had been produced in southern Peru, the share of sheep wool processed in peasant households could be estimated at 52.2 percent in 1918. For alpaca wool I have assumed that nearly all fiber not exported was processed in peasant households.

76. Sereni, Capitalismo y mercado nacional , 99-119.

77. Cf. Jacobsen, "Free Trade," 145-75.

78. Burga and Flores Galindo, Apogeo , 121; Burga and Reátegui, Lanas , 37-39.

79. Burga and Reátegui, Lanas , 37; Dunn, Peru , 144-50.

80. Forbes, On the Aymara Indians , 57; Guía general , 213.

81. Romero, Monografía del departamento de Puno , 506-7.

82. Appleby, "Exportation and Its Aftermath," 100-107.

83. T. Platt, Estado boliviano , chs. 1-2.

84. Manrique, Mercado interno , esp. 139-41, 191-94, 265-70; Wilson, "Propiedad e ideología," 36-54; Burga, "El Perú central," 227-310; Mallon, Defense of Community , ch. 4.

85. Cf. Jacobsen, "Free Trade"; on effective protection during the early 1890s, see Boloña, "Tariff Policies," 91-92.

86. Grandidier, Voyage , 50; the four companies were probably Gibbs and Company, Jack Brothers, Braillard et Compagnie, and Guillermo Harmsen y Compañía.

87. Report by Consul Vines about Islay trade during 1870 and 1871, in Bonilla, Gran Bretaña 4:189.

88. The wool business of Peña and Escobedo was significant enough for their names to appear in a 1856 report sent to the manufacturer Foster in England together with those of the four foreign companies as principal alpaca wool buyers; see Sigsworth, Black Dyke Mills , 236-37.

89. Will of José Mariano Escobedo of Oct. 24, 1859, in REPAr, año 1870-71, J. Cárdenas, F. 811.

90. REPAr, año 1852, J. Cárdenas (Mar. 5, 1852); REPA, año 1863, Manrique, F. 10, No. 7 (Jan. 27, 1863).

91. REPAr, año 1867, J. Cárdenas (May 31, 1867).

92. REPP, Cáceres, año 1859 (Oct. 8, 1859).

93. Ibid.

94. Ibid.

95. Bedoya, Estadísticas .

96. REPP, año 1871, Cáceres (Apr. 27, 1871); REPP, año 1874, Cáceres (Oct. 7, 1874).

97. First will of Antonio Amenábar in REPP, año 1865, Cáceres (Nov. 17, 1865).

98. Second will of Antonio Amenábar in REPP, año 1875, Cáceres (Aug. 24, 1875).

99. Ibid.

100. REPA, año 1865, Patiño, F. 58, No. 22 (May 26, 1865).

101. REPP, año 1857, Cáceres (June 10, 1857).

102. REPP, año 1857, Cáceres (June 18, 1857); REPP, año 1861, Cáceres (July 12, 1861).

103. REPP, año 1881, Cáceres (July 18, 1881).

104. Markham, Travels , 77.

105. Tschudi, Reisen durch Südamerika 5:195.

106. Markham, History , 452.

107. Romero, Monografía del departamento de Puno , 468.

108. Report by Consul Cocks about Islay trade in 1862, in Bonilla, Gran Bretaña 4:136.

109. Ibid.

110. Bonilla, Gran Bretaña 4:235; Romero, Monografía del departamento de Puno , 514-15; Min. de Fomento, Dir. de Obras Públicas y Vias de Comunicación, Economía , 41 (with wrong date, 1876, for opening of rail line).

111. Romero, Monografía , 492-93; Appleby, ''Exportation and Its Aftermath," 114-15.

112. Appleby, "Exportation and Its Aftermath," 111.

113. The extension of the rail line into Cuzco department was begun only in the early 1890s; it reached the Imperial City in 1908; Min. de Fomento, Economía , 41-42.

114. Report by British Consul Graham about Islay Trade in 1874, in Bonilla, Gran Bretaña 4:241; Dunn, Peru , 57.

115. See Coatsworth, Growth Against Development , ch. 4.

116. I am indebted to Rory Miller (personal communication, Aug., 1990) for these ideas. Cf his thesis, "British Business," 290-94; and his article, "Grace Contract," 324-28.

117. Report by British Consul Graham about Islay trade, 1875; report by British Vice-Consul Robilliard about Mollendo trade, 1900; both in Bonilla, Gran Bretaña 4:39, 244.

118. On the establishment of the Peruvian Corporation by former bondholders of Peru's foreign debt, see Miller, "Making of the Grace Contract."

119. Miller, "British Business," 350-52, app. A. Yet the French commercial attaché, Auguste Plane, claimed that in 1903 the Peruvian Corporation charged 7.04 soles m.n. per 100 kilograms of freight from Sicuani, the northernmost wool-trading center in Cuzco's Canas province, to Mollendo, while the freight charge for the same 100 kilograms would be about 3.80 soles m.n. if transported by llama; Plane, Le Pérou , 55; I calculated the freight by llama on the basis that the distance from Sicuani to Mollendo is 500 kilometers; freight charges for mule transport would have lain between the railroad and llama rates. In 1931 the Peruvian Corporation charged about 7.00 soles m.n. for just under 100 kilograms of wool from Estación de Pucará to Arequipa; see Manuel Paredes to Ricketts, Azángaro, Sept. 8, 1931, Lb. 601, AFA-R.

120. H. Sánchez to Ricketts, Cojata, Dec. 5, 1923, Lb. 381, AFA-R.

121. Bertram, "Modernización," 7-11, 17; Min. de Fomento, Economía , 43.

122. Interview with José Luis Lescano, long-time chairman of the Asociación Ganadera del Departmento de Puno, Puno, Nov. 25, 1975; Carlos Barreda, "Carneros: La industria de las lanas en el Perú y el departamento de Puno," La vida agrícola 6:65 (1929), 355-62, reprinted in Flores Galindo, Arequipa , 159, app. 6.

123. REPA, año 1910, Jiménez, F. 779, No. 337 (Aug. 12, 1910); REPP, año 1910, González, F. 42, No. 16 (Feb. 17, 1910).

124. Romero, Monografía del departamento de Puno , 477.

125. "J. A. Lizares Quiñones se presenta ante la consideración de su pueblo" (flyer; n.p., n.d. [probably early 1932]), in MPA; Paz-Soldán, La región Cuzco-Puno , 23, 68; Diez Canseco, La red nacional de carreteras , 118; Dunn, Peru , 76, 89. On other new communication infrastructure in Azángaro (telegraph line and postal serive), see REPA, año 1907, Jiménez, F. 483, No. 190 (Sept. 19, 1907); Romero, Monografía del departamento de Puno , 484; and REPA, año 1903, Jiménez, F. 536, No. 214 (Dec. 12, 1903).

126. Flores Galindo, Arequipa , 83.

127. Appleby, "Exportation and Its Aftermath," 110.

128. Ibid., 111.

129. Ibid., 115-16.

130. The brothers Edward and Thomas Sothers, for example, British residents of Puno in 1885, called themselves "merchants and miners." They were exporting alpaca and sheep wool by consignment to Henry Kendall and Sons, London; REPP, año 1885, Cáceres (Feb. 4, 1885).

131. REPP, año 1890 II, San Martín, No. 18 (Apr. 30, 1890).

132. Interview with Agustín Román (born 1892), Azángaro, May 15, 1977.

133. Appleby, "Exportation and Its Aftermath," 85.

134. REPA, año 1901, Jiménez, F. 336, No. 123 (Sept. 4, 1901).

135. Interview with Agustín Román, Azángaro, May 15, 1977; for similar life histories of newcomer traders in Azángaro, see Jacobsen, "Land Tenure," 327.

136. Lb. 19 (1912), AFA-R; interview with Agustín Román, Azángaro, May 15, 1977.

137. Raimondi, El Perú 1:132.

138. M. C. Rodríguez to G. Ricketts, Rosaspata, Dec. 1, 1904, unnumbered Lb, AFA-R.

139. Appleby, "Exportation and Its Aftermath," 57.

140. M. C. Rodríguez to G. Ricketts, Rosaspata, Dec. 1, 1904, unnumbered Lb., AFA-R.

141. Orlove, Alpacas, Sheep, and Men , 142.

142. REPA, año 1888, González Figueroa, F. 21, No. 12 (Mar. 14, 1888).

143. REPA, año 1907, Jiménez, F. 3, No. 2 (Jan. 8, 1907).

144. Orlove, Alpacas, Sheep, and Men , 49.

145. The operations of the wool-export houses have been studied thoroughly by Appleby, Burga and Reátegui, and Orlove, and the following discussion is largely based on their work: Appleby, "Exportation and Its Aftermath," esp. ch. 2; Appleby, "Markets," 27-34; Burga and Reátegui, Lanas ; Orlove, Alpacas, Sheep, and Men , ch. 4.

146. Appleby, "Exportation and Its Aftermath," 55-56.

147. Ibid.; Sabato, "Wool Trade."

148. Appleby, "Exportation and Its Aftermath," 62-63.

149. Ibid., 58.

150. Fischer to Castresana, Picotani, Aug. 9, 1908, AFA-P. Large wool producers in Argentina also sold directly to exporters; see Sabato, "Wool Trade," 55.

151. Guía general , 207-9.

152. Olivares to Ricketts, Cabanillas, n.d., Lb. 273, AFA-R, as cited in Appleby, "Exportation and Its Aftermath," 60-61.

153. On marketing of South American wools in Europe, see Behnsen and Genzmer, Weltwirtschaft , 36-39; on Peruvian wools, see Orlove, Alpacas, Sheep, and Men , 35-37.

154. Sociedad Ganadera del Departamento de Puno, Memoria presentado al supremo gobierno , 5-6.

155. Appleby, "Exportation and Its Aftermath," 63.

156. See, e.g., Solórzano to Ricketts, Putina, June 8, 1902, unnumbered Lb., AFA-R, where Solórzano offered sixty-six quintales of alpaca wool to Ricketts and Ratti and would sell to the highest bidder; see also Burga and Reátegui, Lanas , 84-85.

157. Sociedad Ganadera del Departamento de Puno, Memoria presentado al supremo gobierno , 5-6; Appleby, "Exportation and Its Aftermath," 63.

158. See, e.g., will of Manuel Diaz Cano, REPA, año 1895, Meza, F. 148, No. 62 (Aug. 19, 1895); will of Adoraida Gallegos, REPP, año 1901, González, F. 639, No. 268 (Sept. 5, 1901).

159. REPP, año 1877, Cáceres (Dec. 8, 1877); REPP, año 1878, Cáceres (June 18, 1878); REPP, año 1881, Cáceres (July 21, 1881).

160. Flores Galindo, Arequipa , 91.

161. REPP, año 1875, Cáceres (Nov. 11, 1875).

162. Quiroz, "Financial Institutions," 54, table 3.

163. Universidad Mayor de San Marcos, Discurso , 18-19.

164. Quiroz, "Financial Institutions," 77-78, 249-50, 340-63.

165. Burga and Reátegui, Lanas , 58.

166. Universidad Mayor de San Marcos, Discurso , 21-23.

167. Burga and Reátegui, Lanas , 58.

168. Interview with Agustín Román, Azángaro, May 15, 1977.

169. Appleby, "Exportation and Its Aftermath," 61.

170. Orlove, Alpacas, Sheep, and Men , 49.

171. Guía general , 207-9.

172. Roca Sánchez, Por la clase indígena , 169; Lazarte to Ricketts, Santa Rosa, Feb. 12, 1930, Lb. 556, AFA-R, as cited by Appleby, "Exportation and Its Aftermath," 62. By the 1920s this practice had become so disruptive in towns such as Sicuani and Ayaviri that even some of the merchants themselves called for legal steps against alcanzadores, who were hated by the Indians and ultimately hurt the business of the towns; see Burga and Reátegui, Lanas , 105.

173. Burga and Reátegui, Lanas , 207-9, 213; Roca Sánchez, Por la clase indígena , 169.

174. Petition by Indians of parcialidad Quiñota, Chumbivilcas, May 12, 1882, cited in Manrique, Yawar Mayu , 113.

175. Report of Commission, in Roca Sánchez, Por la clase indígena , 219.

176. Nieto to Ricketts, Puno, Sept. 30, 1927, Lb. 493; Lazarte to Ricketts, Santa Rosa, Feb. 1, 1930, Lb. 556, AFA-R.

177. Forbes, On the Aymara Indians , 35-36.

178. See Molino Rivero, "La tradicionalidad," 603-36.

179. Medina to Castresana, Picotani, May 12, 1907, AFA-P. By 1920 a regular Sunday market functioned in Sandia, where peasants from communities and haciendas in Azángaro and Huancané province offered fresh mutton, dried meat, cheese, lard, butter, bread, baizes, and serge in exchange for maize and coca leaves; exchanges were becoming more impersonal, intensive, and perhaps monetarized in contrast to the annual barter expeditions often connecting specific communities and families over generations; see Guía general , 229.

180. Lazarte to Ricketts, Cabanillas, Nov. 1, 1919, Lb. 281, AFA-R.

181. Rodríguez to Ricketts, Santa Rosa, Sept. 8, 1918, Lb. 261, AFA-R.

182. Pujalt to Ricketts, Nov. 18, 1917, Lb. 229, AFA-R; Burga and Reátegui, Lanas , 106.

183. Saravia to Ricketts, Cojata, Apr. 13, 1932, Lb. 619, AFA-R.

184. Sánchez to Ricketts, Moho, Sept. 14, 1926, Lb. 452, AFA-R.

185. Arturo López de Romaña to Ricketts, Lagunillas, Feb. 21, 1918, Lb. 260, AFA-R; Guía general , 213; Burga and Reátegui, Lanas , 97. In November 1919 peasants refused to accept a contract to weave cordoncillo (round lace), "because it is time to sow the chacras and they are very busy"; A. Ratti to Ricketts, Nov. 19, 1919, Lb. 281, AFA-R. During celebrations wools could not be expedited for a week or more because "all the Indians . . . go back to their estancias and one cannot count on them for sorting, packing, and hauling"; Francisco Mariño to Ricketts, Puno, Feb. 9, 1929, Lb. 540, AFA-R. The labor market, like the commodity market, was embedded into the agricultural cycle.

186. Burga and Reátegui, Lanas , 104-5; on separation between long-distance trade and local trade provisioning urban elites, see Appleby, "Exportation and Its Aftermath," 185-86. Among peasants long-distance trade was a male activity, and local marketplace sales of small quantities of foodstuffs was a female activity.

187. Saravia to Ricketts, Cojata, Aug. 1, 1924, Lb. 418, AFA-R.

1. Recharte to Juan Bustamante, Azángaro, Feb. 17, 1867, published in El Comercio , Lima, Sept. 12, 1867, rpt. E. Vásquez, La rebelión de Juan Bustamante , 301-3.

2. For a discussion of the sources, see Jacobsen, "Land Tenure," ch. 5.

3. Fuenzalida, "Poder, raza y etnía," in Fuenzalida et al., El Indio y el poder , 63-64.

4. For annual land sales statistics, see Jacobsen, "Land Tenure," app. 4.

5. Giraldo and Franch, "Hacienda y gamonalismo," 51, place the peak of land sales in 1915.

6. See the sale of Estancia Huilapata, ayllu Hurinsaya-Cullco of Azángaro district, by the forty-two-year-old widow Eugenia Umasuyo y Condori, a monolingual Quechua speaker living in the same ayllu, to Carlos Abelardo Sarmiento y Espinoza for 100 soles m.n. Umasuyo was shepherdess on Sarmiento's Finca Cullco and was indebted to her patrón over missing livestock. With an extension of one square kilometer, Huilapata would have brought considerably more if sold by a hispanized large landholder. See REPA, año 1903, Jiménez, F. 363, No. 165 (Sept. 15, 1903).

7. Konetzke, Die Indianerkulturen , 51-53.

8. Brading, Haciendas and Ranchos , 63. For an unsatisfactory attempt to explain the switch from the term estancia to hacienda for the large estates in Chile's central valley during the eighteenth century, see Borde and Góngora, Evolución 1:58. Any explanation will have to deal with an apparent shift in the perception of the socioeconomic differentiation between various rural properties and their owners. For the conventional use of estancia for large estates during the eighteenth century in the altiplano, see deslinde of Estancia San Francisco de Purina, Asillo, by Mateo de Suero y González, Juez Visitador de Tierras, of June 23, 1717, contained in Expediente Judicial on Deslinde of San Francisco de Purina, Juez de Primera Instancia J. A. Pacheco Andia, Azángaro, Mar. 13, 1915, AJA; Macera, Mapas coloniales de haciendas cuzqueñas , 21-25. For the early use of term hacienda , see accusations against Cacique Joséf Choquehuanca, Dec. 1, 1782-Jan. 3, 1783, Materias Sobre Tierras e Indios, EC Año 1783, No. 76, ANB. Particularly striking is the persistent use of hacienda for Azángaro's estates during the early postindependence years in Choquehuanca, Ensayo .

9. For example, on June 23, 1855, Juan Paredes mortgaged his "Estancia Huancarani" in Azángaro, the same estate that ten years earlier in an evaluation had already been referred to as an hacienda. REPA, año 1855 Oblitas (June 23, 1855); evaluation of Hda. Huancarani, Azángaro, Apr. 12, 1845, MPA. For other late applications of the term estancia to properties soon to be referred to only as haciendas or fincas , see REPA, año 1855 (Jan. 22, 1855); REPA, año 1855, Manrique (Aug. 23, 1855); REPA, año 1859, Manrique (June 12, 1859).

10. Bustamante, Apuntes , 17-19.

11. Recent reports by governmental or international organizations tend to view "estancia" as a minimal settlement nucleus, below the level of "aldea," "pueblo," or nonnucleated "comunidad.'' See Comité Interamericano de Desarrollo Agrícola, Tenencia de la tierra , 128 n. 23. This use of the term first appears in the 1940 national population census. See Dir. de Estadística, Censo nacional [1940] 8:88-119.

12. Juan Chávez Molina, "La comunidad indígena," Lanas y Lanares , nos. 8-9, 1947, reproduced in Flores Galindo, Arequipa , 165.

13. Zea, "Constatación." A property that had passed from a peasant to a member of Azángaro's elite did not immediately cease to be an estancia. See the use of the term estancia for denoting the constitutive parts of Hacienda Rosario, Potoni district, in REPA, año 1899, Paredes, F. 53, No. 26 (Apr. 25, 1899). Well-established sectors of haciendas are called cabañas or tianas in the altiplano but estancias in Cuzco; see Burga and Flores Galindo, Apogeo , 21.

14. Use of the terms inmueble and fundo became common after the establishment of the Registro de la Propiedad Inmueble in Puno in the late 1880s.

15. The distinction between fincas and haciendas was blurred in contemporary usage, but fincas tended to be small estates.

16. For a definition using size as the criterion, see V. Jiménez, Breves apuntes , 10-12; for a definition based on minimal livestock capital, see Quiroga, La evolución jurídica , 68 n.; for a definition based on production, see Burga and Flores Galindo, Apogeo , 150 n. 3.

17. François Bourricaud noted that in Puno "the size of the hacienda varies, the very hacendado as social type is far from being homogeneous, and the agricultural activities to which the hacienda dedicates itself also vary"; Cambios en Puno , 128.

18. Favre, "Evolución," 347; see also M. Vásquez ( Hacienda , 9-10), who stresses the large extension of haciendas.

19. For the opposite view--that is, that the War of the Pacific strengthened the position of gamonales vis-à-vis the peasantry in the southern sierra--see Manrique, Yawar Mayu , 116-24.

20. REPA, año 1881, González Figueroa, F. 140, No. 73 (Sept. 10, 1881); REPA, año 1876, Zavala, F. 7, No. 5 (Aug. 24, 1876).

21. Hobsbawm, "Peasant Land Occupations," 151.

22. Jean Piel claims a general inverse relation between the conditions of peasants and hacendados; see "Place of the Peasantry," 119-20.

23. This period coincides with one of the peak periods of land transfers from peasant communities to haciendas in the department of La Paz, Bolivia; see Grieshaber, "La expansión," 33-83; Rivera Cusicanqui, "La expansión del latifundio."

24. See Urquiaga, Sublevaciones , 36; Bertram, "Modernización," 7; Hazen, "Awakening of Puno," 20; Appleby, ''Exportation and Its Aftermath," 42-43; Burga and Flores Galindo, Apogeo , 117-18; Chevalier, "Temoignages litteraires," 824-25. Chevalier erroneously believed that the main phase of hacienda expansion followed World War I.

25. Urquiaga, Sublevaciones , 36.

26. The year-to-year correlation (Pearson's r ) between prices for Peruvian sheep wool in soles m.n. at British ports of importation and the number of land purchases by hispanized large landholders from indigenous peasant from 1855 until 1910 is r = .66 and r 2 = .44 (significant at the .00001 level); for the same period the correlation between the same measure of prices for Peruvian sheep wool and the value of the same category of land purchases is r = .63 and r 2 = .40 (significant at the .00001 level). Oscillations appear stronger for hacendado land purchases than for wool exports, particularly after 1895. Perhaps hacendados did not attempt to fine-tune their expansion strategy to a particular level of economic conjuncture, attempting instead to acquire as much pastureland as possible when demand for livestock products increased. Under opposite economic conditions, when falling wool prices or export volumes reduced their income and credit became tighter, individual hacendados perhaps did not consider slowly reducing their land purchases but halted them altogether, at least as far as they involved immediate outlays of cash.

27. Although during 1914-15 a slump in the quantity of wool exports through Mollendo is not noticeable, apparently wholesalers reduced their purchases in the production zone, and credit--in contrast to the classical cycle in industrialized capitalist nations--became tight. See Burga and Reátegui, Lanas , 34.

28. Hazen, "Awakening of Puno," 139-50; D. Mayer, "La historia," 291-92; Bustamante Otero, "Mito y realidad"; Ramos Zambrano, Movimientos .

29. Spalding, "Estructura de clases," 26. For the general model of a class alliance between the national oligarchy and the provincial serrano elites, see Cotler, Clases , 128-29, 158-60, and Mallon, Defense of Community , 134-35; for Azángaro, see Avila, ''Exposició," 13; for the case of La Paz, see Grieshaber, "La expansión," 42-53.

30. For a debate of Spalding's ideas, see Jacobsen, "Desarrollo económico"; for an alternative to the dependency-class alliance model of Peru's political regime during the "Aristocratic Republic" (1895-1919), see Miller, "La oligarquía costeña," 551-66.

31. "Memoria del Subprefecto," 74-65.

32. Frisancho, Del Jesuitismo al indianismo ; on Frisancho's life, see Frisancho Pineda, Album de oro 4:153.

33. Frisancho, Del Jesuitismo al indianismo , 31-32.

34. Ibid., 29, 38.

35. Such a military man was Lieutenant Colonel Juan Manuel Sarmiento, born in Tacna, who was purchasing land in San José during the early 1890s. See, e.g., REPA, año 1891, Meza, F. 12, No. 6 (Feb. 3, 1891). In another case, César Rubina had apparently arrived in the province during the War of the Pacific, married the Azangarina Bernardina Hermosilla, and purchased land during the early 1880s. In 1883 or 1884 Rubina left Azángaro in the division of Colonel Remigio Morales Bermúudez, with whom he marched to Lima. After having received no information as to his whereabouts for several years, in 1888 Bernardina Hermosilla successfully petitioned for the right to act independently in legal matters. See REPA, año 1888, González Figueroa, F. 66, No. 34 (Sept. 28, 1888).

36. Peru, Registro electoral [1897] .

37. Often renters had to pay a lump sum ( juanillo ) at the beginning of the contract period, a nonrefundable deposit amounting up to several annual rental fees. This deposit has not been considered in calculating average rental rates. For methodology of arriving at this index see Jacobsen, "Land Tenure," 431-32.

38. Jacobsen, "Land Tenure," 427, table 5-21.

39. Jiménez, Breves apuntes , 84-85, quotes average rental rates for different classes of estates as follows: First-class fincas: 15 percent on productive stock and 6 percent on excess carrying capacity. Second-class fincas: 12 percent on productive stock and 5 percent on excess carrying capacity. Third-class fincas: 10 percent on productive stock and 4 percent on excess carrying capacity.

40. See the lease of Hacienda Cuturi, districts Arapa and Santiago, at 9 percent (in soles m.n.), REPP, año 1911, González, F. 543, No. 221 (Sept. 16, 1911); and the lease of Hacienda Cututuni, also Arapa district, at 8 percent (in soles m.n.), REPP, año 1917, Aramayo González, F. 235, No. 106 (July 8, 1917).

41. In some cases rental rates did decline during the 1870s. The prospective tenant of Hacienda Huatacoa, in Santiago de Pupuja, wrote in 1871: "If for six or seven years past there has been some increase in the rent of fincas in view of the increase [in the price] of their products, presently, since [the price of their products] has decreased again, . . . it is clear that the only reason that could . . . justify the increased rental rate has disappeared." He suggested, and was granted, a reduction of the rental rate to 10 percent (in pesos; 8 percent in soles m.n.); see REPP, año 1871, Cáceres (May 17, 1871).

42. Larger estates seldom appeared on the rental market after 1890.

43. REPP, año 1913, González F. 224, No. 75 (Apr. 23, 1913); Jacobsen "Land Tenure," 439, table 5-23.

44. Jacobsen, "Land Tenure," 440.

45. The decline and subsequent stagnation of the sales price for Hacienda Cala-Cala in Chupa, a large estate since colonial times, from the late 1860s to 1900 may be due to transactions between brothers and sisters, but decay of livestock capital and buildings and installations cannot be ruled out.

46. Slatta, Gauchos and the Vanishing Frontier , 143, reports a jump of land prices of 250 percent in the vicinity of Buenos Aires from 1852 to 1860 in response to rising wool prices in England; see also Sabato, Agrarian Capitalism , 53-56.

47. Jacobsen, "Land Tenure," 448, table 5-26.

48. REPA, año 1908, Jiménez, F. 801, No. 320 (Apr. 24, 1908).

49. REPP, año 1888, Cáceres (June 22, 1888); REPA, año 1907, Jiménez, F. 127, No. 48 (Mar. 27, 1907).

50. REPA, año 1910, Jiménez, F. 711, No. 306 (June 25, 1910), and F. 790, No. 340 (Aug. 13, 1910). For an even larger speculative gain on peasant lands, see the string of property exchanges ( permutas ) transacted by Ildefonso González, a gamonal and livestock trader from Arapa, with peasants; Jacobsen, "Land Tenure," 450-51.

51. "Partido de Lampa . . .; Estado que manifiesta . . ."; Lampa, May 23, 1808, BNP; Juan Medrano to Juan Paredes, Caira, Nov. 1857, MPA.

52. Macera, Mapas coloniales de haciendas cuzqueñas , cxlvii-cxlviii; REPP, año 1853, Cáeres (Oct. 5, 1853).

53. Macera, Mapas coloniales de haciendas cuzqueñas , cxlvii-cxlviii; REPA, año 1863, Patiño, F. 53, No. 18 (Apr. 22, 1863).

54. Jacobsen, "Land Tenure," 458, table 5-28.

55. For the formation of Finca Santa Clara, see the sale of twenty-two different plots in parcialidad Chejachi of district Saman by some sixty to seventy peasants to Ildefonso González Abarca for a total of 1,229 soles m.n., REPA, año 1904, Jiménez, F. 631, No. 245 (Jan. 19, 1904). On Finca San Juan of Mariano Abarca Dueñas, see RPIP, T. 6, F. 52, p. clxxiv, A. 1 (June 8, 1914); although San Juan does not appear in the "Matrícula de contribuyentes de predios rústicos" for Azángaro of 1897, it does appear in that for 1902. The above-cited 1914 anotación preventiva in RPIP refers to a demarcation proceeding between San Juan and adjoining peasant properties of July 5, 1901, precisely during the interval between the two matrículas. This conflict and Abarca Dueñas' delay in having the judicial demarcation entered in the property register until 1914 suggest that the formation of San Juan involved usurpation of lands.

56. Frisancho, Del Jesuitismo al indianismo , 39; Frisancho, Algunas vistas fiscales , 33; Mariano Abarca Dueñas seems to have been one of the main instigators of the clashes with peasants; see Francisco Chukiwanca Ayulo, "Relación de los hechos realizados en Azángaro el 1 de Diciembre de 1915," El Deber Pro-Indígena, Boletín Extraordinario , no. 40 (Jan. 1916), rpt. Reátegui Chávez, Documentos , 23.

57. Salas Perea, Monografía , 165.

58. See Jacobsen, "Land Tenure," 480, table 5-33.

59. As population increased, communities split into several new ones. One and the same community name appearing in various notarial contracts might refer to different entities. See Hobsbawn, "Peasant Land Occupations," 126, 143. For methodological problems, see Jacobsen, "Land Tenure," 483.

60. Jacobsen, "Land Tenure," 487, table 5-35.

61. Florencia Mallon has demonstrated the impact of such local factors on communities in the Mantaro valley in her study The Defense of Community .

62. Sociedad Ganadera del Departamento de Puno, Memorial , 8. See also the apologia of José Luis Quiñones, a hacendado and deputy for Azángaro in congress, against accusations of brutal and selfish repression of peasant demands in the wake of the so-called Bustamante rebellion; El comercio , Sept. 14, 1867, reprinted in E. Vásquez, La rebelión de Juan Bustamante , 305-6.

63. Lora Cam, La semifeudalidad , 132; I am indebted to Gordon Appleby for excerpts of this thesis. For the same view, see Giraldo and Franch, "Hacienda y gamonalismo," 63.

64. Cf. Giraldo and Franch, "Hacienda y gamonalismo," 55.

65. REPP, año 1888, Cáceres (Apr. 17, 1888); Giraldo and Franch, "Hacienda y gamonalismo," 141-42.

66. José Rufino Echenique, the later president, mentions Sollocota as belonging to his family in 1834; see his Memorias 1:90.

67. REPA, año 1871, Patiño, F. 399, No. 186 (Apr. 26, 1871).

68. REPA, año 1902, Jiménez, F. 631, No. 231, and F. 636, No. 232 (both Apr. 12, 1902).

69. REPP, año 1903, Jiménez, F. 48, No. 22 (Feb. 6, 1903). Increasingly indebted, the Riquelmes had become impoverished, and the livestock capital of Quimsacalco declined from 4,000 OMR in 1860 to 1,000 in 1881 and to zero by the time of the sale to Urquiaga and Echenique. REPP, año 1867, Cáceres (June 27, 1867); REPA, año 1881, González Figueroa, F. 120, No. 61 (June 4, 1881); REPA, año 1903, Jiménez, F. 66, No. 27 (Feb. 9, 1903).

70. We possess only a reference to a "recognition" of the division of their property from 1925, concluded between Arias Echenique and heirs of Urquiaga; see Min. de Agricultura, Zona Agraria 12, Subdirección de Reforma Agraria, Expediente de Afectación, Sociedad Ganadera del Sur.

71. This size was recorded by Leopoldo Lasternau in 1925; according to a measurement by Victor Molina A. and Sergio Dianderas L. from 1958, San José covered only 9,973 hectares. Although 40,000 hectares would make San José extraordinarily large for regional standards, the smaller measurement could be a deliberate underestimation due to a dispute with several Indian communities; see ibid.

72. Ibid.

73. In the north coast valley of Jequetepeque, estates newly founded between the 1850s and 1890s also tended to remain small; see Burga, De la encomienda , 196.

74. Compare the case of Hacienda Checayani (Muñani) expanded by José Albino Ruiz; Hacienda Picotani (Muñani), one of the vast colonial estates of the Choquehuanca family, owed its twentieth-century importance partly to the incorporation of Haciendas Toma and Cambría--with 3,500 and 5,600 hectares respectively--between 1898 and 1920.

75. Urquiaga, Sublevaciones , 37.

76. REPA, año 1908, Jiménez, F. 778, No. 311 (Apr. 20, 1908).

77. REPA, año 1908, Jiménez, F. 814, No. 324 (Apr. 25, 1908).

78. REPA, año 1858, no No. (Apr. 26, 1858); Avila, "Exposición," 16-23; REPA, año 1868, Patiño, F. 189, No. 96 (Mar. 12, 1868).

79. REPA, año 1909, Jiménez, F. 299, No. 120 (Aug. 28, 1909).

80. REPA, año 1893, Meza, F. 12, No. 8 (Jan. 18, 1893).

81. Urquiaga, Sublevaciones , 40; Avila, "Exposición," 16-23.

82. See, e.g., REPA, año 1907, Aparicio, F. 14, No. 9 (Sept. 11, 1907).

83. REPA, año 1867, Patiño, F. 181, No. 91 (Dec. 16, 1867).

84. Giraldo and Franch, "Hacienda y gamonalismo," 57.

85. REPP, año 1899, Toranzos, No. 74 (Oct. 16, 1899).

86. For a case of land donation by a peasant to an hacendado, see REPA, año 1910, Jiménez, F. 761, No. 329 (prot. of an escritura privada of 1895); for a legacy by a peasant to an hacendado, see will of Carmen Hancco, REPA, año 1899, Paredes, F. 60, No. 27 (Apr. 25, 1899).

87. Avila, "Exposición," 16-23; Frisancho, Algunas vistas fiscales , 17.

88. In 1906, for example, Alejandro Cano, a superior court judge in Puno and a rather ruthless land grabber, had induced Mariano Condori to sell him his Fundo Charquismo in the parcialidad Titire of District Santiago de Pupuja. Fourteen months later Condori decided to sell Charquismo to a third person, Juan Gualberto Dianderas Bustinza, a descendant of an old hacendado family from Santiago, and declared: "A year ago Sr. Dr. Cano had me come to him and in a deceptive way gave me forty-four soles q.b. and made me sign a document about the sale of the shares of Charquismo that I am selling today. Since I received that money against my will and in order to avoid reclamations and litigation by the said Dr. Cano, I promise to pay that money back to him without charging rent for that part of the property which he [Cano] has used for pasturing livestock and sowing crops." Nevertheless, Cano had the original document protocollized and instituted a series of legal procedures through which Azángaro's judge of first instance, Federico González Figueroa, granted him judicial possession of Charquismo on October 23, 1907. Although in the sales contract with Dianderas the sales price was listed as 448 soles m.n., a sum probably never paid, Cano paid only 230 pesos (166 soles m.n.); see REPA, año 1907, Jiménez, F. 71, No. 31 (Mar. 1, 1907), and F. 527, No. 208 (Oct. 23, 1907).

89. See, e.g., REPA, año 1873, Patiño, F. 43, No. 70 (Jan. 28, 1873).

90. The protocollizations of a few notaries are lost.

91. REPA, año 1871, Patiño, F. 389, No. 180 (Mar. 28, 1871); REPA, año 1881, González Figueroa, F. 132, No. 69 (Aug. 29, 1881); RPIP, T. 9, F. 497, p. cmiv, A. 1 (Aug. 10, 1921).

92. See transfer of anticresis on Estancia Moccopata Villacollo, parcialidad Llaulli, district Potoni, bordering on Hacienda Lourdes, to Adoraida Gallegos, REPA, año 1910, Jiménez, F. 756, No. 327 (July 23, 1910).

93. Jacobsen, "Land Tenure," 536, table 6-4.

94. Burga and Reátegui, Lanas , 156-70.

95. "Matrícula de contribuyentes de predios rústicos para el año de 1897, provincia de Azángaro," BMP.

96. REPA, año 1889, González Figueroa, F. 16, No. 7 (Jan. 29, 1889).

97. REPA, año 1899, Paredes, F. 25, No. 14 (Mar. 27, 1899).

98. REPA, año 1870, Patiño, F. 330, No. 150 (Oct. 13, 1870).

99. Frisancho, Algunas vistas fiscales .

100. Ibid., 8-17. For the use of judicial and administrative trickery in the appropriation of lands from frontier settlers in Colombia, see LeGrand, Frontier Expansion .

101. Ibid., 14, 19.

102. See, e.g., Mariátegui, "El problema del Indio, su nuevo planteamiento," in his Siete ensayos , 36-37; Golte, Bauern in Peru , 102.

103. Cf. Mallon, Defense of Community , 157.

104. Memoria del año judicial de 1893 , 4.

105. REPA, año 1888, Giraldo, F. 89, No. 44 (Nov. 27, 1888).

106. REPA, año 1880, Torres Nuñez, F. 66, No. 39 (Aug. 31, 1880).

107. RPIP, T. 2, F. 337, p. vii, A. 6 (Jan. 5, 1907).

108. For details on these procedures, see Jacobsen, "Land Tenure," 551-60.

109. Memoria leida en la ceremonia de apertura del año judicial de 1913 , 11.

110. See, e.g., judicial possession of Fundo Condoriri, district Potoni, by Paulina Portillo vda. de Santos and her five children, and the subsequent registration of her property title in RPIP, T. 8, F. 481, p. dclxxi, A. 1 (Apr. 22, 1919).

111. For an example of successful resistance, see the Expediente Judicial of May 13, 1920, AJA.

112. Frisancho, Algunas vistas fiscales , 17.

113. Avila, "Exposición," 22.

114. For litigation about the invasion of land by a neighbor's livestock, see suit brought by the owner of Hacienda Chictani, Manuel E. Rossello, against Julia Paredes de Cantero, owner of Hacienda Huancarani, Expediente Judicial of Dec. 4, 1918, AJA; for litigation on cattle theft, see the case between Celso Ramírez, colono of Hacienda Ocsani, and Simon Segundo Huanca, quipu (foreman) on Hacienda Sollocota, Expediente Judicial of Oct. 4, 1922, AJA; for litigation on looting and destruction of peasant huts, see power of attorney given by Indians from the ayllus Caroneque and Choquechambi, district Muñani, to Juan Manuel Martínez against the owners of Hacienda Muñani Chico, REPA, año 1863, Patiño, F. 157, No. 67 (Dec. 23, 1863); Roca Sánchez, Por la clase indígena , 242-43.

115. See suit by Manuel E. Jiménez against various Indian peasants from the district (formerly parcialidad) Salinas concerning the plots Huancarani Llustaccarcca, Expediente Judicial of May 9, 1932, AJA.

116. See power of attorney by peasants from the parcialidad Chacamarca, district Saman, to sue "the Indians from parcialidad Titihui, Huancané, for the crimes of breaking into houses, destruction of more than thirty huts, damages, theft of equipment and household furnishings and destruction of planted fields"; REPA, año 1882, Torres Nuñez, F. 25, No. 13 (Mar. 22, 1882).

117. Only the most affluent and powerful hacendado families could acquire land from fifteen, twenty, or even fifty peasants at once. In 1908 José Angelino Lizares Quiñones bought twenty-nine different properties from forty-three peasants and one hispanized landholder in a single contract for 3,068 soles m.n.; it was noted that all these parcels "today form Hacienda Huancané." REPA, año 1908, Jiménez, F. 1275, No. 504 (Dec. 29 1908).

118. Interview with Agustín Román, born 1892, Azángaro, May 15, 1977.

119. Ibid.; inventory of the goods of Isabel Mango, REPA, año 1906, Jiménez, F. 963, No. 303 (Feb. 16, 1906).

120. REPA, año 1892, Meza, F. 360, No. 202 (Dec. 27, 1892).

121. REPA, año 1900, Jiménez, F. 566 (Aug. 3, 1900).

122. REPA, año 1907, Jiménez, F. 330, No. 121 (June 28, 1907), and F. 476, No. 187 (Sept. 18, 1907).

123. REPA, año 1906, Jiménez, F. 1203, No. 384 (June 30, 1906).

124. For a vitriolic account of the Lizares's land-grabbing practices, see the anonymous Biografía criminál ; see also Lora Cam, La semifeudalidad , 150-53.

125. REPA, año 1895, Meza, F. 107, No. 48 (July 27, 1895).

126. On the formation of Hacienda Cangalli/Esmeralda, see REPA, año 1902, Jiménez, F. 879, No. 341 (Nov. 6, 1902).

127. José Angelino Lizares Quiñones had, according to his own claims, become colonel of the regular army by 1895 and professed to be an ardent Cacerista until the end of his political career in 1930, against accusations branding him as a political opportunist; see his flier "J. A. Lizares Quiñones se presenta." Nicómedes Salas was named Capitán del Batallón Azángaro No. 9 of the Guardia Nacional by the Cacerista president Remigio Morales Bermúdez on August 23, 1890. Although Salas was Pierolista in 1895, some ten years later both families continued to have close ties. See G. Salas, Razgos biográficos , 6.

128. Lizares Quiñones, "J. A. Lizares Quiñones se presenta."

129. Favre, "Evolución," 243.

130. Manuel Isidro Velasco Choquehuanca, for example, claimed that his father Hilario and he himself had been reconstituting Hacienda Nequeneque-Mallquine in Muñani since the 1840s, an estate granted through composition by the crown to their ancestors, the Caciques Choquehuanca, in 1596 and disintegrating through the misfortunes befalling the family after the Túpac Amaru Rebellion. Velasco's declaration, published in an Arequipa newspaper on Jan. 3, 1925, is reprinted in Luna, Choquehuanca el amauta , 100-102 n. 2.

131. Romero, Historia económica del Perú , 284; Giraldo and Franch, "Hacienda y gamonalismo," 132-37.

132. See the antícipo de legítimo on one half of José María Lizares Quiñones's estate, contracted between his wife, Dominga Alarcón, and her children; REPA, año 1906, Jiménez, F. 1427, No. 473 (Oct. 14, 1906). Dominga Alarcón's will is in REPA, año 1905, Jiménez, F. 517, No. 206 (Oct. 4, 1905).

133. Lavrín and Couturier, "Dowries and Wills," 287.

134. RPIP, T. 3, F. 278, p. lxxxiii, A. 1 (Oct. 27, 1905); REPP, año 1855, Cáceres (July 23, 1855).

135. See the wills of Carmen Piérola, REPA, año 1894, Meza, F. 275, No. 32 (Apr. 4, 1894), and Pedro José Paredes, REPA, año 1902, Jiménez, F. 882, No. 342 (Nov. 14, 1902); Jacobsen, "Land Tenure," app. 5.

136. For the deterioration of the large Hacienda Tarucani during its leases in the 1880s and 1890s, see REPA, año 1908, Jiménez, F. 893, No. 350 (June 4, 1908, prot.).

137. Wilson, "Propiedad e ideología," 52; on peasant and shopkeeper women, see Escobar, "El mestizaje," 159.

138. I cannot say with statistical certainty whether property sales by female heirs occurred more frequently than did those by male heirs. During the late seventeenth and the eighteenth centuries landed property of the English aristocracy inherited through the female line tended to be sold more frequently than did property that passed to male heirs. But English inheritance was not bilateral, and mortgages on estates inherited by daughters were higher. See Clay, "Marriage," 503-18. Two of the many examples from Azángaro are the sale of Picotani by Juana Manuela Choquehuanca in 1893 and of the Aragón estates in San Antón by Manuela Lasteros around 1910.

139. REPP, año 1870, Cáceres (Nov. 7, 1870). For a convincing picture of the bases of gamonal authority, see Burga and Flores Galindo, Apogeo , 104-13.

140. According to Bourricaud, women tended to dominate economic affairs in altiplano families of hacendados and shopkeepers during the mid-twentieth century; Cambios en Puno , 185.

141. Paredes, "Apuntes," 64.

142. Lavrín and Couturier, "Dowries and Wills," 286.

143. See, e.g., the mejora granted by Luis Choquehuanca to his son José in recompense for valuable services in his old age; REPP, año 1897, González, No. 11 (Feb. 7, 1897).

144. REPA, año 1905, Jiménez, F. 204, No. 78 (Apr. 3, 1905).

145. The inheritance of illegitimate children recognized by their father depended primarily on the family constellation (number of legitimate children, social distance between mother and father) and the whims of the father. Law prescribed that illegitimate children should receive one-fifth of their parent's estate. But in practice an illegitimate child might receive everything (as in the case of Santiago Riquelme's illegitimate and only daughter, Natalia) or just a minimal monetary bequest. REPA, año 1892, Meza, F. 337, No. 177 (Nov. 22, 1892); REPA, año 1895, Meza, F. 148, No. 62 (Aug. 19, 1895). Cf. Wilson, "Propiedad e ideología," 43.

146. See the judicial deposit of the estate of Cipriano Figueroa in the late 1860s. The trustee immediately leased out Figueroa's four fincas in Putina (Canco, Huancarani, Mihani, and Antacollo); REPA, año 1869, Patino, F. 130, No. 65 (Aug. 14, 1869), and F. 138, No. 65 (Aug. 15, 1869); REPA, año 1872, Patiño, F. 9, No. 31 (Sept. 2, 1872). By 1910 Fincas Huancarani, Mihani, and Antacollo had become property of Puno's Beneficencia Pública, apparently because of inconclusive intestate procedures; see Memoria del Director de la Sociedad de Beneficencia Pública [1910] .

147. Diana Balmori and Robert Oppenheimer have considered such declining birthrates among the second generation of the consolidating Chilean and Argentinian oligarchies as an indicator of social distancing against outsiders; "Family Clusters." Replacement rates for twenty-nine hacendado testators from Azángaro between 1854 and 1909 were 1.9 for the total number of children (2.24 during the period 1854 to 1878 and 1.67 from 1892 to 1909) and 0.85 for the number of children surviving at the time of the will (1.03 from 1854 to 1878 and 0.73 from 1892 to 1909). But this includes single testators. I included all spouses for testators married more than once as well as the partners of productive extramarital relations in the ratio parents/children.

148. Will of Juan Paredes, Dec. 8, 1874, in MPA.

149. Cf. Balmori and Oppenheimer, "Family Clusters," 245-46.

150. REPP, año 1893-94, Toranzos, No. 156 (Sept. 3, 1893).

151. REPP, año 1893-94, Toranzos, No. 337 (July 11, 1894).

152. Salas Perea, Monografía , 75.

153. REPP, año 1900, González, No. 218 (Nov. 12, 1900); REPP, año 1904, González, F. 148, No. 56 (Mar. 11, 1904); REPP, año 1905, González, F. 364, No. 137 (May 30, 1905); REPP, año 1905, González, F. 894, No. 324 (Dec. 12, 1905).

154. Salas Perea, Monografía , 75.

155. On Gadea's importance for Puno's educational institutions, see Romero, Monografía , 375.

156. REPP, año 1904, González, F. 254, No. 91 (Apr. 20, 1904); REPP, año 1917, González, F. 191, No. 94 (July 2, 1917).

157. See the anticresis contract on the part of Hacienda Collpani of Nov. 12, 1900, listed in note 153; lease of Finca Loquicolla Grande, REPP, año 1902, González, F. 658, No. 233 (Oct. 11, 1902) and renewal of that contract, REPP, año 1910, Garnica, F. 714, No. 331 (May 13, 1910); acquisition of Loquicolla Grande, REPP, año 1913, González, F. 363, No. 118 (June 6, 1913).

158. REPP, año 1904, González, F. 148, No. 56 (Mar. 11, 1904) and F. 254, No. 91 (Apr. 20, 1904); REPP, año 1905, González, F. 894, No. 324 (Dec. 12, 1905); REPP, año 1917, González, F. 191, No. 94 (July 2, 1917); REPA, año 1903, Jiménez, F. 399, No. 180 (Oct. 10, 1903); Julio Solórzano leased Finca Mihani in Putina, one of the fincas administered by his father Mariano as trustee of Cipriano Figueroa's estate, at least between 1909 and 1930; see REPP, año 1909, González, F. 179, No. 79 (May 14, 1909), and Memoria leida por el director de la Beneficencia Pública [1930] .

159. Solórzano to Guillermo Ricketts in Arequipa, Putina, Dec. 31, 1898, unnumbered Lb., AFA-R.

160. "Matrícule de contribución industrial para el año de 1902, provincia de Azángaro," BMP.

161. See, for example, the family agreement about Haciendas Carasupo Grande and Jayuni, district Muñani, between Trinidad and Juan Indalecio Urviola Riveros, REPA, año 1910, Jiménez, F. 605, No. 264 (Apr. 30, 1910).

162. Jacobsen, ''Land Tenure," 861-70, app. 5.

163. On the central Peruvian sierra, cf. Wilson, "Propiedad e ideología," 42.

164. For a property history of Checayani, see RPIP, T. 1, F. 145, and T. 3, F. 142, p. xc, A. 4 (Aug. 10, 1904), and subsequent asientos.

165. REPA, año 1908, Jiménez, F. 778, No. 331 (Apr. 20, 1908).

166. Interview, Martín Humfredo Macedo Ruíz, Azángaro, July 1976. For similar cases of reunited property titles, see property histories of Hacienda Calacala, RPIP, T. 1, p. cxxi, F. 191-92, and T. 7, F. 428-29; and Hacienda Huasacona, Min. de Agricultura, Zona Agraria 12, Puno, Subdirección de Reforma Agraria, Expediente de afectación, Huasacona, 1969.

167. For the sale of Catacora, see REPA, año 1906, Jiménez, F. 1296, No. 422 (Aug. 10, 1906); for Puscallani, see REPP, año 1897, González, No. 157 (Sept. 20, 1897); for Picotani, see RPIP, T. 3, F. 278, p. lxxxiii, A. 1 (Oct. 27, 1905). Luis Choquehuanca, in his 1894 will, claimed ownership of three fincas. In fact he was in possession of none of these, maintaining his title claim through an unending stream of legal suits, mostly against his own relatives; REPA, año 1894, Meza, F. 405, No. 196 (Nov. 21, 1894). For important new documentation on the Choquehuancas, see Ramos Zambrano, José Domingo Choquehuanca .

168. Torres Luna, Puno histórico , 190; Luna, Choquehuanca el amauta , 27; REPA, año 1861, Manrique, F. 150, No. 71 (Nov. 8, 1861); REPP, año 1897, González, No. 11 (Feb. 7, 1897); REPP, año 1862, Cáceres (Mar. 7, 1862); REPA, año 1896, Meza, F. 316, No. 136 (Mar. 10, 1896). Particularly interesting is the unending litigation of Hilario Velasco and his son Manuel Isidro against all other descendants of Diego Choquehuanca; both claimed rights to all family estates, even those no longer property of the Choquehuancas, such as Hacienda Checayani. See REPP, año 1871, Cáceres (May 29, 1871); account by Manuel Isidro Velasco in Luna, Choquehuanca el amauta , 100-102 n. 2; RPIP, p. cv, A. 1 of Oct. 25, 1909, in T. 4, F. 374-76; A. 2 of Jan. 31, 1940, in T. 4, F. 376; A. 3 of Apr. 29, 1943, in T. 4, F. 376-78; A. 4 of July 1, 1943, in T. 4, F. 379; A. 5 of June 25, 1948, in T. 21, F. 307-8; A. 6 of Nov. 17, 1949, in T. 21, F. 307; A. 8 of Dec. 16, 1949, in T. 21, F. 308-11; A. 9 of Oct. 15, 1956, in T. 21, F. 311-12; A. 10 of Jan. 21, 1957, in T. 21, F. 312, and T. 29, F. 476; REPA, año 1904, Jiménez, F. 758, No. 302 (June 9, 1904).

169. In a codicil to his will of Oct. 21, 1897, Luis Choquehuanca declared that attorney Melchor Patiño was to receive one-third of Hacienda Ccalla in payment of his legal services in the ongoing litigation over the estate; see REPP, año 1897, González, No. 183 (Oct. 21, 1897). In 1892 Juana Manuela Choquehuanca, daughter of Colonel Manuel Choquehuanca, sold small Finca Chosequere in Azángaro district in order to finance litigation against her son-in-law Rafael Aguirre; see REPA, año 1892, Meza, F. 342, No. 180 (Dec. 3, 1892). In order to finance litigation over Hacienda Puscallani, Luis Choquehuanca took out loans totaling more than 4,000 pesos from Juan Paredes some time between 1865 and the early 1870s, of which he still owed 2,300 pesos (Paredes's heirs claimed the figure was 2,905 pesos) by the late 1890s; see Choquehuanca's second will of Feb. 7, 1897, REPP, año 1897, González, No. 11 (Feb. 7, 1897); Juan Paredes' will of Dec. 8, 1874, in MPA; and the sale of a share of this credit by heirs of Paredes to J. S. Urquiaga and B. Arias Echenique, REPA, año 1899, Paredes, F. 14, No. 9 (Mar. 10, 1899).

170. Only one descendant, Manuel Isidoro Velasco, still owned a large estate, Hacienda Nequeneque-Mallquine in Muñani; Luna, Choquehuanca el amauta , 100-102 n. 2.

171. There is no evidence suggesting that the Choquehuancas had been granted an entail. It does not appear in the proceedings to prove the family's nobility pursued by Gregorio Choquehuanca in 1792; see ''Extracto de las pruebas." Much of their land may have been considered tierras de oficio , appurtenances of the office of cacique, which passed into possession of the heir assuming the office without being divided.

172. The Choquehuancas may still have enjoyed informal recognition as caciques among peasants of their parcialidad during the mid-nineteenth century.

173. Cf. the fate of the cacique family Apoalaya y Astocuri of Jauja, one of the wealthiest landholding clans of the central Peruvian sierra during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, in Celestino, La economía pastoral , 48.

174. Following are all relevant notarial contracts on parts of Finca Chocallaca: REPP, año 1853, notary not given (Aug. 26, 1853); REPA, año 1894, Meza, F. 404 (Nov. 9, 1894, prot.); REPA, año 1895, Meza, F. 153, No. 63 (Aug. 28, 1895, prot.); REPA, año 1904, Jiménez, F. 892 (Aug. 6, 1904, prot.); REPA, año 1862, Patiño, F. 270, No. 128 (Aug. 2, 1862); REPA, año 1855, judge not given (Jan. 22, 1855); REPA, año 1855, Calle (Jan. 15, 1855); REPA, año 1870, Patiño, F. 218, No. 116 (May 21, 1870); REPA, año 1904, Jiménez, F. 891 (Aug. 6, 1904, prot.); REPA, año 1874, judge not given (Sept. 4, 1874, date of contract minutes); REPA, año 1884, Miranda, F. 64, No. 35 (Sept. 18, 1884); REPA, año 1885, Miranda, F. 178, No. 86 (Aug. 2, 1885); REPA, año 1887, Rodríguez, F. 138, No. 65 (June 3, 1887); REPP, año 1900, González, F. 438 (Sept. 17, 1900, prot.); REPA, año 1902, Jiménez, F. 543, No. 188, and F. 545, No. 189 (Jan. 18, 1902); REPA, año 1903, Jiménez, F. 113, No. 49 (Mar. 5, 1903). Attempts to reunite the estate within the family remained feeble and, undertaken only in the third generation, came too late.

175. REPA, año 1907, Jiménez, F. 339, No. 135 (July 5, 1907); REPA, año 1907, Jiménez, F. 416, No. 161 (Aug. 10, 1907); REPA, año 1908, Jiménez, F. 1145, No. 454 (Sept. 23, 1908, two prots.); REPA, año 1908, Jiménez, F. 1150, No. 457 (Oct. 13, 1908); REPA, año 1909, Jiménez, F. 378, No. 160 (Oct. 23, 1909); REPP, año 1909, Garnica, F. 407, No. 199 (Nov. 12, 1909, prot.); "Matrícula de contribuyentes [1897]," BMP. The national census of 1876 still referred to Carasupo Chico as a hacienda, that of 1940 labeled it an estancia, and in the 1961 census it appears as a parcialidad; see Dir. Nacional de Estadística y Censos, Censo de 1961 4:125.

176. Favre, "Evolución," 108-17; Favre does not distinguish between intra- and extrafamily sales.

177. Jacobsen, "Land Tenure," 658, table 6-13.

178. Will of Rufino Macedo, REPA, año 1865, Patiño, F. 35, No. 19 (May 22, 1865); appraisal of Posocconi from Dec. 1912 by Facundo Gilt, REPP, año 1915, González, F. 394, No. 154 (June 26, 1915).

179. REPP, año 1853, Cáceres (June 7, 1853); first will of José Mariano Escobedo, REPAr, año 1870-71, Cárdenas, F. 811 (Aug. 17, 1846).

180. Second will of José Mariano Escobedo REPAr, año 1870-71, Cárdenas, F. 811 (Oct. 24, 1859).

181. Min. de Agricultura, Zona Agraria 12, Puno, Subdirección de Reforma Agraria, Expediente de afectación, Sociedad Ganadera del Sur, vol. 1, Property Title History of Hacienda Posocconi, Oct. 17, 1967.

182. REPP, año 1915, González, F. 394, No. 154 (June 26, 1915).

183. Min. de Agricultura, Zona Agraria 12, Expediente de afectación, Sociedad Ganadera del Sur, vol. 1, Property Title History of Hacienda Posocconi, Oct. 17, 1967.

184. Martinet, La agricultura en el Perú , 38-39.

185. Delgado, Organización , 28.

186. REPP, año 1914, Garnica, F. 496, No. 245 (Apr. 23, 1914); Jacobsen, "Land Tenure," 650, table 6-12.

187. REPA, año 1890, Meza, F. 35, No. 41 (Oct. 13, 1890), and F. 39, No. 43 (Oct. 14, 1890).

188. In 1870, for example, the parish priest of Saman accepted 700 pesos as payment in full for a debt of 2,700 pesos owed by Manuela Urbina vda. de Toro on church livestock, presumably because the debtor could not pay more; REPP, año 1870, Cáceres (Nov. 7, 1870).

189. Delgado ( Organización , 27) claims that estates of Cuzco convents were usually leased to relatives of the treasurer ( síndico ) of the institution.

190. Ampuero, an ultramontane cleric, seems to have been concerned with the expansion of Catholic education in the altiplano. He revitalized the seminary school of San Ambrosio in Puno and advocated the establishment of a "workshop school" for the "rehabilitation of the Indian woman through religion, morals, work, and hygiene." He maintained an active Catholic press. See Robles Riquelme, ''Episcopológia de Puno," 87. Such activities, which required increased church finances, have to be seen in the context of Ampuero's violent campaign against the educational work of Adventist missionaries from Argentina and the United States in the altiplano since 1911. See Hazen, ''Awakening of Puno," 39. Small fincas leased out for short terms, bringing meager income every year, were becoming bad investments. Another institutional landholder, Puno's Sociedad de Beneficencia Pública, solicited authorization from the government to sell its five small fincas in Azángaro province in 1926, "because they produce minimal rent"; see Memoria leida por el director de la Beneficencia Pública [1928] , 13-14.

191. REPP, año 1913, González, F. 478, No. 156 (July 12, 1913).

192. Bauer, "Church," 70-98.

193. Martinet, La agricultura en el Perú , 38-39. The prohibition against creating new censos or emphyteutic landholdings was reiterated in the 1911 consolidation law; see Espinoza and Malpica, El problema , 207.

194. The chaplaincy on Picotani was redeemed in 1904; see RPIP, T. 3, F. 379, p. lxxxiii, A. 2 (Sept. 29, 1906); Jacobsen, "Land Tenure," 660-62.

1. For important recent contributions, see Mallon, Defense of Community ; Grieshaber, "Survival," 223-69; T. Platt, Estado boliviano ; Hünefeldt, "Poder y contribuciones," 367-407; Contreras, ''Estado republicano," 9-44; and the forthcoming study by Luis Miguel Glave about the Canas of southern Cuzco.

2. Finca Mihani, for example, was described as being located "in the ayllu Cura of district Arapa," REPP, año 1907, Gonzales, F. 238, No. 105 (May 20, 1907); as argued below, the terms ayllu and parcialidad were often used interchangeably.

3. REPA, año 1869, Patiño F. 32, No. 21 (Mar. 8, 1869); REPA, año 1910, Murillo, F. 218, No. 127 (Feb. 1, 1910). In rare cases one and the same peasant estancia was referred to as belonging to different parcialidades. For the view that parcialidad as moiety survived into the twentieth century, see Mostajo, "Apuntes," 752.

4. On the postindependence desarticulation of various "functions" of communities in Morelos, Mexico, see Warman, Y venimos a contradecir , 315.

5. Paradigmatic is Castro Pozo's Del ayllu al cooperativismo socialista. See also his Nuestra comunidad indígena , 16, where the author asserts that "all comunidades that I had the opportunity to observe to a smaller or greater degree rest on the foundation of common property of the land."

6. Sivirichi, Derecho indígena , 122.

7. Ibid., 123; Yambert, "Thought and Reality," 70.

8. T. Davies, Indian Integration in Peru , 117; Handelman, Struggle in the Andes , 31-33.

9. Handelman, Struggle in the Andes , 32. For the Mantaro valley, see Winder, "Impact of the Comunidad ," 209-40.

10. Roca Sánchez, Por la clase indígena , 227-28; Bourricaud, Cambios en Puno , 111; for the district of Cuyocuyo, Sandia province, largely settled by peasants from Putina, Chupa, and Muñani, see Nalvarte Maldonado, Cuyocuyo , 30-31.

11. REPA, año 1867, Patiño, F. 120, No. 57 (June 14, 1867).

12. Bourricaud, Cambios en Puno , 112.

13. Min. de Hacienda y Comercio, Plan regional 5:38; L. Gallegos, "San José," 11.

14. See Bourricaud, Cambios en Puno , 112, on the disappearance of communal tenure in the aynocas by the 1950s. Land parcels in the lihua of parcialidad Cayacaya in Putina were freely sold by individual peasants to noncommunity members during the early twentieth century; see, for example, REPA, año 1908, Jiménez, F. 1219, No. 482 (Nov. 19, 1908). See also Perú, Ministerio de Hacienda y Comercio, Plan regional 5:38.

15. Litigation over plot Huancarani-Llustaccarcca, Azángaro, May 9, 1932, AJA; a masa is the amount of land that a work party of three men can plow, sow, or harvest in one day; see Mishkin, "Contemporary Quechua," 418-19; for the area of a masa as 760 square meters in Azángaro, see Avila, "Exposición," 43; L. Gallegos, "San José,'' 11.

16. Roca Sánchez, Por la clase indígena , 233; for the 1870s, see Martinet, La agricultura en el Perú , 40-41. For community parcels reserved for the church and the municipalities in Cuzco department, see Mishkin, "Contemporary Quechua," 421. I have found no evidence for common land property of religious lay brotherhoods in Azángaro's communities. For their importance in the central Peruvian sierra, see Celestino and Meyers, Las cofradías , 161-62, 186.

17. Urquiaga, Sublevaciones , 11-15.

18. REPA, año 1907, Jiménez, F. 480, No. 189 (Sept. 19, 1907); REPA, año 1907, Jiménez, F. 193, No. 61 [an error; should be 71] (Apr. 19, 1907). Many community schools in the border area between Huancané and Azángaro provinces during the mid-1960s at times owned extensive yanasis plots, which prior to the schools' establishment had been administered by the Caja de Depósitos y Consignaciones. See Martínez, Las migraciones , 28.

19. Urquiaga, Sublevaciones , 11-12.

20. For examples of appurtenances ( servidumbres ), see REPP, año 1909, Deza, F. 24, No. 11 (Feb. 10, 1909); REPA, año 1909, Aparicio, F. 48, No. 226 (July 23, 1909); REPA, año 1909, Jiménez, F. 279, No. 113 (Aug. 25, 1909).

21. REPA, año 1903, Jiménez, F. 564, No. 220 (Dec. 21, 1903).

22. During the following two decades several hacendados gained direct access to Salinas's salt deposits through the acquisition of entradas de sal from community peasants; see REPA, año 1900, Jiménez, F. 379 (Jan. 9, 1900); REPA, año 1909, Jiménez, F. 126, No. 51 (Apr. 29, 1909). On the state salt monopoloy and rebellions against it, see Kapsoli, Los movimientos , 19, 32-35; Husson, "1896--La revolte du sel"; Husson, De la guerra a la rebelión , pt. 2; Urquiaga, Sublevaciones , 43-48; Memoria del Sr. Prefecto [1901] , 31. In 1920 the community peasants who continued to exploit the salt from Lake Salinas had still not accepted the state Compañía Salinera; see Roca Sánchez, Por la clase indígena , 246.

23. Valdéz de la Torre, Evolución , 159, 169 (my emphasis); Roca Sánchez, Por la clase indígena , 227-28. For estimates of pasture commons in 1959, see Perú, Ministerio de Hacienda y Comercio, Plan regional 5:38.

24. REPA, año 1871, Patiño, F. 391, No. 181 (Mar. 29, 1871).

25. See forfeiture of rights in Fundo Japutira, parcialidad Cayacaya-Pichacani of district Putina, by heirs of Ambrosio Mamani for failure to participate in the cost of legal defense, REPA, año 1909, Jiménez, F. 68, No. 26 (Feb. 12, 1909).

26. Resumen del censo [1876] , 103. Number of families based on estimate of five persons per family.

27. REPA, año 1863, Patiño, F. 55, No 19 (Apr. 25, 1863); my emphasis.

28. REPA, año 1872, Patiño, F. 30, No. 17 (June 22, 1872).

29. Delgado, Organización , 14; Ponce de León, "Aspectos económicos del problema indígena," 139-41.

30. Orlove and Custred, "Alternative Model," 45-46; Orlove, "Native Andean Pastoralists." It is important to differentiate strictly between these geographically isolated herders, found at elevations between 4,200 and 4,800 meters above sea level, and the peasantry of the altiplano proper.

31. For moyas (dry-season pastures) and hilltops held by individual peasant families, see REPA, año 1897, Paredes, F. 20, No. 10 (Jan. 26, 1897); REPA, año 1908, Jiménez, F. 1222, No. 483 (Nov. 19, 1908).

32. At times descent groups jointly using the family land purchased the share of a female coheir married to an outside peasant; see REPA, año 1909, Jiménez, F. 279, No. 113 (Aug. 25, 1909).

33. For a typical conflict within peasant families between minor orphans and an uncle, instituted as their guardian, see REPA, año 1862, Patiño, F. 332, No. 159 (Oct. 31, 1862).

34. On legal battles between related peasants, see Bourricaud, Cambios en Puno , 116-17; Martínez, "El indígena," 182.

35. Mishkin, "Contemporary Quechua," 421.

36. Guía general , 211; Malaga, "El problema social," 32-34.

37. Min. de Hacienda y Comercio, Plan regional 5:6.

38. Cf. Grieshaber, "Survival," esp. 242, 262.

39. This estimate of growth is deflated, since the 1876 census likely undercounted population by some 15 percent, as suggested in chapter 1.

40. This could not have been the case, however, for Muñani's other surviving community, Chijos, located high in the cordillera, where relatively affluent livestock herders continued to own extensive property well into this century.

41. REPA, año 1906, Jiménez, F. 1087, No. 340 (Apr. 24, 1906).

42. The growth of Azángaro's livestock population did not proceed in a linear fashion, as it was interrupted by animal epidemics and droughts. One epidemic reduced alpaca herds during the 1920s; see Burga and Reátegui, Lanas , 91. The decline of the sheep population between 1945 and 1959 was almost certainly caused by the severe drought of the mid-1950s.

43. Jacobsen, "Land Tenure," 880, app. 6.

44. For average carrying capacity of two units of sheep per hectare, see V. Jiménez, Breves apuntes , 83; according to Urquiaga ( Sublevaciones , 25), Azángaro's pastures allowed between 400 and 1000 units of sheep per square mile, or--assuming a mile of 1.609 km--1.5 to 3.9 units of sheep per hectare. Lavalle y García ("El mejoramiento," 53) suggests for the sierra in general eight hectares of pastures per cow, or--assuming customary reduction factors--a carrying capacity of 1.25 sheep per hectare. I am grateful to Marcel Haitin for pointing this work out to me. In an interview held in Puno on November 25, 1975, José Luis Lescano, the last president of the Asociación Agropecuaria Departmental, suggested that on the best altiplano pastures one hectare is required to adequately feed one sheep. This ratio climbs to about three hectares in the Cordillera Oriental and to five to seven hectares per sheep in the very arid Cordillera Occidental of Puno.

45. Lavalle y García, "El mejoramiento," 53.

46. Personal communication from Benjamin Orlove; see also his paper "Native Andean Pastoralists."

47. Urquiaga, Sublevaciones , 32.

48. Mishkin, "Contemporary Quechua," 426; Martínez Alier, Los huacchilleros , 3-7.

49. Delgado, Organización , 14.

50. Urquiaga, Sublevaciones , 22.

51. By will of Sept. 8, 1858, María Machaca from Azángaro passed her parental Estancia Hucuni, located in parcialidad Hurinsaya, to her illegitimate son Simón Mango, sired by Colonel Vicente Mango of the kuraka family. She had passed most livestock to her legitimate daughter María Copacondori so that she would not have any claim to Hucuni; REPA, año 1858, Manrique (Sept. 8, 1858). Six years later the daughter nevertheless claimed title to half of the estancia; REPA, año 1864, Patiño, F. 32, No. 14 (May 10, 1864).

52. See the will of María Hancco from Azángaro of Sept. 9, 1911, Expediente Judicial, AJA; she excluded her legitimate son Basilio Inofuente from inheriting "because he rebelled against me and stole from me nine cows, one horse, and earlier one yoke of oxen and three further cows as well as a flock of sixty sheep." Further examples of peasant disinheritance are in the wills of Apolinar Coasaca, REPP, año 1909, Garnica, F. 405, No. 198 (Nov. 12, 1909); and Melchora Luque, REPA, año 1908, Jiménez, F. 1272, No. 503 (Dec. 29, 1908).

53. Hobsbawm, "Peasant Land Occupations," 143; Orlove and Custred, "Alternative Model," 50.

54. Fundo Ccatahuicucho, located in the old parcialidad Sillota of Asillo district, in 1908 still the subject of a sales contract between peasants, in the 1940 census appears as an ayllu with eleven families and forty-one inhabitants; REPA, año 1908, Jiménez, F. 775, No. 310 (Apr. 11, 1908).

55. See the case of the Calsina family in Azángaro district between the 1880s and 1910; various siblings and their offspring owned or leased landholdings in the neighboring parcialidades of Tiramasa, Anac Quia, and Hilata. The eight coheirs of one family estancia, Paccaray Lluncuyo, lived spread over all three of these communities. REPA, año 1899, Paredes, F. 69, No. 32 (May 8, 1899); REPA, año 1901, Jiménez, F. 376, No. 139 (Sept. 30, 1901); REPA, año 1903, Jiménez, F. 257, No. 111 (June 5, 1903); REPA, año 1907, Jiménez, F. 166, No. 62 (Apr. 11, 1907).

56. The Calapuja Pachari family from parcialidad Yanico in Arapa owned Fundo Humanasi Choquechambi in parcialidad Curayllo until 1908 by inheritance from their mother Paula Quispe Pachari; REPA, año 1908, Jiménez, F. 837, No. 330 (May 1, 1908). See Orlove, "Rich Man, Poor Man," 5, for examples from Canchis province.

57. Urquiaga, Sublevaciones , 10-21.

58. Alcalde José A. Lizares Quiñones to Subprefect, Azángaro, Aug. 26, 1893; Alcalde José Albino Ruiz to Subprefect, Azángaro, Oct. 2, 1894; both in Municipal Archive of Azángaro.

59. Manrique, Yawar mayu , 152. This also appears to be the position of Poole, "Landscapes of Power," 367-98, who, mistakenly in my view, sees an increasing association between gamonales and state power even beyond 1920.

60. Mostajo, "Apuntes," 758-59.

61. REPA, año 1910, Jiménez, F. 550, No. 242 (Mar. 12, 1910).

62. Peru, Informe que presenta el Doctor Pedro C. Villena , 35-36; Demelas and Piel, "Jeux et enjeux," 55-64; Mallon, Defense of Community , 144-67.

63. Memoria del Sr. Prefecto [1901] , 27-28. For the period 1888 to 1890 the contribución personal accounted for 80.5 percent of Puno's total departmental tax revenue of 141,283.63 soles m.n.; see Romero, Monografía del departamento de Puno , 524; Manrique, Yawar Mayu , 172-78. Manrique mistakenly believes that the juntas departamentales were left without funds after the abolition of the contribución personal; but they continued to receive the proceeds from the contribuciones de predios rústicos y urbanos, de industria, and de patentes, as well as the contribución ecclesiástica; see Calle, Diccionario 3:511-14, 4:33-42. On the relationship between serrano elites and central government, see my article "Free Trade," 158-59.

64. T. Platt, Estado boliviano , 100; emphasis in the original. See also Langer, "El liberalismo," 59-95.

65. Pedro Villena claimed in 1913 that in Lampa "the tax roll was based on the number of people living in an 'ayllu' or an 'estancia,' but not on the income which each taxpayer derives from his property"; see Peru, Informe , 10. But this cannot have been the case in Azángaro, because the peasants' property tax was assessed on the basis of some fifteen different estimates of annual income, ranging from 20 to 500 soles m.n., and in some communities many peasants paid, whereas in others few or none did.

66. For the central sierra, cf. G. Smith, Livelihood and Resistance , 83.

67. Cf. Hazen, "Awakening of Puno," ch. 2; Gonzalez, "Neo-Colonialism," 1-26.

68. Roca Sánchez, Por la clase indígena , 173-74.

69. Sivirichi, Derecho indígena , 122.

70. On Buenavista de Conguyo, see REPA, año 1894, Meza, F. 352, No. 172 (July 23, 1894); on San Antonio de Lacconi, see REPA, año 1862, Patiño, F. 332, No. 159 (Oct. 31, 1862).

71. REPA, año 1869, judge not listed (Feb. 15, 1869).

72. The matrícula de predios rústicos of 1897 lists 724 community peasants with annual income of 20 soles m.n. or more, equivalent to at least 100 OMR in livestock. My estimate allows both for the inclusion of some families in the rolls actually owning less livestock and the exclusion of some families owning at least 100 head of livestock. In Santiago district, for example, peasants were nearly totally absent from the 1897 rolls. Percentage estimate based on an estimate of 38,000-40,000 community peasants in Azángaro in 1897 and an average family size of 5 persons.

73. Cf. the descriptions of communities in the western cordillera: Orlove and Custred, "Alternative Model"; Flores Ochoa, Pastores de Paratía .

74. In Arapa, with its lakeshore microclimate allowing more crop raising than most altiplano areas, a larger percentage of peasants spoke Spanish, and peasant families such as the Chambis and the Amanquis were prominent in local politics.

75. See Matos Mar, "La propiedad en la isla Taquile," for land transfers among altiplano peasants. For the Mantaro valley, see Contreras, "Mercado de tierras."

76. Cf. Orlove, "Reciprocidad, desigualdad y dominación," 309-10.

77. Michael Ducey found that rebellions in Mexico's Huasteca region during the late colonial period were usually led by affluent members of the community; see his "'Viven sin ley ni rey.'"

78. This estimate is based on other estimates and census data for community population and livestock held in the communities. It includes the affluent or kulak peasants. Because I have not been able to estimate the number of affluent peasants around 1825-29, it is not clear to me whether their share of total peasant livestock increased during the century after independence, although I doubt that it did.

79. On the Mantaro valley, see G. Smith, Livelihood and Resistance , 81-83.

80. In his will Pedro Quispe from Muñani granted three cows and ten sheep to his domestic servant María Laura, an orphan whom he and his wife had raised since early childhood; REPA, año 1872, Patiño, F. 30, No. 17 (June 22, 1872).

81. See the case of one Mamani family residing on the land Vilacucho, part of the Puraca's Buenavista de Conguyo; REPA, año 1869, Patiño, F. 3, No. 3 (Jan. 13, 1869), and REPA, año 1880, Torres Nuñez, F. 66, No. 39 (Aug. 31, 1880). On landless retainers in Bolivian communities, see Langer, Economic Change , 73; on the Mantaro valley, see G. Smith, Livelihood and Resistance , 82-83; on the Callejón de Huaylas, see W. Stein, La rebelión de Atusparia , 43.

82. Orlove and Custred, "Alternative Model," 38-39.

83. Delgado, Organización , 39-40.

84. Will of Casimira Mamani, REPA, año 1910, Aparicio, F. 293, No. 336 (Dec. 27, 1910).

85. See, for example, the grant of Fundo Huacamocco-Adobe-Canchapata in parcialidad Llallahua (Santiago) to Mariano Chambi in 1852, REPA, año 1902, Jiménez, F. 781 (Aug. 23, 1902, prot.); and of Estancia Huaichaccasani in parcialidad Jayuraya (Putina) to the Arenas family in the early 1820s, REPA, año 1902, Jiménez, F. 582 (Feb. 21, 1902, prot.).

86. For the appropriation of an estancia belonging to a peasant family who died in an epidemic, see REPA, año 1892, Meza (Dec. 21, 1892, prot.). According to Romero ( Monografía del departamento de Puno , 524), the state turned over land to Indian peasants in Puno in the aftermath of the War of the Pacific in exchange for renewed payment of the contribución personal.

87. Leases were rare among peasants; see chapter 6.

88. Martínez, "El indígena," 180.

1. Between 1920 and 1940 some newly formed haciendas disappeared, and others lost land and shepherds. For the 1829 estimate, see Jacobsen, "Land Tenure," 837, app. 2. The figures for 1876 and 1940 are calculated from national population censuses.

2. See the case of Hacienda Achoc in Achaya; REPP, año 1869, unnamed judge (Feb. 15, 1869).

3. Fischer to Castresana, Picotani, Aug. 29, 1909, AFA-P.

4. REPA, año 1867, Patiño, F. 109, No. 51 (May 19, 1867).

5. "Lista de pagos de los alcances de los empleados y pastores de la Finca Picotani de Setiembre 1908 al mismo de 1909," Picotani, Sept. 30, 1909; "Plan general del recuento general de ganado de la Hacienda Picotani, Toma y Cambría," Picotani, Aug. 31, 1924; both in AFA-P.

6. Mendoza Aragón, "El contrato pecuario de pastoreo," 38-39; Avila, "Exposición," 39; Aramburú López de Romaña, "Organización," 57.

7. Cf. G. Smith, Livelihood and Resistance , 82.

8. See legal action in 1869 by ten community peasants from Acora, Chucuito province, whose estancias lay contiguous to Hacienda Sacuyo of José María Barrionuevo and who fought against being forced to render labor services for the estate; REPP, año 1869, unnamed judge (Apr. 3, 1869).

9. G. Smith, Livelihood and Resistance , 82.

10. Urquiaga, Sublevaciones .

11. Jiménez, Breves apuntes , 10-12; Romero, Monografía del departamento de Puno , 435-36.

12. REPA, various contracts, 1903-10.

13. Romero, Monografía del departamento de Puno , 435-36.

14. Santisteban to Pérez, Arequipa, Mar. 27, 1925, AFA-P.

15. Pedro Balero to Juan Paredes, Toma, Oct. 14, 1874, MPA.

16. Urquiaga, Sublevaciones , 28-29; Tauro, Diccionario enciclopédico del Perú 3:21.

17. Urquiaga, Sublevaciones , 31; "Propuestas que hase [ sic ] el suscrito [Genaro Nuñez] para la administración de la Hacienda Picotani y sus anexos Toma y Cambría," Arequipa, Sept. 20, 1924, AFA-P. On some estates further categories of subaltern positions existed, such as jatun quipu and quipillo .

18. Romero, Monografía del departamento de Puno , 435-36.

19. "Lista de pagos," Picotani, Sept. 30, 1909, AFA-P; for Cuzco haciendas, see Burga and Flores Galindo, Apogeo , 28-29.

20. Urquiaga, Sublevaciones ; Maltby, "Colonos on Hacienda Picotani," 99-112; Kaerger, Landwirtschaft 2:329-30; Burga and Flores Galindo, Apogeo , 20-33; Bustamante, Apuntes , 17-18; Romero, Monografía del departamento de Puno , 435-36; Ponce de León, "Situación del colono peruano," 98-121; Mendoza Aragón, "El contrato pecuario de pastoreo"; Pacheco Portugal, "Condición."

21. Urquiaga, Sublevaciones , 26-32; Mendoza Aragón, "El contrato pecuario de pastoreo," 26-27; Giraldo and Franch, "Hacienda y gamonalismo," 97-103, 205-7; Aramburú López de Romaña, "Organización," 13-14, 31-32; Maltby, "Colonos on Hacienda Picotani."

22. For exceptional written labor contracts in 1920, see Roca Sánchez, Por la clase indígena , 286-88.

23. Martínez Alier, Los huacchilleros , 13.

24. Urquiaga, Sublevaciones , 32; Maltby, "Colonos on Hacienda Picotani"; Aramburú López de Romaña, "Organización," 33.

25. Burga and Flóres Galindo, Apogeo , 39; Aramburú López de Romaña, "Organización," 37; Belón y Barrionuevo, La industria , 17-18.

26. Cf. the estates of César Salas Flores, discussed in ch. 6; see also Avila, "Exposición," 34.

27. Formally landless peons who accumulated a modest affluence through their own livestock operations confounded Azángaro's tax commissioners. They assessed some of them for property taxes, whereas others had to pay contribución industrial . See "Matrículas," 1897, 1902, 1907, 1912, BMP; Urquiaga, Sublevaciones , 32; Avila, "Exposición," 34, 39; Maltby, "Colonos on Hacienda Picotani."

28. Maccagno, Los auquenidos , 33-34.

29. In some cases communities formally existed within southern Peruvian estates; cf. Plane, Le Pérou , 64-65; Reátegui Chávez, Explotación agropecuaria , 13-17.

30. "Arancel de los jornales del Perú, 1687," in Macera, Mapas coloniales de hacienda cuzqueñas , 145-46.

31. Markham, Travels , 190; El Nacional (Lima), May 16, 1867, cited in E. Vásquez, La rebelión de Juan Bustamante , 347; Martinet, La agricultura en el Perú , 88ñ-88o.

32. It is unclear whether the length of service refers to the time the colono actually had a flock or merely to the time of his or her physical presence on the estate.

33. T. Davies, Indian Integration in Peru , 63.

34. "Cuaderno de la Hacienda Quimsachata," MPA.

35. "Lista de pagos," Picotani, Sept. 30, 1909, AFA-P; accounts of the shepherds of Hacienda Santa Fé de Sollocota, Sept 9. 1918, AFA-S.

36. Accounts of the shepherds of Sollocota, Sept 9. 1918, AFA-S.

37. Maltby, "Colonos on Hacienda Picotani"; Aramburú López de Romaña, "Organización," 37.

38. Urquiaga, Sublevaciones , 32.

39. Fischer to Castresana, Picotani, Sept. 20 and Oct. 9, 1908; "Planilla de fallas de Setiembre de 1907 al mismo de 1908," Aug. 1909; all in AFA-P.

40. "Planilla de los saldos de lana que adeuda la indiada de la Finca de Picotani al 1 de Octubre de 1909," AFA-P.

41. Fischer to Castresana, Picotani, Aug. 30 and Sept. 20, 1908, AFA-P.

42. Medina to Castresana, Picotani, Aug. 11, 1907, AFA-P.

43. Cf. Bauer, ''Rural Workers in Spanish America."

44. On hacienda stores in Cuzco, see Anrup, El taita , 128-29; Burga and Flores Galindo, Apogeo , 124-28.

45. Maltby, "Colonos on Hacienda Picotani," 103.

46. Urquiaga, Sublevaciones , 35.

47. Maltby, "Colonos on Hacienda Picotani," 102; "Planilla de los saldos de lana," AFA-P.

48. Giraldo and Franch, "Hacienda y gamonalismo," 115.

49. Contract between Mullisaca and administrator Julio La Rosa Galván, Picotani, Nov. 30, 1909, AFA-P. The patronym "Mullisaca" appears limited to Muñani district and the ayllus around San Juan de Salinas; perhaps both groups of Mullisacas derived from one clan that had established use rights in different ecological zones. Benito Mullisaca might have maintained rights to entradas de sal or exchanged the salt against livestock products with distant relatives from his ancient clan in Salinas.

50. Fischer to Castresana, Picotani, Apr. 12, 1908, AFA-P.

51. Cf. the classic portrayal of paternalism by Genovese, Roll, Jordan, Roll .

52. On Andean notions of reciprocity in late nineteenth-century haciendas of Bolivia's Chuquisaca department, see Langer, Economic Change , 60-61; in Peru such notions remained more powerful in some of the large, mixed pastoral-agricultural estates of Cuzco's Quispicanchis province than they did in the altiplano; cf. Burga and Flores Galindo, Apogeo , 28-31; Plane, Le Pérou , 65; Anrup, El taita , esp. ch. 5.

53. Giraldo and Franch, "Hacienda y gamonalismo," 109.

54. Urquiaga, Sublevaciones , 25-35; various letters, 1907-11, AFA-P.

55. Gamarra, "La mamacha," 26-30.

56. Ponce de León, "Situación del colono peruano," 105. On violence as constitutive of gamonal power, see Poole, "Landscapes of Power," 367-98.

57. Burga and Flores Galindo, Apogeo , 112-13.

58. Quoted in Tamayo Herrera, Historia social e indigenismo en el altiplano , 228.

59. Quoted in Burga and Flores Galindo, Apogeo , 28

60. Genovese, Roll, Jordan, Roll , 96-97.

61. Scott, Weapons of the Weak , esp. 279-86.

62. Fischer to Castresana, Picotani, Jan. 10, 1909, AFA-P.

63. Quoted by Burga and Flores Galindo, Apogeo , 28.

64. Kaerger, Landwirtschaft 2:330; Declerq, "El departamento"; Min. de Fomento, Dir. de Fomento, La industria lechera ; V. Jiménez, Breves apuntes ; Barreda, "Carneros," reprinted in Flores Galindo, Arequipa , 156-61; Rivero y Ustáriz, Colección 2:244-45; Bustamante, Apuntes , 17-18.

65. Declerq, "El departamento," 186.

66. León, Cartilla de ganadería , 42-43; León, Lanas, pelas y plumas , 11-12.

67. According to one description, the cattle were small, with disproportionately large bones, "hardly [had] udders and completely lack[ed] any of the characteristics of good milk cows." During a short period of lactation of four to six months they produced only one to two liters of milk per day. But the quality of the milk was considered high. In the case of cattle, meat was the more important product. Cattle was sold on the hoof to cattle traders for supplying fresh meat in Puno, Juliaca, or as dried meat ( cecinas ), both for consumption on the estate and for sale throughout the altiplano and in the ceja de la selva, in Cuzco, La Paz, and Arequipa. But the animals produced little meat, which was "far from being tender and tasty." Declerq, "El departamento," 193; Min. de Fomento, Dir. de Fomento, La industria lechera , 19-20; Jiménez, Breves apuntes , 88; Kaerger, Landwirtschaft 2:367-68.

68. "Libro de cargo y descargo de ganado lanar de los pastores de la Hda. Santa Fé de Sollocota para los años 1905 y 1906"; "Planes de existencia de ganado ovejuno, vacuno, de llamas y alpacas y de caballos de la Hda. Sollocota . . ., recontados el 1o. de Agosto de 1927 y el 1o. de Setiembre de 1928"; both AFA-S.

69. Aramburú López de Romaña, "Organización," 15-16; I have subtracted lambs from the total number of sheep; I also subtracted 65 quintales from the estate's 1909 wool crop (588.11 quintales), an estimate for wool from colonos' huaccho herds acquired by the estate.

70. Martinet, La agricultura en el Perú , 131-32; V. Jiménez, Breves apuntes , 82; Declerq, "El departamento," 183.

71. Bringing alfalfa from Arequipa to the altiplano was deemed too expensive; the barley planted by some hacendados was reserved for cattle, mules and horses; Declerq, "El departamento," 185.

72. "Libro de cargo y descargo de ganado lanar . . ., 1906-1907," AFA-S. On the "ruin" of riding horses in Picotani because of drought, see Galván to Castresana, Picotani, Nov. 7, 1909, AFA-P.

73. See, for example, extension of irrigation in Hacienda Potoni by Rufino Macedo, REPA, año 1865, F. 35, No. 19 (May 22, 1865).

74. Romero, Monografía del departamento de Puno , 418-26.

75. Esteves to Castresana, Picotani, July 3, 1911, AFA-P.

76. Perú, Min. de Fomento, El mejoramiento del ganado nacional , 3.

77. Barreda, "Carneros," rpt. in Flores Galindo, Arequipa , 157.

78. Kaerger, Landwirtschaft 2:361-62; for more optimistic figures, cf. León, Cartilla de ganadería , 34; for even lower estimates, see Belón y Barrionuevo, La industria , 21-34.

79. Harris, Mexican Family Empire , 181, table 6; Hultz and Hill, Range Sheep , 63.

80. Possibly the reproductive capacity of both ewes and rams was low because of malnutrition and disease. Altiplano ranchers calculated 10 rams to serve 100 ewes, whereas in sheep-ranching areas of the United States, Argentina, and Australia 1 to 3 rams per 100 ewes sufficed to procure larger lambing crops. Cf. Hultz and Hill, Range Sheep , 57; H. Gibson, History , 108.

81. Walle, Le Pérou économique , 205-6; Declerq, ''El departamento," 189. See V. Jiménez, Breves apuntes , 9, for somewhat lower mortality rates.

82. Esteves to Castresana, Picotani, Sept. 8, 1911; C. Luza to Eduardo López de Romaña, Picotani, Oct. 3, 1924, AFA-P; Romero, Monografía del departamento de Puno , 418; Urquiaga, Sublevaciones , 32.

83. Kaerger, Landwirtschaft 2:361; Declerq, "El departamento." Four lambing seasons were still described as the norm in V. Jiménez, Breves apuntes , 7-8.

84. Ernst to Eduardo Lopez de Romaña, Picotani, Nov. 21 1924, AFA-P; Lavalle y García, "El mejoramiento," 55.

85. Lavalle y García, "El mejoramiento," 55; Romero, Monografía del departamento de Puno , 418-26.

86. Kaerger, Landwirtschaft 2:360.

87. REPA, Jiménez, año 1906, F. 1119, No. 352 (May 18, 1906), referring to livestock recount from 1896.

88. V. Jiménez, Breves apuntes , 13-14.

89. Cf. Kula, Teoría de la economía feudal .

90. This is one of the methodological problems of studies on Latin American businesses before 1900 that rely exclusively on price theory to "explain" their performance as well as entrepreneurial decisions of the owners. Obviously, prices of output, input, labor, transactions, and capital are important for understanding the conjunctures of haciendas, just as they are for obrajes, mines, or commercial enterprises. But how are we to come up with meaningful "market prices" for these factors if different actors have to pay different amounts for the same amount of land, labor, and inputs, depending on the power they can bring to bear and on their particular networks of clients and kin groups? In an economy like that of the Peruvian altiplano, market prices can be calculated as an aggregate mean for large numbers of producers over the median and long term, but such figures render confusing results in analyzing the performance of individual producers from one year to the next. "Externalities" consistently exert a large influence here. For a methodologically consistent application of price theory, see Salvucci, Textiles and Capitalism in Mexico . Burga and Flores Galindo ( Apogeo , 27) point out difficulties with that approach.

91. Walle, Le Pérou économique , 206.

92. In 1893 Picotani was sold for 41,000 soles to Colonel José Maria Ugarteche; REPAr, J. M. Tejeda, año 1893, F. 539, No. 361 (Aug. 5, 1893); an approximate doubling of the estate's value until 1909 takes the incorporation of additional lands into account. According to Aramburú López de Romaña ("Organización," 16), Picotani sold 588.11 quintales of wool in 1909. Again I have subtracted 60 quintales bought from colonos at market prices. The average price for sheep wool placed in Arequipa, 16.70 soles per quintal in 1909, is taken from Burga and Reátegui, Lanas , 208, table 6; I have subtracted 1.50 soles per quintal as the cost of transportation from Estación de Pucará to Arequipa.

93. Urquiaga, Sublevaciones , 24.

94. Barreda, "Carneros," in Flores Galindo, Arequipa , 156-61.

95. Cf. Hunt, "La economía," 7-66; Burga and Flores Galindo, Apogeo , 27; Florescano, "Formation."

96. Cf. calculation of production costs and net revenues of average altiplano stock estate in Belón y Barrionuevo, La industria , 21-34.

97. Giraldo and Franch, "Hacienda y gamonalismo," 203-4.

98. Stordy, "Breeding," 118-32; Bertram, "Modernización," 8-9.

99. Maccagno, La producción , 9-15.

100. Villarán, "Condición legal," 1-8. See also Mariano Cornejo's juxtaposition of property as "simple source of rent" and "as instrument of labor" in his Discursos políticos , 235.

101. Giraldo and Franch, "Hacienda y gamonalismo," 196.

102. Kaerger, Landwirtschaft 2:330.

103. "Huacahuta Sheep Ranch," West Coast Leader , Mar. 16, 1926, cited in Martínez Alier, Los huacchilleros , 22 (my own retranslation into English).

104. "Lista de pagos," Sept. 30, 1909; Fischer to Castresana, Picotani, May 3, 1908; Fischer to Castresana, Picotani, Sept. 6, 1908; all AFA-P.

105. Esteves to Castresana, Picotani, Sept. 8, 1911, AFA-P.

106. Cited in Maltby, "Colonos on Hacienda Picotani," 106.

107. Ibid., 106-7; Aramburú López de Romaña, "Organización," 49-51, app. 6, 87-89.

108. Aramburú López de Romaña, "Organización," 54-58, table 14, 71-72.

109. Ibid., 54, 62; Min. de Agricultura, Zona Agraria 12, Puno, "Informe técnico de afectación, Picotani," Sept. 5, 1969; Maltby, "Colonos on Hacienda Picotani," 105.

110. Aramburú López de Romaña, "Organización," 28.

111. Maltby, "Colonos on Hacienda Picotani," 103, 108.

112. Ibid.; "Lista de pago," Sept. 30, 1909, AFA-P.

113. Tamayo Herrera, Historia social e indigenismo en el Altiplano , 224-27.

114. Burga and Flores Galindo, Apogeo , 124-29; Bertram, "Modernización," 5.

115. Mendoza Aragón, "El contrato pecuario de pastoreo," 26-27; Pacheco Portugal, "Condición," 84-94. By the late 1950s wage levels on altiplano livestock estates had become widely differentiated, ranging from a minimum of 0.40 soles to a maximum of 3 soles per day. It is not clear that estates paying the highest wages were the most modern, capitalintensive enterprises. See Diaz Bedregal, "Apuntes," 83-84, app. Correspondence between Sindicato Unico de Trabajadores de la Hacienda Posoconi, the management of the Sociedad Ganadera del Sur and the Director of ONRA (Oficina Nacional de Reforma Agraria), Zona Puno, about labor conditions on Hacienda Posoconi, May 12, 1968-May 29, 1968, Expediente de Afectación, Sociedad Ganadera del Sur, vol. 1.

116. In contrast, wage labor predominated on Argentine sheep ranches as early as the mid-nineteenth century, and no later than the 1880s something approaching a free labor market was in place; see Sabato, Agrarian Capitalism , ch. 3.

117. Bustamante, Apuntes , 18; Kaerger, Landwirtschaft 2:360; Martinet, La agricultura en el Perú , 88ñ-88o; Universidad Mayor de San Marcos, Discurso académico , 21-23. Burga and Reátegui ( Lanas , 90-93) stress the success of stock selection between 1900 and 1930, in my view exaggeratedly.

118. Avila, "Exposición," 34; Giraldo and Franch, "Hacienda y gamonalismo," 203; Aramburú López de Romaña, "Organización," 14. For greater advances on a few larger estates in the central sierra, see Walle, Le Pérou économique , 203-7, and León, Cartilla de ganadería , 42-43.

119. Aramburú López de Romaña, "Organización," 71-72, table 14.

120. "Explicaciones para la administración de Picotani i anexos," Are-quipa, Sept. 12, 1924, AFA-P.

121. Aramburú López de Romaña, "Organización," 42; Urquiaga, Sublevaciones , 27; Declerq, "El departamento," esp. 190-91; Burga and Reátegui, Lanas , 90-91. On most estates sheep were sheared with broken bottles; see Romero, Monografía del departamento de Puno , 418-26, 435-36.

122. Maltby, "Colonos on Hacienda Picotani," 105; Appleby, "Exportation and Its Aftermath," 119-21. Cf. Wilson, "Conflict," for the impact of trucks on peasant commercialization in the central sierra.

123. For the dramatic change in ideal-typical accounting methods during the early twentieth century, compare the first and second handbooks for altiplano livestock haciendas. V. Jiménez's volume of 1902, Breves apuntes , represents a summary of the most efficient traditional stock-raising practices, replete with conventional methods of measuring, classifying, and recording. Cazorla, El administrador (1930), lectures the rancher with the authority of modern science on new forms of accounts and livestock-raising techniques.

124. Arturo Arias Echenique, son of the notorious founder of Hacienda San José, was an exception. See his "La ganadería en la provincia de Azángaro."

125. Gadea, "Informe"; Lavalle y García, "El mejoramiento," 69; Dir. de Fomento, La industria lechera ; Declerq, "El departamento."

126. Bertram. "Modernización," 7.

127. Bertram, "New Thinking"; Hunt, "La economía"; Martínez Alier, Los huacchilleros . For a review of historical hacienda studies up to the early 1970s, see Mörner, "Spanish American Hacienda."

128. Bertram, "New Thinking."

129. Maltby, "Colonos on Hacienda Picotani," 109.

130. G. Smith, Livelihood and Resistance , 82-90.

131. Martínez Alier, Los huacchilleros , 18-22; Romero ( Monografía del departamento de Puno , 173-74) judges the situation of community peasants as more favorable than that of colonos. A classical statement of the deteriorating social and economic position of Andean community peasantry through the advance of "feudal latifundism" is Mariátegui, "El problema de la tierra," in his Siete ensayos , 50-104. For an orthodox view of colonos as dependent serfs, see M. Vásquez, Hacienda , esp. 26-36. An early, original exception to this orthodoxy, written as an apology for altiplano hacendados, is Urquiaga, Sublevaciones , which portrays the multifaceted exploitation of community peasants compared to a great degree of autonomy and economic well-being of colonos. For later apologetic pamphlets with low analytical value see, for example, Drapoigne, La verdad ; for a revisionist interpretation of hacienda social relations, see Bauer, "Rural Workers in Spanish America," 34-63.

132. Avila, "Exposición," 39. In 1952 Roberto Mendoza observed that "in the small estates the fluctuation of shepherds is constant and this is caused by the fact that pastures scarcely suffice for the livestock of the hacienda and beyond this the shepherd inevitably tends to overstock the pastures; thus in the long run the situation becomes critical and the livestock mortality obliges the shepherd . . . to emigrate [i.e. to leave the estate] in search of better sites"; Mendoza Aragón, "El contrato pecuario de pastoreo," 39.

133. Lehman, "Dos vías desarrollo."

134. This argument follows that made for slaveocrats of the antebellum southern United States by Genovese, Political Economy , esp. 17-18, 34-35.

135. S. Miller, "Mexican Junkers," 263.

136. M. Jimenez, "Travelling Far."

1. Kapsoli, Los movimientos , ch. 1; Gonzales, "Neo-Colonialism"; Hazen, "Awakening of Puno," ch. 2.

2. Ramos Zambrano, Movimientos , 15-28; D. Mayer, "La historia."

3. Ramos Zambrano, Movimientos , 29-34; Bustamante Otero, "Mito y realidad," 126-30; I would like to thank Scarlett O'Phelan Godoy for sending me a copy of this thesis.

4. Villarán, "Condición legal"; T. Davies, Indian Integration in Peru , 50-52; Hazen, "Awakening of Puno," ch. 3.

5. In 1901 President López de Romaña dispatched a commission headed by Dr. Alejandro Maguiña to investigate peasant protests against local authorities in Puno's Chucuito province; see Maguiña's report of March 15, 1902, in Macera, Maguiña, and Rengifo, Rebelión India , 19-56. In June 1913 the early populist president Guillermo Billinghurst commissioned lawyer Pedro C. Villena to investigate abuses in Puno department. Villena's report detailed specific cases of fraudulent land usurpations by several prominent citizens in Lampa province; see Peru, Informe que presenta el Doctor Pedro C. Villena . I would like to thank Gordon Appleby for providing me with a copy of the report. In what was to become the most fateful of all these commissions, a few months later Billinghurst dispatched Major Teodomiro Gutiérrez Cuevas to investigate the violent clashes in and around Saman; the resulting report disappeared after Bustamante's overthrow in 1914. Two years later, during the administration of José Pardo, Peru's Ministry of Foreign Relations sent Dr. Victor Cárdenas to Puno to investigate the relationship between peasant uprisings and border conflicts with Bolivia; see "Informe que presenta a la Cancillería el doctor Victor R. Cárdenas sobre la influencia boliviana en algunas provincias de Puno, la condición del indio en ese departamento y las medidas que deben adoptarse," Archivo General del Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores, as cited in Bustamante Otero, "Mito y realidad," 180v n. 1.

6. Hazen, "Awakening of Puno," ch. 2; Ramos Zambrano, Movimientos , 20-26.

7. Details of these events vary in different accounts. The most reliable study is Ramos Zambrano, Movimientos ; see also Bustamante Otero, "Mito y realidad"; Hazen, "Awakening of Puno," 139-50; D. Mayer, "La historia"; Paredes, ''El levantamiento"; Urquiaga, Sublevaciónes , 53-59; Tamayo Herrera, Historia social e indigenismo en el Altiplano , 202-17; Burga and Flores Galindo, Apogeo , 115-19; Flores Galindo, Buscando un Inca , 241-48.

8. Gutiérrez Cuevas himself was captured in Arequipa in April 1916. In January 1917 he escaped from prison and fled to Bolivia, where he died sometime between the late 1920s and 1937. He kept in contact with indigenistas and revolutionaries in southern Peru and Bolivia and wrote a revolutionary plan of vast proportions that shows influences of anarchism, indigenismo, and Freemasonry, as well as his military background. See Ramos Zambrano, Movimientos , 40-41, 47-70; Bustamante Otero, "Mito y realidad," 157-61.

9. Lizares Quiñones, Los problemas ; Bustamante Otero, "Mito y realidad," 156.

10. Tamayo Herrera, Historia social e indigenismo en el Altiplano , 201; Burga and Flores Galindo, Apogeo , 118, 127-28; Flores Galindo, Buscando un Inca , 248.

11. The reconstruction of community through memory is emphasized in Rivera Cusicanqui, Oppressed but Not Defeated , ch. 2; see also Glave, "Conflict and Social Reproduction," 143-58.

12. Tamayo Herrera, Historia social e indigenismo en el Altiplano , 209.

13. Florencio Diaz Bedregal, "Los levantamientos indígenas en la provincia de Huancané," Ideología (Ayacucho), no. 1 (1972): 37, cited in Kapsoli, Los movimientos , 74.

14. During 1915 altiplano peasants may have felt especially frustrated by the paradox of rising wool prices and stagnating or falling purchases by traders because of a shortage of cash, temporarily created by Peru's monetary disturbances at the beginning of the war; see Bustamante Otero, "Mito y realidad," 130-31.

15. This argument has been made for the mid-nineteenth-century peasant communities of the Mantaro valley by Contreras, "Estado republicano."

16. Reátegui Chávez, Documentos , 32-36.

17. For a detailed account of this crisis, see Burga and Reátegui, Lanas , 43-49.

18. Bertram, "Modernización," 18-19, tables 3.a, 3.b; Burga and Reátegui, Lanas , ch. 3.

19. Burga and Reátegui, Lanas , 46.

20. Appleby, "Exportation and Its Aftermath," 70-71.

21. Sociedad Ganadera del Departamento de Puno, Memoria , 5-6.

22. Min. de Agricultura, Zona Agraria 12 (Puno), Sub-dirección de Reforma Agraria, Expedientes de Afectación: Huasacona, Sociedad Ganadera del Sur.

23. Hacendados were especially angry because they knew that the wool prices offered by Arequipa export houses had fallen much more steeply than international prices had; see Sociedad Ganadera del Departamento de Puno, Memoria , 5-6.

24. Hazen, "Awakening of Puno," 109.

25. "Seismic wave" is from Flores Galindo, Buscando un Inca , 240.

26. On indigenismo in Puno see Tamayo Herrera, Historia social e indigenismo en el Altiplano , part 4; Hazen, "Awakening of Puno," chs. 3, 6. For the movement in Peru generally, see Degregori, Valderrama, Alfajeme, and Francke Ballve, Indigenismo ; Chevalier, "Official Indigenismo."

27. Hazen, "Awakening of Puno," 190.

28. Ibid. The commission report of 1921 was published by one of its members; see Roca Sánchez, Por la clase indígena .

29. Kapsoli, Ayllus del sol , 218-38.

30. Hazen, "Awakening of Puno," 156-59; Ramos Zambrano, La rebelión de Huancané , 19.

31. Sociedad Ganadera del Departamento de Puno, Memoria ; Hazen, "Awakening of Puno," 179-82, 190-92.

32. Appleby, "Exportation and Its Aftermath," 89-90. Based on a single case from the department of Cuzco, Burga and Flores Galindo claim that small traders and peasants were on the verge of forging an alliance; see their Apogeo , 128.

33. Sociedad Ganadera del Departamento de Puno, Memoria , 14-16; Drapoigne, La verdad , 24-30.

34. Burga and Flores Galindo, Apogeo , 125. This demand was not surprising in the case of Lauramarca, as communities had continued to exist within the vast estate; see Plane, Le Pérou , 64-65.

35. Florencio Diaz Bedregal, "Los levantamientos de indígenas en la provincia de Huancané" (thesis, Universidad Nacional de San Antonio Abad del Cusco, 1950), 64-71, as cited in Tamayo Herrera, Historia social e indigenismo en el Altiplano , 237.

36. L. Gallegos, "Wancho-Lima"; Tamayo Herrera, Historia social e indigenismo en el Altiplano , 229-43; Hazen, "Awakening of Puno," 170-78; Ramos Zambrano, La rebelión de Huancané .

37. Burga and Flores Galindo, Apogeo , 128.

38. Law No. 605 of October 6, 1922, of Leguía's short-lived Regional Congress for Southern Peru had actually abolished the old communal offices; see Sivirichi, Derecho indígena , 123. In Cuzco the law was not heeded, and communities continued to appoint their varayocs ; see Delgado, Organización , 15-16, 57-58. For their abolition in Azángaro, see Macedo, Apuntes , 39.

39. Hazen, "Awakening of Puno," ch. 5; Orlove, "Landlords and Officials," 119.

40. Appleby, "Exportation and Its Aftermath," 187-212.

41. For the case of the central sierra during the 1930s, see Wilson, "Conflict," 125-61.

42. Ramos Zambrano, Movimientos , 26; Appleby, "Exportation and Its Aftermath," 205; Favre, "Evolución," 244-45.

43. Romero, Historia económica del Perú , 284; Zea, "Constatación de clases"; Romero, Monografía del departamento de Puno , 235-36; Bertram, "New Thinking," 105-7.

44. Martínez Alier, Los huacchilleros , 12; Flores Galindo, Arequipa , 129-31; Belón y Barrionuevo, La industria , 13.

45. Burga and Reátegui, Lanas , 52.

46. "El Comité de Salud Pública" to Cámara de Comercio de Arequipa, Sept. 30, 1923, cited in Bertram, "Modernización," 10; ''La granja modelo de Puno."

47. Bertram, "Modernización," 10-13.

48. In 1926 Colonel Stordy suggested to the U.S.-owned Foundation Company, a major contractor for President Leguía's public works program, that it should buy up 500,000 acres of hacienda and community lands between the Estación de Pucará and Hacienda Picotani, in effect forming one vast sheep ranch on a central swath of territory across Azángaro province; although negotiations began, the Foundation Company soon lost interest; ibid., 13.

49. Burga and Reátegui, Lanas , 58-59.

50. Belón y Barrionuevo, La industria , 53-54; Min. de Agricultura, Zona Agraria 12 (Puno), Subdirección de Reforma Agraria, Expediente de afectación: Sociedad Ganadera del Sur; Burga and Reátegui, Lanas , 57-59. See the announcement of Belón's candidacy in the Partido Aprista Peruano's departmental weekly, El Collao , Sept. 29, 1931, 5.

51. Beals, Fire on the Andes , 232.

52. Fitzgerald, "Review," 209-11.