1. Frederick Jackson Turner, The Frontier in American History (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1986).

2. Ibid., 4.

1. Frederick Jackson Turner, The Frontier in American History (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1986).

2. Ibid., 4.

3. Ray Allen Billington and Martin Ridge, Westward Expansion: A History of the American Frontier , 5th ed. (New York: Macmillan Co., 1982).

4. See Ray Allen Billington, ed., The Frontier Thesis: Valid Interpretation of American History? (New York: Krieger Pub. Co., 1977), for representative positions on the debate for and against the Turner thesis.

5. Sérgio Buarque de Holanda, Caminhos e fronteiras (Rio de Janeiro: Livraria José Olympio Editôra, 1957) and Monões , 2d ed. (São Paulo: Editôra Alfa-Omega, 1976).

6. See Billington, The Frontier Thesis , as well as Harry N. Schieber, ''Turner's Legacy and the Search for a Reorientation of Western History: A Review Essay," New Mexico Historical Review 44(1969): 231-248; Jackson K. Putnam, "The Turner Thesis and Westward Movement: A Reappraisal," Western Historical Quarterly 7(1976): 379-404, and Martin Ridge, "Frederick Jackson Turner, Ray Allen Billington, and American Frontier History," Western Historical Quarterly 19(1988): 5-20, for three reviews in different decades of this literature and controversy. In "Turner, the Boltonians, and the Borderlands," American Historical Review 91(1986): 66-81, David Weber argues that the Turner thesis has never been very influential in the study of Mexico's northern frontier or the U.S.-Mexico borderlands because of Turner's (and his students') failure to address ethnicity on the frontier.

7. David A. Brading, Miners and Merchants in Bourbon Mexico, 1763-1810 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1971); Doris M. Ladd., The Mexican Nobility at Independence, 1780-1820 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1976); Richard B. Lindley, Haciendas and Economic Development: Guadalajara, Mexico, at Independence (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1983); Susan E. Ramirez, Provincial Patriarchs: The Economics of Power in Colonial Peru (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1985); Fred Bronner, "Peruvian Encomenderos in 1630: Elite Circulation and Consolidation," Hispanic American Historical Review 57(1977): 633-659; Robert B. Keith, Conquest and Agrarian Change (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1976). Similar

landowning elites evolved in frontier regions as well. See Charles H. Harris III, A Mexican Family Empire: The Latifundio of the Sánchez Navarros, 1765-1867 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1975), Robert J. Ferry, The Colonial Elite of Early Caracas: Formation and Crisis, 1567-1767 (Berkeley, Los Angeles, Oxford: University of California Press, 1989), and Diana Balmori, Stuart F. Voss, and Miles Wortman, Notable Family Networks in Latin America (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1984). For an excellent review of the formation and consolidation of this elite, see Susan E. Ramirez, "Large Landowners," in Cities and Society in Colonial Latin America , ed. Louisa Hoberman and Susan Socolow (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1986), 19-45.

8. Stuart B. Schwartz, Sovereignty and Society in Colonial Brazil: The High Court of Bahia and Its Judges, 1609-1751 (Berkeley, Los Angeles, London: University of California Press, 1973); Schwartz, Sugar Plantations in the Formation of Brazilian Society: Bahia, 1550-1835 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985); Rae Jean Dell Flory and David Grant Smith, "Bahian Merchants and Planters in the Seventeenth and Early Eighteenth Centuries," Hispanic American Historical Review 58(2978): 572-594.

9. See Sedi Hirano, Pre-capitalismo e capitalismo (São Paulo: Editôra Hucitec, 1988), for a review of how the terms "estate," "class," and "caste" are used historically and in recent sociological and historical work on colonial Brazil.

10. Peter Laslett and Richard Wall, eds., Household and Family in Past Time (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1972).

11. Kenneth A. Lockridge, A New England Town, The First Hundred Years: Dedham, Massachusetts, 1636-1736 (New York: W. W. Norton & Co., 1970), and Philip J. Greven, Jr., Four Generations: Population, Land, and Family in Colonial Andover, Massachusetts (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1970). Two other influential studies of New England towns appeared in the same year: John Demos's A Little Commonwealth: Family Life in Plymouth Colony (New York: Oxford University Press, 1970) and Michael Zuckerman's Peaceable Kingdoms: New England Towns in the Eighteenth Century (New York: Vintage Books, 1970).

12. Stephen Innes, Labor in a New Land: Economy and Society in Seventeenth-Century Springfield (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1983), xv-xvi.

13. Ibid., xvi.

14. Ibid.

12. Stephen Innes, Labor in a New Land: Economy and Society in Seventeenth-Century Springfield (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1983), xv-xvi.

13. Ibid., xvi.

14. Ibid.

12. Stephen Innes, Labor in a New Land: Economy and Society in Seventeenth-Century Springfield (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1983), xv-xvi.

13. Ibid., xvi.

14. Ibid.

15. Lois Green Carr and Lorena S. Walsh, "The Planter's Wife: The Experience of White Women in Seventeenth-Century Maryland," in The Chesapeake in the Seventeenth Century: Essays on Anglo-American Society and Politics , ed. Thad W. Tate and David L. Ammerman (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1979), 25-57.

16. Darrett B. and Anita H. Rutman, "'Now Wives and Sons-in-Law': Parental Death in a Seventeenth-Century Virginia County," in The Chesapeake in the Seventeenth Century , 153-182.

17. Lorena Walsh, "'Till Death Do Us Part': Marriage and Family in Seventeenth-Century Maryland," in The Chesapeake in the Seventeenth Century , 126-152.

18. Darrett B. Rutman, "Assessing the Little Communities of Early America," William and Mary Quarterly , 3d ser., 43(1986): 163.

19. Ibid., 167.

18. Darrett B. Rutman, "Assessing the Little Communities of Early America," William and Mary Quarterly , 3d ser., 43(1986): 163.

19. Ibid., 167.

20. Jack P. Greene, Pursuits of Happiness: The Social Development of Early Modern British Colonies and the Formation of American Culture (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1988).

21. Gilberto Freyre, The Masters and the Slaves [Casa-Grande & Senzala]: A Study in the Development of Brazilian Civilization , trans. Samuel Putnam, 2d ed. rev. (New York: Knopf, 1966), 26.

22. Ibid., 43.

21. Gilberto Freyre, The Masters and the Slaves [Casa-Grande & Senzala]: A Study in the Development of Brazilian Civilization , trans. Samuel Putnam, 2d ed. rev. (New York: Knopf, 1966), 26.

22. Ibid., 43.

23. Freyre's model of colonization has been developed by Oliveira Vianna, Luís de Aguiar Costa Pinto, Antônio Cândido, and others. For an excellent review of this literature, see Eni de Mesquita Samara, As mulheres, o poder, e a família: São Paulo, século XIX (São Paulo: Editôra Marco Zero, 1989), 15-45.

24. Elizabeth Anne Kuznesof, Household Economy and Urban Development: São Paulo, 1765 to 1836 (Boulder: Westview Press, 1986), 158-159.

25. Iraci del Nero da Costa, Vila Rica: Populaão (1719-1826) (São Paulo: IPE-USP, 1979), 164.

26. Donald Ramos, "Marriage and the Family in Colonial Vila Rica," Hispanic American Historical Review 55(1975): 200-225.

27. Maria Odila Leite da Silva Dias, Quotidiano e poder em São Paulo no século XIX—Ana Gertrudes de Jesus (São Paulo: Brasiliense, 1984), and Elizabeth Anne Kuznesof, "The Role of the Female-Headed Household in Brazilian Modernization: São Paulo 1765 to 1836," Journal of Social History 13(1980): 589-613.

28. Kuznesof, Household Economy and Urban Development , 158; Donald Ramos, "Consensual Unions and the Family in Nineteenth-Century Minas Gerais, Brazil," paper presented to the Social Science History Association, November 1989.

29. Arlene J. Diaz and Jeff Stewart, "Occupational Class and Female-Headed Households in Santiago Maior do Iguape, Brazil, 1835," Journal of Family History 16(1991): 299-313.

30. Samara, As mulheres, o poder, e a família , 15-45, and Darrell E. Levi, The Prados of São Paulo, Brazil: An Elite Family and Social Change, 1840-1930 (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1987), 1-16.

31. Linda Lewin, Politics and Parentela in Paraíba: A Case Study of Family-based Oligarchy in Brazil (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1987); and Levi, The Prados of São Paulo . See also Elizabeth Kuznesof's portrayal of elite families in São Paulo in "A família na sociedade Brasileira: Parentesco, clientelismo, e estrutura social (São Paulo 1700-1980)," in Família e grupos de convívio , ed. Eni de Mesquita Samara (São Paulo: ANPUH/Marco Zero, 1989).

32. "Dinamica familiar da elite paulista (1765-1836)," M.A. thesis, University of São Paulo, 1987.

33. Carlos de Almeida Prado Bacellar is working in this direction; see "Os senhores da terra—familia e sistema sucessório entre os senhores de engenho do oeste paulista, 1765-1855," M.A. thesis, University of São Paulo, 1987.

34. Eni de Mesquita Samara, "Famílias e domicílios em sociedades escravistas (São Paulo no século XIX)," paper presented to the Conference on the Population History of Latin America, Ouro Preto, June 1989; Donald Ramos, "Single and Married Women in Vila Rica, Brazil, 1754-1838," Journal of Family History 16(1991): 261-282; Elizabeth Anne Kuznesof, "Sexual Politics, Race, and Bastard-Bearing in Nineteenth-Century Brazil, A Question of Culture of Power?," Journal of Family History 16(1991): 241-260; Dias, Quotidiano e poder ; and Samara, As mulheres, o poder, e a família .

35. Mafia Luiza Marcílio, Caiara: Terra e populaíão, estudo de demografia histórica e da história social de Ubatuba (São Paulo: Edições Paulinas— CEDHAL, 1986).

36. Mary Karasch, Slave Life in Rio de Janeiro, 1808-1850 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1987), 287-298.

37. See the special issue of Estudos Econômicos , "Demografia da Escravidão," 17, 2(1987).

1. Inv. Suzana Dias, 1634, IT 33:11-21.

2. Luiz Gonzaga da Silva Leme, Genealogia Paulistana , 9 vols. (São Paulo: Duprat, 1901-1905), 7:224.

3. James W. Wilkie and Stephen Haker, Statistical Abstract of Latin America , 21 (Los Angeles: UCLA Latin American Center Publications, 1981), 30.

4. Paulo Pereira dos Reis, O Indígena do Vale do Paraíba , Coleão Paulística, XVI (São Paulo: Governo do Estado de São Paulo, 1979), 41.

5. Before sailing west in 1492, Columbus secured a very favorable contract that gave him extensive administrative and financial powers in any new lands discovered. See "The Capitulations of Santa Fe: The Title— Conditional grant of titles and privileges to Columbus," in New Iberian World: A Documentary History of the Discovery and Settlement of Latin America to the Early 17th Century , 5 vols., ed. John H. Parry and Robert G. Keith (New York: Times Books, 1984), doc. 14:2, 2:19.

6. "Pedro Vaz de Caminha to the King of Portugal, describing the Portuguese landing at Porto Seguro," in New Iberian World , doc. 57:1, 5:14.

7. Ibid., 5:6.

8. Ibid., 5:10.

9. Ibid., 5:13.

6. "Pedro Vaz de Caminha to the King of Portugal, describing the Portuguese landing at Porto Seguro," in New Iberian World , doc. 57:1, 5:14.

7. Ibid., 5:6.

8. Ibid., 5:10.

9. Ibid., 5:13.

6. "Pedro Vaz de Caminha to the King of Portugal, describing the Portuguese landing at Porto Seguro," in New Iberian World , doc. 57:1, 5:14.

7. Ibid., 5:6.

8. Ibid., 5:10.

9. Ibid., 5:13.

6. "Pedro Vaz de Caminha to the King of Portugal, describing the Portuguese landing at Porto Seguro," in New Iberian World , doc. 57:1, 5:14.

7. Ibid., 5:6.

8. Ibid., 5:10.

9. Ibid., 5:13.

10. On the Spanish background, see Jaime Vicens Vives, An Economic History of Spain , trans. F. M. López-Morillas (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1969); Derek W. Lomax, The Reconquest of Spain (New York: Longman, 1978); J. H. Mariéjol, The Spain of Ferdinand and Isabella , trans. and ed. Benjamin Keen (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1961).

11. For an overview of this period of Portuguese history, see Victorino Magalhães Godinho, A economia dos descobrimentos henriquinos (Lisbon: Liv. Sa da Costa, 1962); Bailey W. Diffie and George D. Winius, Foundations of the Portuguese Empire, 1415-1580 (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1977); and A. H. de Oliveira Marques, A History of Portugal , 2d ed. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1976).

12. J. F. de Almeida Prado, Primeiros povoadores do Brasil, 1500-1530 , 2d ed., Brasiliana, 37 (São Paulo: Companhia Editôra Nacional, 1939), 59-130; Alexander Marchant, From Barter to Slavery: The Economic Relations of Portuguese and Indians in the Settlement of Brazil, 1500-1580 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1942; repr. ed., Gloucester, Mass.: Peter Smith, 1966), 28-47.

13. John Hemming, Red Gold: The Conquest of the Brazilian Indians (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1978), 487-501.

14. John Hemming, "The Indians of Brazil in 1500," in The Cambridge History of Latin America , ed. Leslie Bethell (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984), 1:119-143; see also Hemming, Red Gold , 24-28.

15. There are many accounts of the ritual cannibalism practiced by the Tupi groups of Brazil, the most famous of which is that of Hans Staden in the 1550s; see Hemming, Red Gold , 28-34, for a fuller discussion of the practice as well as its eyewitnesses.

16. Frei Gaspar da Madre de Deus, Memórias para a história da Capitania de São Vicente (Lisbon: 1797; repr. ed., Coleão Reconquista do Brasil, vol. 20, Belo Horizonte: Editôra Itatiaia, 1975), 29-110; Marchant, From Barter to Slavery , 49-52; Almeida Prado, Primeiros povoadores , 81-108.

17. Silva Leme, Genealogia Paulistana , 7:224.

18. Madre de Deus, Memórias , 91.

19. J. F. de Almeida Prado, São Vicente e as Capitanias do Sul do Brasil: As origens (1501-1551) , Brasiliana, 314 (São Paulo: Companhia Editôra Nacional, 1961), 467.

20. H. B. Johnson, "The Portuguese Settlements of Brazil, 1500-80," in The Cambridge History of Latin America , 1:261-267; and H. B. Johnson, "The Donatary Captaincy in Perspective: Portuguese Backgrounds to the Settlement of Brazil," Hispanic American Historical Review 52(1972): 201-214; see also the "Donation and charter for the captaincy of Pernambuco to Duarte Coelho," New Iberian World , doc. 58:2, 5:44.

21. Marchant, From Barter to Slavery , 94.

22. See, e.g., the letters of Pero de Góis, donatário of Paraíba do Sul, and Duarte Coelho, donatário of Pernambuco, written in the 1540s, which describe the early conditions of the settlements and the difficulties en-

countered, in New Iberian World , docs. 58:3, 58:4, 58:5, 5:52-58. Marchant, From Barter to Slavery , 48-80, provides an excellent analysis of this period.

23. Francisco Adolfo de Varnhagen, História geral do Brazil , 3 vols., 10th ed. (São Paulo: Editôra Itatiaia, 1981), 1:168, n. 8.

24. Marchant, From Barter to Slavery , 71-72.

25. Madre de Deus, Memórias , 91.

26. Hemming, Red Gold , 97-118.

27. See the laws of 1570 and 2574 briefly described in Johnson, "The Portuguese Settlement of Brazil," 274, and in Hemming, Red Gold , 151. For a wider discussion of the laws pertaining to Indian slavery, see Hemming, Red Gold , 149-160, and Stuart Schwartz, "Indian Labor and New World Plantations: European Demands and Indian Responses in Northeastern Brazil," American Historical Review 83(1978): 43-79.

28. Hemming, Red Gold , 139-146.

29. Nóbrega to P. Simão Rodrigues, 1552, in Serafim Leite, S.I., Novas cartas jesuiticas: De Nóbrega a Vieira (São Paulo: Companhia Editôra Nacional, 1940), 27; Nóbrega to Rodrigues, 1553, in Leite, Novas cartas , 35.

30. Nóbrega to P. Luiz Gonalves da Câmara, 1553, in Leite, Novas cartas , 45.

31. Affonso d'Escragnolle Taunay, São Paulo nos primeiros anos (1554-1601), ensaio de reconstituião social (Tours: Imprimerie E. Arrault, 1920), 188.

32. Ibid., 185-186.

31. Affonso d'Escragnolle Taunay, São Paulo nos primeiros anos (1554-1601), ensaio de reconstituião social (Tours: Imprimerie E. Arrault, 1920), 188.

32. Ibid., 185-186.

33. Nóbrega to P. General Diogo Láinez, 1561, in Leite, Novas cartas , 112.

34. Anchieta to St. Francis Borgia, 1570, quoted in Helen G. Dominian, Apostle of Brazil: The Biography of Padre José de Anchieta, S.J. (New York: Exposition Press, 1958), 236.

35. Ibid.

34. Anchieta to St. Francis Borgia, 1570, quoted in Helen G. Dominian, Apostle of Brazil: The Biography of Padre José de Anchieta, S.J. (New York: Exposition Press, 1958), 236.

35. Ibid.

36. Nóbrega to Câmara, 1553, in Leite, Novas cartas , 46.

37. Madre de Deus, Memórias , 122; Hemming, Red Gold , 42; Dominian, Apostle of Brazil , 70.

38. Nóbrega to Láinez, 1561, in Leite, Novas cartas , 106-107.

39. Letter of Anchieta, quoted in Dominian, Apostle of Brazil , 165.

40. Ibid.

39. Letter of Anchieta, quoted in Dominian, Apostle of Brazil , 165.

40. Ibid.

41. Letter of Pero Correia, 1554, in Leite, Novas cartas , 175.

42. Hemming, Red Gold , 140.

43. Dominian, Apostle of Brazil , 212.

44. Alfred W. Crosby reports that mortality from smallpox in a non-immunized population is 30 percent. Of those who survived the epidemic, more would die because of the famine that generally followed. See The Columbian Exchange: Biological and Cultural Consequences of 1492 (Westport: Greenwood Press, 1972), 44.

45. Robert Southey, History of Brazil (London: 1822; repr. ed., New York: Greenwood Press, 1969), 298-299; Dominian, Apostle of Brazil , 168-170; Hemming, Red Gold , 126-128; Reis, O Indígena , 44-50.

46. Hemming, Red Gold , 119-138.

47. Taunay, São Paulo nos primeiros anos , 188; 195-196.

48. Description of life in a Bahian Jesuit aldeia from a letter of Ruy Pereira, 1560, quoted in Marchant, From Barter to Slavery , 111, n. 46.

49. On the transformation from Indian to African slavery, see Schwartz, Sugar Plantations and the Formation of Brazilian Society: Bahia, 1550-1835 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 51-72.

50. Ibid., 65.

51. Ibid., 68.

49. On the transformation from Indian to African slavery, see Schwartz, Sugar Plantations and the Formation of Brazilian Society: Bahia, 1550-1835 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 51-72.

50. Ibid., 65.

51. Ibid., 68.

49. On the transformation from Indian to African slavery, see Schwartz, Sugar Plantations and the Formation of Brazilian Society: Bahia, 1550-1835 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 51-72.

50. Ibid., 65.

51. Ibid., 68.

52. Marchant, From Barter to Slavery , 136-137; Schwartz, Sugar Plantations , 35-43.

53. Johnson, "The Portuguese Settlements of Brazil," 279.

54. Ibid., 285.

55. Ibid., table 2, 285.

53. Johnson, "The Portuguese Settlements of Brazil," 279.

54. Ibid., 285.

55. Ibid., table 2, 285.

53. Johnson, "The Portuguese Settlements of Brazil," 279.

54. Ibid., 285.

55. Ibid., table 2, 285.

56. Silva Leme, Genealogia Paulistana , 7:224.

57. The Tupi and Guaraní word for water is parana ; hence, "paranaiba" refers to water, possibly waterfall.

58. The original land grants for these lands no longer exist, or cannot be found, however, in Suzana Dias's inventory, two land grants ( sesmarias ) are listed as part of her property. Inventory and will, Suzana Dias, 1634, IT 33:17.

59. "Informaão das minas de São Paulo e dos çertõens da sua Capitania desde o ano de 1597 até o prezente de 1772 com rellação chronologica dos administradores dellas," Papeis do Brasil, C16 E147 P6, Codice 3, ff. 2-4, ANTT.

60. Pasquale Petrone, "Os aldeamentos paulistas e sua funão na valorização da região paulistana: Estudo de geografia histórica," Tese de Livre Docência, Universidade de São Paulo, 1964.

61. Mons. Paulo Florêncio da Silveira Camargo, História de Santana de Parnaíba , Coleão História, 15 (São Paulo: Conselho Estadual de Cultura, 1971), 29-43; Silva Leme, Genealogia Paulistana , 7:224-258; John Monteiro, "São Paulo in the Seventeenth Century: Economy and Society," Ph.D. diss., University of Chicago, 1985, 87-90.

62. Alcântara Machado, Vida e morte do bandeirante , Coleão Reconquista do Brasil, 8 (Belo Horizonte: Editôra Itatiaia, 1980), 69-76.

1. Antonio de Morais Silva's Diccionario da Lingua Portugueza , 8th ed. (Lisbon: Editôra Empreza, 1890), defines villa as "(do Lat.) Povoaão de menor graduação que a cidade, mas superior à aldeia."

2. The definition of reino given in Morais is, "O estado de um rei ou soberano."

3. Morais's definition of sertão is, "O interior, o coraão das tetras; é opp. ao maritimo, praias, e costa. "

4. This description is reconstructed from a late eighteenth- or early

nineteenth-century description of the church written by the then parish priest. The church was partially rebuilt in 1812, and a completely new church, which now dwarfs the seventeenth- and eighteenth-century houses that still stand on the town square in Parnaíba, was finished in the 1870s. Book of Records, Church of Santana de Parnaíba, liv. 524:3-6, ACDJ.

5. See Sérgio Buarque de Holanda's essay, "A lingua-geral em S. Paulo" in Raízes do Brazil , 2d ed., Coleão Documentos Brasileiros (Rio de Janeiro: Livraria José Olympio Editôra, 1948), 88-96, for an analysis of the essentially hybrid (Indian/Portuguese) character of life on the Piratininga plateau in the seventeenth century.

6. Holanda underscores this point in his essay, "A lingua geral," 95.

7. There is a voluminous literature on these men known as bandeirantes . While the early histories (usually written by Jesuits) emphasized the ruthlessness of their exploits, later generations of historians, particularly in the 1920s, extol their activities. See Alfonso d'Escragnolle Taunay's massive História geral das bandeiras paulistas , 11 vols. (São Paulo: Typ. Ideal H. L. Canton, 1924-1950). Alcântara Machado's interesting social history of the bandeirantes uses the wills and inventories of the seventeenth century; see Vida e morte do bandeirante , Coleáo Reconquista do Brasil, vol. 8 (Belo Horizonte: Editôra Itatiaia, 1980). Richard Morse has collected and translated many useful documents about the bandeirantes as well as examples of the literature written about them in The Bandeirantes: The Historical Role of the Brazilian Pathfinders (New York: Knopf, 1965). Recent generations of historians are once again critical of the bandeirantes; see Hemming's chapters in Red Gold: The Conquest of the Brazilian Indians (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1978), 238-282, and John Monteiro, "From Indian to Slave: Forced Native Labor and Colonial Society in São Paulo during the Seventeenth Century," Slavery and Abolition 9(1988): 105-127.

8. Mario Gongora points out the similarities between the bandeiras and the early conquests of Spanish conquistadors in his essay "Algunos pontos de vista comparativos," in Los grupos de conquistadores en Tierra Firme (1509-1530): Fisonomía historio-social de un tipo de conquista (Santiago, Chile: Editorial Universitaria, 1962).

9. Some of the first bandeiras were not expressly slaving expeditions but exploratory expeditions outfitted by Portuguese crown officials in search of gold and precious minerals. Organized from São Paulo beginning in the 1590s, the expeditions set out to the north in search of fabled mountains of silver in the headwaters of the São Francisco River. Although they failed to find gold or silver, those on the expeditions returned from the wilderness with Indian captives. These expeditions created a precedent for later expeditions, which had as their primary goal the capturing of Indians while masquerading as searches for precious metals. See Monteiro, "São Paulo in the Seventeenth Century," 176-179.

10. Muriel Nazzari emphasizes the family-oriented character of the

bandeiras and cites examples where men from the same family or kin group participated in the same bandeira. See "Women, the Family and Property: The Decline of the Dowry in São Paulo, Brazil (1600-1870)," Ph.D. diss., Yale University, 1986, 38-44.

11. Hemming, Red Gold , 259-260.

12. Ibid., 268-271.

11. Hemming, Red Gold , 259-260.

12. Ibid., 268-271.

13. Silva Leme, Genealogia Paulistana , 7:225, 226, 248.

14. Hemming, Red Gold , 256.

15. Ibid., 268; Affonso d'Escragnolle Taunay, A grande vida de Fernão Dias Pais (São Paulo: Melhoramentos, 1977).

14. Hemming, Red Gold , 256.

15. Ibid., 268; Affonso d'Escragnolle Taunay, A grande vida de Fernão Dias Pais (São Paulo: Melhoramentos, 1977).

16. The wills and inventories from seventeenth-century Parnaíba clearly show that Indians captured from the wilderness became the primary labor force for the agricultural estates of the town. The town council stated the same in a letter to Pope Urban VIII in the 1640s; see Serafim Leite, S.I., História da Companhia de Jesus no Brasil , 10 vols. (Lisbon: Livraria Portugália, 1938), 6:264-267.

17. John Monteiro argues that the Indian laborers of seventeenth-century São Vicente did form a class of slaves that made possible the rapid agricultural development of seventeenth-century São Paulo. See "From Indian to Slave," and "Celeiro do Brasil: Escravidão indígena em São Paulo e a agricultura paulista no século XVII," História: São Paulo 7(1988): 1-12.

18. Although Brazilian historians have argued that this was the case, in wills and property inventories from Parnaãba, Indians are rarely mentioned as having been sold and in fact are rarely given monetary evaluations at all; see below. Monteiro downplays the significance of an Indian slave trade out of São Vicente and argues that the vast majority of the Indians were destined for use on estates in São Vicente; see "São Paulo in the Seventeenth Century," passim. Stuart Schwartz argues the same; see "Plantations and Peripheries, c. 1580-c. 1750," in The Cambridge History of Latin America , ed. Leslie Bethell (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984), 2:469-470.

19. Papal Bull of Urban VIII, 1639, published in São Paulo in 1640, in Leite, História da Companhia de Jesus , 6:569-570.

20. Hemming, Red Gold , 279. The Jesuits did return to São Vicente in 1653, but they never fully regained their influence.

21. Letter of the town council of São Paulo to Pope Urban VIII, c. 1645, in Leite, História da Companhia de Jesus , 6:264-267.

22. See the definition of armaão given by Alcântara Machado in Vida e morte do bandeirante , 235, in which he suggests that the name came from the armador, or backer of such expeditions, who supplied the expedition in return for half of the captives. Monteiro has a similar interpretation; see "São Paulo in the Seventeenth Century," 228-231.

23. Inv. 1644, IT 14:347-367. See also the will of Antonio Castanho da Sylva, 1648, IT 36:105-157. "Blacks" in this context refers to Indian slaves.

24. Royal edict, 1570, in Leite, História da Companhia de Jesus , 2:211.

25. "Gibão de armas."

26. Inv. Antonio Gomes Borba, 1645, IT 14:347-367. When the band returned, Antonio's widow could not sell the remaining items for the amounts that had been assigned to them in the interior; these items had to be reevaluated for sale in Parnaíba, which underscores how valuable they were in the wilderness.

27. For an excellent treatment of the history of the Indian aldeias around São Paulo, see Pasquale Petrone, "Os aldeamentos paulistas e sua funão na valorização da região paulistana: Estudo de geografia histórica," Tese de Livre Docência, Universidade de São Paulo, 1964.

28. See Monteiro's list of land grants conferred in Santana de Parnaíba between 1600 and 1645, in "São Paulo in the Seventeenth Century," 398-415.

29. Departamento do Arquivo do Estado de São Paulo, Sesmarias, 3 vols. (São Paulo: Departamento do Arquivo do Estado de São Paulo, 1921), vol. 1, passim.

30. Petition of João Missel Gigante, 1638, Sesmarias , 1:264-266.

31. Each town had its rossio, or common lands, which the town council rented to residents. Individuals rented such lands for long periods and even bequeathed them to their heirs. These lands were still being rented in the eighteenth century in Parnaíba. See Land Rentals, LP, 89, 6066-18, AESP. Chapels, such as the one founded by Suzana Dias and her son, André, also had lands. André gave the chapel 440 meters by one-half league of sertão, and Suzana gave the chapel 968 square meters. The rents collected from these lands were used to maintain the chapel and say masses for the souls of the benefactors. See "Igreja Matriz, Freguesia de Sant'anna da villa de Parnahyba," Arquivo Aguirra, Museu Paulista, and Book of Records, Church of Santana de Parnaíba, liv. 524, ACDJ.

32. Inv. Manuel Pinto Suniga, 1627, IT 7:331-357.

33. Inv. Ambrosio Mendes, 1642, IT 23:477-510.

34. Inv. Manuel de Lara, 1637, IT 10:461-491.

35. Inv. Antonio Castanho da Sylva, 1648, IT 36:105-157.

36. Nazzari reaches a similar conclusion based on her analysis of the seventeenth-century inventories from São Vicente. Because land and Indians were so undervalued in inventories, she points out that it is difficult to compare the wealth of the paulistas with that of settlers in the northeastern sugar regions of Brazil. It may well be that while "poor" on paper, the paulistas were not as poor as historians have assumed, because only a portion of their assets could be legally given monetary values in inventories. See "Women, the Family and Property," 60-62.

37. While land was not assigned much value in inventories, the inventories clearly stated ownership of land. In this way, the elite carefully reinforced their claim to land, even though they might not be farming it. For example, in Anna da Costa's inventory, three pieces of land were described, even though none was given a value. One was for a square league of land, given as a land grant (sesmaria) in the parish of Itú; the second piece, also received as a land grant, was for two leagues of land,

and the third was for a piece of land downstream on the Tietê River, near the Moixy sandbar and up the Moixy stream to the watershed. It is unlikely that at the time of her death in 1650, Anna and her husband, Domingos Fernandes, son of Suzana Dias, had improved much, if any, of this land. But they continued to hold title to it, even if they did not actually farm all of it. Inv. Anna da Costa, 1650, IT 40:35-46.

38. Inv. Antonio Furtado de Vasconcellos, 1628, IT 7:5-38.

39. Inv. Paschoal Leite Pais, 1664, IT 27:123-160; Inv. Maria de Oliveira, 1665, IT 17:5-24.

40. In Morais, servo/serva is defined as ''he/she who lives in a state of servitude; slave."

41. Inv. Antonio Bicudo, 1648, IT 15:25-48.

42. Inv. Salvador Moreira, 1697, IT 24:79-114.

43. Inv. Paschoa Leite, 1667, IT 17:161-175.

44. Inv. Paschoal Leite Pais, 1664, IT 27:123-160.

45. Warren Dean, "Indigenous Populations of the Rio de Janeiro Coast: Trade, Aldeamento, Slavery, and Extinction," Revista de História 117(1984): 3-26.

46. Inv. Isabel de Barcelos, 1648, IT 36:219-259. See also Monteiro's research on the high mortality rates for Indians in the São Paulo region: "São Paulo in the Seventeenth Century," 258-264.

47. The War of Emboabas pitted those from São Vicente, who had discovered the gold washings, against the newcomers from other regions. The paulistas lost out in this clash, and many moved out of Minas Gerais to Mato Grosso and Goiás. See Charles Boxer, The Golden Age of Brazil, 1695-1750: Growing Pains of a Colonial Society (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1962), 61-83.

48. Boxer, The Golden Age of Brazil , 30-83, 254-270.

49. Petition of Bartolomeu Bueno da Silva, João da Silva Ortis, and Domingues Rodrigues do Prado, 1720, São Paulo 148, AHU.

50. See Taunay, A grande vida de Fernão Dias Pais , passim.

51. Sérgio Buarque de Holanda describes the long epic trips up and down the rivers of the sertão to the mining towns of Mato Grosso in Monões , 2d ed. (São Paulo: Editôra Alfa-Omega, 1976). In some ways, these trips resembled the river trips of the French fur traders in North America, who also traversed great distances by canoe.

52. Wills and inventories from the first half of the eighteenth century are once again an excellent source of information for these changes. References to slaving expeditions disappear almost entirely from them, while allusions to gold, commerce, credit transactions, cattle ranching, and sugar production increase. Eighteenth-century inventories from Parnaíba, IT and IPO, AESP.

53. Inv. Francisco Bueno de Camargo, 1736, IPO #14,568, 690-78, AESP; Inv. Domingos Rodrigues de Fonseca Leme, 1738, IPO #15,085, 740-128, AESP; Inv. Luis Pedrozo de Barros, 1731, in Inv. Agostinha Rodrigues, 1757, IT, 534-57, AESP.

54. J. P. Leite Cordeiro, "Documentaão sôbre o 'Capitão Mor Guilherme Pompeo de Almeida, morador que foi na vila de Parnaíba,'" Revista do Instituto Histórico e Geográfico de São Paulo 58:525-526; see also Camargo, História de Santana de Parnaíba , 193-206, and Boxer, The Golden Age of Brazil , 58.

55. Inv. Domingos Rodrigues de Fonseca Leme, 1738, IPO #15,085, 740-128, AESP.

56. Although the church and the crown banned Indian slavery, they extended no such restrictions to Africans. They argued that Indians were "pure," that is, never exposed to Christianity, whereas Africans had been and had rejected it. For a fuller treatment of this contradictory logic and its consequences for Africans, see Leslie B. Rout, The African Experience in Spanish America: 1502 to the Present Day (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1976), 3-36.

57. Cordeiro, "Documentaão sôAbre o 'Capitão Mor Guilherme Pompeo de Almeida,'" 547-548.

58. Kathleen Joan Higgins, "The Slave Society in Eighteenth-Century Sabará: A Community Study in Colonial Brazil," Ph.D. diss., Yale University, 1987.

59. Inv. Domingos Rodrigues de Fonseca Leme, 1738, IPO #15,085, 740-128, AESP.

60. Inv. Jozé Madeira Salvadores, 1733, IT, 514-37, AESP.

61. "Bastards" in this context refers to persons of mixed descent, i.e., mamelucos.

62. Letter of Jozeph Moreira da Silva, 1736, Ordens Régias, 45-1-83, AESP.

63. Minas Gerais became a separate captaincy in 1720; Goiás and Mato Grosso followed suit in 1748. See Heloísa Liberalli Bellotto, Autoridade e conflito no Brasil colonial: O governo do Morgado de Mateus em São Paulo (1765-1775) , Textos e documentos, no. 36 (São Paulo: Conselho Estadual de Artes e Ciências Humanas, 1979): 28-36.

64. See, among many others, the works of Bellotto, Autoridade e conflito , and Alice Canabrava, "Uma economia de decadência: Os niveis de riqueza na Capitania de São Paulo, 1765/67," Revista Brasileira de Economia 26:4(1972): 95-123.

65. Maria Luiza Marcílio, "Crescimento demográfico e evoluão agráa paulista, 1700-1836," Tese de Livre Docência, Universidade de São Paulo, 1974.

66. The Morgado de Mateus to the Conde de Oeyras, 23/Dec/1766, DI 23:1-10.

67. Ibid.

66. The Morgado de Mateus to the Conde de Oeyras, 23/Dec/1766, DI 23:1-10.

67. Ibid.

68. Bellotto, Autoridade e conflito , 87-264; Nanci Leonzo, "Defesa militar e controle social na Capitania de São Paulo: As milíias," Tese de Doutoramento, Universidade de São Paulo, 1979.

69. Cargo of Mercúrio , 1791, São Paulo 3,307, AHU.

70. Men from families in Parnaíba migrated to Itú, Porto Feliz, Cam-

pinas, and Sorocaba, the major sugar-producing towns of eighteenth- and nineteenth-century São Paulo.

71. Inv. Antonio Correa de Lemos Leite, 1782, IT, 556-79, AESP.

72. Inv. Anna Leme do Prado, 1771, IPO #14,751, 709-97, AESP.

73. The parish priest of Parnaíba in the early nineteenth century, João Gonsalves Lima, remarked in the parish ledger that "this town is today in decadence." Book of Records, Church of Santana de Parnaíba, liv. 524:125, ACDJ.

74. Daniel Pedro Müller, Ensaio d'um quadro estatístico da província de São Paulo (São Paulo: 1838; repr. ed., Coleão Paulistica Vol. 11, São Paulo: Governo do Estado, 1978), 126.

1. Inv. Thomé Fernandes, 1648, IT 38:57-94.

2. Inv. Paschoa Leite, 1667, IT 17:161-175.

3. Inv. Antonio Nunes, 1643, IT 38:15.

4. Inv. Ambrosio Mendes, 1642, IT 13:477-510; Inv. Domingos Fernandes, 1652, IT 27:69-119.

5. Inv. Antonio Nunes, 1643, IT 38:15.

6. Inv. Maria Bicuda, 1660, IT 16:63-156; see a similar statement in the will of Maria de Oliveira, 1627, IT 13:149-170.

7. Inv. Pedro Fernandes, 1649, IT 40:9-22.

8. Inv. Francisco Pedrozo Xavier, 1674, IT 20:291-315; Luis Gonzaga da Silva Leme, Genealogia Paulistana , 9 vols. (São Paulo: Duprat, 1903-1905), 7:148.

9. Inv. Paschoal Leite Pais, 1664, IT 27:123-160.

10. Inv. Diogo Coutinho de Mello, 1654, IT 15:365-405.

11. Inv. Pedro Fernandes, 1649, IT 40:9-22; Inv. Domingos Alvres, 1650, IT 40:125-128.

12. "Distribuião da riqueza e as origens da pobreza rural em São Paulo (século XVIII)," Estudos Econômicos 19(1989): 117-118.

13. Inv. Domingos Fernandes, 1652, IT 27:69-119; Inv. Clemente Alveres, 1641, IT 14:93-195; Inv. João de Gomes Camacho, 1650, IT 40:113-121. Generally, the large Indian holders petitioned for and received land grants, but this did not preclude the smaller Indian holders from doing so.

14. Estimates of Juan de Mongelos, "Acuerdo del Cavildo Justica y Regimento de esta Cuidad de la Asumpcion .... "in Prefeitura do Município de São Paulo, Bandeirantes no Paraguai Século XVII , Coleão Departamento da Cultura, Vol. 35 (São Paulo: Publicação de Divisão do Arquivo Histórico, 1949), 112. See John Monteiro's discussion of Mongelos's figures and other estimates of São Vicente's population in the seventeenth century in "São Paulo in the Seventeenth Century: Economy and Society," Ph.D. diss., University of Chicago, 1985, 332-334.

15. Monteiro illustrates that the majority of the Indian slaves in the towns were women, while men served on the bandeiras and armações

into the wilderness. See "Celeiro do Brasil: Escravidão indígena e a agricultura paulista no século XVII," História: São Paulo 7(1988): 1-12.

16. Inv. Antonio Furtado de Vasconcellos, 1628, IT 7:5-38. See Pasquale Petrone, "Os aldeamentos paulistas e sua funão na valorização da região paulistana: Estudo de geografia histórica," Tese de Livre Docência, Universidade de São Paulo, 1964; and Hemming, Red Gold , on the use of such Indians as laborers by the paulistas.

17. See Candido Mendes de Almeida, Codigo Phillipino, ou Ordenaões e leis do reino de Portugal , 24th ed. (Rio de Janeiro: 1870; repr. ed., Lisbon: Fundação Calouste Gulbenkian, 1985), Liv. 4, Tit. XCII and XCIII, esp. n. 1, 944.

18. Inv. Isabel de Barcelos, 1648, IT 36:219-259.

19. Inv. Antonio Bicudo, 1648, IT 15:25-48.

20. Liv. 4, Tit. XCII and XCIII, Ordenaões , 939-947.

21. Inv. Domingos Fernandes, 1653, IT 27:69-119.

22. Inv. Bernardo Bicudo, 1649, IT 15:173-189.

23. Inv. Thomé Fernandes, 1648, IT 38:57-94.

24. These bequests would have come from his free third ( tera ). See chap. 4 for a fuller discussion of how inheritance worked in Parnaíba. Inv. Ambrosio Mendes, 1642, IT 13:477-510.

25. Because such bequests came from the tera, which could be allocated however an individual wished, legitimate children could not challenge them.

26. That a daughter should "own" her own mother was not an unheard of practice in seventeenth- or eighteenth-century Parnaíba. Perhaps Aleixo gave his Indian slave mistress to Paula so that she would care for her mother, or perhaps to prevent his mistress from being inherited by his legitimate daughter.

27. Inv. Aleixo Leme de Alvarenga, 1675, IT 19:5-39.

28. Inv. Ambrosio Mendes, 1642, IT 13:477-510.

29. Others who freed Indian slaves were Antonio Nunes, IT 38:15-53; Antonio Furtado de Vasconcellos, IT 7:5-38; Dom Diogo de Rego, 1668, IT 17:179-188; and Domingos Fernandes, 1652, IT 27:69-119.

30. Inv. Isabel de Barcelos, 1648, IT 36:219-259.

31. Inv. Antonio Castanho da Sylva, 1648, IT 36:105-157.

32. Monteiro finds many similar statements in wills. See his discussion of the master/servant relationship in "São Paulo in the Seventeenth Century," 252-325.

33. Inv. Antonio Furtado de Vasconcellos, 1628, IT 7:5-38.

34. Inv. Isabel de Barcelos, 1648, IT 36:219-259.

35. Inv. Aleixo Leme de Alvarenga, 1675, IT 19:5-39.

36. Inv. Simão Minho, 1649, IT 40:49-55. One of Aleixo Leme de Alvarenga's slaves had run away at the time of his death in 1675 as well, IT 19:5-39.

37. Silva Leme, Genealogia Paulistana 4:542.

38. Inv. Anna da Costa, 1650, IT 40:35-46.

39. "Bastard" is the term used in the document, and it is impossible to know if these were "natural" or "spurious" children.

40. Inv. Felippe de Campos, 1682, IT 21:227-252.

41. Inv. Antonio Castanho da Silva, 1700, IT 25:155-165.

42. Inv. Agostinha Dias, 1648, IT 36:9-21. Natural daughters seem to have been more readily accepted and favored within families, for the inventories and wills suggest that fathers seemed more likely to favor their natural daughters over their natural sons.

43. "Carta Régia," 19/Feb/1696, Revista do Arquivo Municipal 10 (1935): 70-74. As Pasquale Petrone points out, such a decree, even though it attempted to ameliorate an extant practice through regulation, reinforced what the colonists saw as their right to use Indians as servants. See Petrone, "Os aldeamentos paulistas."

44. Câmara of São Paulo to the king, 1725, SP 750, AHU.

45. King to Rodrigo Cézar de Menezes, 1726, SP 750, AHU.

46. By this statement, the plaintiffs meant that Indians from São Paulo were supposed to live as free subjects of the crown in the Indian communities under the jurisdiction of the Jesuits or the crown. Indians conquered from the wilderness were subjected to slavery.

47. Petition to the governor of São Paulo, Boletim , 7:37-38.

48. Petition to the governor of São Paulo, 1733, Boletim , 7:19-20.

49. Inv. Jozé Madeira Salvadores, 1733, IT, 514-37, AESP.

50. Inv. Anna Vieira, 1735, IPO #15,784, 785-173, AESP.

51. Inv. João Marques de Araujo, 1736, IT, 514-37, AESP.

52. See also the wills and inventories of Violanta da Costa Gil, 1734, IT, 516-39, AESP; Francisco Bueno de Camargo, 1736, IT, 514-37, AESP; Maria de Siqueira, 1736, IPO #15,173, 748-136, AESP; Albano de Goes Leme, 1739, IPO #15,034, 735-123, AESP; Manoel Correa Penteado, 1745, IPO #14,406, 676-64, AESP; Anna Maria Furquim, 1748, IPO #15,614, 744-162, AESP; and Lourenco Franco da Rocha, 1750, IPO #25,095, 742-130, AESP.

53. Petrone, "Os aldeamentos paulistas."

54. Inv. João da Cunha, 1737, IPO #14,600, 693-81, AESP; Inv. Luiza Gonalves, 1735, IT, 513-36, AESP.

55. Inv. Gabriella Ortis de Camargo, 1736, IPO #14,617, 695-83, AESP; Inv. João dos Santos, 1738, IPO #13,802, 619-7, AESP.

56. Inv. Luiza Gonalves, 1735, IT, 513-36, AESP.

57. Will, Domingas de Godoy Bicudo, 1731, IPO #14,684, 702-90, AESP; see also the will of Mafia Jozeph de Godoy, her aunt, which tells us more about this family, 1739, IPO #14,368, 673-61, AESP.

58. Analysis of all surviving property inventories from eighteenth-century Parnaíba reveals that slaves accounted for more than 50 percent of the total assets of slave owners, while land accounted for less than 10 percent. See chap. 4 for more discussion of the property of the slave owners.

59. 1798 census of Parnaíba, MP, 127-127, AESP.

60. Census of Baruerí, 18o4, 2-8-14, 228-2, AESP; this census is also published in Boletim , 8.

61. This was João, slave of the parish priest. See LP, 111:92, 6069-21, AESP.

62. Jailer's Ledger, LP, 48:14-53, 6060-12, AESP.

63. Investigation of Policarpo Joaquim de Oliveira, 1779, Ordens Régias, 282-45, AESP.

64. Acts of the town council, 1787, LP, 5:33, 6050-2, AESP.

1. Military forces in São Paulo were divided into three lines of defense: the first line, which consisted of the paid royal troops quartered in Santos; the second line, called the auxiliares , a provincewide militia made up of able-bodied men not in the royal troops; and the third line, the ordenana, or local militia, which consisted of the remaining men in each township. The capitão mor headed the local militia. Selected by the royal governor from the ranks of elite families, these captain majors worked to implement the directives of the governor, to uphold order, and to resolve conflicts that arose within their towns. See Nanci Leonzo, "As Companhias de Ordenanças na Capitania de São Paulo—Das origens ao governo do Morgado de Matheus," Coleção Museu Paulista 6(1977): 1,25-239, and "Defesa militar e controle social na Capitania de São Paulo: As milicias," Tese de Doutoramento: Universidade de São Paulo, 1979. On the influence of the militia on society, see Elizabeth A. Kuznesof, "Clans, the Militia and Territorial Government: The Articulation of Kinship with Polity in Eighteenth-Century São Paulo," in Social Fabric and Spatial Structure in Colonial Latin America , eds. David J. Robinson and David G. Browning (Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 1979), 181-226.

2. Antonio was from an old family in São Paulo; see Luis Gonzaga da Silva Leme, Genealogia Paulistana , 9 vols. (São Paulo: Duprat, 1903-1905), 4:521.

3. Household of Captain Major Antonio Correa de Lemos Leite, 1775 census of Parnaíba, MP, 125-125, AESP.

4. Inv. Escolastica Cordeira Borba, 1756, IT, 533-56, AESP.

5. I found only one woman who actually signed her name, the wife of Domingos Rodrigues de Fonseca Leme; see his inventory, 1738, IPO #15,085, 740-128, AESP.

6. Dispute of Mafia da Costa Correia and João Francisco de Paiva, 1772, LP, 97:23-32, 6068-20, AESP.

7. Divorce Case, Joze Vieira Falcão Pedrozo and Francisca de Paula Oliveira, 1810, Divórcios 15-5-73, ACMSP. While not common, divorces were occasionally granted by ecclesiastical courts for reasons such as adultery (committed by either spouse) or maltreatment. In all of São Paulo, some 220 divorce petitions were filed, almost all by women, in the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. See Maria Beatriz Nizza da

Silva, Sistema de casamento no Brasil colonial (São Paulo: T. A. Queiroz, Editôra da Universidade de São Paulo, 1984), 210-252.

8. Will, Joze Vieira Falão Pedrozo, 1810, Livro de Registros de Testamentos, 571-94, AESP.

9. That husbands could not sell or alienate the property belonging to their wives without their express permission (as evidenced by their written consent) is clearly set out in Portuguese law. See liv. 4, Tit. XLVIII, Ordenaões , 837-840.

10. Portuguese law stipulated that widows could head the household after their husbands died. But to protect the property that they managed in trust for their children, widows had to present a guarantor (fiador) who became liable for any losses sustained under their management. Most of the guarantors selected by widows were their kinsmen. See liv. 4, Tit. XCV, Ordenaões , 949-954.

11. Inv. Luiz Mendes Vieira, 1793, IT, 565-88, AESP; household of Ignes Barboza, 1798, MP, 127-127, AESP; petition of Anna Caetana de Jesus, 1816, Requerimentos 342-93A:3-15, AESP; household of Anna Caetana, 1820, MP, 133-233, AESP.

12. See the laws pertaining to filho famílias in liv. 4, Tit. LXXXI, no. 3, Ordenaões , 909; liv. 4, Tit. XCVII, no. 19, Ordenações , 979-980. Once married, sons were considered emancipated and outside of their father's authority; see liv. 1, Tit. LXXXVIII, no. 6, Ordenações , 209. Fathers were entitled to the income produced by their sons in business ventures until their sons came of age. However, the law made some exceptions in which sons did have rights to income they earned while still minors. These rights are outlined in nos. 17, 18, and 19 of liv. 4, Tit. XCVII, Ordenações , 979-980.

13. 1775 census, MP, 125-125, AESP.

14. Ties to the cities of São Paulo, Santos, and Rio de Janeiro can be seen in the seventeenth-century wills of Manuel de Alvarenga, 1639, IT 14:15-49; Domingos Fernandes Coxo, 1648, IT 36:179-216; Antonio Castanho da Sylva, 1648, IT 36:105-157; Felippe de Campos, 1681, IT 21:227-252; Antonio Bicudo de Brito, 1687, IT 26:189-225; and in the eighteenth-century wills of Luis Pedrozo de Barros, 1731, in Inv. Agostinha Rodrigues, IT, 734-57, AESP; Manoel da Costa Homen, 1740, IPO #25,152, 747-135, AESP; Baltazar Rodrigues Fam, 1758, IT, 536-59, AESP, and Domingos Teixeira da Cruz, 1767, Testamentos, 1:12-18, 455-1, AESP.

15. See my article, "Fathers and Sons: The Politics of Inheritance in a Colonial Brazilian Township," Hispanic American Historical Review 66(1986): 455-484.

16. Historians of the family in preindustrial Europe and America have explored how families have developed customs, organizational forms, attitudes, and values that played a role in their survival as families. Historians increasingly believe that many patterns of family life were not random but stemmed from strategies that families evolved to protect their resources (generally land and labor). Some very good examples of this

literature on the family are Lutz K. Berkner, "The Stem Family and the Developmental Cycle of the Peasant Household: An Eighteenth-Century Austrian Example," American Historical Review 77(1972): 398-418; Jack Goody, Joan Thirsk, and E. P. Thompson, eds., Family and Inheritance: Rural Society in Western Europe, 1200-1800 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1976); Philip J. Greven, Four Generations: Population, Land, and Family in Colonial Andover, Massachusetts (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1970); James Henretta, "Families and Farms: Mentalité in Pre-Industrial America," William and Mary Quarterly , 3d ser., 35(1978): 3-32; Eleanor Searle, "Seigneurial Control of Women's Marriage: The Antecedents and Functions of Merchet in England," Past and Present 82(1979): 3-43; Ralph Trumbach, The Rise of the Egalitarian Family: Aristocratic Kinship and Domestic Relations in Eighteenth-Century England (New York: Academic Press, 1978); and Robert Wheaton, "Family and Kinship in Western Europe: The Problem of the Joint Family Household," Journal of Interdisciplinary History 5(1975): 601-626.

17. Our knowledge of inheritance customs in historical and contemporary Brazil and Portugal is still somewhat sketchy. For analyses of the different customs of inheritance in Portugal, see Caroline Brettell, "Family Legacies: An Analysis of the Livros dos Testamentos in a Portuguese Village, 1750-1860," paper presented to the Society for Spanish and Portuguese Historical Studies, Bloomington, Ind., April 1984; Caroline Brettell, Men Who Migrate, Women Who Wait: Population and History in a Portuguese Parish (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1986); David Kertzer and Caroline Brettell, "Advances in Italian and Iberian Family History," in Family History at the Crossroads: A Journal of Family History Reader , ed. Tamara Hareven and Andrejs Plakans (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1987), 87-120; Brian Juan O'Neill, "Dying and Inheriting in Rural Tras-os-Montes," Journal of the Anthropological Society of Oxford 14:1(1983): 44-73; and Robert Rowland, "Family and Marriage in Portugal (16th-20th Centuries): A Comparative Sketch," paper presented to the Social Science History Association, Washington, D.C., October 1983. For Brazil, see the work of Muriel Smith Nazzari, "Women, the Family and Property: The Decline of the Dowry in São Paulo, Brazil (1600-1870),'' Ph.D. diss., Yale University, 1986; Margarida Maria Moura, Os herdeiros da terra: Parentesco e he-rana numa área rural (São Paulo: Editôra Hucitec, 1978); Eni de Mesquita Samara, As mulheres, o poder, e a família: São Paulo, século XIX (S ã o Paulo: Editôra Marco Zero, 1989); and Metcalf, "Fathers and Sons."

18. These laws of succession can be found in liv. 4, Tit. XCVI, Ordenaôes , 954-956; liv. 4, Tit. XCI, Ordenaçôes , 936; liv. 4, Tit. XCIV, Ordenaçôes , 947-948.

19. See liv. 4, Tit. LXXXVIII, Ordenaôes , 927-934.

20. Liv. 4, Tit. C, Ordenaôes , 990-993.

21. Liv. 4, Tit. C, no. 5, Ordenaôes , 991.

22. The laws of inheritance for unentailed property, which applied to all property owned by commoners as well as property owned by the

nobility not specifically in morgados, are set out in liv. 4, Tit. XCVI, and liv. 4, Tit. XCVII, Ordenaões , 954-983. Inheritance laws that differentiated between the aristocracy and the peasantry were common throughout Europe; see Goody et al., Family and Inheritance .

23. The laws for these two kinds of marriages are found in liv. 4, Tit. XLVI, and liv. 4, Tit. XLVII, Ordenaões , 832-837. The laws for marriage by a carta de ametade (charter of halves) are quite clear, while those for marriage by a contract of dote e arras (dowry and bride gift) are less clear. From the law code alone, it is difficult to ascertain how the marriage contract might have been used. But further evidence helps to clarify the use of the contract of dowry and bride gift. The forms used by notaries to draw up such marriages, for example, make it clear that there would be no joint ownership of family property in such marriages and that the wife had no rights to her husband's property, or to that of her children, if he should die before her. The groom obligated himself to pay his wife a monthly sum for her maintenance (the arras, or bride gift), and after his death, his heirs had to continue these payments until his widow died. According to Maria Beatriz Nizza da Silva, who reproduces the model for the contract used by notaries in Sistema de casamento , 98-99, the contract of dowry and bride gift characterized marriages among the nobility, for they used it to protect property and to prevent its division. The commoners, however, sought to join property together to create a viable base for a new family.

24. Liv. 4, Tit. LXXXII, Ordenaões , 911-915, and liv. 4, Tit. XCI, no. 1, Ordenações , 936.

25. Liv. 4, Tit. XCVII, Ordenaões , 968-983, esp. nos. 1, 3, 4, 5, 6, 14, 15.

26. Liv. 4, Tit. C, Ordenaões , 990-993.

27. The natural children were those born in a state of nature and were different from spurious children, who had no inheritance rights. See above, 70-74. Liv. 4, Tit. XCIII, no. 1, Ordenaões , 942-943.

28. Liv. 4, Tit. XCIII, Ordenaões , 939-943.

29. In "Women and Means: Women and Family Property in Colonial Brazil," Journal of Social History 24(1990): 277-298, I explore the legal inheritance from Rome and how law and custom affected women and property in Brazil.

30. While entailed estates were common among the nobility of colonial Mexico, they appear to have been rare in Brazil; see Stuart Schwartz, Sugar Plantations and the Formation of Brazilian Society: Bahia, 1550-1835 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 292. One morgado established in Brazil was the sugar mill of Sergipe do Conde with its lands and slaves, which was placed in a morgado by Mem de Sá, the first governor of Brazil, according to his will of 1569. See Instituto do Aúcar e do Alcool, Documentos para a história do açúcar , Vol. 3, "Engenho Sergipe do Conde, Espólio de Mem de Sá (1569-1579)" (Rio de Janeiro: Serviço Especial de Documentação Histórica, 1963), 6-8.

31. I found no marriage contracts for couples in Parnaíba. Nizza da Silva, in Sistema de casamento , 98, calls marriage by contract in São Paulo

extremely rare. It also appears to have been rare elsewhere in Brazil. One example of a marriage governed by a marriage contract was that between the daughter of Mem de Sá (see n. 28), who inherited the morgado of the Sergipe do Conde sugar mill, and her husband. See Contract of Dowry and Bridegift of D. Filipa de Sá and D. Fernando de Noronha, 1573, Documentos para a história do aúcar , 311-321.

32. Stuart Schwartz illustrates that the sugar planters of Bahia and Pernambuco had a similar problem, since they too had to divide their property equally among their children. See Sugar Plantations , 287-294.

33. See my discussion of natural children and inheritance, chap. 3.

34. Inv. Salvador Garcia Pontes Lumbria, 1747, IPO #24,529, 685-73, AESP.

35. Inv. Jozeph Pereira Rata, 1742, IPO #14,728, 707-95, AESP.

36. Inv. P. Ignacio de Almeida Lara, 1755, IT, 532-55, AESP.

37. Inv. Daniel Rocha Franco, 1784, IT, 557-80, AESP.

38. Liv. 4, Tit. XLVIII, Ordenaões , 837-840. See Nazzari's extensive analysis of dowries in São Paulo in the seventeenth, eighteenth, and nineteenth centuries, in "Women, the Family and Property."

39. Frei Gaspar da Madre de Deus, Memórias para a história da Capitania de São Vicente (Belo Horizonte: Editôra Itatiaia, 1975), 83.

40. Liv. 4, Tit. XCVII, no. 3, Ordenaões , 972.

41. Nazzari, "Women, the Family and Property," 68-76.

42. Studies that examine the use of dowries as a means of transmitting family property are few and far between. For a theoretical discussion of dowry and a comparative analysis of its use, see Jack Goody, "Bridewealth and Dowry in Africa and Eurasia," in Jack Goody and S. J. Tambiah, Brideprice and Dowry , Cambridge Papers in Social Anthropology, no. 7 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1973), 1-58. Jean Yver's work illustrates the historical role of dowries in France and how they served to favor one heir (either a son or a daughter) over the others; see Egalité entre héritiers et exculsión des enfants dotés (Paris: Sirey, 1966). Useful studies of how dowries were used in different contexts are Stanley Chojnacki, "Dowries and Kinsmen in Early Renaissance Venice," Journal of Interdisciplinary History 5(1975): 572-600; Asunción Lavrin and Edith Couturier, "Dowries and Wills: A View of Women's Socioeconomic Roles in Colonial Guadalajara and Puebla, 1640-1790," Hispanic American Historical Review 59(1979): 280-304; Eugene H. Korth, S.J., and Della M. Flusche, "Dowry and Inheritance in Colonial Spanish America: Peninsular Law and Chilean Practice," The Americas 43(1987): 395-410; and Eni de Mesquita Samara, ''O dote na sociedade paulista do século XIX: Legislaão e evidências," in Anais do Museu Paulista 30(1980/81): 41-53.

43. Inv. Izabel da Cunha, 1650, IT 40:159-175. See also Inv. Manuel Pacheco Gato, 1715, IT 26:445-531, where the endowed heir elected to keep his dowry, worth 200,000 reis plus four slaves, and not enter into the inheritance, while the other heirs received a legitima worth 81,168 reis.

44. Inv. Izabel Mendes, 1633, IT 9:23-32.

45. Anastacio da Costa complained that he never received anything

from the estate of his father-in-law or mother-in-law, will, 1640, IT 13:219—243; Ursolo Collao voiced a similar complaint in his will, 1644, IT 39:19-36. See also the inventories of Assenco Luis Grou, 1648, IT 36:161-176; Isabel de Barcelos, 1648, IT 36:219-259; Paschoal Delgado, 1650, IT 40:141-156; Felippe de Campos, 1682, IT 21:227-252; and Izabel Velha, 1699, IT 26:253-262, where the orphan's judge turned the property over to the widowed spouse who obligated himself or herself to pay the debts.

46. These instructions, written by a visiting judge in 1722, clearly state that the third should go toward the first dowry when it exceeded the daughter's inheritance. Other dowries were not protected by the third. This suggests that orphan's judges were ordered by the visiting judges to limit the degree to which parents could favor sons-in-law through the dowry. "Treslado dos Capitulos de Coreiãio do Desembargador Antonio Luis Pelleja ao Ouvidor Geral desta Comarca, 1722," LP, 89:1-8, 6066-18, AESP. Nazzari argues that the size of dowries began to decline in eighteenth-century São Paulo until they came close to the real value of an equal share (legitima); "Women, the Family and Property," 196-224.

47. Inv. Mariana Pais, 1740, IPO #14,912, 724-112, AESP. Mariana's son actually did the negotiating with her sons-in-law, thus placing the interests of his sisters above his own. Other examples where the orphan's judge used a similar procedure to give the couple with the first dowry the free third and to compensate the other heirs "from the hands of" the richly endowed sons-in-law can be found in the inventory of Escolastica Cordeira Borba, 1756, IT, 533-56, AESP.

48. Stanley Stein finds a similar ratio of land to labor in Vassouras in the nineteenth century. There the coffee planters had over half of their property invested in slaves, approximately 12 percent in land, and 10 percent in coffee bushes. See Vassouras: A Brazilian Coffee County, 1850-1890 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1957; repr. ed., New York: Atheneum, 1974), 226.

49. Reconstructed from Inv. Manoel Rodrigues Fam, 1757, IPO #14,712a, 706-94, AESP; Inv. Guilherme Antonio de Athayde, 1746, IPO #14,6:19, 695-83, AESP; Inv. Maria Marques de Carvalho, 1779, IPO #14,712b, 706-94, AESP; Inv. Joze Rodrigues Faro, 1787, IT, 559-82, AESP; and thirty-five households from the 1775, 1798, and 1820 censuses, MP, 125-125, 127-127, 133-133, AESP.

50. Actually Maria's heirs (her children), as Maria had already died. Her heirs were obligated to repay Maria's mother's estate for the excessive dowry received by their mother. Inv. Maria Marques de Carvalho, 1779, IPO #14,712b, 706-94, AESP.

51. The division of property in this family has been reconstructed from Silva Leme, Genealogia Paulistana 6:339-346; Inv. Miguel Bicudo de Brito, 1749, IPO #14,317, 669-57, AESP; Inv. Antonio Barboza Fagundes, 1777, IPO #14,486, 682-70, AESP; Inv. João Martins da Cruz, 1788, IPO #14,301, 668-56, AESP; and eighteen households from the 1775, 1798, and 1820 censuses, MP, 125-125, 127-127, and 133-133, AESP.

52. Reconstructed from Silva Leme, GeneaIogia Paulistana 6:187-199;

Inv. Antonio Francisco de Andrade, 1780, IPO #14,341, 671-59, AESP; Inv. João Franco da Cunha, 1786, IPO #14,160, 655-43, AESP; and eight households from the 1775, 1798, and 1820 censuses, MP, 125-125, 127-127, 133-233, AESP.

53. Inv. Cosme Ferreira de Meirelles, 1760, IPO #14,789, 711-99, AESP; Land Sale, 1790, LP, 56:45-46, 6061-13, AESP; Inv. Joze Pedrozo Navarro, 1794, IPO #14,726, 707-95, AESP; and six households from the 1767, 1775, 1798, and 1820 censuses, MP, 225-225, 127-127, and 133-133, AESP.

54. 1775 census, MP, 125-125, AESP.

55. Will, Bento Pais de Oliveira, 1753, IPO #14,745, 708-96, AESP. By far the majority of the bequests from the third went to women, usually kin, to be used as part of their dowries. Nazzari finds the same pattern in her work on the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries in São Paulo; see "Women, the Family and Property." In Portugal, Caroline Brettell also finds that bequests from the third tended to favor women, but there it was to reward those daughters who had taken care of their parents in their old age. See Brettell, Men Who Migrate, Women Who Wait .

56. The conflict between fathers and sons in the patriarchal world of colonial New England is developed by Philip Greven in Four Generations and by Nancy Folbre, "The Wealth of Patriarchs: Deerfield, Massachusetts, 1760-1840," Journal of Interdisciplinary History 2(1985): 199-220.

57. This is a common pattern throughout Latin America. See David A. Brading, Miners and Merchants in Bourbon Mexico , 1763-1810 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1971); Susan Migden Socolow, The Merchants of Buenos Aires, 1778-1810: Family and Commerce (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1978); and Rae Jean Dell Flory and David Grant Smith, "Bahian Merchants and Planters in the Seventeenth and Early Eighteenth Centuries," Hispanic American Historical Review 58(1978): 571-594.

58. Will, Manoel Rodrigues Fam, 1757, IPO #14,712a, 706-94, AESP.

59. As a result of the investigation, Policarpo was placed under house arrest in Santos but was able to secure his release and return to Parnaíba before his death. Investigation of Captain Policarpo Joaquim de Oliveira, Ordens Régias, 1:100, 282-45, AESP.

60. See my "Women and Means" for a more detailed analysis of women and property in colonial Brazil.

61. Liv. 4, Tit. CII, no. 3, Ordenaões , 999.

62. Maria Tereza Schorer Petrone, A lavoura canavieira em São Paulo: Expansão e declínio 1765-1851) (São Paulo: Difusão Européia do Livro, 1968), 65-66.

63. Schwartz, Sugar Plantations , 304.

64. The reconstruction of what happened to Antonio Correa de Lemos Leite's property has been drawn from the following documents: Inv. Antonio Correa de Lemos Leite, 1782, IT, 556-79, AESP; land sale, 1802, LP, 85, 6065-17, AESP; and two households from the 1798 census, MP, 127-127, AESP.

1. 1767 census of Parnaíba, MP, 125-125, AESP.

2. The peasants whom I describe in this chapter are the predecessors of the rural caipiras of São Paulo today. On the modern peasants of São Paulo, see Antônio Cândido's classic work, Os parceiros do Rio Bonito: Estudo sobre o caipira paulista e a transformaão dos seus meios de vida , 5th ed. (São Paulo: Livraria Duas Cidades, 1979), as well as Lia Freitas Garcia Fukui, Sertão e bairro rural: Parentesco e família entre sitiantes tradicionais (São Paulo: Atica, 1979). On the historical development of the peasantry of São Paulo, see Mafia Luiza Marcílio, Caiçara: Terra e população: Estudo de demografia histórica e da história social de Ubatuba (São Paulo: Edições Paulinas-CEDHAL, 1986), 62-71, and Mafia Sylvia de Carvalho Franco, Homens livres na ordem escravocrata , 2d ed. (São Paulo: Atica, 1976).

3. The Morgado de Mateus to the Conde de Oeyras, 23/Dec/1766, DI 23:1-20.

4. Ibid.

3. The Morgado de Mateus to the Conde de Oeyras, 23/Dec/1766, DI 23:1-20.

4. Ibid.

5. See Alice P. Canabrava, "Uma economia de decadência: Os niveis de riqueza na Capitania de São Paulo 1765/67," Revista Brasileira de Economia 26, 4(1972): 103-104, for a discussion of sitios volantes. The Jesuits observed this style of agriculture in the sixteenth century; see Serafim Leite, Novas páginas de história do Brasil (Silo Paulo: Companhia Editôra Nacional, 1965), 26.

6. In all of the inventories from seventeenth- and eighteenth-century Parnaíba consulted for this study, only one reference to a plow appears, in an inventory from the early seventeenth century. The Morgado de Mateus constantly urged the paulistas to adopt the plow. See his letters to the captain major of Parnaíba, 30/Dec/1776, D167:37-38. On the farming techniques used by peasants in Europe, see Fernand Braudel, Civilization and Capitalism, 15th-18th Century , vol. 1, The Structures of Everyday Life: The Limits of the Possible , trans. Siân Reynolds (New York: Harper & Row, 1986), 104-182 passim.

7. Iron foundries were very old in São Vicente. In 1584, three blacksmiths worked in the town of São Paulo. In 1607, the first ironworks was established in São Vicente. See Sérgio Buarque de Holanda, Caminhos e fronteiras (Rio de Janeiro: Liv. José Olympio, 1957).

8. Daniel Pedro Müller, Ensaio d'um quadro estatístico da província de São Paulo: Ordenado pelas leis provinciais de 11 de abril de 1836 e 10 de maro de 1837 , Coleção Paulística, vol. 11 (São Paulo: Governo do Estado de São Paulo, 1978), 31-32.

9. Ibid., 27.

8. Daniel Pedro Müller, Ensaio d'um quadro estatístico da província de São Paulo: Ordenado pelas leis provinciais de 11 de abril de 1836 e 10 de maro de 1837 , Coleção Paulística, vol. 11 (São Paulo: Governo do Estado de São Paulo, 1978), 31-32.

9. Ibid., 27.

10. These averages have been drawn from several references to the amount planted and the amount harvested in the 1798 census, MP, 125-125, AESP.

11. Braudel, The Structures of Everyday Life , 123.

12. Ibid., 104-182, see esp. 120, 151, 161. For another, equally provoca-

tive discussion of "New World" and "Old World" foods, see Alfred W. Crosby, The Columbian Exchange: Biological and Cultural Consequences of 1492 (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1972), 165-207.

11. Braudel, The Structures of Everyday Life , 123.

12. Ibid., 104-182, see esp. 120, 151, 161. For another, equally provoca-

tive discussion of "New World" and "Old World" foods, see Alfred W. Crosby, The Columbian Exchange: Biological and Cultural Consequences of 1492 (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1972), 165-207.

13. The "laziness" of the American Indian civilizations, particularly those still living in tribal societies, constantly amazed Europeans. Geographer Carl O. Sauer, in his discussion of the Arawak Indians of the Caribbean, accounts for this by showing how well adapted the Indians were to their environment. See Sauer, The Early Spanish Main (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1969), 45-69.

14. According to Holanda, the monjolo existed in Iberia as well as in Asia; see Caminhos e fronteiras , 215-244. See also Carlos Borges Schmidt, O milho e o monjolo: Aspectos da civilizaão do milho: Técnicas, utensílios, e maquinaria , Documentário da Vida Rural, 20 (Rio de Janeiro: Ministerio da Agricultura, Serviço de Informação Agrícola, 1967), for information on corn cultivation and its techniques in Brazil.

15. According to Müller, a piece of land in São Paulo 110 meters by 55 meters yielded 100 alqueires of manioc flour (3,627 liters). Manioc produces one of the highest ratios of calories per hectare planted of any American or European crop: 9.9 million calories, compared to 7.3 for corn and rice, and 4.2 for wheat. See Crosby, The Columbian Exchange , 175.

16. "Quadrimestre de Maio a Setembro de 1554, de Piratininga," in José de Anchieta, Cartas: Informaões, fragmentos históricos, e sermões (Belo Horizonte: Editôra Itatiaia, 1988), 53.

17. This attitude was deeply rooted in São Paulo, as can be seen in the seventeenth-century inventories that evaluate fields of corn, cotton, and wheat, not the actual land. See above, chap. 2.

18. Land grant to Paschoal Fernandes de Sampayo, 1783, Patentes e Sesmarias 22:56v-57v. See also "Cópia do parágrafo respelto às sesmarias," 4/Nov/1799, Ofícios Diversos, TC-1799, 355-105, AESP, which reinforces the right of the first settlers to the lands they cultivate, irrespective of subsequent sesmarias that might include their lands.

19. Land Grant Petition, Anna Maria Xavier Pinto da Silva, 1786, Re-querimentos para Sesmarias, 82-4-30, 325, AESP. See also Marcílio's discussion of squatters' fights in Caiara , 62-71.

20. Research by modem sociologists on the peasantry of São Paulo in the twentieth century similarly underscores the relative equality between men and women. Fukui writes that in Laranjeiras in 1964, "it is the general opinion of the rural neighborhood that women can work as much as men and understand farming as much as they do." Sertão e bairro rural , 151.

21. Again, modem research underscores the importance of children to peasant families today. In Laranjeiras, "childhood lasts only a short time and never extends past the age of six or seven years, the age at which children become responsible for the jobs given to them. Fukui, Sertão e bairro rural , 153.

22. See Berkner's fascinating account of the use of servants in eighteenth-century Austrian peasant families in "The Stem Family and the

Developmental Cycle of the Peasant Household: An Eighteenth-Century Austrian Example," American Historical Review 77(1972): 398-418.

23. José Arouche de Toledo Rendon, "Reflexões sobre o estado em que se acha a agricultura na capitania de São Paulo," D144:195-213. Other allusions to these workdays sometimes appear in documents that inadvertently describe the daily lives of peasants. For example, in 1816, an investigation conducted by the justice of the peace into the beating of Francisco da Penha reveals that Antonio de Gois Leme was on his way to Itú to buy some cane brandy and molasses for a workday (ajuntamento) to hoe his field when he witnessed a crime (LP, 98:33-34, 6068-20, AESP). Another investigation into a crime committed in 1790 reveals that kin worked with each other on each other's farms. When the justice of the peace investigated the assault of Joze Leme, he learned that Joze was working with his brother-in-law hoeing his field when three men came up, attacked him, and stole the medallions from around his neck (LP, 152:3-5, 6077-29, AESP).

24. The practice of mutual aid, or multirão , among Brazil's modem peasantry has been discussed by sociologists and anthropologists. See Fukui, Sertão e bairro rural , 166, and Cândido, Os parceiros do Rio Bonito , 67-71.

25. Helen G. Dominian, Apostle of Brazil: The Biography of Padre José de Anchieta, S.J . (New York: Exposition Press, 1958), 88.

26. Fukui, Sertão e bairro rural , 166. See also descriptions from the nineteenth century in Cândido, Os parceiros do Rio Bonito , 67, and Franco, Homens livres , 29-40.

27. "rendido dos pistos."

28. The Morgado de Mateus had a good deal of trouble recruiting men for his various military objectives. The paulistas did not like to enlist in the royal troops and constantly thwarted his attempts to build up these companies. Perhaps the ailments of the adult men of Parnaíba are other examples of ruses to avoid military service.

29. I have found few references to "by favor" in the historical literature. Mafia Thereza Schorer Petrone, in A lavoura canavieira em São Paulo: Expansão e declínio (1765-1851 ) (São Paulo: Difusão Européia do Livro, 1968), 55-56, notes that it referred to cultivating freely, without legal title. She also notes that it was most common among those who planted foodstuffs.

30. Land Arrangements, João Ribeiro et al., 1784, Ofícios Diversos, TC-1784, 355-105, AESP.

31. 1775 census, MP, 125-225, AESP.

32. 1775 census, MP, 125-125, AESP; land sale 1796, LP, 57:83-84, 6061-13, AESP. A landowning census of São Paulo taken in the early nineteenth century, the Bens Rusticos, also shows the importance of occupation ( posse ) as a means to acquire legal title to land. Unfortunately, the Bens Rusticos have been lost for Parnaíba as well as for the city of São Paulo. The remaining parts of the census are housed in the AESP. For an

analysis of this census, see Alice Canabrava, "A repartião da terra na Capitania de São Paulo, 1818," Estudos Econômicos 2, 6(1972): 77-129.

33. 1775 census, MP, 125-125, AESP.

34. See, above, the example of João Leite de Lima.

35. 1775 census, MP, 125-125, AESP.

36. Inv. Anna Leme do Prado, 1771, IPO #14,751, 709-97, AESP; the heirs of Sipriana Gil made a similar decision, see her inventory, 1770, IPO #14,794, 712-100, AESP.

37. The records for the lands rented by the mother church (igreja matriz) of Parnaíba are found in Livro de Lanamento da Fabrica da Igreja, LP, 72, 6063-15, AESP; those rented by the town council are found in Foros de Terrenos, 1724-1828, LP, 89:40-87, 6066-18, AESP. While references appear in inventories to lands rented from the Indian community, Bauerí I have not been able to find the actual account books.

38. "Relaão dos bens aprehendidos e confiscados aos Padres Jesuitas," 13/Dec/1762, DI 44:339-378.

39. São Bento Monastery, Chapel of St. Antonio, 1775 census, MP, 125-125, AESP.

40. Historians and sociologists use the term "family cycle" to refer to the changes that take place in family life over time. These cycles are affected by demography and family customs. Scholars believe that families of similar regions, classes, and ethnicities share common family cycles; see Tamara Hareven, "The Family as Process: The Historical Study of the Family Cycle," Journal of Social History 7(1974): 322-329.

41. 1767, 1775, and 1798 censuses, MP, 125-125, 127-127, AESP.

42. Lutz Berkner observes that where land is available, nuclear families tend to be the rule, whereas where land tenure is limited, complex households are more common. See "Inheritance, Land Tenure, and Peasant Family Structure: A German Regional Comparison," in Family and Inheritance: Rural Society in Western Europe, 1200-1800 , eds. Jack Goody, Joan Thirsk, and E. P. Thompson (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1976), 71-95. See also Robert Wheaton's analysis of the joint family in "Family and Kinship in Western Europe: The Problem of the Joint Family Household," Journal of Interdisciplinary History 5(1975): 601-628.

43. 1767, 1775, and 1798 censuses, MP, 125-125, 127-127, AESP.

44. Census of 1775, MP, 125-125, AESP.

45. Ibid.

44. Census of 1775, MP, 125-125, AESP.

45. Ibid.

46. Iguatemí was a frontier outpost and fort constructed by the Morgado de Mateus to protect Portugal's claim to the western boundary of Brazil. Located in the old Jesuit mission territory of Guairá, Iguatemí was deliberately close to Spanish settlements in Paraguay, and it became a bone of contention between Spain and Portugal. The Morgado, determined to keep Iguatemí a viable settlement so that Portugal could claim the region, according to the principle of uti possedetis , constantly demanded supplies from the captain majors of São Paulo, as well as men to staff the fort and families to colonize the town. See Dauril Alden, Royal

Government in Colonial Brazil: With Special Reference to the Administration of the Marquis of Lavradio, Viceroy, 1769-1779 (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1968), 462-471; and Kathleeen Joan Higgins, "Iguatemí: A Brazilian Frontier Community, 1767-1777," M. A. thesis, University of Texas, Austin, 1980.

47. Census of 1775, MP, 125-125, AESP.

48. The Morgado regularly demanded that the captain majors of towns like Parnaíba supply him with food. See his letters to Parnaíba and Baruerí demanding food, men, and couples to colonize Iguatemí in DI 5:25, 55, 104; 6:68, 91, 117, 178; 8:7, 96, 149.

49. Inv. Francisco de Oliveira Gago, 1755, and Inv. Anna Leme do Prado, 1771, both in IPO #14,751, 709-97, AESP.

50. Baptismal records, 1775, LPS, ACDJ.

51. Mauricio da Rocha Campos vs. Francisco Joze de Paula, 1780, LP, 97:36-41, 6068-20, AESP, and households from the 1775 census, MP, 125-125, AESP.

52. The Morgado de Mateus to the Conde de Oeyras, 23/Dec/1766, DI 23:1-10.

53. The Morgado expanded the local militia (ordenana) and created a provincial militia, the auxiliares; see above, chap. 4, n. 1.

54. The Morgado de Mateus to the captain majors of Itú, Parnaíba, Sorocaba, Jundiaí, Mogi, Taubaté, Jacarei, Guaratinguetá, Iguape, São Sebastião, Ubatuba, and São Paulo, 3/July/1765, DI 72:27-28.

55. Order of the Morgado de Mateus, 6/Nov/1765, DI 65:25-26.

56. The king to the Morgado de Mateus, 22/July/1766, Avisos e Cartas Régias, 1765-1767, 145, 426-62, AESP.

57. Ibid.

56. The king to the Morgado de Mateus, 22/July/1766, Avisos e Cartas Régias, 1765-1767, 145, 426-62, AESP.

57. Ibid.

58. Martim Lopes Lobo de Saldanha to Policarpo Joaquim de Oliveira, 26/Dec/1775, DI 84:59.

59. Investigation of Policarpo Joaquim de Oliveira, 1779, Ordens Régias 282-45, 1'100, AESP.

60. Ibid.

59. Investigation of Policarpo Joaquim de Oliveira, 1779, Ordens Régias 282-45, 1'100, AESP.

60. Ibid.

61. Land sales, LP, 56:28-29 and 67-68, 6061-13, AESP; LP, 57:40-41 and 83-84, 6061-13, AESP; LP, 81:40, 6064-16, AESP; LP, 85:np, 6065-17, AESP.

62. Inv. Mariana Dias, 1776, IT, 553-76, AESP; and Inv. Anna Moreira, 1789, IPO #14,241, 662-50, AESP.

63. Investigation of Policarpo Joaquim de Oliveira, 1801, SP 3865, AHU.

64. Investigation of Policarpo Joaquim de Oliveira, 1801, SP 3865, AHU; Sesmaria of Policarpo Joaquim de Oliveira, 1802, Patentes e Sesmarias 13:1-2, AESP.

65. Land sale, 1799, LP, 85:np, 6065-17, AESP (the land actually changed hands in 1775); two households from the 1775 and 1798 censuses, MP, 125-125, 127-127, AESP.

66. 1820 census, MP, 133-133, AESP.

67. 1775, 1798, and 1820 censuses, MP, 125-125, 127-127, and 133-133, AESP.

68. The Morgado de Mateus promoted the production of cotton in São Paulo, and as a result, many peasants began to grow the crop in the late eighteenth century. This gave rise to the cottage industry of spinning and weaving found in all paulista towns by the end of the eighteenth century.

69. Petition of Domingos Francisco Pires et al., 1819, Requerimentos, 4:28, 342-93A, AESP.

70. Ibid.

69. Petition of Domingos Francisco Pires et al., 1819, Requerimentos, 4:28, 342-93A, AESP.

70. Ibid.

71. Baptismal Records, 1775 and 1820, LPS, ACDJ.

72. The abundance of female-headed households in 1820 was not peculiar to Parnaíba itself but was common throughout São Paulo. By the very end of the eighteenth century, large numbers of women lived in the town centers of many towns like Parnaíba. See the manuscript censuses of Guaratinguetá, Ubatuba, and São Paulo, MP, AESP. In the city of São Paulo, matrifocal households were particularly apparent; see Maria Odila Leite Silva Dias, Quotidiano e poder em São Paulo no século XIX—Ana Gertrudes de Jesus (São Paulo: Brasiliense, 1984), and Eni de Mesquita Samara, As mulheres, o poder, e a família: Sío Paulo, século XIX (São Paulo: Marco Zero, 1989). Elizabeth Kuznesof has linked the large numbers of female-headed households in the city of São Paulo to early stages of modernization, arguing that women were part of a valuable and growing cottage industry. See "The Role of the Female-Headed Household in Brazilian Modernization: São Paulo, 1765 to 1836," Journal of Social History 13(1980): 589-613.

73. 1775, 1798, and 1820 censuses, MP, 125-125, 127-127, 133-133, AESP.

74. This phenomenon leads Maxine Margolis to describe a "moving frontier" in Brazil. See her study of peasants in Paraná in 1967-1968 in The Moving Frontier: Social and Economic Change in a Southern Brazilian Community (Gainesville: University of Florida Press, 1973).

75. Felis Soares, described above, appeared in the 1775 and 1798 censuses without any color classification, an indication that he was not considered "brown," "black," or Indian. In the 1820 census, however, he appears as pardo, "brown."

76. See the work of Mafia Sylvia de Carvalho Franco who emphasizes the violence and competition between peasants of nineteenth-century São Paulo in Homens livres , 20-59.

77. Not only did he beat her but at least four men testified that he poisoned her with a "purgative" from which she died. João Montes Ferreira vs. João Duarte de Moura, 1806, LP, 98:np, 6068-20, AESP.

78. Floriana Maria vs. Izabel Leme, 1805, LP, 98:np, 6068-20, AESP.

79. Petition of Anna Mafia de Oliveira, 1819, Requerimentos 3:60, 342-93A, AESP.

80. The controversy began when Antonio decided to open a field near João's barn, and on a windy day, without informing João, he burned the

field and inadvertently set fire to the barn. Petition of João Francisco Pais, 1816, Requerimentos, 3:8, 342-93A, AESP.

81. For an interesting comparative analysis of the importance of subsistence agriculture in Brazil in the nineteenth century, see Hebe Mafia Mattos de Castro, "Beyond Masters and Slaves: Subsistence Agriculture as a Survival Strategy in Brazil during the Second Half of the Nineteenth Century," Hispanic American Historical Review 68(1988): 461-489.

82. Muriel Nazzari finds that the amount of money awarded in dowries in the nineteenth century declined from what women had received in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. But since the number of dowries granted increased, it seems likely that peasants began to grant dowries to their daughters to influence who they married. See Nazzari, "Women, the Family and Property: The Decline of the Dowry in São Paulo, Brazil (1600-1870)," Ph.D. diss., Yale University, 1986. On the inheritance strategies used by modern peasants in Brazil, see Margarida Maria Moura, Os herdeiros da terra: Parentesco e heranna numa área rural (São Paulo: Editôra Hucitec, 1978).

83. See Marcílio, Caiara , where the peasant farmers and fishermen of Ubatuba lost their lands as tourism rapidly inflated beachfront property; Stanley J. Stein, Vassouras: A Brazilian Coffee County, 1850-1890 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1957, repr. ed., New York: Atheneum, 1974); and Warren Dean, Rio Claro: A Brazilian Plantation System, 1820-1920 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1976), describe how peasants lost lands to coffee growers. This process is so widespread in Brazil that it even can be seen in literature; see Jorge Amado's famous novel, Terras do semfim (Rio de Janeiro: Livraria Martins Editôra, 1943), published in English as The Violent Land .

1. Inv. Mariana Dias, 1776, IT, 553-76, AESP.

2. Inv. Antonio Correa de Lemos Leite, 1782, IT, 556-79, AESP. Two of Antonio's sons-in-law, upset that he had thereby reduced the inheritances their wives would receive, petitioned the orphan's judge to disallow the slave freedoms. They would have accepted the slave freedoms if their father-in-law had written a will, they argued, but since Antonio had died intestate, he had no third to distribute as he wished. Therefore, they maintained that Antonio's executor could not free the slaves.

3. 1798 census, MP, 127-127, AESP.

4. Barry Higman, "The Slave Family and Household in the British West Indies, 1800-1834," Journal of Interdisciplinary History 6(1975): 261-287. Allan Kulikoff makes a similar point in Tobacco and Slaves: The Development of Southern Cultures in the Chesapeake, 1680-1800 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1986), 355-360.

5. Inv. André de Goes Leme, 1738, IT, 516-39, AESP. See Kathleen J. Higgins, "The Slave Society in Eighteenth-Century Sabará: A Community

Study in Colonial Brazil,'' Ph.D. diss., Yale University, 1987, for a discussion of the strategies developed by slaves in the mining frontier.

6. IT, 535-58, AESP.

7. Inv. Manoel Correa Penteado, 1745, IPO #14,406, 676-64, AESP.

8. Richard Graham, "Slave Families of a Rural Estate in Colonial Brazil," Journal of Social History 9(1976): 382-402.

9. Stuart Schwartz, Sugar Plantations in the Formation of Brazilian Society: Bahia, 1550-1835 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 395-399.

10. Herbert Gutman, The Black Family in Slavery and Freedom (New York: Pantheon Books, 1976), 45-61.

11. Mary Karasch, Slave Life in Rio de Janeiro, 1808-1850 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1987), 287-298. See also, Barry W. Higman, Slave Populations of the British Caribbean, 1807-1834 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1984), 226-259.

12. Inv. André de Goes Leme, 1738, IT, 516-39, AESP.

13. This is one of the reasons John Blassingame argues that in the United States South, the "plantation was unique in the New World because it permitted the development of a monogamous slave family." The Slave Community: Plantation Life in the Antebellum South , 2d ed. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1979), 149.

14. These brotherhoods had formed at the end of the eighteenth century. They cared for altars in the church, loaned out monies to their members, and secured the right for their members to be buried in the church, as was the custom in Brazil. Book of Records, Church of Santana de Parnaíba, liv. 524:117; 123-125, ACDJ; Brotherhood of Our Lady of Good Death of Slaves and Free Blacks, liv. 530, ACDJ.

15. See Gutman's introduction to The Black Family . While Gutman criticizes those who have argued that the slave family was predominantly matrifocal, he does admit that matrifocal families were one type of slave family structure; ibid., 115-116. For a critique of the matrifocal hypothesis in studies of Brazilian slavery, see Robert Slenes, "Escravidão e família: Padrões de casamento e estabilidade familiar numa comunidade escrava (Campinas, século XIX)," Estudos Econômicos 17, 2(1987): 221-222.

16. Higman discusses the existence of polygamous families in the Caribbean in Slave Population and Economy in Jamaica, 1807-1834 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1976), 165-171. He believes that the predominant family types for slaves in Jamaica were, first, solitary households, second, nuclear families, and third, extended families; ibid., 168. He discounts the importance of the matrifocal family. In Brazil, where slaves did sometimes accumulate wealth in the cities, polygamous families may have formed.

14. These brotherhoods had formed at the end of the eighteenth century. They cared for altars in the church, loaned out monies to their members, and secured the right for their members to be buried in the church, as was the custom in Brazil. Book of Records, Church of Santana de Parnaíba, liv. 524:117; 123-125, ACDJ; Brotherhood of Our Lady of Good Death of Slaves and Free Blacks, liv. 530, ACDJ.

15. See Gutman's introduction to The Black Family . While Gutman criticizes those who have argued that the slave family was predominantly matrifocal, he does admit that matrifocal families were one type of slave family structure; ibid., 115-116. For a critique of the matrifocal hypothesis in studies of Brazilian slavery, see Robert Slenes, "Escravidão e família: Padrões de casamento e estabilidade familiar numa comunidade escrava (Campinas, século XIX)," Estudos Econômicos 17, 2(1987): 221-222.

16. Higman discusses the existence of polygamous families in the Caribbean in Slave Population and Economy in Jamaica, 1807-1834 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1976), 165-171. He believes that the predominant family types for slaves in Jamaica were, first, solitary households, second, nuclear families, and third, extended families; ibid., 168. He discounts the importance of the matrifocal family. In Brazil, where slaves did sometimes accumulate wealth in the cities, polygamous families may have formed.

14. These brotherhoods had formed at the end of the eighteenth century. They cared for altars in the church, loaned out monies to their members, and secured the right for their members to be buried in the church, as was the custom in Brazil. Book of Records, Church of Santana de Parnaíba, liv. 524:117; 123-125, ACDJ; Brotherhood of Our Lady of Good Death of Slaves and Free Blacks, liv. 530, ACDJ.

15. See Gutman's introduction to The Black Family . While Gutman criticizes those who have argued that the slave family was predominantly matrifocal, he does admit that matrifocal families were one type of slave family structure; ibid., 115-116. For a critique of the matrifocal hypothesis in studies of Brazilian slavery, see Robert Slenes, "Escravidão e família: Padrões de casamento e estabilidade familiar numa comunidade escrava (Campinas, século XIX)," Estudos Econômicos 17, 2(1987): 221-222.

16. Higman discusses the existence of polygamous families in the Caribbean in Slave Population and Economy in Jamaica, 1807-1834 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1976), 165-171. He believes that the predominant family types for slaves in Jamaica were, first, solitary households, second, nuclear families, and third, extended families; ibid., 168. He discounts the importance of the matrifocal family. In Brazil, where slaves did sometimes accumulate wealth in the cities, polygamous families may have formed.

17. According to Kulikoff, "No slaves enjoyed the security of legal marriage" in the tobacco-growing region of the Chesapeake in the eighteenth century; Tobacco and Slaves , 353. Higman states that Anglican and Catholic priests performed "relatively few marriages" in the British Caribbean but

that Moravian and Wesleyan missionaries did emphasize the importance of marriage; see Slave Populations of the British Caribbean , 369-370.

18. Slave marriage, 1737, LPS, ACDJ.

19. 1820 census, MP, 133-133, AESP; Land Rentals, LP, 89:84, 6066-18, AESP.

20. In Bahia, Schwartz finds a similar pattern; in one parish, 21% of the marriages involving slaves occurred to free persons; see Sugar Plantations , 392.

21. Marriage of Bento Francisco Vieira, 1801, LPS, ACDJ.

22. For example, Antonio da Silva, a free mulatto married to Domingas, a slave, freed his three-year-old daughter Juliana for 38,400 reis in 1780. Slave Freedom, LP, 81:np, 6064-16, AESP.

23. Inv. Manoel Correa Penteado, 1745, IPO #14,406, 676-64, AESP; Inv. Rodrigo Bicudo Chassim, 1743, IPO #14,648, 698-86, AESP; Inv. Domingos Rodrigues de Fonseca Leme, 1738, IPO #15,085, 740-128, AESP; see also the estate of Angela Ribeira Leite, 1749, IPO #14,584, 692-80, AESP.

24. Elsewhere, I have reported that marriages between slaves of different masters reached 13%. This figure was based on the inclusion of marriages between slaves and administrados, who also might belong to different masters. I have eliminated these marriages in this analysis of slave marriages. See Metcalf, "Families of Planters, Peasants, and Slaves: Strategies for Survival in Santana de Parnaíba, 1720-1820," Ph.D. diss.: University of Texas, Austin, 1983, 181, and "Vida familiar dos escravos em São Paulo no século dezoito: O caso de Santana de Parnaíba," Estudos Econômicos 17(1987): 238.

25. This is a major difference between slavery in Brazil and slavery in the United States. In the U.S. South, "broad marriages" were not uncommon. These were marriages of slaves who lived on different estates in the same region and who were allowed to travel to visit their spouses. See Gutman, The Black Family , 131-142 passim, and Kulikoff, Tobacco and Slaves , 352-380. Slenes finds a low incidence of marriages between slaves of different masters in Campinas, a coffee-growing region of nineteenth-century São Paulo; see "Escravidão e família," 220. Schwartz finds no evidence of it in Bahia; Sugar Plantations , 383.

26. Inv. Angela Ribeira Leite, 1749, IPO #14,584, 692-80, AESP.

27. Other slaves who married slaves belonging to different masters similarly appear to have married slaves who belonged to masters who were related to their own masters. When Victorino married Roza, the priest noted that he belonged to Andreza Buena and she to Antonio Bueno de Azevedo. Manoel and Francisco, who belonged to Antonio Correa de Barros, married two Marias who belonged to Mafia Xavier de Barros. It would appear, then, that most of the slaves who married off of their masters' estates married slaves belonging to the same extended white family. These slaves may not have lived very far apart, and families may have ex-

changed slaves to allow them to see each other for extended periods. Slave Marriages, LPS, ACDJ.

28. Inv. Agostinha Rodrigues, 1757, IT, 534-57, AESP.

29. Inv. Barbara Pais de Queiroz, 1761, IT, 539-62, AESP.

30. For example, the mulatto slave Bento (6 years old), Maria (3 years old), Antonio (3 years old), Ricardo (5 months), and Manoel (6 months) were all freed by their fathers or probable fathers in the 1780s and 1790s. See Slave Freedoms, LP, 85, 56, 57, 6061-13, 6065-17, AESP.

31. Slave Freedom, LP, 85, 3/Dec/1800, 6065-17, AESP.

32. Gutman, The Black Family , 60-67; Slenes, "Escravidão e família," 220.

33. Will, Rev. Felippe de Santiago Xavier, 1793, Testamentos 6:2-8, 456-2, AESP.

34. Travelers to Brazil described these slave barracks. Iraci del Nero da Costa has collected many of their descriptions in "Os viagantes estrangeiros e a família escrava no Brasil," Leitura , São Paulo 7(77) October 1988:9-10.

35. Inv. Manoel Correa Penteado, 1745, IPO #14,406, 676-64, AESP.

36. Inv. Angela Ribeira Leite, 1749, IPO #14,584, 692-80, AESP.

37. Gutman, The Black Family , 123-139. João Luis R. Fragoso and Manolo G. Florentino argue, based on their analysis of large slave properties in Rio de Janeiro in the nineteenth century (estates with more than 100 slaves), that slave families were able to weather the storm of inheritance and maintain family ties. They also suggest that masters, especially those who owned large estates, purchased slave families. See "Marcelino, filho de Inocência crioula, neto de Joana cabinda: Um estudo sobre famílias escravas em Paraía do Sul (1835-1872)," Estudos Econômicos 17, 2(1987): 151-173. To what extent they mean whole families were able to remain together, or merely some individuals of a family, is still not clear.

38. Petition of Mariana, 1816, Requerimentos 72-2-58, 313, AESP.

39. Jailer's Ledger, LP, 48:34-34v, 6060-12, AESP.

40. This history of the Araariguama estate has been reconstructed from the following sources: report of Manoel da Costa Couto, notary of the sequestration of Jesuit properties, DI 84:151-153; Town Council of Parnaíba to the Crown, 1815, São Paulo 3865, AHU; inventory of the Araçariguama estate, 1815, cod. 481:203-221, AN.

41. See, for example, Florestan Fernandes, A integraão do negro na sociedade de classes (São Paulo: Dominus, Editôra da Universidade de São Paulo, 1965). While an earlier generation of American historians also held this view, as, for example, E. Franklin Frazier, The Negro Family in the United States , rev. ed. (New York: Dryden Press, 1948), contemporary historians of slavery emphasize that within the confines of slavery, slaves were able to fashion their own family lives. Examples of these American historians include Gutman, Blassingame, and Kulikoff, and for Brazil, Schwartz, Slenes, and Graham.

42. Here I follow the models of slave family and community life de-

veloped by Eugene Genovese, Roll, Jordan, Roll: The World the Slaves Made (New York: Pantheon Books, 1974), and Gutman, The Black Family . Genovese emphasizes the vertical ties that slaves had with their masters, ties that developed because of the patriarchal and paternalistic character of slavery; Gutman focuses his attention on the horizontal connections slaves had with other slaves, arguing that the essence of slave family and community life took place in a world separate from that of the masters. I do not find these views mutually exclusive, for slaves survived by learning how to interact with their masters and with other slaves.

43. Carl N. Degler discusses the comparison between the freed slaves in Brazil and the United States in Neither Black nor White: Slavery and Race Relations in Brazil and the United States (New York: Macmillan, 1971), 39-47, and concludes that while slaves could and did receive their freedom in the United States, in Brazil, they stood a better chance of being freed or purchasing their freedom.

44. Slave Freedom, LP, 81:39, 6064-16, AESP.

45. Ibid., LP, 85:np, 6065-17, AESP.

46. Ibid., LP, 57:42-43, 6061-13, AESP.

47. Ibid., LP, 81:np, 6064-16, AESP.

48. Ibid., LP, 85:np, 6065-17, AESP.

49. Ibid., LP, 75:68-69, 6061-13, AESP.

44. Slave Freedom, LP, 81:39, 6064-16, AESP.

45. Ibid., LP, 85:np, 6065-17, AESP.

46. Ibid., LP, 57:42-43, 6061-13, AESP.

47. Ibid., LP, 81:np, 6064-16, AESP.

48. Ibid., LP, 85:np, 6065-17, AESP.

49. Ibid., LP, 75:68-69, 6061-13, AESP.

44. Slave Freedom, LP, 81:39, 6064-16, AESP.

45. Ibid., LP, 85:np, 6065-17, AESP.

46. Ibid., LP, 57:42-43, 6061-13, AESP.

47. Ibid., LP, 81:np, 6064-16, AESP.

48. Ibid., LP, 85:np, 6065-17, AESP.

49. Ibid., LP, 75:68-69, 6061-13, AESP.

44. Slave Freedom, LP, 81:39, 6064-16, AESP.

45. Ibid., LP, 85:np, 6065-17, AESP.

46. Ibid., LP, 57:42-43, 6061-13, AESP.

47. Ibid., LP, 81:np, 6064-16, AESP.

48. Ibid., LP, 85:np, 6065-17, AESP.

49. Ibid., LP, 75:68-69, 6061-13, AESP.

44. Slave Freedom, LP, 81:39, 6064-16, AESP.

45. Ibid., LP, 85:np, 6065-17, AESP.

46. Ibid., LP, 57:42-43, 6061-13, AESP.

47. Ibid., LP, 81:np, 6064-16, AESP.

48. Ibid., LP, 85:np, 6065-17, AESP.

49. Ibid., LP, 75:68-69, 6061-13, AESP.

44. Slave Freedom, LP, 81:39, 6064-16, AESP.

45. Ibid., LP, 85:np, 6065-17, AESP.

46. Ibid., LP, 57:42-43, 6061-13, AESP.

47. Ibid., LP, 81:np, 6064-16, AESP.

48. Ibid., LP, 85:np, 6065-17, AESP.

49. Ibid., LP, 75:68-69, 6061-13, AESP.

50. This was a common pattern in Brazil. See Peter L. Eisenberg, "Ficando livre: As alforrias em Campinas no século XIX," Estudos Econô-micos 17(1987): 175-216, and James P. Kiernan, "The Manumission of Slaves in Colonial Brazil: Paraty, 1789-1822," Ph.D. diss., New York University, 1976.

51. Slave Freedom, LP, 85:np, 6065-17, AESP.

52. Ibid., LP, 57:8, 6061-13, AESP.

53. Ibid., LP, 85:np, 6061-17; LP, 56:11-12, 6061-13, AESP.

54. Ibid., LP, 57:68-69, 6061-13, AESP; LP, 85:np, 6065-16, AESP.

51. Slave Freedom, LP, 85:np, 6065-17, AESP.

52. Ibid., LP, 57:8, 6061-13, AESP.

53. Ibid., LP, 85:np, 6061-17; LP, 56:11-12, 6061-13, AESP.

54. Ibid., LP, 57:68-69, 6061-13, AESP; LP, 85:np, 6065-16, AESP.

51. Slave Freedom, LP, 85:np, 6065-17, AESP.

52. Ibid., LP, 57:8, 6061-13, AESP.

53. Ibid., LP, 85:np, 6061-17; LP, 56:11-12, 6061-13, AESP.

54. Ibid., LP, 57:68-69, 6061-13, AESP; LP, 85:np, 6065-16, AESP.

51. Slave Freedom, LP, 85:np, 6065-17, AESP.

52. Ibid., LP, 57:8, 6061-13, AESP.

53. Ibid., LP, 85:np, 6061-17; LP, 56:11-12, 6061-13, AESP.

54. Ibid., LP, 57:68-69, 6061-13, AESP; LP, 85:np, 6065-16, AESP.

55. Petition of Francisco, Requerimentos, 72-3-37, 313, AESP.

56. Ibid., and 1820 census, MP, 133-133, AESP.

57. Ibid.

55. Petition of Francisco, Requerimentos, 72-3-37, 313, AESP.

56. Ibid., and 1820 census, MP, 133-133, AESP.

57. Ibid.

55. Petition of Francisco, Requerimentos, 72-3-37, 313, AESP.

56. Ibid., and 1820 census, MP, 133-133, AESP.

57. Ibid.

58. Inv. Antonio Correa de Lemos Leite, 1782, IT, 556-79, AESP.

59. Petition of Maximiano Antonio, 182o, Requerimentos, 72-3-52, 313, AESP.

60. Most witnesses at slave marriages were other slaves, but free blacks, Indians, and masters also witnessed these events. For example, Sergeant Major Luis Pedroso de Barros served as one of the witnesses at the marriage of his slaves, Francisco and Dezideria. Slave Marriage, 1728, LPS, ACDJ.

61. Gudeman and Schwartz, "Cleansing Original Sin: Godparenthood and the Baptism of Slaves in Eighteenth-Century Bahia," in Kinship Ideology and Practice in Latin America , ed. Raymond T. Smith (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1984), 40.

62. Baptism of Caetano, 1820, LPS, ACDJ. It was not uncommon for a

man to stand in for the priest and baptize babies in extremis—those judged near death.

63. Gudeman and Schwartz, "Cleansing Original Sin."

64. Slave baptisms on 4/11, 7/17, and 8/26, 1798, and 4/9, 4/13, and 11/21, 1820, LPS, ACDJ. Gudeman and Schwartz find the same pattern in Bahia; see "Cleansing Original Sin."

65. Gudeman and Schwartz find that 20% of the godparents of baptized slaves were slaves, 10% former slaves, and 70% free persons; "Cleansing Original Sin," 45.

66. Jailer's Ledger, LP, 133, 6074-26, AESP.

67. Francisco Cruz vs. Rodrigo Joze de Barros, LP, 98:38-40, 6068-20, AESP.

68. Each of the riots was investigated by legal authorities in devassas , but I have not been able to find them or any other trial records that pertain to those accused of crimes and sent to the jail in Parnaíba. The only records that we have, therefore, are the entries made by the jailers when the prisoners arrived at the jail. Jailer's Ledger, LP, 133, 6074-26, AESP.

69. Jailer's Ledger, LP, 133, 6074-26, AESP.

70. Governor of São Paulo to Rodrigo Bicudo Chassim, 1775, DI 70:25.

71. Captain major of Parnaíba to the governor of São Paulo, 1820, Ordenanas 2:41, 295-57, AESP.

72. Governor of São Paulo to the captain major of Parnaíba, 1775, DI 84:51.

73. Land Grant Petition, Anna Maria Xavier Pinto da Silva, 1786, Patentes e Sesmarias, 22:111, AESP.

74. Inv. Agostinha Rodrigues, 1757, IT, 534-57, AESP.

75. Inv. Baltazar Rodrigues Fam, 1758, IT, 536-59, AESP.

76. Jailer's Ledger, LP, 133, 6074-26, AESP.

1. Leslie Bethell, " The Independence of Brazil," in The Cambridge History of Latin America , 3:157-196, ed. Leslie Bethell (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 170.

2. Bethell, "The Independence of Brazil"; A. H. de Oliveira Marques, History of Portugal , 2d ed. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1976), 455-457.

3. Bethell, "The Independence of Brazil," 180-183; Oliveira Marques, History of Portugal , 429-430, 458-459.

4. Richard M. Morse, From Community to Metropolis: A Biography of São Paulo, Brazil (Gainesville: University of Florida Press, 1958), 45-58.

5. Raymundo Faoro, Os donos do poder: Formaão do patronato político brasileiro , 2 vols., 5th ed. (Porto Alegre: Editôra Globo, 1979), 1:139-240.

6. Faoro, Os donos do poder , 1:221-234; Fernando A. Novais, Portugal e

Brasil na crise do antigo sistema colonial ( 1777-1808 ) (São Paulo: Editôra Hucitec, 1979).

7. In Os donos do poder , Faoro argues that the bandeirantes were agents of imperial policy and control; see vol. 1:146-165.

8. Heloisa Liberalli Bellotto, Autoridade e conflito no Brasil colonial: O governo do Morgado de Mateus em São Paulo ( 1765-1775 ) (São Paulo: Conselho Estadual de Artes e Ciências Humanas, 1979), 251-261.

9. Gilberto Freyre, The Masters and the Slaves [Casa-Grande & Senzala]: A Study in the Development of Brazilian Civilization , trans. Samuel Putnam, 2d ed. rev. (New York: Knopf, 1966), 26.

10. Emilia Viotti da Costa, The Brazilian Empire: Myths and Histories (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1985), 20-23.

11. See Warren Dean, Rio Claro: A Brazilian Plantation System 1820-1920 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1976), and Stanley J. Stein, Vassouras: A Brazilian Coffee County, 1850-1890 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1957; repr. New York: Atheneum, 1974), for a clear description of the expansion of coffee in São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro in the nineteenth century.

12. See Katia M. de Queirós Mattoso, To be a Slave in Brazil, 1550-1888 , trans. Arthur Goldhammer (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1986), for a more thorough discussion of the abolition of Brazilian slavery in the nineteenth century.

13. See João José Reis, "Slave Rebellion in Brazil: The African Muslim Uprising in Bahia, 1835" Ph.D. diss., University of Minnesota, 1982, 57-123.

14. Costa, The Brazilian Empire , 78-93.