1. See, for example, Brock, "Introduction to Syriac Studies," esp. 11-13; Murray, Symbols of Church and Kingdom, 4; and Segal, Edessa, 16. See n. 3 below.

2. On Syriac's independent usage in the late Roman Empire, cf. Jones, Later Roman Empire 2:865, 924, 968-69, 991, 994, 996. Herein, "Syriac" refers to a Syriac-speaking group or context only. "Syrian" refers to culture in the region of the Syrian Orient (languages spoken there varied: Syriac, Greek, Aramaic).

3. Wright, Short History of Syriac Literature ; Duval, Littérature syriaque; Baumstark, Geschichte der syrischen Literatur .

4. Macuch, Geschichte .

5. So Duval Littérature syriaque , 7-15. Edessa's claim to primacy in this respect is based on the legendary correspondence between its king Abgar the Black and Jesus, during his ministry. The legend is most fully recorded in the fifth-century Doctrine of Addai , ed. and trans. G. Phillips; it first became famous when the correspondence was translated into Greek by Eusebius of Caesarea, HE 1.13. See esp. Segal, Edessa , 62-81.

6. See, for example, Cameron and Cameron, "Christianity and Tradition"; Cameron, "Corippus' Poem"; Cochrane, Christianity and Classical Culture; M. L. W. Laistner, Christianity and Pagan Culture in the Later Roman Empire (Ithaca, 1951); Momigliano, Conflict Between Paganism and Christianity; and idem, "Popular Religious Beliefs.''

7. Drijvers, Cults and Beliefs at Edessa ; Segal, Edessa , 1-61.

8. Drijvers, "Facts and Problems"; Segal, Edessa , 30-61, esp. 30-31. The Odes of Solomon, Acts of Judas Thomas , and Didascalia Apostolorum are examples of texts from the Syrian Orient circulating in both Syriac and Greek. On the Odes of

Solomon , see subsequent discussion. See also A. F. J. Klijn, The Acts of Thomas , Supplements to NT 5 (Leiden, 1962); R. H. Connolly, The Didascalia Apostolorum (Oxford, 1929); A. Vööbus, The Didascalia Apostolorum in Syriac , CSCO 401/175, 402/176, 407/179, 408/180 (Louvain, 1979).

9. Drijvers, Bardaisan of Edessa ; idem; Cults and Beliefs at Edessa ; idem, "Facts and Problems"; Griffith, "Ephraem". Ephrem's comment on "the poison of the wisdom of the Greeks" is from the Hymns on Faith, 2.24.

10. On the Christianization of the Syrian Orient, see esp. Segal, Edessa; Murray, Symbols of Church and Kingdom , 4-24; and Drijvers, Cults and Beliefs at Edessa , 175-96, esp. 194-96. On the early resistance to Hellenic influence, see Brock, "Greek Words in the Syriac Gospels"; and idem, "From Antagonism to Assimilation." Both Segal and Murray provide ample testimony to the creativity and autonomous inspiration of early Syriac literature.

11. For the impact of Eastern and Western influences on the Syrian Orient, see esp. Segal, Edessa; Murray, Symbols of Church and Kingdom; Drijvers, Cults and Beliefs at Edessa ; Vööbus, History of Asceticism; and Peeters, Orient et Byzance .

12. Peeters, Orient et Byzance ; MacMullen, "Provincial Languages." Cf. Ebied, "Syriac Influence".

13. Vööbus, History of the School of Nisibis ; Segal, Edessa , 87, 93, 95, 108, 116, 150-51, 166, 185.

14. Brock, "From Antagonism to Assimilation"; idem, "Aspects of Translation"; and idem, "Some Aspects of Greek Words."

15. Brock, "Aspects of Translation"; idem, "Greek into Syriac"; idem, "Towards a History"; P. Peeters, "Traductions et traducteurs dans l'hagiographie orientale à l'époque byzantine," Anal. Boll. 40 (1922): 241-98 (= Orient et Byzance , 165-218).

16. Murray, Symbols of Church and Kingdom ; idem, "Theory of Symbolism"; Brock, Luminous Eye ; Ephrem, Harp of the Spirit ; Brock, "Syriac and Greek Hymnography."

17. Brock, "Greek into Syriac." For the place of Syrian prayer tradition in the larger context of Christian mysticism, see, above all, Syriac Fathers on Prayer , trans. S. P. Brock; Brock, "Prayer of the Heart"; and Widengren, "Researches in Syrian Mysticism." Ephrem Syrus, John the Solitary, and Isaac of Nineveh are prominent examples of Syriac writers still read today by various Orthodox and Roman Catholic monastic communities. See the excellent and sensitive discussion and translations by the Holy Transfiguration Monastery [D. Miller] in Isaac the Syrian, Ascetical Homilies .

18. The entire topic is well handled in Peeters, Orient et Byzance . Specific instances are treated in commentaries by Amiaud in Vita Alexii, Légende syriaque , Burkitt in Euphemia and the Goth , and in Vita Pelagiae , Pélagie la pénitente , ed. P. Petitmengin.

19. An example, in the case of Pelagia, is the transvestite saint motif. See Delehaye, Legends of the Saints , 150-55; Delcourt, Hermaphrodite , 84-102; and Patlagean, "Histoire de la femme déguisée."

20. For the disputes leading up to, and then resulting from, the Council of Chalcedon in 451, see, for example, Grillmeier and Bacht, Konzil von Chalkedon ; and Sellers, Council of Chalcedon . On the popular involvement, see Gregory, Vox Populi ; and Frend, ''Popular Religion." These issues are further explored in subsequent discussion here.

21. Brock, "Aspects of Translation"; idem, "Some Aspects of Greek Words."

22. Syriac Fathers on Prayer ; cf. Brock, "Christology of the Church."

23. See Lebon, Monophysisme Sévèrien ; idem, "Christologie du monophysisme syrien"; and Chesnut, Three Monophysite Christologies . Although Severus probably knew Syriac, he wrote only in Greek. However, his writings survive almost solely in translation, the bulk being in Syriac. The Syriac translations of his works were undertaken in the sixth and seventh centuries, with major revisions in the eighth. See Graffin, "Jacques d'Edesse réviseur"; and Severus of Antioch, Sixth Book of Select Letters , ed. and trans. E. W. Brooks.

24. In fact, Syriac provided the bridge between Greek and Arabic culture during the Middle Ages: it was through Syriac that Greek learning (notably the work of Aristotle) was translated into Arabic. See Brock, "Aspects of Translation"; idem, "Greek into Syriac"; and Ebied, "Syriac Influence."

25. Bundy, "Criteria for Being in communione ."

26. Vööbus, History of Asceticism 1:86-97.

27. Ibid., 89-96 and passim. See now the insightful discussion in Brown, Body and Society , 83-102; and Bundy, "Marcion and the Marcionites." The possible exceptions are Bardaisan and the group known as the Quqites; Drijvers, Bardaisan of Edessa ; idem, Cults and Beliefs at Edessa .

26. Vööbus, History of Asceticism 1:86-97.

27. Ibid., 89-96 and passim. See now the insightful discussion in Brown, Body and Society , 83-102; and Bundy, "Marcion and the Marcionites." The possible exceptions are Bardaisan and the group known as the Quqites; Drijvers, Bardaisan of Edessa ; idem, Cults and Beliefs at Edessa .

28. Murray, Symbols of Church and Kingdom, 4-24; Segal, Edessa , 67-69.

29. Brock, "Early Syrian Asceticism"; and Murray, Symbols of Church and Kingdom ,both explore this aspect of Syrian spirituality in literature. Such an understanding of theological symbolism can be seen, for example, in the poetry of Ephrem Syrus. See, above all, Brock, Luminous Eye; idem, "Poet as Theologian"; and Murray, "Theory of Symbolism." Beggiani, Early Syriac Theology , considers Syrian spirituality and its symbolism through a variety of themes.

30. Cf. Brock, "Early Syrian Asceticism"; Vööbus, History of Asceticism 1: 39-45; Brown, Body and Society , 83-102.

31. Murray, Symbols of Church and Kingdom ,131-42; see, for example, Odes of Solomon 38.9-12 and 42.8-9. On the Odes of Solomon , see n. 46 below.

32. Esp. Matt. 22:1-14 and 25:1-13. Cf. Brock, "Early Syrian Asceticism," 5-6; idem, Holy Spirit , 51-52. For an especially sensitive reading of the meaning of this image for the Syrian Orient, see Brown, Body and Society, 83-102, 323-38.

33. Vööbus, Celibacy ; idem, History of Asceticism 1:90-96; Murray, "Exhortation to Candidates."

34. Vööbus, History of Asceticism 1: 68-83.

35. Ibid., 103-106; Brock, "Early Syrian Asceticism," 6; Murray, Symbols of Church and Kingdom , 12-17.

34. Vööbus, History of Asceticism 1: 68-83.

35. Ibid., 103-106; Brock, "Early Syrian Asceticism," 6; Murray, Symbols of Church and Kingdom , 12-17.

36. Gribomont, "Monachisme au sein de l'église"; Nedungatt, "Covenanters," 191-215, 419-44; Vööbus, History of Asceticism 1:97-103, 184-208; idem,

"Institution of the Benai Qeiama ." Primary texts on the bnay and bnath qyama are as follows: Aphrahat, Demonstrationes 6, ed. and trans. D. I. Parisot; and the canons in Syriac and Arabic Documents , ed. and trans. A. Vööbus, esp. 34-50, 122, 125-26.

37. Murray, Symbols of Church and Kingdom , 239-76; Brock, Holy Spirit , 49-52.

38. For example, Vööbus, History of Asceticism 1:90.

39. For example, 1 Cor. 15:45-49.

40. Brock, "Early Syrian Asceticism"; cf. Vööbus, History of Asceticism 1: 152-53.

41. Vööbus, History of Asceticism 1:69; Bundy, "Criteria for Being in communione ."

42. Murray, Symbols of Church and Kingdom , 12-16; Vööbus, History of Asceticism 1; Guillaumont, "Monachisme et éthique judéo-chrétienne"; Judge, "Earliest Use of Monachos"; Kretschmar, ''Beitrag zur Frage"; Beck, "Beitrag zur Terminologie."

43. Nowhere is this clearer than in Vööbus, History of Asceticism .

44. See esp. Vööbus, History of Asceticism 1. For the various religious models, see Brown, Body and Society, esp. 83-102, 323-38; Jonas, Gnostic Religion ; Hoffmann, Marcion ; Fiey, "Marcionites"; Bundy, "Marcion and the Marcionites"; Gribomont, "Monachisme au sein de l'église"; Widengren, Mani and Manichaeism ; idem, Mesopotamian Elements in Manichaeism ; and Bauer, Orthodoxy and Heresy .

45. On the autonomous origins of Syrian asceticism, see Vööbus, History of Asceticism ; Gribomont, "Monachisme an sein de l'église"; and Jargy, "Origines du monachisme." The Syrians themselves lost sight of the origins of their asceticism under the impact of Egypt's fame and eventually claimed that the ascetic roots in Syria and Mesopotamia stemmed from disciples of Pachomius. See Brock, "Early Syrian Asceticism"; and Fiey, "Aonès, Awun, et Awgin." A clear example of the loss can be seen in Thomas of Marga, Historia monastica , in Book of Governors , ed. and trans. E. A. Wallis Budge.

46. Odes of Solomon , ed. and trans. J. H. Charlesworth, 2nd ed. (Missoula, 1977; Chico, 1982).

47. On the original language of the Odes , see the judicious comments by Murray, "Characteristics of the Earliest Syriac Christianity," 5. For a first-century dating see Charlesworth, "Odes of Solomon"; and Charlesworth and Culpepper, "Odes of Solomon and Gospel of John." The second-century position is bolstered by McNeil, "Odes of Solomon and Scriptures." Drijvers has been forcefully arguing for the third century, see his East of Antioch , chapters 6-10. The debates over the Odes have been fought long and hard, and the literature is extensive. See now the detailed annotated bibliography in Lattke, Oden Salomos , vol. 3.

48. Celibacy is assumed throughout, as, for example, in Odes 23 and 33. Betrothal to Christ is its explicit meaning, as, for example, in Ode 42. In Ode 38, false doctrine is described as the "Bridegroom who corrupts," with false bridal feast and celebration.

49. For example, Ode 6.1-2.

50. Ode 40.2-4.

51. For example, Ode 21.6-9. Cf. Aune, Cultic Setting , esp. 12-16, 166-94.

52. Ode 35.7; 37.1-4; 42.1-2.

53. B. McNeil, " Odes of Solomon and Suffering of Christ."

54. See "Martyr at the Sasanid Court," ed. and trans. S. P. Brock; Fiey, Jalons pour une histoire , 85-99.

55. BHO , 363-68; BHG, 731-40. I follow the texts in Euphemia and the Goth , ed. and trans. F. C. Burkitt. On the texts and their historicity, see idem, Euphemia and the Goth , 5-44; and Segal, Edessa , 83-86.

56. For the texts of the Doctrina Addai , see n. 5 above. On the historicity, see Segal, Edessa, 76-81; and Drijvers, "Facts and Problems."

57. Sharbil and Babai, BHO , 1049-51; Barsamya, BHO, 150-51. The texts are edited by P. Bedjan in AMS 1.95-130. On the later dating of these texts and their possible composition in Greek, see Segal, Edessa, 82-83, and commentary by Burkitt, in Euphemia and the Goth, 5-28.

58. Bundy, "Criteria for Being in communione ."

59. Cf. Segal, Edessa , 82-86; and commentary by Burkitt in Euphemia and the Goth , 5-44.

60. Barnes, "Constantine and the Christians"; Brock, "Christians in the Sasanian Empire."

61. Vita Antonii , sec. 46-47. See the discussion in S. A. Harvey, "The Edessan Martyrs and Ascetic Tradition," Symposium Syriacum 1988 (Forthcoming).

62. See n. 55 above. The Martyrdom of Shmona and Guria is in Euphemia and the Goth , ed. and trans. F. C. Burkitt, 90-110.

63. Ibid., 8.

64. Ibid., 14.

65. Ibid., 49.

66. Ibid., 37-38, 47.

62. See n. 55 above. The Martyrdom of Shmona and Guria is in Euphemia and the Goth , ed. and trans. F. C. Burkitt, 90-110.

63. Ibid., 8.

64. Ibid., 14.

65. Ibid., 49.

66. Ibid., 37-38, 47.

62. See n. 55 above. The Martyrdom of Shmona and Guria is in Euphemia and the Goth , ed. and trans. F. C. Burkitt, 90-110.

63. Ibid., 8.

64. Ibid., 14.

65. Ibid., 49.

66. Ibid., 37-38, 47.

62. See n. 55 above. The Martyrdom of Shmona and Guria is in Euphemia and the Goth , ed. and trans. F. C. Burkitt, 90-110.

63. Ibid., 8.

64. Ibid., 14.

65. Ibid., 49.

66. Ibid., 37-38, 47.

62. See n. 55 above. The Martyrdom of Shmona and Guria is in Euphemia and the Goth , ed. and trans. F. C. Burkitt, 90-110.

63. Ibid., 8.

64. Ibid., 14.

65. Ibid., 49.

66. Ibid., 37-38, 47.

67. Eusebius, Martyrs of Palestine 4, 5, 6, 10, 11, 13; HE 8.9.

68. For example, The Martyrs of Lyons , in The Acts of the Christian Martyrs , ed. H. Musurillo (Oxford, 1979), 62-85; The Martyrdom of Perpetua and Felicitas, Acts of Christian Martyrs , 106-31; Eusebius, Martyrs of Palestine 9.

69. The Martyrdom of Habib , in Euphemia and the Goth , ed. and trans. F. C. Burkitt, 112-28; and also in Ancient Syriac Documents, ed. and trans. W. Cureton, (trans.) 72-85.

70. Ibid., 30.

69. The Martyrdom of Habib , in Euphemia and the Goth , ed. and trans. F. C. Burkitt, 112-28; and also in Ancient Syriac Documents, ed. and trans. W. Cureton, (trans.) 72-85.

70. Ibid., 30.

71. Eusebius, Martyrs of Palestine ; idem, HE 8; Vita Antonii.

72. Martyrdom of Habib , in Euphemia and the Goth , 30.

73. Cf. Jacob of Sarug, Homily on Habib the Martyr , in Ancient Syriac Documents , ed. and trans. W. Cureton, 86-96.

74. Acts of Sharbil , in Ancient Syriac Documents , ed. and trans. W. Cureton, 41-62. On the date and languages, see n. 57 above.

75. Especially Aphrahat, Demonstration 1, "On Faith", and Demonstration

6, "On the Bnay Qyama," in Aphrahat, Demonstrationes , ed. and trans. D. I. Parisot, cols. 5-46, 239-312; and "Aphrahat the Persian Sage," trans. J. G. Gwynn, 345-52, 362-75. See also Neusner, Aphrahat and Judaism .

76. Aphrahat, Demonstration 18, "On Virginity," in Aphrahat, Demonstrationes, ed. and trans. D. I. Parisot, cols. 817-44; also Neusner, Aphrahat and Judaism, 76-83.

77. Aphrahat, Demonstration 6, "On the Bnay Qyama," and Demonstration 7, "On Penitence," in Aphrahat, Demonstrationes , ed. and trans. D. I. Parisot, cols. 5-46, 239-312, 313-60.

78. Ibid., Demonstration 6; Murray, "Exhortation to Candidates"; Black, "Tradition of Hasidaean-Essene"; Aune, Cultic Setting .

77. Aphrahat, Demonstration 6, "On the Bnay Qyama," and Demonstration 7, "On Penitence," in Aphrahat, Demonstrationes , ed. and trans. D. I. Parisot, cols. 5-46, 239-312, 313-60.

78. Ibid., Demonstration 6; Murray, "Exhortation to Candidates"; Black, "Tradition of Hasidaean-Essene"; Aune, Cultic Setting .

79. Ephrem, Hymnen de fide , 14.5, ed. and trans. E. Beck, in CSCO 154/73, 62.

80. Ephrem, Carmina Nisibena , 50.7, ed. and trans. E. Beck, in CSCO 240/ 102, 69.

81. Ibid., 69.3-5, 14; here trans. S. P. Brock in Ephrem, Harp of the Spirit , 77-79.

80. Ephrem, Carmina Nisibena , 50.7, ed. and trans. E. Beck, in CSCO 240/ 102, 69.

81. Ibid., 69.3-5, 14; here trans. S. P. Brock in Ephrem, Harp of the Spirit , 77-79.

82. Ephrem, Carmina Nisibena , 50.3; here trans. S. P. Brock, Harp of the Spirit , 56.

83. These texts are discussed in Vööbus, History of Asceticism 1: 152-54, and he attributes both to Ephrem. But the doubts on Ephrem's authorship are well stated in Gribomont, "Monachisme au sein de l'église." However, Theodoret of Cyrrhus, Historia religiosa 1-6, indicates that such ascetic practice was pursued in the Syrian Orient during Ephrem's lifetime.

84. Ephrem, "Ephrem's Letter to Publius," ed. and trans. S. P. Brock, 286.

85. See esp. Brown, Body and Society , 323-38; and Guillaumont, Aux origines du monachisme chrétien, 215-39. An example of Ephrem's view on the unity of body and soul can be seen in his Verse Homily I, in Syrers sermones 1, ed. and trans. E. Beck, esp. 11.260-79. In this passage, Ephrem describes the way in which the body reveals the soul's condition. A similar passage occurs in the Vita Antonii , sec. 67. But in the passage on Antony, the saint has achieved this state of harmony between body and soul through the discipline of his ascetic practice, by which he has "subjugated" his body to his soul's desire (sec. 14). For Ephrem, the one reveals the other because they are ultimately inseparable.

86. Theodoret, Historia religiosa 1-2, is our primary source, along with the hymns of Ephrem: on Jacob in the Carmina Nisibena , 13-14; and the cycle on Julian Saba, of disputed authorship but certainly from the same period, (Ephrem Syrus?), Hymnen auf Abraham Kidunaya und Julianos Saba, ed. and trans. E. Beck. The poems on Abraham Qidunaya are another important witness to earliest Syrian asceticism. See further Vööbus, History of Asceticism 1:141-46, and 2:42-51. On Julian, see also Palladius, Historia Lausiaca 42; and Sozomen, HE 3.14.

87. Theodoret, Historia religiosa 1.

88. Ibid., 2.

89. Ibid., 2.18.

90. Ibid., 1.11, 2.6.

87. Theodoret, Historia religiosa 1.

88. Ibid., 2.

89. Ibid., 2.18.

90. Ibid., 1.11, 2.6.

87. Theodoret, Historia religiosa 1.

88. Ibid., 2.

89. Ibid., 2.18.

90. Ibid., 1.11, 2.6.

87. Theodoret, Historia religiosa 1.

88. Ibid., 2.

89. Ibid., 2.18.

90. Ibid., 1.11, 2.6.

91. Palladius, Historia Lausiaca 40. In the Carmina Nisibena 56.10, Ephrem calls himself ' allana, a word that can refer to a variety of pastoral positions; this is our only reference to an actual title for Ephrem's position. See the excellent discussion of Ephrem's career in Griffith, "Ephraem."

92. See Brown, "Saint as Exemplar"; and for how this was made possible, idem, Body and Society .

93. Brown, "Rise and Function." The economic monopoly that Syrian monasteries exerted over villages continued under the Arabs; the case of Simeon of the Olives (d. 734) and the Tur Abdin dramatically illustrates the issue. See "Fenqitho of the Monastery," ed. and trans. S. P. Brock, 174-79.

94. For example, Brown, "Rise and Function"; idem, "Saint as Exemplar"; idem, "Dark Age Crisis"; Frend, "Monks and the Survival"; Frazee, ''Late Roman and Byzantine Legislation.''

95. Vita Antonii, sec. 69-70. Cf. Chitty, Desert a City; Brown, Body and Society, 213-40.

96. Guillaumont, "Conception de désert" (= Aux origines du monachisme chrétien, 67-88).

97. On Basil's monastic aspirations, see Basil, Lettres 2, 223, and 142-44 Gregory of Nazianzus, Lettres 6; Oration 43.63; Sozomen, HE 6.34. For the intrigues involving Gregory of Nazianzus, see Basil, Lettres 14, and Gregory of Nazianzus, Lettres 2, 40, 46, 48-50, 59.

98. For example, Socrates, HE 7.7 13-15.

99. Theodoret, Historia religiosa . Cf. Jargy, "Premiers instituts monastiques"; Hendriks, "Vie quotidienne." See chapter 3 for specific discussion of how this precarious position affected Mesopotamia.

100. Simeon Stylites the Elder: BHG, 1678-88; BHO, 1121-26. The major documents on Simeon were collected and discussed in Leben des heiligen Symeon Stylites, ed. H. Leitzmann; see The Lives of Simeon Stylites, trans. R. Doran. On Simeon, see Drijvers, "Spätantike Parallelen"; and Harvey, "Sense of a Stylite."

101. On the physical details of stylitism, see Saints stylites, ed. and trans. H. Delehaye, and Vööbus, History of Asceticism 2:208-23.

102. Theodoret, Historia religiosa 26. Relevant to the discussion here are the treatments in Canivet, Monachisme syrien ; and Peeters, "Un saint hellénisé, par annexion: Syméon Stylite," in Orient et Byzance , 93-136.

103. Theodoret, Historia religiosa 26.12.

104. Ibid.

105. Ibid., 26.2, 7,12. See the discussions in A.-J. Festugière, Antioche paienne et chrétienne. Libanius, Chrysostome, et les moines de Syrie (Paris, 1959), 354-57; and Canivet, Monachisme syrien, 76-77.

103. Theodoret, Historia religiosa 26.12.

104. Ibid.

105. Ibid., 26.2, 7,12. See the discussions in A.-J. Festugière, Antioche paienne et chrétienne. Libanius, Chrysostome, et les moines de Syrie (Paris, 1959), 354-57; and Canivet, Monachisme syrien, 76-77.

103. Theodoret, Historia religiosa 26.12.

104. Ibid.

105. Ibid., 26.2, 7,12. See the discussions in A.-J. Festugière, Antioche paienne et chrétienne. Libanius, Chrysostome, et les moines de Syrie (Paris, 1959), 354-57; and Canivet, Monachisme syrien, 76-77.

106. The Syriac vita survives in two recessions. The earlier (A), Vat. Syr. 117, was copied in A.D. 473: Acta sanctorum martyrum orientalium, ed. and trans. J. S. Assemani; there is an English translation in Doran (see n. 100 above). The later (B), Brit. Mus. Add. 14484, dates to early in the sixth century: Vita Simeonis

Stylitae, in Acta Martyrum et Sanctorum, ed. P. Bedjan (hereafter AMS ); there is a German translation by H. Hilgenfeld in Das Leben des heiligen Symeon Stylites, ed. H. Lietzmann, 80-192; and an English one by F. Lent, "The Life of St. Simeon Stylites.

107. AMS 4.620, 519.

108. Ibid., 612.

109. For example, ibid., 571-72, 574.

110. Ibid., 572, 623.

107. AMS 4.620, 519.

108. Ibid., 612.

109. For example, ibid., 571-72, 574.

110. Ibid., 572, 623.

107. AMS 4.620, 519.

108. Ibid., 612.

109. For example, ibid., 571-72, 574.

110. Ibid., 572, 623.

107. AMS 4.620, 519.

108. Ibid., 612.

109. For example, ibid., 571-72, 574.

110. Ibid., 572, 623.

111. Harvey, "Sense of a Stylite."

112. The Greek vita by Antonius has been edited by H. Lietzmann, Leben des heiligen Symeon Stylites, 19-78; there is a French translation of the primary Greek text by A.-J. Festugière, Antioche paienne et chrétienne, 493-506, and (for sec. 28-33) 373-75.

113. As opposed to Nöldeke and others, for example, "Yet it must always be remembered that in all Christendom, Egypt apart, it will be difficult to find such an insane and soul-destroying asceticism as was practised by the purely Semitic Syrians from about the fourth to the seventh centuries" (Nöldeke, Sketches from Eastern History , 10).

114. Tchalenko, Villages antiques , 1:227-76; Peña, Castellana, and Fernandez, Stylites syriens; Nasrallah, "Survie de Saint Siméon"; Vikan, "Art, Medicine and Magic."

115. Saints Stylites , ed. and trans. H. Delehaye; Delehaye, "Femmes stylites"; Peña, Castellana, and Fernandez, Stylites syriens .

116. Alexius the Man of God, BHO, 36-44. The primary Syriac text is in Légende syriaque, ed. A. Amiaud. See also Drijvers, "Legende des heiligen Alexius."

117. Vita Alexii, Légende syriaque , ed. A. Amiaud, 10 (trans. 6).

118. Ibid., 12 (trans. 8).

117. Vita Alexii, Légende syriaque , ed. A. Amiaud, 10 (trans. 6).

118. Ibid., 12 (trans. 8).

119. On Rabbula, see Blum, Rabbula von Edessa . There is an important Syriac vita in AMS 4:396-450.

120. The story of the Man of God was translated into most Christian languages of the Middle Ages; see the discussion in Vita Alexii, ed. A. Amiaud. Eventually the saint acquired a name, Alexius, and all of the standard traits missing in the fifth century vita (miracles, teachings, a body venerated at public feast days, a tomb transformed into an opulent shrine, and the adoration of both the pope and the emperors). An example of this later version can be found in C. J. Odenkirchen, The Life of St. Alexius in the Old French Version of the Hildesheim Manuscript (Brookline, 1978).

121. So, too, in the case of Daniel the Stylite and Simeon Stylites the Younger. See also the excellent discussion in Theodoret of Cyrrhus, History, trans. R. M. Price, ix-xxxvii.

122. Theodoret, Historia religiosa 26.23.

123. Vööbus, History of Asceticism 2:181-82; Syriac and Arabic Documents, ed. and trans. A. Vööbus, 24-33, and compare passim.

124. Vööbus, History of Asceticism 2:275.

125. On this point only I disagree with Drijvers, "Legende des heiligen Alexius."

126. The Syriac-speaking church in Persia followed a different course. See Labourt, Christianisme dans l'empire perse ; Fiey, Jalons pour une histoire ; and Brock, "Christology of the Church."

127. See Grillmeier and Bacht, Konzil von Chalkedon ; Sellers, Council of Chalcedon ; Young, From Nicaea to Chalcedon, chapter 5; and Grillmeier, Christ in Christian Tradition .

128. See Frend, Rise of Christianity, 770-73; and Sellers, Council of Chalcedon . It is certainly Leo's Tome that receives the most scathing opprobrium in Syriac sources. Cf. Mouterde, "Concile de Chalcédoine." Cf. Lebon, Monophysisme Sévèrien, esp. 1-82.

129. For the background of the problem of religious language, see Young, "God of the Greeks."

130. See Wigram, Separation of the Monophysites ; and Frend, Rise of the Monophysite Movement .

131. Sellers, Two Ancient Christologies ; idem, Council of Chalcedon ; Grillmeier, Christ in Christian Tradition ; Young, "Reconsideration of Alexandrian Christology"; idem, "Christological Ideas"; idem, From Nicaea to Chalcedon, chapter 5. Cf. Brock, ''Orthodox-Oriental Orthodox Conversations."

132. Nonetheless, the profundity of shared understanding holds true to this day, although its affirmation has been disallowed by schism. See, for example, Fouyas, Theologikai kai Istorikai Meletai 1, esp. 140-217; Every, "Monophysite Question"; Murray, "What does a Catholic Hope." Cf. Lebon, Monophysisme Sévèrien, with Meyendorff, Byzantine Theology .

133. On the development of Monophysite theology, see Lebon, Monophysisme Sévèrien ; idem, "Christologie du monophysisme syrien"; R. Chesnut, Three Monophysite Christologies ; and Darling, "Patriarchate of Severus." For the development of Chalcedonian theology, see esp. Moeller, "Chalcédonisme et le néochalcédonisme"; Meyendorff, Christ in Eastern Christian Thought ; and P. T. R. Gray, Defense of Chalcedon .

134. Gray, Defense of Chalcedon, 48-73, 154-64; Frend, Rise of Christianity, 828-68.

135. See Charanis, Church and State ; and, in general, Frend, Rise of the Monophysite Movement, and Wigram, Separation of the Monophysites .

136. Evagrius, HE 3.44; pseudo-Dionysius, Incerti auctoris chronicon, 6-7 (John of Ephesus); John of Nikiu, Chronicle 9.9.

137. For example, John of Nikiu, Chronicle 90.20-26. See below, chapter 3.

138. Vasiliev, Justin the First, is essential for this whole period, as is Patlagean, Pauvreté économique . On Justinian's reign in general see, for example, Bury, History of the Later Roman Empire 2; Browning, Justinian and Theodora ; and Stein, Histoire du bas-empire 2.

139. See esp. Honigmann, Évêques et évêchés monophysites ; also Frend, Rise of

the Monophysite Movement ; and Wigram, Separation of the Monophysites . The tumultuous atmosphere is well caught in John of Nikius account of the Constantinopolitan riots, Chronicle 89.39-68; but the background is equally volatile. For example, Evagrius, HE 3.30-44; "Chronique melkite," ed. and trans. A. de Halleux, chaps. 13-14; and Michael the Syrian, Chronique 9.8-10. Severus of Antioch, Sixth Book of Select Letters, vividly portrays the sense of uncertainty and danger felt even at Severus' level of leadership. See also Darling, "Patriarchate of Severus."

140. Vasiliev, Justin the First, 4, 224, 363. Egypt's resources were well worth keeping within imperial reach. See Johnson and West, Byzantine Egypt, for the wealth of the church esp. 66-72, 252-54; and Wipszycka, Ressources et activités économiques .

141. Hardy, Christian Egypt; Jews and Christians in Egypt, ed. and trans. H. I. Bell; Frend, "Popular Religion"; Gregory, Vox Populi, esp. 129-61, 163-201.

142. For example, Severus of Antioch, Sixth Book of Select Letters, 1.49-50, 53, 5.11, 5.15.

143. Vita Severi (Zachariah Rhetor), ed. and trans. M.-A. Kugener; Vita Severi (John of Beith-Aphthonia), ed. and trans. M.-A. Kugener; Severus of Antioch, Sixth Book of Select Letters 1.49-50. Cf. Hardy, Christian Egypt, 111-32.

144. Severus of Antioch, Sixth Book of Select Letters 5.11. That Egypt lived up to this guiding role is clear from John of Ephesus' HE ; see Fragmenta, ed. E. W. Brooks, 3.7-8. Cf. Hardy, Christian Egypt, 120-43.

145. The consequences of the Plague have until recently rarely been acknowledged. We have three contemporary sources of information: Procopius, Wars 2.22-23; Evagrius, HE 4.29; and John of Ephesus, HE, in pseudo-Dionysius, Incerti auctoris chronicon, 79-89, 94-110, 112, 119. See chapter 3 below for discussion of these and recent scholarship.

146. Chapter 3 attempts to make clear the actual conditions of the eastern provinces at this time. The material discussed there complements, at least to some extent, the vicious denunciation of Justinian's treatment of the eastern provinces that Procopius gives in the Anecdota . Browning, Justinian and Theodora, 60-61, discusses examples of Justinian's occasional imperial munificence, especially in cases of disaster. Cf. Vasiliev, Justin the First, 344-88.

147. See esp. Vasiliev, Justin the First ; and Patlagean, Pauvreté économique, 74-112.

148. Justinian and his contemporary historians are discussed in chapter 4. See esp. Cameron, Procopius and the Sixth Century .

1. A. Djakonov, Ioann Efesskiy (Petrograd, 1908), provided the most important breakthrough in postulating a biographical framework. The two best summaries, both dependent on Djakonovs work, are E. W. Brooks' Introduction

to John of Ephesus, Lives of the Eastern Saints, PO 17: iii-xv, and Honigmann, Évêques et évêchés monophysites, 207-15. See also "Jean d'Éphèse," Dictionnaire de Spiritualité 8, cols. 484-86 (D. Stiernon). John speaks of his childhood, training, and monastic travels in his Lives, while information about his missionary and ecclesiastical activities is mostly found in parts 2 and 3 of his Ecclesiastical History (see nn. 15 and 16 below). I will elaborate on places and events mentioned here in later sections.

2. John of Ephesus, Lives 4, PO 17:59-64.

3. Ibid., 84, 35; PO 18:608-9.

4. Ibid., 24, PO 18:516-22.

2. John of Ephesus, Lives 4, PO 17:59-64.

3. Ibid., 84, 35; PO 18:608-9.

4. Ibid., 24, PO 18:516-22.

2. John of Ephesus, Lives 4, PO 17:59-64.

3. Ibid., 84, 35; PO 18:608-9.

4. Ibid., 24, PO 18:516-22.

5. John of Ephesus, HE, in pseudo-Dionysius, Incerti auctoris chronicon, 77-78, 125.

6. John of Ephesus, Lives, 50, PO 19:153-58.

7. Ibid., 47, PO 18:681. Cf. pseudo-Dionysius, Incerti auctoris chronicon, 77-78 (seventy thousand converts, fifty-five churches built at public expense, forty-one from contributions by new converts).

6. John of Ephesus, Lives, 50, PO 19:153-58.

7. Ibid., 47, PO 18:681. Cf. pseudo-Dionysius, Incerti auctoris chronicon, 77-78 (seventy thousand converts, fifty-five churches built at public expense, forty-one from contributions by new converts).

8. John of Ephesus, Lives, 36, PO 18:624-25; and 38, PO 18:644. On Callinicus, see Brooks' Introduction to Lives, PO 17:vi.

9. This final period of John's life, after 566, is covered in his Ecclesiastical History, parts 2 and 3.

10. John speaks of his imprisonment under Justin II, and of other abuses, in his HE III (ed. Brooks), i.17, ii.4-7, 41, 44. For the conditions under which he wrote and circulated the final part of his History, see ibid., ii.50. For the texts, see n. 16 below.

9. This final period of John's life, after 566, is covered in his Ecclesiastical History, parts 2 and 3.

10. John speaks of his imprisonment under Justin II, and of other abuses, in his HE III (ed. Brooks), i.17, ii.4-7, 41, 44. For the conditions under which he wrote and circulated the final part of his History, see ibid., ii.50. For the texts, see n. 16 below.

11. His death was not in 586, as long held; for this important piece of redating see Allen, "New Date."

12. John of Ephesus, Lives, 35, PO 18:607; and HE in pseudo-Dionysius, Incerti auctoris chronicon, 39. Brooks would date this work to 537 (Introduction to Lives, PO 17:vi), following Ephrem's "descent to the east" of 536-537. But John's chronological reference in the Lives is vague enough to allow for a slightly later date, and one might take into account that the consequences of Ephrem's activity lasted far longer than that year. Perhaps John waited until his arrival at Constantinople in 540 to write this?

13. For both these works, see Brooks' references in the Introduction to John of Ephesus, Lives, PO 17:vi.

14. See Allen, "New Date," for the final date.

15. Fragments of part 2 were published in Anecdota Syriaca, ed. J. P. N. Land, 2:289-330, 385-92. Those found in pseudo-Dionysius' Incerti auctoris chronicon were further elaborated and annotated by Nau in "Étude sur les parties," and in John of Ephesus, "Analyse de la seconde partie." The best text for the fragments in pseudo-Dionysius is found in Incerti auctoris chronicon, ed. I.-B. Chabot, CSCO 104/53. More fragments were published by E. W. Brooks in John of Ephesus, Historiae ecclesiasticae fragmenta .

16. John of Ephesus, Historiae ecclesiasticae pars tertia, ed. and trans. E. W.

Brooks. See also Honigmann, "Histoire ecclésiastique de Jean d'Éphèse." An earlier version was edited by W. Cureton (Oxford, 1853) and translated by R. Payne-Smith, The Third Part of the Ecclesiastical History of John, Bishop of Ephesus (Oxford, 1860).

17. The sole document John includes is the Henoticon ; he seems to have drawn only on Malalas as a Greek source, cf. Brooks' Introduction to John of Ephesus, Lives, PO 17:xii-xiii. Discussion of mutual influences between Greek and Syriac cultures can be found in Peeters, Orient et Byzance .

18. The theoretically separate literary genres of secular and ecclesiastical histories had long faced mutual infringement of their respective territories. See, for example, Cameron and Cameron, "Christianity and Tradition"; Downey, "Perspective of Early Church Historians"; and Momigliano, "Popular Religious Beliefs."

19. Even these writers, so consciously traditional, could not successfully maintain their chosen narrative boundaries. See Allen, Evagrius Scholasticus ; Cameron, Procopius and the Sixth Century ; and idem, Agathias .

20. See, for example, Allen, "'Justinianic' Plague"; Cameron, "Empress Sophia"; and idem, "Early Religious Policies."

21. Brooks' edition in Patrologia Orientalis was preceded by Anecdota Syriaca, ed. J. P. N. Land, 2:2-288, with a Latin translation by J. P. N. Land and W. J. van Douwen, Commentarii de Beatis Orientalibus . There are two possible exceptions to John's practice of firsthand knowledge. His account of Abraham of Kalesh, Lives, 4, took place before he was born. Also, some scholars think the story of the two holy fools in Amida, Lives, 52, is a pious fiction, but I do not; see the later discussion, pp. 91-93 and the notes thereon.

22. Introduction to John of Ephesus, Lives, PO 17:vi.

23. These officially began in 519, soon after the accession of Justin I, though they may not have reached Mesopotamia until 520 or 521. See chapter 3.

24. On the manuscript tradition of the Lives and questions on their transmission, see Brooks' Introduction to Lives, PO 17:iii-xv. John's Lives survive almost intact as a collection and are independently attested in the Chronicles of both pseudo-Dionysius and Michael the Syrian, each of whom gives a chapter list for the work. See the discussion by Brooks in his Introduction, Lives, PO 17:ix-xii.

25. On hagiography in general, see Delehaye, Legends of the Saints ; and Aigrain, Hagiographie . For this particular genre, introductions to the primary collections can be found, for example, in Dictionnaire de spiritualité 1, cols. 1624-34; and for the early collections, Quasten, Patrology ; and Altaner, Patrology . Duval, Littérature syriaque, 113-53, is arranged by literary categories and thus places the Syriac collections in relation to the martyr cycles and lives of the saints. The sources on which I base my generalizations are Palladius, Historia Lausiaca (for the texts, see nn. 31 and 32 below); Theodoret of Cyrrhus, Historia religiosa (for the texts, see nn. 31 and 32 below); John Moschus, Pratum spirituale, trans. M.-J.

Rouët de Journel; John of Ephesus, Lives of the Eastern Saints; and Thomas of Marga, Historia monastica, Book of Governors, ed. and trans. E. A. Wallis Budge.

26. For the contrast between the monastic interests of these collections, and the different (often society-oriented) interests in standard vitae, cf. Patlagean, "À Byzance"; Brown, "Rise and Function"; and Hackel, Byzantine Saint, esp. 117-68.

27. Especially in John of Ephesus, Lives, 3, 5, 14, 17, 18, 19, 20, 27, 29, 32.

28. Ibid., 20, PO 17:278-83.

29. Ibid., 58, PO 19:206-27.

30. Ibid., 24, PO 18:521.

27. Especially in John of Ephesus, Lives, 3, 5, 14, 17, 18, 19, 20, 27, 29, 32.

28. Ibid., 20, PO 17:278-83.

29. Ibid., 58, PO 19:206-27.

30. Ibid., 24, PO 18:521.

27. Especially in John of Ephesus, Lives, 3, 5, 14, 17, 18, 19, 20, 27, 29, 32.

28. Ibid., 20, PO 17:278-83.

29. Ibid., 58, PO 19:206-27.

30. Ibid., 24, PO 18:521.

27. Especially in John of Ephesus, Lives, 3, 5, 14, 17, 18, 19, 20, 27, 29, 32.

28. Ibid., 20, PO 17:278-83.

29. Ibid., 58, PO 19:206-27.

30. Ibid., 24, PO 18:521.

31. Palladius, Lausiac History of Palladius, ed. and trans. C. Butler; the work also has been translated and annotated in Palladius: The Lausiac History, trans. R. T. Meyer. For Thodoret of Cyrrhus, Théodoret de Cyr, Histoire, ed. and trans. P. Canivet and A. Leroy-Molinghen; there is now an English translation with notes in Theodoret of Cyrrhus, History, trans. R. M. Price; see also the general discussion in Canivet, Monachisme syrien .

32. For sixth-century Syriac manuscripts that contain selections from Palladius, Historia Lausiaca, see Wright, Catalogue of the Syriac Manuscripts 3. The Old Syriac texts have now been edited by R. Draguet, Formes syriaques . The seventh-century Syriac translation by Anan-Isho in fact was a collection of earlier Syriac renditions of Palladius, Jerome, and other stories and apophthegmata; see Anan-Isho, Book of Paradise, ed. and trans. E. A. Wallis Budge. On the Syriac versions of Theodoret's Historia religiosa —mainly select chapters—cf. Théodoret de Cyr, Histoire, ed. and trans. P. Canivet and A. Leroy-Molinghen, 1:60-63.

33. See Hunt, "Palladius of Helenopolis"; and Draguet, "Histoire lausiaque."

34. Cf. Turner, "Lausiac History of Palladius," esp. 345-51.

35. See Draguet, "Histoire lausiaque"; A. Guillaumont, Les "Kephalaia Gnostica" d'Evagre le Pontique et l'histoire de l'origénisme chez les grecs et chez les syriens, Patristica Sorbonensia 5 (Paris, 1962); and Vööbus, History of Asceticism 2:308-10.

36. In general, cf. Frend, Rise of the Monophysite Movement .

37. John Rufus, Plérophories, témoignages et révélations, written about 512, well illustrates the venom of Monophysite anti-Chalcedonian sentiments. Ironically, one thirteenth-century manuscript, Paris Syr. 234, contains extracts both from Theodoret's Historia religiosa and from John of Ephesus' Lives!

38. Cf. Thomas of Marga, Historia monastica, Book of Governors 1, ed. and trans. E. A. Wallis Budge.

39. Notably John of Tella, Severus of Antioch, and Jacob Burd'aya. See chapter 5 below.

40. On standard hagiographical formulae see, for example, Delehaye, Legends of the Saints; idem, Cinq leçons; and Festugière, "Lieu communs."

41. For example, John of Ephesus, Lives, 2, PO 17:20 (Z'ura); 23, PO 17:303 (Simeon the Solitary).

42. Ibid., 4, PO 17:81-82 (Maro).

43. Ibid., 1, PO 17:10 (Habib).

41. For example, John of Ephesus, Lives, 2, PO 17:20 (Z'ura); 23, PO 17:303 (Simeon the Solitary).

42. Ibid., 4, PO 17:81-82 (Maro).

43. Ibid., 1, PO 17:10 (Habib).

41. For example, John of Ephesus, Lives, 2, PO 17:20 (Z'ura); 23, PO 17:303 (Simeon the Solitary).

42. Ibid., 4, PO 17:81-82 (Maro).

43. Ibid., 1, PO 17:10 (Habib).

44. See, for example, John Moschus, Pratum spirituale 15, 20, 21, 99; Procopius, Wars 1.7.5-11. In general, see the discussions on motifs in Delehaye, Legends of the Saints; Festugière, "Lieux communs"; and idem, Moines d'orient 1.

45. Lives, 6, PO 17:112-16 (Paul the Anchorite); 27, PO 18:549-50, 555-57 (Susan).

46. Vita Antonii, chaps. 8-10; Vita Simeonis Stylitae, AMS 4:523, 529, 535-38; Vita Danielis Stylitae, chap. 14 (where Daniel recalls the model of Antony), 15, 18.

47. See chapter 6.

48. Lives, 12, PO 17:171-86. For the understanding of hagiography in terms of the imitatio Christi, see Drijvers, "Byzantine Saint"; and esp. Patlagean, "À Byzance."

49. Lives, 52, PO 19:164-79 (The Two Antiochenes); 53, PO 19:179-85 (Prisus). See the discussion of these pp. 91-93.

50. de Gaiffier, "Intactam sponsam relinquens."

51. Especially in Lives, 8 (Addai), 12 (Mary), 16 (Simeon the Mountaineer), 17 (the poor stranger), and 29 (Malkha).

52. Especially in Lives, 5 (Simeon and Sergius), 23 (Simeon the Solitary), and 33 (Hala).

53. For example, Lives, 3 (John the Nazarite), 14 (Abbi), and 29 (Malkha).

54. For example, Lives, 29 (Malkha), 45 (Isaac), and 55 (Sosiana).

55. These and other characteristic traits are discussed at length in Vööbus, History of Asceticism .

56. Lives, 1, PO 17:12; 4, PO 17:69-71.

57. For example, ibid. 2, PO 17:20; 4, PO 17:60-65.

58. Ibid., 1, PO 17:14-15; 3, PO 17:42-43; 15, PO 17:220-24.

56. Lives, 1, PO 17:12; 4, PO 17:69-71.

57. For example, ibid. 2, PO 17:20; 4, PO 17:60-65.

58. Ibid., 1, PO 17:14-15; 3, PO 17:42-43; 15, PO 17:220-24.

56. Lives, 1, PO 17:12; 4, PO 17:69-71.

57. For example, ibid. 2, PO 17:20; 4, PO 17:60-65.

58. Ibid., 1, PO 17:14-15; 3, PO 17:42-43; 15, PO 17:220-24.

59. For example, Brown, "Rise and Function."

60. For an analysis of a specific case where John employs a motif literally that occurs thematically (and so literarily) elsewhere in hagiography, see Harvey, "Physicians and Ascetics." In this instance, the motif involves how a hagiographer writes about disease and illness when they occur in a saint, as opposed to such an occurrence in a layperson. Another clear example is John's striking treatment of women; see chap. 6.

61. Lives, Preface, PO 17:2.

62. The collection probably was written while John was living in his monastery outside Constantinople. John became leader of the Monophysites there in 566. The Lives appear to have been written between 566 and 568. See Brooks' comments in his Introduction to Lives, PO 17: vii.

63. We are still lacking sufficient work on bilingualism in the ancient world, though much ground has been broken in Peeters, Orient et Byzance; Brock, "Some Aspects of Greek Words"; idem, "Greek Words in the Syriac Gospels"; and idem, "Review of M. Black, An Aramaic Approach to the Gospels and Acts," JTS 20 (1969): 276-78.

64. See chap. 4.

65. Cf. Allen, Evagrius Scholasticus, 51, on John and other church historians of late antiquity who direct their writings only to those who are like-minded.

66. Cf. John of Ephesus, Lives, 1, PO 17:15-16; 5, PO 17:89-90; 16, PO 17:246; 24, PO 18:521; 58, PO 19:206-27. John alludes to the scholarly training of Mare, bishop of Amida, in Lives, 13, PO 17:190; we know more precisely that Mare was learned in Greek as well as Syriac from pseudo-Zachariah Rhetor, HE 7.5. For an example of what kind of library a Syriac monastery might have, see Wallis Budge's comments in Thomas of Marga, Historia monastica, Book of Governors 1.lix-lxiv. John of Ephesus mentions that teaching was an occupation ascetics sometimes undertook: Lives 5, PO 17:89; 16, PO 17:246. But the monks of Beth Abhe in the seventh century were so opposed to running a school in their monastery that the majority of them mutinied and left when such a proposition was put to them, claiming that they could not fulfill their religious vows with the distractions and noise of a school around them. See Thomas of Marga, Historia monastica, Book of Governors 2.7-10.

67. Vööbus, History of the School of Nisibis; and see the surveys in the literary histories by Wright, Short History of Syriac Literature; Duval, Littérature syriaque; and Baumstark, Geschichte der syrischen Literatur .

68. Lives, 1, PO 17:15-16; 5, PO 17:89-90; 16, PO 17:246. But see Segal, "Mesopotamian Communities."

69. Cf. Brock, "Aspects of Translation"; and idem, "Greek into Syriac."

70. For example, Vita Danielis Stylitae 3, 10, 14, 17, 19, 28; Theodoret of Cyrrhus, Historia religiosa 5, 6, 8, 14.

71. Cf. John of Ephesus, Lives, 21, PO 17:283-98; and cf. Peeters, Orient et Byzance .

72. John of Ephesus, Lives 21, PO 17: 283-98; and Cyril of Scythopolis, Vita Euthymii, 37 (text in Kyrillos von Skythopolis, ed. E. Schwartz).

73. Vita Sabae (Cyril of Scythopolis), 20 and 32, where Armenian monks are allowed to use their own language for only part of the worship services, and only as a gesture to prove how accommodating Saint Sabas and the Patriarch of Jerusalem (in this case, Elias) could be.

74. Cameron, "Agathias on the Sassanians."

75. For the text see pseudo-Zachariah Rhetor, Historia ecclesiastica, ed. and trans. E. W. Brooks; and in English translation, Syriac Chronicle, ed. and trans. F. J. Hamilton and E. W. Brooks. See the discussion in Allen, "Zachariah Scholasticus."

76. John of Ephesus, Lives, 13, PO 17:190.

77. Cf. Brown, World of Late Antiquity .

78. For a contrast beyond the scope of this study, Brown, "Eastern and Western Christendom," provides an excellent comparison of the Lives of John of Ephesus with those of his Latin contemporary, Gregory of Tours. The insights offered can be compared with those put forth from a different perspective by Nelson, "Symbols in Context."

1. Cf. Brown, "Rise and Function."

2. John of Ephesus, Lives , 1, PO 17:5-18.

3. Ibid., 9.

4. Ibid., 15.

5. Ibid., 12.

6. John states that Habib "travelled in all the districts of Syria," ibid., 11.

7. "Life of Z'ura" is John's second chapter, ibid., 18-35; however, Z'ura's discipleship is also stressed in the "Life of Habib," for example, ibid., 10, 17. See also Michael the Syrian, Chronique 9.23.

2. John of Ephesus, Lives , 1, PO 17:5-18.

3. Ibid., 9.

4. Ibid., 15.

5. Ibid., 12.

6. John states that Habib "travelled in all the districts of Syria," ibid., 11.

7. "Life of Z'ura" is John's second chapter, ibid., 18-35; however, Z'ura's discipleship is also stressed in the "Life of Habib," for example, ibid., 10, 17. See also Michael the Syrian, Chronique 9.23.

2. John of Ephesus, Lives , 1, PO 17:5-18.

3. Ibid., 9.

4. Ibid., 15.

5. Ibid., 12.

6. John states that Habib "travelled in all the districts of Syria," ibid., 11.

7. "Life of Z'ura" is John's second chapter, ibid., 18-35; however, Z'ura's discipleship is also stressed in the "Life of Habib," for example, ibid., 10, 17. See also Michael the Syrian, Chronique 9.23.

2. John of Ephesus, Lives , 1, PO 17:5-18.

3. Ibid., 9.

4. Ibid., 15.

5. Ibid., 12.

6. John states that Habib "travelled in all the districts of Syria," ibid., 11.

7. "Life of Z'ura" is John's second chapter, ibid., 18-35; however, Z'ura's discipleship is also stressed in the "Life of Habib," for example, ibid., 10, 17. See also Michael the Syrian, Chronique 9.23.

2. John of Ephesus, Lives , 1, PO 17:5-18.

3. Ibid., 9.

4. Ibid., 15.

5. Ibid., 12.

6. John states that Habib "travelled in all the districts of Syria," ibid., 11.

7. "Life of Z'ura" is John's second chapter, ibid., 18-35; however, Z'ura's discipleship is also stressed in the "Life of Habib," for example, ibid., 10, 17. See also Michael the Syrian, Chronique 9.23.

2. John of Ephesus, Lives , 1, PO 17:5-18.

3. Ibid., 9.

4. Ibid., 15.

5. Ibid., 12.

6. John states that Habib "travelled in all the districts of Syria," ibid., 11.

7. "Life of Z'ura" is John's second chapter, ibid., 18-35; however, Z'ura's discipleship is also stressed in the "Life of Habib," for example, ibid., 10, 17. See also Michael the Syrian, Chronique 9.23.

8. Lives, 2, PO 17:20. For the ramifications of the master-disciple relationship, see Brown, "Saint as Exemplar"; and Flusin, Miracle et histoire, 188-91.

9. Lives, 12, PO 17:181.

10. Lives, 11, PO 17:158-66.

11. Ibid., 164.

10. Lives, 11, PO 17:158-66.

11. Ibid., 164.

12. Theodoret, Historia religiosa 26.2, 12; and the Syriac Vita Simeonis Stylitae, AMS 4:571-77.

13. Lives, 8, PO 17:124-35.

14. Ibid., 129.

15. Ibid., 130.

13. Lives, 8, PO 17:124-35.

14. Ibid., 129.

15. Ibid., 130.

13. Lives, 8, PO 17:124-35.

14. Ibid., 129.

15. Ibid., 130.

16. Cf. Vita Antonii, chap. 14. See Douglas, Purity and Danger, 94.

17. Lives, 7, PO 17:118-24.

18. Ibid., 120.

19. Ibid., 123. A similar incident is recounted in the "Life of Habib," Lives, 1, PO 17:12; but the story seems to fit more appropriately here, in the "Life of Abraham."

17. Lives, 7, PO 17:118-24.

18. Ibid., 120.

19. Ibid., 123. A similar incident is recounted in the "Life of Habib," Lives, 1, PO 17:12; but the story seems to fit more appropriately here, in the "Life of Abraham."

17. Lives, 7, PO 17:118-24.

18. Ibid., 120.

19. Ibid., 123. A similar incident is recounted in the "Life of Habib," Lives, 1, PO 17:12; but the story seems to fit more appropriately here, in the "Life of Abraham."

20. Lives, 31, PO 18:576-85.

21. Ibid., 577.

20. Lives, 31, PO 18:576-85.

21. Ibid., 577.

22. Lives, 30, PO 18:575-76.

23. For example, Brown, "Rise and Function"; and Patlagean, "À Byzance."

24. Lives, 15, PO 17:220-28.

25. Ibid., 223-24.

26. Ibid., 224.

27. Ibid., 22, PO 17:299-300.

28. Ibid., 299.

24. Lives, 15, PO 17:220-28.

25. Ibid., 223-24.

26. Ibid., 224.

27. Ibid., 22, PO 17:299-300.

28. Ibid., 299.

24. Lives, 15, PO 17:220-28.

25. Ibid., 223-24.

26. Ibid., 224.

27. Ibid., 22, PO 17:299-300.

28. Ibid., 299.

24. Lives, 15, PO 17:220-28.

25. Ibid., 223-24.

26. Ibid., 224.

27. Ibid., 22, PO 17:299-300.

28. Ibid., 299.

24. Lives, 15, PO 17:220-28.

25. Ibid., 223-24.

26. Ibid., 224.

27. Ibid., 22, PO 17:299-300.

28. Ibid., 299.

29. Compare the panic Theodoret depicts in villages that did not have a holy man or woman to look after them. One village went so far as to kidnap a neighboring town's recluse, who was shortly thereafter kidnapped back. See Theodoret, Historia religiosa 19.

30. Lives, 19, PO 17:278-83.

31. Ibid., 18, PO 17:260-65. Cf. Syriac and Arabic Documents, ed. and trans. A. Vööbus, 33 (canon 26).

32. Ibid., 7, PO 17:118-24.

30. Lives, 19, PO 17:278-83.

31. Ibid., 18, PO 17:260-65. Cf. Syriac and Arabic Documents, ed. and trans. A. Vööbus, 33 (canon 26).

32. Ibid., 7, PO 17:118-24.

30. Lives, 19, PO 17:278-83.

31. Ibid., 18, PO 17:260-65. Cf. Syriac and Arabic Documents, ed. and trans. A. Vööbus, 33 (canon 26).

32. Ibid., 7, PO 17:118-24.

33. Cf. Brown, ''Saint as Exemplar," on the dissemination of a central value system.

34. Lives, 38, PO 18:641-45.

35. Ibid., 3, PO 17:40; see also 17:36-55.

36. Ibid., 35, PO 18:612; see also 18:607-23.

34. Lives, 38, PO 18:641-45.

35. Ibid., 3, PO 17:40; see also 17:36-55.

36. Ibid., 35, PO 18:612; see also 18:607-23.

34. Lives, 38, PO 18:641-45.

35. Ibid., 3, PO 17:40; see also 17:36-55.

36. Ibid., 35, PO 18:612; see also 18:607-23.

37. Theodoret, Historia religiosa 26.26.

38. Lives, 4, PO 17:56-84. Maro also appears during the Monophysite persecutions in Lives, 5, PO 17:98-101.

39. Ibid., 4, PO 17:83-84.

40. Ibid., 60.

38. Lives, 4, PO 17:56-84. Maro also appears during the Monophysite persecutions in Lives, 5, PO 17:98-101.

39. Ibid., 4, PO 17:83-84.

40. Ibid., 60.

38. Lives, 4, PO 17:56-84. Maro also appears during the Monophysite persecutions in Lives, 5, PO 17:98-101.

39. Ibid., 4, PO 17:83-84.

40. Ibid., 60.

41. See the discussion of this incident in chap. 1, pp. 28-29. Compare the first miracle worked by Theodore of Sykeon, for which the suppliant had to explain to Theodore how to do it; Life of Theodore of Sykeon, in Three Byzantine Saints, chap. 18, 99-100.

42. Lives, 4, PO 17.64.

43. Ibid., 64-65.

44. Ibid., 65-67.

45. Ibid., 70.

46. Ibid.

42. Lives, 4, PO 17.64.

43. Ibid., 64-65.

44. Ibid., 65-67.

45. Ibid., 70.

46. Ibid.

42. Lives, 4, PO 17.64.

43. Ibid., 64-65.

44. Ibid., 65-67.

45. Ibid., 70.

46. Ibid.

42. Lives, 4, PO 17.64.

43. Ibid., 64-65.

44. Ibid., 65-67.

45. Ibid., 70.

46. Ibid.

42. Lives, 4, PO 17.64.

43. Ibid., 64-65.

44. Ibid., 65-67.

45. Ibid., 70.

46. Ibid.

47. Cf. Douglas, Purity and Danger, esp. 99-113.

48. Lives, 5, PO 17:84-111.

49. Ibid., 90-91.

50. Ibid., 93. This incident is discussed in both Nöldeke, Sketches from Eastern History, chap. 7; and Segal, "Jews of North Mesopotamia," 60-61.

48. Lives, 5, PO 17:84-111.

49. Ibid., 90-91.

50. Ibid., 93. This incident is discussed in both Nöldeke, Sketches from Eastern History, chap. 7; and Segal, "Jews of North Mesopotamia," 60-61.

48. Lives, 5, PO 17:84-111.

49. Ibid., 90-91.

50. Ibid., 93. This incident is discussed in both Nöldeke, Sketches from Eastern History, chap. 7; and Segal, "Jews of North Mesopotamia," 60-61.

51. On the position of the Jews, see Segal, "Jews of North Mesopotamia"; Jones, Later Roman Empire 2:944-50; and A. Sharf, Byzantine Jewry from Justinian to the Fourth Crusade (London, 1971), esp. 19-41. Sharf comments on the anomalous legal status of the Jewish religion, which was explicitly permitted as a deliberate Christian policy: "Judaism had to be preserved as a living testimony to the Christian interpretation of the scriptures, to the victory of Christianity. Jews were thus sharply distinguished from both pagans and heretics—who had no rights and no civil status" (Sharf, Byzantine Jewry, 20). Cf. Procopius, Anecdota 28.16-18, on Justinian's persecution of the Jews.

52. AMS 4:636-38. Cf. for example, Nau, "Deux épisodes"; and Severus of Antioch, Sixth Book of Select Letters 1.15.

53. Lives, 5, PO 17:95-103; discussed in chap. 3, pp. 72-73.

54. For example, Palladius, Historia Lausiaca 3.

55. For example, Theodoret, Historia religiosa 1, 2.

56. Lives, 29, PO 18:563.

57. Ibid., 30, PO 18:575-76.

56. Lives, 29, PO 18:563.

57. Ibid., 30, PO 18:575-76.

58. See, for example, Chitty, Desert a City; and Hunt, "Palladius of Helenopolis."

59. Peeters, Orient et Byzance, chap. 5, supposes that Theodoret may have

written the Historia religiosa partly to regain favor with Syrian ascetics, and partly as a reaction against Egyptian monasticism and thus against Cyril of Alexandria. Canivet, Monachisme syrien , disagrees altogether and does not believe that a political motive lies behind the work.

60. Lives, 32, PO 18:586-92. There are two other instances of misbehaving monks: two monks deceived by a vision from Satan, who immediately seek confession and penance when they realize what has happened; and a monk who joined the Amidan monasteries without following canonical procedure but who repented and received absolution before death. See Lives, 15, PO 17:220-28; 18, PO 17:260-65. Both instances are more fully discussed here later.

61. Palladius, Historia Lausiaca 25, 53, 58.

62. Lives, 9, PO 17:135, see also 17:135-37.

1. See the articles "Amid," DHGE 2:1237-49 (Karalevsky); RBK 1:133-37 (Restle); and RE 1: 1833 (Baumgartner). For an archaeological overview of the city, see Van Berchem and Strzygowski, Amida . On the military and trading importance of the city, see Dilleman, Haute mésopotamie; and especially, N. Pigulevskaja, Villes de l'état iranien . Segal, "Mesopotamian Communities," 109-39, is most helpful for setting Amida in a cultural and political context.

2. Van Bercham and Strzygowski, Amida, 163; Vööbus, History of Asceticism 1: 228-29, 2:37-39. Vööbus considers the background of Persian-Byzantine hostilities, as well as the constant invasions in this area, crucial to the development of asceticism in north Mesopotamia.

3. Sozomen, HE 3.14; John of Ephesus, Lives, 58, PO 19:208; Vööbus, History of Asceticism 2:231-32. Van Bercham and Strzygowski, Amida, 163-65, cites the attestations of Amida's early importance as a Christian center. Evidence for the origins of asceticism at Amida is sparse and obscure, as for Mesopotamia in general; cf. Vööbus, History of Asceticism 2.

4. John of Ephesus, Lives, 58, PO 19:207-9.

5. Ibid., 209.

4. John of Ephesus, Lives, 58, PO 19:207-9.

5. Ibid., 209.

6. This account follows John of Ephesus, Lives, 58, PO 19:209-12.

7. Ibid., 212.

8. Ibid.

6. This account follows John of Ephesus, Lives, 58, PO 19:209-12.

7. Ibid., 212.

8. Ibid.

6. This account follows John of Ephesus, Lives, 58, PO 19:209-12.

7. Ibid., 212.

8. Ibid.

9. For example, John of Ephesus, Lives, 17, PO 17:249-50; 19-20, PO 17: 266-83; 24, PO 18:521; and 35, PO 18:607-23. See also Vööbus, History of Asceticism 2:233; and Van Berchem and Strzygowski, Amida, 165.

10. Pseudo-Zachariah Rhetor, HE 8.2; "Joshua the Stylite," Chronicle XXXIII-XLIX; Chronicon Edessenum, ed. and trans. I. Guidi, LXXVI-LXXIX; Jacob of Edessa, Chronicon, ed. and trans. E. W. Brooks, 314-15; Chronicon anonymum 846, ed. and trans. E. W. Brooks, 218-19; pseudo-Dionysius, Incerti auctoris chronicon, 3-4 (John of Ephesus); Michael the Syrian, Chronique 9.7. See, for example, Se-

verus of Antioch, Sixth Book of Select Letters 5.12, on the meaning of the signs appearing in the skies.

11. Hostilities between Byzantium and Persia had been increasing for some time, and an outright breach of peace was inevitable: cf. ''Joshua the Stylite," Chronicle VII-XX; pseudo-Zachariah Rhetor, HE 7.3; Procopius, Wars 1.2-7; Michael the Syrian, Chronique 9.7, for ancient accounts of the background to the Persian Wars. Pigulevskaja, Villes de l'état iranien, 216-17, provides helpful insight on the Persians' motives, taking into account Kawad's problems of domestic social unrest owing to religious disputes, severe famine at home (as in Mesopotamia), and various financial and political considerations. "Joshua the Stylite," Chronicle XX, seems to acknowledge such contributing factors within Persia itself, though in so doing he expresses much hostility to the Persians. Bury, History of the Later Roman Empire 2:10-15, gives a summary of the events of this war. Dillemann, Haute mésopotamie, 313-15, discusses some specific textual problems about the siege of 502-503.

12. "Joshua the Stylite," Chronicle L, LVIII; pseudo-Zachariah Rhetor, HE 7.3-4; Procopius, Wars 1.7; pseudo-Dionysius, Incerti auctoris chronicon, 5(John of Ephesus); Michael the Syrian, Chronique 9.8; Chronicon anonymum 1234 LI, ed. and trans. J.-B. Chabot, CSCO 81/36 and 109/56.

13. This capture of the city did not lose its importance as a historical landmark in Syrian tradition; in addition to the sources mentioned, see also Chronicon Edessenum LXXX; Jacob of Edessa, Chronicon, 315; Chronicon anonymum 819, ed. A. Barsaurn, 7; Chronicon anonymum 846, 219; Narrationes variae, ed. and trans. E. W. Brooks, XVII and XVIII.

14. Pseudo-Zachariah Rhetor, HE 7.4; Procopius, Wars 1.7.23; Michael the Syrian, Chronique 9.7; Chronicon anonymum 1234 LI.

15. "Joshua the Stylite," Chronicle LIII; pseudo-Dionysius, Incerti auctoris chronicon, 5 (John of Ephesus).

16. John of Ephesus, Lives , 58, PO 19:217-19.

17. Frend, Rise of the Monophysite Movement, 185, includes other incidents to support this speculation, but for Amida, at any rate, it seems unlikely. The Monophysite position in Byzantium was hardly so bleak at this time; in Persia, by contrast, the outbreak of war with the Romans in 502 sparked off bitter Monophysite persecution, and the refugees flocking into Roman territory made their presence felt. See Charanis, Church and State, 29-30; and Segal, "Mesopotamian Communities," 113.

18. "Joshua the Stylite," Chronicle LIII (trans. Wright, 42).

19. Ibid., LVI, LXVI-LXIX, LXXI-LXXXI (on the Amidan women, see LXXVI-LXXVII); pseudo-Zachariah, HE 6.4; Procopius, Wars 1.9; Michael the Syrian, Chronique 9.8; Narrationes variae XVIII.

18. "Joshua the Stylite," Chronicle LIII (trans. Wright, 42).

19. Ibid., LVI, LXVI-LXIX, LXXI-LXXXI (on the Amidan women, see LXXVI-LXXVII); pseudo-Zachariah, HE 6.4; Procopius, Wars 1.9; Michael the Syrian, Chronique 9.8; Narrationes variae XVIII.

20. Procopius, Wars 1.7.33-35.

21. A helpful summary of these wars under Justin I and Justinian is found in Bury, History of the Later Roman Empire 2:75-123. See also Downey, "Persian Campaign." Being garrisoned, even by one's own protectors, proved an agoniz-

ing experience for the townspeople involved; see for example, "Joshua the Stylite," Chronicle LIV, LXX, LXXVII, LXXXII, XCVI. For the Persian invasions of Mesopotamia, see also pseudo-Dionysius, Incerti auctoris chronicon, 69, 90 (John of Ephesus); and jacob of Edessa, Chronicon, 320. Syrian bitterness towards Persia left its influence; see Cameron, "Agathias on the Sassanians," 69-70,113-14.

22. Cf. Vasiliev, Justin the First, 313-17; and Stein, Histoire du bas-empire 2:97-98, 105, 267-68, and 293. Although Vasiliev, and Brooks, in John of Ephesus, Lives, PO 17:19, n. 2, date the raids as starting in 515 (cf. Stein, Histoire, 2:105), the problem was obviously already present in 502; see n. 24 below. Cf. also Procopius, Anecdota 18.22-23, 30; 23.6-10.

23. For example, John of Ephesus, Lives, 2, PO 17:19-20; 4, PO 17:78-83; 16, PO 17:245.

24. Procopius, Wars 1.7.8, states that during the Amidan siege of 502-503 the Hephthalitae were overrunning the Mesopotamian countryside. Khosroes also used Hunnic mercenaries, cf. Procopius, Wars 2.26.

25. For example, pseudo-Zachariah Rhetor, HE 8.5, 9.14; Chronicon Edessenum CIII (both on the invasion of 531/2).

26. John of Nikiu, Chronicle 90.1.

27. Monophysite sources distinctly mark Justin's accession as the beginning of their woes; cf. pseudo-Zachariah Rhetor, HE 8; pseudo-Dionysius, Incerti auctoris chronicon, 15-16 (John of Ephesus); John of Nikiu, Chronicle 90; Jacob of Edessa, Chronicon, 317; Chronicon anonymum 846, 222; Michael the Syrian, Chronique 9.12; and Chronicon anonymum 1234, 53. Compare, for example, Evagrius, HE 4.1, where Justin's accession passes without remarks on religious policy; Evagrius, HE 4.9, comments on these matters instead when recounting the crowning of Justinian. For the background to and significance of Justin's change in government policy regarding the Chalcedonian faith, see esp. Charanis, Church and State; Vasiliev, Justin the First; and Wigram, Separation of the Monophysites, 64-65.

28. On the persecutions of the Monophysites, see in general Vasiliev, Justin the First; Frend, Rise of the Monophysite Movement; Wigram, Separation of the Monophysites; and Honigmann, Évêques et évêchés monophysites .

29. Vasiliev, Justin the First, 235-36. See pseudo-Dionysius, Incerti auctoris chronicon, 19, 21-24, 26; and Michael the Syrian, Chronique 9.14.

30. This assumption of duties probably occurred in 521; Vasiliev, Justin the First, 230; Honigmann, Évêques et évêchés monophysites, 101.

31. Evagrius, a Chalcedonian, claims that Paul resigned voluntarily; HE 4.4. On Euphrasius' accession and subsequent death, see Vasiliev, Justin the First, 239-40; and pseudo-Zachariah Rhetor, HE 8.1. But Honigmann, Évêques et évêchés monophysites, 148, claims that the oriental monks were first driven out by Euphrasius, which contradicts the account in Michael the Syrian, Chronique 9.14, based on part 2 of John of Ephesus' HE, wherein Paul "the Jew" is blamed.

32. Pseudo-Dionysius, Incerti auctoris chronicon, 70 (John of Ephesus); Michael the Syrian, Chronique 9.26 (Chabot, II, 220-21).

33. The best biography of Ephrem is in Lebon, "Éphrem d'Amid." See also

Vasiliev, Justin the First, 122-24. Both pseudo-Zachariah Rhetor, HE 7.4; and John of Nikiu, Chronicle 90.23, praise Ephrem as a civil administrator.

34. For the implications of this, see esp. Cameron, "Images of Authority," 28-31; Boojamra, "Christian Philanthropia "; Wigram, Separation of the Monophysites , 100; and Segal, ''Mesopotamian Communities," 114-15.

35. For a shady incident, see pseudo-Zachariah Rhetor, HE 9.15, 9.19; and Michael the Syrian, Chronique 9.23.

36. See esp. Gray, The Defense of Chalcedon, 141-54. Cf. also Lebon, "Éphrem d'Amid," 203-14; Moeller, "Chalcédonisme et le néo-chalcédonisme," 680-85; and Sellers, Council of Chalcedon, 313-15, 320-23, 332-43.

37. For example, John Moschus, Pratum spirituale 36, 37; Vita Sabae (Cyril of Scythopolis), 85; Evagrius, HE 4.25.

38. Cf. pseudo-Zachariah Rhetor, HE 10.5; and Michael the Syrian, Chronique 9.24. Evagrius, HE 4.6, considers Ephrem's deeds on behalf of Antioch before his consecration as a manifestation of divine providence. See Downey, "Ephraemius," for other episodes of Ephrem's civil activity while patriarch.

39. Monophysite sources unanimously condemn Ephrem, and their indignation at his use of the army was harshly expressed. See, for example, pseudo-Zachariah Rhetor, HE 10.1; pseudo-Dionysius, Incerti auctoris chronicon, 38-44 (John of Ephesus); Michael the Syrian, Chronique 9.13-23. Michael is particularly scathing about the army in Chronique 9.24 (Chabot II, 206); he claims that Ephrem gave the appearance of being a learned sage but was in reality a pagan! Chronique 9.16 (Chabot II, 181). Honigmann, Évêques et évêchés monophysites, 148-49, assesses Ephrem's activities as patriarch.

40. Michael the Syrian, Chronique 9.26 (Chabot II, 223).

41. The primary account is found in pseudo-Dionysius, Incerti auctoris chronicon, 32-44; Michael the Syrian, Chronique 9.13-23, 26, draws almost all his material from this same source, which is clearly John of Ephesus' HE, pt. II. See also Jacob of Edessa, Chronicon, 319-20; and Chronicon anonymum 846, 225-27.

42. Michael the Syrian, Chronique 9.26 (Chabot II, 223-4). Pseudo-Dionysius, Incerti auctoris chronicon, 37 (John of Ephesus), also accuses Abraham of adhering to the Chalcedonian faith not willingly but obsequiously.

43. John of Ephesus, Lives, 18, PO 17:261, mentions a local plague slightly earlier than the bubonic outbreak of 542. Lives, 53, PO 19:185; pseudo-Dionysius, Incerti auctoris chronicon, 79-88, 112 (John of Ephesus); pseudo-Zachariah Rhetor, HE 10.9-14; Jacob of Edessa, Chronicon, 320-21; and Michael the Syrian, Chronique 9.32, deal with the Great Plague and continual famine in Mesopotamia and Amida. See Biraben and LeGoff, "Peste dans le haute moyen age"; and esp. Allen, "'Justinianic' Plague." Allen observes that famine was a chronic sixth-century problem, both creating conditions ripe for the outbreak of plague and becoming also a result of its occurrence.

44. The major accounts of the plague of madness are found in pseudo-Dionysius, Incerti auctoris chronicon, 15-16; Michael the Syrian, Chronique 9.32; and Chronicon anonymum 1234, LXII. The version found in pseudo-Dionysius is

clearly the original for all other accounts and is included in the collection of fragments attributed to John of Ephesus, HE, pt. 2, in John of Ephesus, "Analyse de la seconde partie," ed. F. Nau, 468-69. There is no reason not to attribute this passage to John; but even if the writer of pseudo-Dionysius had drawn on other material at this point, the account would probably still have come from a contemporary given the nature of sources used by this historian. (I am indebted to L. Michael Whitby for this observation.)

45. Spurious Life of James (Jacob Burd'aya), PO 19: 259-62; Narrationes variae XVII.

46. Besides the calamities mentioned, comets were seen in the Byzantine East in the years 500, 538, 543/4, 556, 565, and 599; earthquakes occurred in the same area in 499, 503, 515, 525, 526, 528, 529, 530, 533, 536, 538/9, 539, 541, 542, 543, 546, 551, 554, 557, 558, 558/9, 561, 567, 568, 580/1, 583, 584/5, 588, and 601. See Grumel, Chronologie, 457-81, on natural disasters. See Patlagean, Pauvreté économique, 74-92; and Vasiliev, Justin the First, 344-53, 360-62, 382-83, on the cumulative economic effect of the natural calamities.

47. For a discussion of such "psychic epidemics"—including dance frenzies, witch hunts, and revival movements—see, above all, Rosen, Madness in Society, 118, 192-225. Cf. also J. J. Lhermitte, True and False Possession, trans. P. J. Hepburne-Scott (New York, 1963; orig. French, 1956); Zax and Cowen, Abnormal Psychology, 25-58; and cf. Trethowan, "Exorcism," on physical and mental symptoms in cases of severe hysteria.

Also relevant are the comparable situations seen in Cohn, Pursuit of the Millenium; for the obvious parallels in Europe during the fourteenth century, see Ziegler, Black Death . Professor A. A. M. Bryer has pointed out to me that Amida would again suffer a similar constellation of tragedy in the fourteenth to mid-fifteenth centuries but without again evidencing such a major social breakdown; see Sanjian, Colophons of Armenian Manuscripts . In this instance, the influence of Islamic fatalism—through which plague was seen as a martyrdom and a mercy for the faithful Muslim—may have contained public reaction, as it did in general during the Black Death in the Muslim domain; see Dols, Black Death, 236-54 and, for a sensitive comparison with Western reactions, 281-302.

48. Rosen, Madness in Society, 21-136; J. S. Neaman, Suggestion of the Devil: The Origins of Madness (New York, 1975). Animal-like behavior, general disorientation, and excessive violence are among the primary symptoms. Rosen, 192-225, also discusses the occurrence of animal-like behavior during certain psychic epidemics, especially in revival movements. Cf. John of Ephesus, Lives, 1, PO 17:14-15; and pseudo-Zachariah Rhetor, HE 7.14, for madness displayed through similar symptoms. For a sense of how this pattern of madness fits with the changes in late antique understandings of insanity, see Festugière, "Épidémies «hippocratiques»."

49. See nn. 43 and 46 above on natural disasters in the Syrian Orient; and, for example, "Joshua the Stylite," Chronicle; Procopius, Wars 1-2; pseudo-Dionysius, Incerti auctoris chronicon, 3-118; pseudo-Zachariah Rhetor, HE 7-12; John of

Nikiu, Chronicle 90.23-32; Michael the Syrian, Chronique 9; Chronicon anonymum 1234, LIII.

50. I have discussed Amida's plague of madness with psychiatrist Sir William Trethowan and with psychologist Dr. James B. Ashbrook and have gratefully drawn upon their professional expertise in the present discussion. Both see no reason to doubt the genuine occurrence of this outbreak, especially in the cumulative circumstances of the time.

The events of the sixth century may offer some solutions as to why Amida, present-day Diyar Bekir, exhibits almost no archaeological remains from pre-Islamic times apart from its walls and the cathedral shell. See Van Berchem and Strzygowski, Amida . Destruction of property, such as the Persian Wars wrought, could hardly have been repaired substantially in light of subsequent events and circumstances.

51. Consider the regular mention in later Syriac chronicles of the events of the Persian conquest of Amida in 503, and the plague of madness in 560. These sources are listed in the notes above, but the point is especially made by the two late fragments Narrationes variae XVII and XVIII.

52. For example, Brown, "Rise and Function"; Vööbus, History of Asceticism 2; Brock, "Early Syrian Asceticism."

53. Patlagean, "À Byzance"; Brown, "Eastern and Western Christendom."

54. Theodoret, Historia religiose 26. Cf., for example, John of Ephesus, Lives, 4, PO 17:56-84. Cf. Vööbus, History of Asceticism 2:325; and Brock, "Early Syrian Asceticism," 14.

55. See John of Ephesus, Lives, 52, PO 19:164-79, and 53, PO 19:179-85.

56. Procopius, Wars 1.9.18. "Joshua the Stylite" tells how the Edessenes, preparing for a Persian siege against them, pulled down all the monasteries and inns in the area just outside the city walls—presumably to avoid such atrocities, but perhaps also to avoid giving the besiegers a base for men and equipment close to the walls; "Joshua the Stylite," Chronicle 59.

57. John of Ephesus, Lives, 4, PO 17:78-83.

58. Procopius, Wars 1.7.5-11.

59. John of Ephesus, Lives, 2, PO 17:19-20. The paralysis in midair of an attacking enemy is a common literary topos; compare, for example, John Moschus, Pratum spirituale 15, 70, 75.

60. John of Ephesus, Lives, 16, PO 17:245.

61. John of Ephesus, Lives, 6, PO 17:111-18. The appearance of the demons first in the guise of panicked villagers fleeing from the raiders is interesting for its similarity to the incident sparking off Amida's plague of madness.

62. It is worth noting that in the first half of the fifth century, a monk named Dada from the region of Amida was sent by the people of the city to Constantinople; his purpose was to plead for tax relief, as Amida had suffered harshly from war and famine. Dada seems to have been a prolific writer, but nothing by him survives for us. See Wright, Short History of Syriac Literature, 54-55; Duval, Littérature syriaque, 339.

63. John of Ephesus, Lives, 35, PO 18:608. For the account of the Amidan monasteries, see Lives, PO 18:607-23; and 58, PO 19:207-27; pseudo-Dionysius, Incerti auctoris chronicon, 39-44; and Michael the Syrian, Chronique 9.17-19. I have drawn from these sources for the present summary; the brief translations are from John's thirty-fifth "Life."

64. John of Ephesus, Lives, 35, PO 18:608.

65. Under Paul "the Jew," the expulsion was perhaps as late as 521; Mesopotamia was the last place in which the persecutions were undertaken. There may well have been concern among civil and ecclesiastical officials about entering Mesopotamia, an area more fully committed to the Monophysite faith than elsewhere in the East, apart from Egypt, where the economic factor of the empire's need for grain mattered more than imperial religious policies. See Vasiliev, Justin the First, 229; and Wigram, Separation of the Monophysites, 95.

66. The village of Hzyn in Tysf'; the location is unknown.

67. See also pseudo-Zachariah Rhetor, HE 8.5; and Michael the Syrian, Chronique 9.15.

68. John of Ephesus, Lives, 35, PO 13:620.

69. This was part of the campaign involved in Ephrem's "descent to the east." Cf. John of Ephesus, Lives, 58, PO 19:224; pseudo-Zachariah Rhetor, HE 1.1; pseudo-Dionysius, Incerti auctoris chronicon, 38-44; Michael the Syrian, Chronique 9.14. Abraham bar Kaili was also commanding soldiers during this expulsion.

70. John of Ephesus, Lives, 35, PO 18:620; but pseudo-Dionysius, Incerti auctoris chronicon, 40, says there were "a thousand men or more," whereas John, Lives, 14, PO 17:214, states that the number during the first persecution was 750.

71. John of Ephesus, Lives, 35, PO 18:621.

72. Ibid., 622-23. Cf. the related situation in Armenia, similar in impact and also encouraged by Ephrem: idem, Lives, 21, PO 17:293-94.

71. John of Ephesus, Lives, 35, PO 18:621.

72. Ibid., 622-23. Cf. the related situation in Armenia, similar in impact and also encouraged by Ephrem: idem, Lives, 21, PO 17:293-94.

73. For example, Wigram, Separation of the Monophysites, 67-68; Frend, Rise of the Monophysite Movement, 79, 141-44; idem, "Popular Religion"; Brown, "Rise and Function"; and idem, "Dark Age Crisis."

74. For example, Frend, Rise of the Monophysite Movement, 260-61. The decision to ordain Monophysite bishops—a step eventually leading to the creation of a separate Monophysite ecclesiastical hierarchy—was made largely because popular fears over communion at Chalcedonian hands had become so urgent and widespread. It was not a move engineered by ambitious or contentious Monophysite leaders.

75. Cf. Wigram, Separation of the Monophysites, 68.

76. Pseudo-Zachariah Rhetor, HE 8.5 ( Syriac Chronicle, trans. F. J. Hamilton and E. W. Brooks, 211-12). Cf. Michael, the Syrian, Chronique 9.14.

77. John of Ephesus, Lives, 35, PO 18:607-23.

78. Ibid., 618.

79. Ibid., 58, PO 19:221-17.

80. Ibid., 225-26.

81. Ibid., 20, PO 17:278-83.

82. Ibid., 24, PO 18:521.

83. For example, ibid. 14 and 18, PO 17:213-20, 260-65; 29, PO 18:562-74.

84. Ibid., 14, PO 17:213-20 (Abbi); 17, PO 17:248-59 (the poor stranger); 19, PO 17:266-80 (Zacharias). Cf. also 20, PO 17:281-83; 28, PO 18:559-62; 51, PO 19:159-60.

85. Ibid., 18, PO 17:260-65.

86. Ibid., 260. On the ruling against leaving a monastery without release, see Syriac and Arabic Documents, ed. and trans. A. Vööbus, 33 (canon 26).

77. John of Ephesus, Lives, 35, PO 18:607-23.

78. Ibid., 618.

79. Ibid., 58, PO 19:221-17.

80. Ibid., 225-26.

81. Ibid., 20, PO 17:278-83.

82. Ibid., 24, PO 18:521.

83. For example, ibid. 14 and 18, PO 17:213-20, 260-65; 29, PO 18:562-74.

84. Ibid., 14, PO 17:213-20 (Abbi); 17, PO 17:248-59 (the poor stranger); 19, PO 17:266-80 (Zacharias). Cf. also 20, PO 17:281-83; 28, PO 18:559-62; 51, PO 19:159-60.

85. Ibid., 18, PO 17:260-65.

86. Ibid., 260. On the ruling against leaving a monastery without release, see Syriac and Arabic Documents, ed. and trans. A. Vööbus, 33 (canon 26).

77. John of Ephesus, Lives, 35, PO 18:607-23.

78. Ibid., 618.

79. Ibid., 58, PO 19:221-17.

80. Ibid., 225-26.

81. Ibid., 20, PO 17:278-83.

82. Ibid., 24, PO 18:521.

83. For example, ibid. 14 and 18, PO 17:213-20, 260-65; 29, PO 18:562-74.

84. Ibid., 14, PO 17:213-20 (Abbi); 17, PO 17:248-59 (the poor stranger); 19, PO 17:266-80 (Zacharias). Cf. also 20, PO 17:281-83; 28, PO 18:559-62; 51, PO 19:159-60.

85. Ibid., 18, PO 17:260-65.

86. Ibid., 260. On the ruling against leaving a monastery without release, see Syriac and Arabic Documents, ed. and trans. A. Vööbus, 33 (canon 26).

77. John of Ephesus, Lives, 35, PO 18:607-23.

78. Ibid., 618.

79. Ibid., 58, PO 19:221-17.

80. Ibid., 225-26.

81. Ibid., 20, PO 17:278-83.

82. Ibid., 24, PO 18:521.

83. For example, ibid. 14 and 18, PO 17:213-20, 260-65; 29, PO 18:562-74.

84. Ibid., 14, PO 17:213-20 (Abbi); 17, PO 17:248-59 (the poor stranger); 19, PO 17:266-80 (Zacharias). Cf. also 20, PO 17:281-83; 28, PO 18:559-62; 51, PO 19:159-60.

85. Ibid., 18, PO 17:260-65.

86. Ibid., 260. On the ruling against leaving a monastery without release, see Syriac and Arabic Documents, ed. and trans. A. Vööbus, 33 (canon 26).

77. John of Ephesus, Lives, 35, PO 18:607-23.

78. Ibid., 618.

79. Ibid., 58, PO 19:221-17.

80. Ibid., 225-26.

81. Ibid., 20, PO 17:278-83.

82. Ibid., 24, PO 18:521.

83. For example, ibid. 14 and 18, PO 17:213-20, 260-65; 29, PO 18:562-74.

84. Ibid., 14, PO 17:213-20 (Abbi); 17, PO 17:248-59 (the poor stranger); 19, PO 17:266-80 (Zacharias). Cf. also 20, PO 17:281-83; 28, PO 18:559-62; 51, PO 19:159-60.

85. Ibid., 18, PO 17:260-65.

86. Ibid., 260. On the ruling against leaving a monastery without release, see Syriac and Arabic Documents, ed. and trans. A. Vööbus, 33 (canon 26).

77. John of Ephesus, Lives, 35, PO 18:607-23.

78. Ibid., 618.

79. Ibid., 58, PO 19:221-17.

80. Ibid., 225-26.

81. Ibid., 20, PO 17:278-83.

82. Ibid., 24, PO 18:521.

83. For example, ibid. 14 and 18, PO 17:213-20, 260-65; 29, PO 18:562-74.

84. Ibid., 14, PO 17:213-20 (Abbi); 17, PO 17:248-59 (the poor stranger); 19, PO 17:266-80 (Zacharias). Cf. also 20, PO 17:281-83; 28, PO 18:559-62; 51, PO 19:159-60.

85. Ibid., 18, PO 17:260-65.

86. Ibid., 260. On the ruling against leaving a monastery without release, see Syriac and Arabic Documents, ed. and trans. A. Vööbus, 33 (canon 26).

77. John of Ephesus, Lives, 35, PO 18:607-23.

78. Ibid., 618.

79. Ibid., 58, PO 19:221-17.

80. Ibid., 225-26.

81. Ibid., 20, PO 17:278-83.

82. Ibid., 24, PO 18:521.

83. For example, ibid. 14 and 18, PO 17:213-20, 260-65; 29, PO 18:562-74.

84. Ibid., 14, PO 17:213-20 (Abbi); 17, PO 17:248-59 (the poor stranger); 19, PO 17:266-80 (Zacharias). Cf. also 20, PO 17:281-83; 28, PO 18:559-62; 51, PO 19:159-60.

85. Ibid., 18, PO 17:260-65.

86. Ibid., 260. On the ruling against leaving a monastery without release, see Syriac and Arabic Documents, ed. and trans. A. Vööbus, 33 (canon 26).

77. John of Ephesus, Lives, 35, PO 18:607-23.

78. Ibid., 618.

79. Ibid., 58, PO 19:221-17.

80. Ibid., 225-26.

81. Ibid., 20, PO 17:278-83.

82. Ibid., 24, PO 18:521.

83. For example, ibid. 14 and 18, PO 17:213-20, 260-65; 29, PO 18:562-74.

84. Ibid., 14, PO 17:213-20 (Abbi); 17, PO 17:248-59 (the poor stranger); 19, PO 17:266-80 (Zacharias). Cf. also 20, PO 17:281-83; 28, PO 18:559-62; 51, PO 19:159-60.

85. Ibid., 18, PO 17:260-65.

86. Ibid., 260. On the ruling against leaving a monastery without release, see Syriac and Arabic Documents, ed. and trans. A. Vööbus, 33 (canon 26).

77. John of Ephesus, Lives, 35, PO 18:607-23.

78. Ibid., 618.

79. Ibid., 58, PO 19:221-17.

80. Ibid., 225-26.

81. Ibid., 20, PO 17:278-83.

82. Ibid., 24, PO 18:521.

83. For example, ibid. 14 and 18, PO 17:213-20, 260-65; 29, PO 18:562-74.

84. Ibid., 14, PO 17:213-20 (Abbi); 17, PO 17:248-59 (the poor stranger); 19, PO 17:266-80 (Zacharias). Cf. also 20, PO 17:281-83; 28, PO 18:559-62; 51, PO 19:159-60.

85. Ibid., 18, PO 17:260-65.

86. Ibid., 260. On the ruling against leaving a monastery without release, see Syriac and Arabic Documents, ed. and trans. A. Vööbus, 33 (canon 26).

77. John of Ephesus, Lives, 35, PO 18:607-23.

78. Ibid., 618.

79. Ibid., 58, PO 19:221-17.

80. Ibid., 225-26.

81. Ibid., 20, PO 17:278-83.

82. Ibid., 24, PO 18:521.

83. For example, ibid. 14 and 18, PO 17:213-20, 260-65; 29, PO 18:562-74.

84. Ibid., 14, PO 17:213-20 (Abbi); 17, PO 17:248-59 (the poor stranger); 19, PO 17:266-80 (Zacharias). Cf. also 20, PO 17:281-83; 28, PO 18:559-62; 51, PO 19:159-60.

85. Ibid., 18, PO 17:260-65.

86. Ibid., 260. On the ruling against leaving a monastery without release, see Syriac and Arabic Documents, ed. and trans. A. Vööbus, 33 (canon 26).

87. John of Ephesus, Lives, 33, PO 18:592-601; 3, PO 17:42-44; 34, PO 18:601-6.

88. Ibid., 33, PO 18:599.

89. Ibid., 35, PO 18:614-17.

87. John of Ephesus, Lives, 33, PO 18:592-601; 3, PO 17:42-44; 34, PO 18:601-6.

88. Ibid., 33, PO 18:599.

89. Ibid., 35, PO 18:614-17.

87. John of Ephesus, Lives, 33, PO 18:592-601; 3, PO 17:42-44; 34, PO 18:601-6.

88. Ibid., 33, PO 18:599.

89. Ibid., 35, PO 18:614-17.

90. Pseudo-Dionysius, Incerti auctoris chronicon, 39-40 (John of Ephesus). See also Michael the Syrian, Chronique 9.19. Cf. the parallel situation in John of Ephesus, Lives, 21, PO 17:293-97.

91. Pseudo-Dionysius, Incerti auctoris chronicon, 40-44 (John of Ephesus); Michael the Syrian, Chronique 9.19.

92. John of Ephesus, Lives, 23, PO 17:300-304.

93. Ibid., 304.

94. Ibid., 5, PO 17:98 (my trans.).

95. Ibid., 96-99.

96. Ibid., 96-101.

97. Ibid., 101-3 (my trans.).

98. Ibid., 103-11.

99. Ibid., 12, PO 17:176-78. Cf. pseudo-Dionysius, Incerti auctoris chronicon, 43-44 (John of Ephesus), for another account of secret aid by villagers when the Amidans were driven out of the monastery of the Poplars by Ephrem's troops, during the second persecution.

92. John of Ephesus, Lives, 23, PO 17:300-304.

93. Ibid., 304.

94. Ibid., 5, PO 17:98 (my trans.).

95. Ibid., 96-99.

96. Ibid., 96-101.

97. Ibid., 101-3 (my trans.).

98. Ibid., 103-11.

99. Ibid., 12, PO 17:176-78. Cf. pseudo-Dionysius, Incerti auctoris chronicon, 43-44 (John of Ephesus), for another account of secret aid by villagers when the Amidans were driven out of the monastery of the Poplars by Ephrem's troops, during the second persecution.

92. John of Ephesus, Lives, 23, PO 17:300-304.

93. Ibid., 304.

94. Ibid., 5, PO 17:98 (my trans.).

95. Ibid., 96-99.

96. Ibid., 96-101.

97. Ibid., 101-3 (my trans.).

98. Ibid., 103-11.

99. Ibid., 12, PO 17:176-78. Cf. pseudo-Dionysius, Incerti auctoris chronicon, 43-44 (John of Ephesus), for another account of secret aid by villagers when the Amidans were driven out of the monastery of the Poplars by Ephrem's troops, during the second persecution.

92. John of Ephesus, Lives, 23, PO 17:300-304.

93. Ibid., 304.

94. Ibid., 5, PO 17:98 (my trans.).

95. Ibid., 96-99.

96. Ibid., 96-101.

97. Ibid., 101-3 (my trans.).

98. Ibid., 103-11.

99. Ibid., 12, PO 17:176-78. Cf. pseudo-Dionysius, Incerti auctoris chronicon, 43-44 (John of Ephesus), for another account of secret aid by villagers when the Amidans were driven out of the monastery of the Poplars by Ephrem's troops, during the second persecution.

92. John of Ephesus, Lives, 23, PO 17:300-304.

93. Ibid., 304.

94. Ibid., 5, PO 17:98 (my trans.).

95. Ibid., 96-99.

96. Ibid., 96-101.

97. Ibid., 101-3 (my trans.).

98. Ibid., 103-11.

99. Ibid., 12, PO 17:176-78. Cf. pseudo-Dionysius, Incerti auctoris chronicon, 43-44 (John of Ephesus), for another account of secret aid by villagers when the Amidans were driven out of the monastery of the Poplars by Ephrem's troops, during the second persecution.

92. John of Ephesus, Lives, 23, PO 17:300-304.

93. Ibid., 304.

94. Ibid., 5, PO 17:98 (my trans.).

95. Ibid., 96-99.

96. Ibid., 96-101.

97. Ibid., 101-3 (my trans.).

98. Ibid., 103-11.

99. Ibid., 12, PO 17:176-78. Cf. pseudo-Dionysius, Incerti auctoris chronicon, 43-44 (John of Ephesus), for another account of secret aid by villagers when the Amidans were driven out of the monastery of the Poplars by Ephrem's troops, during the second persecution.

92. John of Ephesus, Lives, 23, PO 17:300-304.

93. Ibid., 304.

94. Ibid., 5, PO 17:98 (my trans.).

95. Ibid., 96-99.

96. Ibid., 96-101.

97. Ibid., 101-3 (my trans.).

98. Ibid., 103-11.

99. Ibid., 12, PO 17:176-78. Cf. pseudo-Dionysius, Incerti auctoris chronicon, 43-44 (John of Ephesus), for another account of secret aid by villagers when the Amidans were driven out of the monastery of the Poplars by Ephrem's troops, during the second persecution.

92. John of Ephesus, Lives, 23, PO 17:300-304.

93. Ibid., 304.

94. Ibid., 5, PO 17:98 (my trans.).

95. Ibid., 96-99.

96. Ibid., 96-101.

97. Ibid., 101-3 (my trans.).

98. Ibid., 103-11.

99. Ibid., 12, PO 17:176-78. Cf. pseudo-Dionysius, Incerti auctoris chronicon, 43-44 (John of Ephesus), for another account of secret aid by villagers when the Amidans were driven out of the monastery of the Poplars by Ephrem's troops, during the second persecution.

100. John of Ephesus, Lives, 12, PO 17:171-86. On the significance of Euphemia's work, see chap. 6.

101. John of Ephesus, Lives, 12, PO 17:184 (my trans.).

1. John of Ephesus, Lives, 48, PO 18:685; pseudo-Zachariah Rhetor, HE 8.5. It is probably to the Egyptian desert as a gathering place that this famous passage of pseudo-Zachariah refers.

2. Egypt's reputation for ascetic excellence was a serious factor for the Monophysite monks who came from elsewhere in the East, including Mesopotamia. For the nature of Egypt's spiritual authority in this realm, see Rousseau, "Spiritual Authority"; idem, "Blood-relationships."

3. John of Ephesus, Lives, 27, PO 18:554. For an impression, from the Egyp-

tian viewpoint, of how Egypt itself was affected by the persecutions, see esp. Hardy, Christian Egypt ; see also Evelyn-White, Monasteries of the Wâdi 'N Natrûn, 219-40.

4. John of Ephesus, Lives , 27, PO 18:541-58. Arzanene was visited by Simeon the Persian Debater while on his missionary travels, Lives, 10, PO 17:145; and its clergy were ordained during the persecutions by John of Tella, Lives, 24, PO 18:519.

5. In the "Life of Susan," ibid., PO 18:547-48, John says the spot was about two miles from Mendis; and elsewhere, about twelve miles distant from the monastery of Mar Menas, PO 17:209. Mendis itself, he claims, was twenty-four miles above Alexandria, Lives, 13, PO 17:190 (see also Brooks' footnote). Mar Menas was a celebrated monastery and its reputation was no doubt attractive to the newcomers; proximity may have seemed desirable. Cf. Hardy, Christian Egypt, 125-26 ("The shrine of St. Menas had become the Lourdes of the ancient world"); and see "Karm Abu Mena," RBK, 1116-58 (M. Krause).

4. John of Ephesus, Lives , 27, PO 18:541-58. Arzanene was visited by Simeon the Persian Debater while on his missionary travels, Lives, 10, PO 17:145; and its clergy were ordained during the persecutions by John of Tella, Lives, 24, PO 18:519.

5. In the "Life of Susan," ibid., PO 18:547-48, John says the spot was about two miles from Mendis; and elsewhere, about twelve miles distant from the monastery of Mar Menas, PO 17:209. Mendis itself, he claims, was twenty-four miles above Alexandria, Lives, 13, PO 17:190 (see also Brooks' footnote). Mar Menas was a celebrated monastery and its reputation was no doubt attractive to the newcomers; proximity may have seemed desirable. Cf. Hardy, Christian Egypt, 125-26 ("The shrine of St. Menas had become the Lourdes of the ancient world"); and see "Karm Abu Mena," RBK, 1116-58 (M. Krause).

6. John of Ephesus, Lives, 27, PO 18:548.

7. Ibid., 550 (my trans.).

8. Ibid., 554-56. Susan's activities and John's reactions to them are discussed in chap. 6.

6. John of Ephesus, Lives, 27, PO 18:548.

7. Ibid., 550 (my trans.).

8. Ibid., 554-56. Susan's activities and John's reactions to them are discussed in chap. 6.

6. John of Ephesus, Lives, 27, PO 18:548.

7. Ibid., 550 (my trans.).

8. Ibid., 554-56. Susan's activities and John's reactions to them are discussed in chap. 6.

9. Cf. Severus of Antioch, "Sévère d'Antioche en Égypte," ed. and trans. W. E. Crum.

10. Lives, 48, PO 18:684-90.

11. Ibid., 685. Here John carelessly gives the impression that Severus was received by the patriarch Theodosius, who was not consecrated to the see until 535 (and then somewhat violently: see pseudo-Zachariah Rhetor, HE 9.14; Michael the Syrian, Chronique 9.12). Theodosius was banished in 536 to Thrace and then to Constantinople, where he remained, guiding the Monophysites until his death in 566.

10. Lives, 48, PO 18:684-90.

11. Ibid., 685. Here John carelessly gives the impression that Severus was received by the patriarch Theodosius, who was not consecrated to the see until 535 (and then somewhat violently: see pseudo-Zachariah Rhetor, HE 9.14; Michael the Syrian, Chronique 9.12). Theodosius was banished in 536 to Thrace and then to Constantinople, where he remained, guiding the Monophysites until his death in 566.

12. John of Ephesus, Lives, 48, PO 18:685.

13. See esp. Vita Severi (John of Beith-Aphthonia); and for the sense of how this aura grew with Severus' legend, see Vita Severi (Athanasius Scriptor), Conflict of Severus, ed. and trans. E. J. Goodspeed and W. E. Crum.

14. John is referring here ( Lives, 48, PO 18:685) in particular to the doctrinal dispute between Severus and Julian of Halicarnassus. See esp. pseudo-Zachariah Rhetor, HE 9.9-13; and Michael the Syrian, Chronique 9.27, 30. The argument centered on Julian's belief that the body of Christ was incorruptible; an excellent summary is in Casey, "Julian of Halicarnassus." Cf. Hardy, Christian Egypt, 128-32.

15. For example, Severus of Antioch, Sixth Book of Select Letters 1.49, 2.3.

16. Pseudo-Zachariah Rhetor, HE 9.13. In the letters pseudo-Zachariah Rhetor cites here, Severus describes himself contending against the Chalcedonians from Egypt, "I [am] a man who changes about from one place to another and have no convenient time for other things that are required" ( HE 9.11 [ Syriac Chronicle, ed. and trans. F. J. Hamilton and E. W. Brooks, 235]). See also Severus of Antioch, Sixth Book of Select Letters 1.53.

17. Lives, 21, PO 17:283-98. See also 54, PO 19:186; 55, PO 19:192; 56, PO 19:197-99.

18. John of Ephesus, HE, Fragmenta 3.7-8.

19. Lives, 13, PO 17:187-213.

20. On Amida's bishops at this time, see Honigmann, Évêques et évêchés monophysites, 100-101; also, ''Joshua the Stylite," Chronicle LXXXIII; and pseudo-Zachariah Rhetor, HE 8.5. For Abraham bar Kaili, apparently consecrated by Paul "the Jew" of Antioch, see chap. 3.

21. John of Ephesus, Lives, 13, PO 17:188.

22. Ibid., 188-89.

23. Ibid., 189-90. Cf. the description of Mare's adventures in pseudo-Zachariah Rhetor, HE 8.5.

21. John of Ephesus, Lives, 13, PO 17:188.

22. Ibid., 188-89.

23. Ibid., 189-90. Cf. the description of Mare's adventures in pseudo-Zachariah Rhetor, HE 8.5.

21. John of Ephesus, Lives, 13, PO 17:188.

22. Ibid., 188-89.

23. Ibid., 189-90. Cf. the description of Mare's adventures in pseudo-Zachariah Rhetor, HE 8.5.

24. John of Ephesus, Lives, 13, PO 17:190.

25. John's account of the lives of Mary and Euphemia reflects the same intent, Lives, 12, PO 17:166-86. See the discussion of their story in chap. 6.

26. Lives, 13, PO 17:192.

27. John of Ephesus, ibid., 25, PO 18:528, says of this campaign: "severe fighting and much slaughter took place in Alexandria, as is common in that great city." See also, for example, ibid., 37, PO 18:629-30; Procopius, Anecdota 26.35-44; John of Nikiu, Chronicle 90.81-89, 92.5-7; Michael the Syrian, Chronique 9.21, 25.

26. Lives, 13, PO 17:192.

27. John of Ephesus, ibid., 25, PO 18:528, says of this campaign: "severe fighting and much slaughter took place in Alexandria, as is common in that great city." See also, for example, ibid., 37, PO 18:629-30; Procopius, Anecdota 26.35-44; John of Nikiu, Chronicle 90.81-89, 92.5-7; Michael the Syrian, Chronique 9.21, 25.

28. See the Life of John the Almsgiver, in Three Byzantine Saints, trans. E. A. Dawes and N. Baynes, 195-270; Monks, "Church of Alexandria"; Hardy, Christian Egypt, 139-41, 154-61.

29. Michael the Syrian, Chronique 9.25. Cf. John of Ephesus' more general description of the persecutions throughout the East, in very similar language; Lives, 24, PO 18:524-25.

30. Lives, 48, PO 18:687. See also, for example, Michael the Syrian, Chronique 9.27. Cf. Severus of Antioch, "Sévère d'Antioche en Égypte," ed. and trans. W. E. Crum.

31. See Evagrius, HE 4.9, for the pro-Chalcedonian view of Alexandria and Constantinople as the two main centers of religious dissent.

32. A point that particularly rankled Procopius: see the Anecdota . On Theodora, see Browning, Justinian and Theodora ; Bury, History of the Later Roman Empire 2:27-35; and Diehl, Théodora .

33. Procopius, Anecdota 10. 14-15.

34. Ibid. ( Opera, ed. and trans. H. B. Dewing, 7:125).

33. Procopius, Anecdota 10. 14-15.

34. Ibid. ( Opera, ed. and trans. H. B. Dewing, 7:125).

35. Evagrius, HE 4.10. Cf. Allen, Evagrius Scholasticus, chap. 8, on Evagrius' treatment of Justin I and Justinian. Allen here points out that Evagrius adds credibility to Procopius' Anecdota, which thus cannot be dismissed as personal ranting.

36. Evagrius, HE, 4. 10.

37. On Theodora's good deeds toward the Monophysites, see, for example, Severus of Antioch, Sixth Book of Select Letters 1.63; John of Ephesus, Lives ; idem, HE, Fragmenta 3.2-5; pseudo-Zachariah Rhetor, HE 9.14; John of Nikiu, Chron-

icle 90.87-88; Jacob of Edessa, Chronicon, 321; Chronicon anonymum 819, 10; Chronicon anonymum 1234, LIV-LV; Michael the Syrian, Chronique 9.15, 20, 21.

38. Chronicon anonymum 1234 , LV; Michael the Syrian, Chronique 9.20. This tradition still appeals to the Syrian Orthodox; it is retold in the play "Theodora," written in Arabic (1956) by Mor Faulos Behram, Metropolitan of Baghdad, and translated into Syriac (1977) by Mor Iuhannon Philoxenos Dolobani, the late Metropolitan of Mardin.

39. Browning, Justinian and Theodora , 40.

40. For example, Procopius, Anecdota 17.27; Evagrius, HE 4.10-11. It is notable, for example, that the pro-Chalcedonian Melkite Chronicle of the seventh century—in its reports on ecclesiastical and theological events involving imperial circles—does not once mention the energetic empress. See "Chronique melkite," ed. and trans. A. de Halleux, 13-18. This may be a simple case of male chauvinism, of course; pseudo-Zachariah Rhetor often omits mention of Theodora in places where her activity was decisive, for example, HE 8.5, 9.15 (cf. 9.19).

41. Pseudo-Zachariah Rhetor, HE 8.5, 9.1; John of Nikiu, Chronicle 90.49-59; Michael the Syrian, Chronique 9.34. It is interesting that John of Nikiu seems to transfer the respective characteristics of the imperial couple from one to the other. At Chronicle 93.1-3, he lists those figures who had most greatly adorned Rome: Romulus, Numa, Caesar, Augustus, "and subsequently came the empress Theodora, the consort of the emperor Justinian"!

42. The same respect is shown in his Ecclesiastical History for the emperor Justin II. See Cameron, "Early Byzantine Kaiserkritik ."

43. For Theodora's correspondence with the Persian queen, Lives, 10, PO 17:157 (cf. Procopius, Anecdota 2.32-37); the hospitals she founded, Lives, 51, PO 19:161-62; and her prostitution, Lives, 13, PO 17:189. John's statement that Theodora "came from the brothel" ( porne is his word) substantiates the leering charges of Procopius with none of the latter's scorn; see Procopius, Anecdota 9.1-30.

44. For example, Lives, 57, PO 19:200-206.

45. Lives, 37, PO 18:680. See also John's HE, Fragmenta 3.6, where John says the emperor was anxious to fulfill the will of his wife even after her death. Michael the Syrian, Chronique 9.29, speaks of Justinian's grief at Theodora's death, with the implication that this led him to treat the patriarchs Anthimus and Theodosius with leniency.

46. Lives, 47, PO 18:681; pseudo-Dionysius, Incerti auctoris chronicon 77-78, 125 (John of Ephesus); and Michael the Syrian, Chronique 9.25, 33. John also converted the Manicheans in Constantinople at Justinian's request; pseudo-Dionysius, Incerti auctoris chronicon, 75-76 (John of Ephesus); and Michael the Syrian, Chronique 9.25.

47. Michael the Syrian, Chronique 9.25. It may be that the new converts could not appreciate the theological arguments waged over the Council of Chalcedon; but the missions to Nubia (not led by John of Ephesus) produced a selfconsciously Monophysite following. See Frend, Rise of the Monophysite Movement, 297-303; Hardy, Christian Egypt, 141-43.

48. A good example is in John's HE, Fragmenta 3.4, where John went so far as to offend the emperor but does not appear to have suffered for his frankness (here he seems to have acted, at least in part, through intermediaries).

49. Cf. Cameron, "Early Religious Policies."

50. Gray, Defense of Chalcedon, esp. 154-64; Wigram, Separation of the Monophysites, chap. 8. Justinian seems to have shown high respect for certain of his theological opponents; for example, John of Ephesus, HE, Fragmenta 3.8. His aphthartodocetic views were similar to those of Julian of Halicarnassus; see n. 14 above.

51. Pseudo-Zachariah Rhetor, HE 8.5. For Severus' cynicism, John of Ephesus, HE, Fragmenta 3.3. Darling, "Patriarchate of Severus," sees this attitude of Severus increasing over time, beginning as early as his years in Antioch.

52. See the documents in Brock, "Orthodox-Oriental Orthodox Conversations"; and "Conversations with the Syrian Orthodox," ed. and trans. S. P. Brock. Cf. pseudo-Zachariah Rhetor, HE 9.15; and Michael the Syrian, Chronique 9.22.

53. Brock, "Orthodox-Oriental Orthodox Conversations," 226.

54. Ibid., 225; pseudo-Zachariah Rhetor, HE 9.15.

53. Brock, "Orthodox-Oriental Orthodox Conversations," 226.

54. Ibid., 225; pseudo-Zachariah Rhetor, HE 9.15.

55. Pseudo-Zachariah Rhetor, HE 9.16; see also Evagrius, HE 4.11.

56. John of Ephesus, HE, Fragmenta 3.3; idem, Lives, 48, PO 18:687; and Severus of Antioch, Sixth Book of Select Letters 4:7.

57. John of Ephesus, HE, Fragmenta 3.3, 8; pseudo-Zachariah Rhetor, HE 9.19; Evagrius, HE 4.11; "Chronique melkite," 17-18; Chronicon anonymum 846, 223; Michael the Syrian, Chronique 9.22.

58. John of Ephesus, HE, Fragmenta 3.4; Michael the Syrian, Chronique 9.30.

59. For example, John of Ephesus, HE, Fragmenta 3.1; pseudo-Zachariah Rhetor, HE 12.6; Evagrius, HE 4.36; "Chronique melkite," 19-23; Michael the Syrian, Chronique 9.30. But the complexity of the picture is best gained in the overviews given by Frend, Rise of the Monophysite Movement; and Wigram, Separation of the Monophysites .

60. Best encapsulated in his HE, Fragmenta 3.2-8. The gradual wear does not seem to have crushed John's own spirit until matters internal to the Monophysites broke down under Justin II and Tiberius; see his HE, pt. III.

61. The significance of Constantine's example did not escape his contemporaries as can be seen in the works of Eusebius of Caesarea and, more generally, Lietzmann, History of the Early Church, vols. 3 and 4.

62. Here, too, the populace was highly influenced by ascetics, in this case by the "Sleepless" monks. The Trishagion riots were a case in point. Evagrius, HE 3.44; pseudo-Dionysius, Incerti auctoris chronicon, 6-7 (John of Ephesus); John of Nikiu, Chronicle 9.9.

63. For a general sense of how Constantinople "worked," see Jones, Later Roman Empire 2: 687-709; for its changing circumstances in the sixth century, see Cameron, "Corippus' Poem"; and idem, "Theotokos."

64. John of Ephesus, Lives, 2, PO 17:18-35. See chap. 2, for a description of Z'ura's career in Mesopotamia.

65. Frend, Rise of the Monophysite Movement, 270, 272. John gives no indication of the date.

66. For mention of Z'ura, see Severus of Antioch, Sixth Book of Select Letters 3.2; "Chronique melkite," 18; Michael the Syrian, Chronique 9.23; Bar Hebraeus, Chronicon ecclesiasticum 1: 206-12. Further references are noted by Frend, Rise of the Monophysite Movement, 272; the stylite apparently baptized Theodora, a considerable honor for both parties. Michael's account, as usual, primarily follows John's; so, too, does that of Bar Hebraeus.

67. Lives, 2, PO 17:22.

68. Cf. Severus of Antioch, Sixth Book of Select Letters 11.1, where the patriarch begs a would-be solitary not to follow his own selfish desire for withdrawal but instead to face the religious crisis with action because the urgency of the times is so great.

69. Vita Danielis Stylitae, chaps. 72-85.

70. Lives, 2, PO 17:24-25.

71. Inaccuracy of this kind is characteristic of John's historical method; he tended to make his points by whatever means of emphasis seemed necessary. Procopius mentions two, or possibly three, severe illnesses contracted by Justinian: Buildings 1.6.5-8, 1.7.6-16; idem, Wars 2.23.20, which records the emperor's bout of bubonic plague. The first of these ( Buildings 1.6.5-8) in particular bears a resemblance to John's account involving Z'ura, since Procopius claims that Justinian was healed by the intervention of Saints Cosmas and Damian after doctors proved unable to treat his near-fatal illness, and that this became the occasion for a shrine dedicated to the saints by the emperor.

This passage and its circumstances, rather than the vague story of an "eastern monk" and a gruesome apparition in Procopius, Anecdota 12.23-26, as Brooks suggests ( PO 17:24 n.), seem an appropriate basis for John's story of Z'ura—unless the passage refers to the emperor's case of plague, which would have it happen at too late a date (Z'ura was banished from Constantinople in 536, and the plague did not arrive until 542). But this seems unlikely since Procopius would surely have mentioned it if the illness had been plague. If Z'ura had been involved, the emperor clearly could not have paid him tribute; the choice of Saints Cosmas and Damian would have been particularly appropriate, since their very popular cult had reached the Greco-Roman world through the Syrian Orient (in fact, the saints may originally have been Arab tribesmen). See Peeters, Orient et Byzance, 65-68. The church dedicated to Saints Cosmas and Damian may be the building now known as the Atik Mustafa Pasa Camii; see B. Aran, "The Nunnery of the Anagyres and the Mustafa Pasha Mosque: Notes," JÖB 26 (1977): 247-53; and Mathews, Byzantine Churches of Istanbul, 16. For an alternative, cf. Janin, Constantinople byzantine, 123.

72. Lives, 2, PO 17:25-26.

73. Ibid., 26-31; also Michael the Syrian, Chronique 9.23; and Bar Hebraeus, Chronicon ecclesiasticum 1:206-12, where the two later chroniclers are primarily

dependent on John's account. See pseudo-Zachariah Rhetor, HE 9.15, 19, for another version of Agapetus' visit and death in Constantinople that, while not mentioning Z'ura by name, substantiates John's story with regard to the pope's death. Agapetus in fact did die of fever, as pseudo-Zachariah Rhetor indicates.

72. Lives, 2, PO 17:25-26.

73. Ibid., 26-31; also Michael the Syrian, Chronique 9.23; and Bar Hebraeus, Chronicon ecclesiasticum 1:206-12, where the two later chroniclers are primarily

dependent on John's account. See pseudo-Zachariah Rhetor, HE 9.15, 19, for another version of Agapetus' visit and death in Constantinople that, while not mentioning Z'ura by name, substantiates John's story with regard to the pope's death. Agapetus in fact did die of fever, as pseudo-Zachariah Rhetor indicates.

74. Lives , 2, PO 17:34-35.

75. Ibid. Theodosius was exiled from Alexandria in 536, in accordance with the general banishment order decreed at that time against Severus and the other Monophysite leaders. The ''Chronique melkite," chap. 18, includes Z'ura's name in the list of those who were banned.

74. Lives , 2, PO 17:34-35.

75. Ibid. Theodosius was exiled from Alexandria in 536, in accordance with the general banishment order decreed at that time against Severus and the other Monophysite leaders. The ''Chronique melkite," chap. 18, includes Z'ura's name in the list of those who were banned.

76. Lives, 37, PO 18:624-41.

77. Ibid., 631. John might not have felt so embarrassed if Mare had directed his anger in this fashion toward anyone else; but his own position of favor in the imperial court made his reaction to the encounter necessarily awkward. It was not the passion but the disrespect that alarmed him. On this very incident Nöldeke remarked, "All this was in execrable taste; yet it is a real pleasure to see that there still were some people capable of confronting the servile 'Byzantinism' of the day in a way that was manly and independent" (Nöldeke, Sketches from Eastern History, 230-31).

76. Lives, 37, PO 18:624-41.

77. Ibid., 631. John might not have felt so embarrassed if Mare had directed his anger in this fashion toward anyone else; but his own position of favor in the imperial court made his reaction to the encounter necessarily awkward. It was not the passion but the disrespect that alarmed him. On this very incident Nöldeke remarked, "All this was in execrable taste; yet it is a real pleasure to see that there still were some people capable of confronting the servile 'Byzantinism' of the day in a way that was manly and independent" (Nöldeke, Sketches from Eastern History, 230-31).

78. Lives, 37, PO 18:632-33.

79. Ibid., 639.

80. Ibid., 640.

81. Ibid., 9, PO 17:136-37.

78. Lives, 37, PO 18:632-33.

79. Ibid., 639.

80. Ibid., 640.

81. Ibid., 9, PO 17:136-37.

78. Lives, 37, PO 18:632-33.

79. Ibid., 639.

80. Ibid., 640.

81. Ibid., 9, PO 17:136-37.

78. Lives, 37, PO 18:632-33.

79. Ibid., 639.

80. Ibid., 640.

81. Ibid., 9, PO 17:136-37.

82. A summarizing chronological account of Theodora's patronage and its recipients is in Duchesne, "Protégés de Théodora."

83. Lives, 13, PO 17:187-213.

84. Ibid., 207.

85. Ibid., 212.

86. Ibid., 47, PO 18:677.

83. Lives, 13, PO 17:187-213.

84. Ibid., 207.

85. Ibid., 212.

86. Ibid., 47, PO 18:677.

83. Lives, 13, PO 17:187-213.

84. Ibid., 207.

85. Ibid., 212.

86. Ibid., 47, PO 18:677.

83. Lives, 13, PO 17:187-213.

84. Ibid., 207.

85. Ibid., 212.

86. Ibid., 47, PO 18:677.

87. In this chapter of the Lives (47, PO 18:676-84), John gives a tantalizingly confused picture of the Monophysite residences in Constantinople, mentioning in particular the palace of Hormisdas and a martyrion dedicated to Saint Sergius. The picture is hampered by both insufficient corroborative documentation and incomplete archaeological remains; John himself describes severe damage by fire to the Monophysite quarters. An effort to clarify John's presentation in this instance is made by Mango, "Church of Saints Sergius and Bacchus"; and idem, "Church of Sts. Sergius and Bacchus Once Again." On the Palace of Hormisdas, see Guilland, É tudes de topographie 1:294-305. On the Church of Saints Sergius and Bacchus, see Van Millengen, Byzantine Churches, 62-83. Neither Van Millengen nor Guilland uses John of Ephesus, despite his detailed (if confused) descriptions. Cf. Janin, Constantinople byzantine, 358-59.

88. John of Ephesus, Lives, 47, PO 18:677.

89. Ibid., 679.

90. Ibid., 680.

91. Ibid., 48, PO 18:684-90. The patriarchs John includes are Severus of Antioch, Theodosius of Alexandria, Anthimus of Constantinople, Sergius of Antioch, and Paul ("the Black") of Antioch.

88. John of Ephesus, Lives, 47, PO 18:677.

89. Ibid., 679.

90. Ibid., 680.

91. Ibid., 48, PO 18:684-90. The patriarchs John includes are Severus of Antioch, Theodosius of Alexandria, Anthimus of Constantinople, Sergius of Antioch, and Paul ("the Black") of Antioch.

88. John of Ephesus, Lives, 47, PO 18:677.

89. Ibid., 679.

90. Ibid., 680.

91. Ibid., 48, PO 18:684-90. The patriarchs John includes are Severus of Antioch, Theodosius of Alexandria, Anthimus of Constantinople, Sergius of Antioch, and Paul ("the Black") of Antioch.

88. John of Ephesus, Lives, 47, PO 18:677.

89. Ibid., 679.

90. Ibid., 680.

91. Ibid., 48, PO 18:684-90. The patriarchs John includes are Severus of Antioch, Theodosius of Alexandria, Anthimus of Constantinople, Sergius of Antioch, and Paul ("the Black") of Antioch.

92. See the accounts of these events in Frend, Rise of the Monophysite Movement, 270-73; idem, Rise of Christianity, 842-43.

93. Their leadership was of paramount import to the movement, and the act of their communion (which must have been around 535 /6) with one another remained a critical landmark in Monophysite tradition. Following their ritual of communion, they maintained contact, sending numerous encyclicals to one another while in exile, and these were circulated with considerable impact within the church body. See, for example, pseudo-Zachariah Rhetor, HE 9.14-26; John of Ephesus, HE, Fragmenta 3.5-6; Evagrius, HE 4.11; "Chronique melkite," 17; Jacob of Edessa, Chronicon, 319-21; Chronicon anonymum 846, 223, 228; and Michael the Syrian, Chronique 9.21. Severus was patriarch in Antioch from 512-518, when he was deposed; he died in Egypt in 538. Theodosius held the seat in Alexandria from 535-537 and remained in exile in Constantinople until his death in 566. Anthimus served as patriarch only from 535-536, when he resigned under imperial pressure; he survived in exile, hidden by Theodora, perhaps another seven or eight years.

94. See Frend, Rise of the Monophysite Movement; Wigram, Separation of the Monophysites; and Hardy, Christian Egypt .

95. For Severus' problems, while exiled, in maintaining the internal discipline of the Monophysites, see, for example, Severus of Antioch, Sixth Book of Select Letters 1.49, 53, 57, 2.3.

96. Lives, 44, PO 18:661-68.

97. Ibid., 664.

98. Ibid., 664-65.

99. Ibid., 661.

100. Ibid., 33-34, PO 18:592-606; 38-41, PO 18:641-58; 46, PO 18:671-76.

101. Ibid., 57, PO 19:200-206.

102. Ibid., 200. This was the chamberlain Mishael, who served in the court of Anastasius; see Severus of Antioch, Sixth Book of Select Letters 1.19 and 9.1, and further references in Brooks' footnote, Lives, 57, PO 19:200, n. 1. In Sixth Book of Select Letters, 9.1, Severus, who was patriarch in Antioch at the time, urged Mishael not to abandon his career in the court to become a solitary because the urgency of the Monophysite cause made a presence, such as his, in the palace all the more necessary. He offers high praise for the asceticism Mishael practiced while following a lay career, and he urges the chamberlain to accept his situation as one that bestows the crown of martyrdom.

96. Lives, 44, PO 18:661-68.

97. Ibid., 664.

98. Ibid., 664-65.

99. Ibid., 661.

100. Ibid., 33-34, PO 18:592-606; 38-41, PO 18:641-58; 46, PO 18:671-76.

101. Ibid., 57, PO 19:200-206.

102. Ibid., 200. This was the chamberlain Mishael, who served in the court of Anastasius; see Severus of Antioch, Sixth Book of Select Letters 1.19 and 9.1, and further references in Brooks' footnote, Lives, 57, PO 19:200, n. 1. In Sixth Book of Select Letters, 9.1, Severus, who was patriarch in Antioch at the time, urged Mishael not to abandon his career in the court to become a solitary because the urgency of the Monophysite cause made a presence, such as his, in the palace all the more necessary. He offers high praise for the asceticism Mishael practiced while following a lay career, and he urges the chamberlain to accept his situation as one that bestows the crown of martyrdom.

96. Lives, 44, PO 18:661-68.

97. Ibid., 664.

98. Ibid., 664-65.

99. Ibid., 661.

100. Ibid., 33-34, PO 18:592-606; 38-41, PO 18:641-58; 46, PO 18:671-76.

101. Ibid., 57, PO 19:200-206.

102. Ibid., 200. This was the chamberlain Mishael, who served in the court of Anastasius; see Severus of Antioch, Sixth Book of Select Letters 1.19 and 9.1, and further references in Brooks' footnote, Lives, 57, PO 19:200, n. 1. In Sixth Book of Select Letters, 9.1, Severus, who was patriarch in Antioch at the time, urged Mishael not to abandon his career in the court to become a solitary because the urgency of the Monophysite cause made a presence, such as his, in the palace all the more necessary. He offers high praise for the asceticism Mishael practiced while following a lay career, and he urges the chamberlain to accept his situation as one that bestows the crown of martyrdom.

96. Lives, 44, PO 18:661-68.

97. Ibid., 664.

98. Ibid., 664-65.

99. Ibid., 661.

100. Ibid., 33-34, PO 18:592-606; 38-41, PO 18:641-58; 46, PO 18:671-76.

101. Ibid., 57, PO 19:200-206.

102. Ibid., 200. This was the chamberlain Mishael, who served in the court of Anastasius; see Severus of Antioch, Sixth Book of Select Letters 1.19 and 9.1, and further references in Brooks' footnote, Lives, 57, PO 19:200, n. 1. In Sixth Book of Select Letters, 9.1, Severus, who was patriarch in Antioch at the time, urged Mishael not to abandon his career in the court to become a solitary because the urgency of the Monophysite cause made a presence, such as his, in the palace all the more necessary. He offers high praise for the asceticism Mishael practiced while following a lay career, and he urges the chamberlain to accept his situation as one that bestows the crown of martyrdom.

96. Lives, 44, PO 18:661-68.

97. Ibid., 664.

98. Ibid., 664-65.

99. Ibid., 661.

100. Ibid., 33-34, PO 18:592-606; 38-41, PO 18:641-58; 46, PO 18:671-76.

101. Ibid., 57, PO 19:200-206.

102. Ibid., 200. This was the chamberlain Mishael, who served in the court of Anastasius; see Severus of Antioch, Sixth Book of Select Letters 1.19 and 9.1, and further references in Brooks' footnote, Lives, 57, PO 19:200, n. 1. In Sixth Book of Select Letters, 9.1, Severus, who was patriarch in Antioch at the time, urged Mishael not to abandon his career in the court to become a solitary because the urgency of the Monophysite cause made a presence, such as his, in the palace all the more necessary. He offers high praise for the asceticism Mishael practiced while following a lay career, and he urges the chamberlain to accept his situation as one that bestows the crown of martyrdom.

96. Lives, 44, PO 18:661-68.

97. Ibid., 664.

98. Ibid., 664-65.

99. Ibid., 661.

100. Ibid., 33-34, PO 18:592-606; 38-41, PO 18:641-58; 46, PO 18:671-76.

101. Ibid., 57, PO 19:200-206.

102. Ibid., 200. This was the chamberlain Mishael, who served in the court of Anastasius; see Severus of Antioch, Sixth Book of Select Letters 1.19 and 9.1, and further references in Brooks' footnote, Lives, 57, PO 19:200, n. 1. In Sixth Book of Select Letters, 9.1, Severus, who was patriarch in Antioch at the time, urged Mishael not to abandon his career in the court to become a solitary because the urgency of the Monophysite cause made a presence, such as his, in the palace all the more necessary. He offers high praise for the asceticism Mishael practiced while following a lay career, and he urges the chamberlain to accept his situation as one that bestows the crown of martyrdom.

96. Lives, 44, PO 18:661-68.

97. Ibid., 664.

98. Ibid., 664-65.

99. Ibid., 661.

100. Ibid., 33-34, PO 18:592-606; 38-41, PO 18:641-58; 46, PO 18:671-76.

101. Ibid., 57, PO 19:200-206.

102. Ibid., 200. This was the chamberlain Mishael, who served in the court of Anastasius; see Severus of Antioch, Sixth Book of Select Letters 1.19 and 9.1, and further references in Brooks' footnote, Lives, 57, PO 19:200, n. 1. In Sixth Book of Select Letters, 9.1, Severus, who was patriarch in Antioch at the time, urged Mishael not to abandon his career in the court to become a solitary because the urgency of the Monophysite cause made a presence, such as his, in the palace all the more necessary. He offers high praise for the asceticism Mishael practiced while following a lay career, and he urges the chamberlain to accept his situation as one that bestows the crown of martyrdom.

103. Lives, 57, PO 19:201.

104. Ibid., 205.

103. Lives, 57, PO 19:201.

104. Ibid., 205.

105. For example, John of Ephesus, HE, Fragmenta 3.5-6; and Michael the Syrian, Chronique 9.23.

106. For example, pseudo-Dionysius, Incerti auctoris chronicon, 75-76, 125

(John of Ephesus); Procopius, Anecdota 11.14-31, 28.16-18; and Michael the Syrian, Chronique 9.25, 32.

107. Lives, 33, PO 18:592-601.

108. Ibid., 600-601.

107. Lives, 33, PO 18:592-601.

108. Ibid., 600-601.

109. Frend, Rise of the Monophysite Movement , 322-23; and especially Wigram, Separation of the Monophysites, chap. 12. The conduct of the Monophysite community in Constantinople was not, of course, the direct cause of the renewed persecutions in the 570s. But their activity may have been seen to contribute to Justin II's failure to secure a religious solution by theological dialogue; certainly, the nature of their presence in the capital must have been exasperating for those who sought a pro-Chalcedonian answer.

110. On holy fools, see Rydén, "Holy Fool"; and I. Spidlik and F. Vandenbroucke, "Fous pour le Christ," Dictionnaire de Spiritualité 5, cols. 752-70. The practice of holy foolery came to prominence in the Byzantine realm with the career of the Syrian ascetic Simeon Salos in the sixth century; but its inspiration derived from the Pauline teachings, 1 Cor. 4:10-13, once again a liberalizing of symbols. The earliest appearance of a holy fool in Greek literature is in Palladius, Historia Lausiaca 39, where a nun feigning madness is revealed by divine vision as the holiest of ascetics. An elaborate Syriac version of the same story is in the "Life of Onesima," in John the Stylite, Select Narrations of Holy Women , ed. and trans. A. Smith Lewis. For an excellent analysis of the meaning of this form of ascesis, see Syrkin, ''On the Behavior.''

111. Lives, 52, PO 19:164-79. For another couple leading similar lives, see the Life of John the Almsgiver by Leontius of Neapolis, chap. 24 in Three Byzantine Saints, trans. E. A. Dawes and N. Baynes, 232-34. De Gaiffier, "Intactam sponsam relinquens," catalogs the variations on this theme; John's couple are treated at pp. 171-72. I am grateful to Professor Lennart Rydén for these references and others, and for discussing this chapter of John's Lives with me.

112. Lives, 52, PO 19:178.

113. Professor Lennart Rydén believes that this chapter is a novelette and is highly unlikely to have any basis in fact; de Gaiffier, "Intactam sponsam relinquens," takes this position and views John's account as a literary device. The general scepticism found in editor Brooks' own notes to the text indicates a similar perspective. Brooks is bothered in particular by the erratic chronology of the story. This I do not find to be a serious concern because it is a chronic problem in John's writings. Against Professor Rydén's view (and others), I must emphasize the chapter's uniqueness in the Lives if it is fictional and further point to the fool in Lives, 53, which undoubtedly reflects a genuine encounter and admittedly lacks the romantic tone of Lives, 52. Nöldeke, Sketches from Eastern History, 234-35, believes that the basic story of the Amidan couple was true, but that it simply underwent elaboration in being told twice over. I do not believe that John, for all his carelessness, would insert a full-blown fictional account into his collection. Thus, if this story should turn out to be a pious fiction, then probably it was a later interpolation.

114. Lives, 52, PO 19:172.

115. Ibid., 169.

114. Lives, 52, PO 19:172.

115. Ibid., 169.

116. See chap. 3.

117. Lives, 53, PO 19:179-85.

118. Ibid., 183.

117. Lives, 53, PO 19:179-85.

118. Ibid., 183.

1. On the Monophysite missions see, above all, Hendriks, "Activité apostolique," where considerable attention is given to the situation discussed here—the remarkable role of the Monophysite ascetic in the matter of missions. Hendriks notes the singular fire and rigor of these monks; it is on this very point that John of Ephesus enlightens us. In general, see also Frend, Rise of the Monophysite Movement, chaps. 8-9; and Wigram, Separation of the Monophysites, 138-40. The role of the persecutions cannot be overemphasized, especially in that it placed these Christians in new places among new people, with impressive stories to tell, although John reminds us that persecution was not the motivating force. The parallel situation for the Nestorians accounts for both the similarities and differences between the two groups in this regard. For a sense of how Nestorian tradition preserves this heritage of persecution and mission, see Mar Aprem, Nestorian Missions .

2. Lives, 16, PO 17:229-47.

3. Ibid., 229.

4. Ibid., 233-34.

5. Ibid., 235-36.

6. Ibid., 241. On the Sons and Daughters of the Covenant ( bnay and bnath qyama ), see p. 6 above.

2. Lives, 16, PO 17:229-47.

3. Ibid., 229.

4. Ibid., 233-34.

5. Ibid., 235-36.

6. Ibid., 241. On the Sons and Daughters of the Covenant ( bnay and bnath qyama ), see p. 6 above.

2. Lives, 16, PO 17:229-47.

3. Ibid., 229.

4. Ibid., 233-34.

5. Ibid., 235-36.

6. Ibid., 241. On the Sons and Daughters of the Covenant ( bnay and bnath qyama ), see p. 6 above.

2. Lives, 16, PO 17:229-47.

3. Ibid., 229.

4. Ibid., 233-34.

5. Ibid., 235-36.

6. Ibid., 241. On the Sons and Daughters of the Covenant ( bnay and bnath qyama ), see p. 6 above.

2. Lives, 16, PO 17:229-47.

3. Ibid., 229.

4. Ibid., 233-34.

5. Ibid., 235-36.

6. Ibid., 241. On the Sons and Daughters of the Covenant ( bnay and bnath qyama ), see p. 6 above.

7. Lives, 16, PO 17:241-42.

8. Ibid., 245.

9. Ibid., 247.

10. There is one indirect reference to invasions by the Huns, ibid., 245, discussed earlier here in chap. 3, but no other connection is made to the events dominating the eastern provinces at that time.

7. Lives, 16, PO 17:241-42.

8. Ibid., 245.

9. Ibid., 247.

10. There is one indirect reference to invasions by the Huns, ibid., 245, discussed earlier here in chap. 3, but no other connection is made to the events dominating the eastern provinces at that time.

7. Lives, 16, PO 17:241-42.

8. Ibid., 245.

9. Ibid., 247.

10. There is one indirect reference to invasions by the Huns, ibid., 245, discussed earlier here in chap. 3, but no other connection is made to the events dominating the eastern provinces at that time.

7. Lives, 16, PO 17:241-42.

8. Ibid., 245.

9. Ibid., 247.

10. There is one indirect reference to invasions by the Huns, ibid., 245, discussed earlier here in chap. 3, but no other connection is made to the events dominating the eastern provinces at that time.

11. Vööbus, History of Asceticism 1: 307-25, 2:342-60.

12. Syriac and Arabic Documents, ed. and trans. A. Vööbus, 121-22 (on the date, 115).

13. Lives, 10, PO 17:137-58. Additional material on Simeon of Beth Arsham is in pseudo-Zachariah Rhetor, HE 8.3; Michael the Syrian, Chronique 9.8-9; and Bar Hebraeus, Chronicon ecclesiasticum 1:190, 2:86. On Simeon's writings, see Duval, Littérature syriaque, 136-40, 342, 358-59. The shorter version of his famous letter on the persecution of the Christians in Najran is preserved from John of Ephesus' HE in pseudo-Dionysius, Incerti auctoris chronicon, 54-57; for discus-

sion of the letter, its versions, and problems, see I. Shahid, The Martyrs of Najran , Sub. Hag. 49 (Bruxelles, 1971).

14. On the origins and history of Persian Christianity, see Labourt, Christianisme dans l'empire perse ; Fiey, Jalons pour une histoire ; Brock, "Christians in the Sasanian Empire"; and Vööbus, History of the School of Nisibis . For the continuing survival of Marcionism, see Fiey, "Marcionites." In accordance with Syrian tradition, John includes Bardaisan in the same category as Mani and Marcion. This is an unjust affiliation, as Bardaisan seems to have been "orthodox" and not of the same ascetically dualistic orientation as the other two. Cf. Bardaisan, " Book of the Laws ,'' ed. and trans. H. J. W. Drijvers; and Drijvers, Bardaisan of Edessa .

15. Lives , 10, PO 17:144.

16. Ibid., 10, PO 17:138. Cf. for example, idem, HE , Fragmenta 3.2-4, 8.

15. Lives , 10, PO 17:144.

16. Ibid., 10, PO 17:138. Cf. for example, idem, HE , Fragmenta 3.2-4, 8.

17. Lives, 10, PO 17:140-41.

18. Ibid., 138.

19. Ibid., 142-43, 152-53, 157. In the incident with Anastasius, the Nestorians persuaded the Persian king that the "orthodox" (Monophysite) believers were traitors to the Persian throne, "since their faith also and their rites agree with those of the Romans." When Anastasius demanded that the persecutions be stopped, he also secured a royal decree that the Christian peoples of Persia should "not harm one another by reason of occasions of enmity" (ibid., 142-43).

20. Ibid., 152.

17. Lives, 10, PO 17:140-41.

18. Ibid., 138.

19. Ibid., 142-43, 152-53, 157. In the incident with Anastasius, the Nestorians persuaded the Persian king that the "orthodox" (Monophysite) believers were traitors to the Persian throne, "since their faith also and their rites agree with those of the Romans." When Anastasius demanded that the persecutions be stopped, he also secured a royal decree that the Christian peoples of Persia should "not harm one another by reason of occasions of enmity" (ibid., 142-43).

20. Ibid., 152.

17. Lives, 10, PO 17:140-41.

18. Ibid., 138.

19. Ibid., 142-43, 152-53, 157. In the incident with Anastasius, the Nestorians persuaded the Persian king that the "orthodox" (Monophysite) believers were traitors to the Persian throne, "since their faith also and their rites agree with those of the Romans." When Anastasius demanded that the persecutions be stopped, he also secured a royal decree that the Christian peoples of Persia should "not harm one another by reason of occasions of enmity" (ibid., 142-43).

20. Ibid., 152.

17. Lives, 10, PO 17:140-41.

18. Ibid., 138.

19. Ibid., 142-43, 152-53, 157. In the incident with Anastasius, the Nestorians persuaded the Persian king that the "orthodox" (Monophysite) believers were traitors to the Persian throne, "since their faith also and their rites agree with those of the Romans." When Anastasius demanded that the persecutions be stopped, he also secured a royal decree that the Christian peoples of Persia should "not harm one another by reason of occasions of enmity" (ibid., 142-43).

20. Ibid., 152.

21. See, for example, Lives, 39, PO 18:645-47; 40, PO 18:647-51; 43, PO 18:658-60; 51, PO 19:159-64.

22. Ibid., 47, PO 18:681.

21. See, for example, Lives, 39, PO 18:645-47; 40, PO 18:647-51; 43, PO 18:658-60; 51, PO 19:159-64.

22. Ibid., 47, PO 18:681.

23. Pseudo-Dionysius, Incerti auctoris chronicon, 75-78, 125 (John of Ephesus); Michael the Syrian, Chronique 9.25, 33. Paganism was a problem that vexed the church like a festering sore. As Justinian's measures and John of Ephesus' enterprises showed, its continued presence was not viewed as a sign of lingering death but rather as a malignant cancer. It was not so many years earlier that pseudo-Zachariah Rhetor had written his Life of Severus of Antioch —less a biography than a treatise against persisting pagan worship and a refutation of the charges that the great patriarch had once been involved in such practices himself; see Vita Severi (Zachariah Rhetor). In fact, Severus had been a pagan as a youth and converted to Christianity while a law student in Beyrouth; for this evidence, see Garitte, "Textes hagiographique," esp. 335-46.

24. Lives, 40, PO 18:650; 43, PO 18:658.

25. Ibid., 43, PO 18:659-60.

26. Ibid., 46, PO 18:671-76.

27. Ibid., 24, PO 18:513-26. Apart from the Lives, our major source is the contemporary (written c. 542) Vita Iohannis Episcopi Tellae, ed. and trans. E. W. Brooks; see also, for example, Severus of Antioch, Sixth Book of Select Letters 5.14; pseudo-Zachariah Rhetor, HE 8.4-5, 10.1; and Chronicon anonymum 846, 223. Honigmann, Évêques et évêchés monophysites, 51-52, summarizes John of Tella's life and activities. John left us a number of ecclesiastical and monastic canons;

see the references in Honigmann on p. 52, and the discussion and texts in Syriac and Arabic Documents, ed. and trans. A. Vööbus, 55-61.

24. Lives, 40, PO 18:650; 43, PO 18:658.

25. Ibid., 43, PO 18:659-60.

26. Ibid., 46, PO 18:671-76.

27. Ibid., 24, PO 18:513-26. Apart from the Lives, our major source is the contemporary (written c. 542) Vita Iohannis Episcopi Tellae, ed. and trans. E. W. Brooks; see also, for example, Severus of Antioch, Sixth Book of Select Letters 5.14; pseudo-Zachariah Rhetor, HE 8.4-5, 10.1; and Chronicon anonymum 846, 223. Honigmann, Évêques et évêchés monophysites, 51-52, summarizes John of Tella's life and activities. John left us a number of ecclesiastical and monastic canons;

see the references in Honigmann on p. 52, and the discussion and texts in Syriac and Arabic Documents, ed. and trans. A. Vööbus, 55-61.

24. Lives, 40, PO 18:650; 43, PO 18:658.

25. Ibid., 43, PO 18:659-60.

26. Ibid., 46, PO 18:671-76.

27. Ibid., 24, PO 18:513-26. Apart from the Lives, our major source is the contemporary (written c. 542) Vita Iohannis Episcopi Tellae, ed. and trans. E. W. Brooks; see also, for example, Severus of Antioch, Sixth Book of Select Letters 5.14; pseudo-Zachariah Rhetor, HE 8.4-5, 10.1; and Chronicon anonymum 846, 223. Honigmann, Évêques et évêchés monophysites, 51-52, summarizes John of Tella's life and activities. John left us a number of ecclesiastical and monastic canons;

see the references in Honigmann on p. 52, and the discussion and texts in Syriac and Arabic Documents, ed. and trans. A. Vööbus, 55-61.

24. Lives, 40, PO 18:650; 43, PO 18:658.

25. Ibid., 43, PO 18:659-60.

26. Ibid., 46, PO 18:671-76.

27. Ibid., 24, PO 18:513-26. Apart from the Lives, our major source is the contemporary (written c. 542) Vita Iohannis Episcopi Tellae, ed. and trans. E. W. Brooks; see also, for example, Severus of Antioch, Sixth Book of Select Letters 5.14; pseudo-Zachariah Rhetor, HE 8.4-5, 10.1; and Chronicon anonymum 846, 223. Honigmann, Évêques et évêchés monophysites, 51-52, summarizes John of Tella's life and activities. John left us a number of ecclesiastical and monastic canons;

see the references in Honigmann on p. 52, and the discussion and texts in Syriac and Arabic Documents, ed. and trans. A. Vööbus, 55-61.

28. This was a very early inclination—while a young child, according to Elias. See the Vita Iohannis Episcopi Tellae, 40-42.

29. Cf. pseudo-Zachariah Rhetor, HE 8.5.

30. Ibid., 515-56.

29. Cf. pseudo-Zachariah Rhetor, HE 8.5.

30. Ibid., 515-56.

31. See esp. Frend, "Severus of Antioch"; idem, "Monophysites and the Transition"; and Vööbus, "Origin of the Monophysite Church." More generally, cf. Frend, Rise of the Monophysite Movement; and Wigram, Separation of the Monophysites . Compare the altogether different perspective of the Nestorians in Brock, ''Christians in the Sasanian Empire," esp. 8-9.

32. The scene is vividly described in Severus' Sixth Book of Select Letters 1, "On ordinations." He frequently quotes from the letters of the Cappadocian Fathers, and, indeed, the overlap between their situations is fascinating—especially for the way in which Severus chose to interpret the rather unsavory manipulation of ecclesiastical structure and law that Basil employed, and which Gregory of Nazianzus painfully suffered. See Basil, Lettres, ed. and trans. Y. Courtonne; and Gregory of Nazianzus, Lettres, ed. and trans. P. Gallay. Severus was, in part, converted by the writings of the Cappadocians while a student. See Vita Severi (Zachariah Rhetor); and Vita Severi (John of Beith-Aphthonia).

33. The controversy over Chalcedon had never been a dispute between theologians alone; from its beginnings it had stirred popular passions. See Frend, "Popular Religion"; and Gregory, Vox Populi .

34. John of Ephesus, Lives, 24, PO 18:517.

35. Frend, "Severus of Antioch," 273; idem, Rise of the Monophysite Movement, 260-61. In both places, the author has misconstrued the year of John of Ephesus' ordination, 840 of the Greeks (= 529/30), for the number of ordinations performed by John of Tella in one year; Lives, 24, PO 18:521.

36. Ibid., 518.

37. Ibid.

38. Ibid., 519.

39. Ibid., 521-22. John of Ephesus would have been in his early twenties at the time.

35. Frend, "Severus of Antioch," 273; idem, Rise of the Monophysite Movement, 260-61. In both places, the author has misconstrued the year of John of Ephesus' ordination, 840 of the Greeks (= 529/30), for the number of ordinations performed by John of Tella in one year; Lives, 24, PO 18:521.

36. Ibid., 518.

37. Ibid.

38. Ibid., 519.

39. Ibid., 521-22. John of Ephesus would have been in his early twenties at the time.

35. Frend, "Severus of Antioch," 273; idem, Rise of the Monophysite Movement, 260-61. In both places, the author has misconstrued the year of John of Ephesus' ordination, 840 of the Greeks (= 529/30), for the number of ordinations performed by John of Tella in one year; Lives, 24, PO 18:521.

36. Ibid., 518.

37. Ibid.

38. Ibid., 519.

39. Ibid., 521-22. John of Ephesus would have been in his early twenties at the time.

35. Frend, "Severus of Antioch," 273; idem, Rise of the Monophysite Movement, 260-61. In both places, the author has misconstrued the year of John of Ephesus' ordination, 840 of the Greeks (= 529/30), for the number of ordinations performed by John of Tella in one year; Lives, 24, PO 18:521.

36. Ibid., 518.

37. Ibid.

38. Ibid., 519.

39. Ibid., 521-22. John of Ephesus would have been in his early twenties at the time.

35. Frend, "Severus of Antioch," 273; idem, Rise of the Monophysite Movement, 260-61. In both places, the author has misconstrued the year of John of Ephesus' ordination, 840 of the Greeks (= 529/30), for the number of ordinations performed by John of Tella in one year; Lives, 24, PO 18:521.

36. Ibid., 518.

37. Ibid.

38. Ibid., 519.

39. Ibid., 521-22. John of Ephesus would have been in his early twenties at the time.

40. Severus of Antioch, Sixth Book of Select Letters 5.14. For John of Tella in Marde, see also John of Ephesus, Lives, 15, PO 17:228.

41. Severus of Antioch, Sixth Book of Select Letters 1, "On ordinations." The question of canonicity, particularly with regard to ordinations, was always provocatively argued when proceedings of diverse interests were conducted in the church. Severus, Sixth Book of Select Letters 1.2, points out that church discipline on ordinations was often remiss in times of persecution. He cites the (less than flattering) case of Basil's orchestrated consecration to Caesarea in 370; Gregory of Nazianzus, Lettres, 40-45, presents the other side of that incident. Monophysite tradition, however, was something to be reckoned with: in his Vita Severi, John of Beith-Aphthonia remarks that Peter the Iberian's consecration in 452 was per-

formed under adverse circumstances and would have been uncanonical but for the intervention of the Holy Spirit, who filled in for the requisite but missing third bishop. As John of Tella was primarily ordaining deacons and priests, the situation was not as awkward as that of Jacob Burd'aya and his comrade Theodore of Arabia, as discussed later here. For discussion of the concern with purity and the exclusive closing inward for persecuted or marginal groups, see Douglas, Purity and Danger .

42. Lives , 24, PO 18:520.

43. Ibid., 522-24.

44. Ibid., 522.

45. Ibid., 25, PO 18:526-40. For John of Hephaestopolis, see further Honigmann, Évêques et évêchés monophysites, 165-67.

42. Lives , 24, PO 18:520.

43. Ibid., 522-24.

44. Ibid., 522.

45. Ibid., 25, PO 18:526-40. For John of Hephaestopolis, see further Honigmann, Évêques et évêchés monophysites, 165-67.

42. Lives , 24, PO 18:520.

43. Ibid., 522-24.

44. Ibid., 522.

45. Ibid., 25, PO 18:526-40. For John of Hephaestopolis, see further Honigmann, Évêques et évêchés monophysites, 165-67.

42. Lives , 24, PO 18:520.

43. Ibid., 522-24.

44. Ibid., 522.

45. Ibid., 25, PO 18:526-40. For John of Hephaestopolis, see further Honigmann, Évêques et évêchés monophysites, 165-67.

46. Lives , 25, PO 18:526-27. Cf. the discussion of Hendriks, "Activité apostolique."

47. Lives , 25, PO 18:529.

48. Ibid.

49. Ibid., 530-31.

50. Ibid., 534.

51. Ibid., 536.

52. Ibid., 538.

53. Ibid., 540.

47. Lives , 25, PO 18:529.

48. Ibid.

49. Ibid., 530-31.

50. Ibid., 534.

51. Ibid., 536.

52. Ibid., 538.

53. Ibid., 540.

47. Lives , 25, PO 18:529.

48. Ibid.

49. Ibid., 530-31.

50. Ibid., 534.

51. Ibid., 536.

52. Ibid., 538.

53. Ibid., 540.

47. Lives , 25, PO 18:529.

48. Ibid.

49. Ibid., 530-31.

50. Ibid., 534.

51. Ibid., 536.

52. Ibid., 538.

53. Ibid., 540.

47. Lives , 25, PO 18:529.

48. Ibid.

49. Ibid., 530-31.

50. Ibid., 534.

51. Ibid., 536.

52. Ibid., 538.

53. Ibid., 540.

47. Lives , 25, PO 18:529.

48. Ibid.

49. Ibid., 530-31.

50. Ibid., 534.

51. Ibid., 536.

52. Ibid., 538.

53. Ibid., 540.

47. Lives , 25, PO 18:529.

48. Ibid.

49. Ibid., 530-31.

50. Ibid., 534.

51. Ibid., 536.

52. Ibid., 538.

53. Ibid., 540.

54. Lives, 49, PO 18:692.

55. Ibid., 50, PO 19:153. Important background here is laid by Trimingham, Christianity Among the Arabs .

54. Lives, 49, PO 18:692.

55. Ibid., 50, PO 19:153. Important background here is laid by Trimingham, Christianity Among the Arabs .

56. Lives, 50, PO 19:153-54. In fact, another bishop, Cyrus, had already been performing some ordinations in Persia, much after the manner of the two Johns; but he was inaccessible to the Monophysites in Roman territory because of the wars in progress between Byzantium and the Sasanians. See pseudo-Zachariah Rhetor, HE 10.13; Michael the Syrian, Chronique 9.29.

57. Lives, 49, PO 18:690-97.

58. Ibid., 691-92.

59. Ibid., 50, PO 19:154. See Honigmann, Évéques et évêchés monophysites, 158-63.

57. Lives, 49, PO 18:690-97.

58. Ibid., 691-92.

59. Ibid., 50, PO 19:154. See Honigmann, Évéques et évêchés monophysites, 158-63.

57. Lives, 49, PO 18:690-97.

58. Ibid., 691-92.

59. Ibid., 50, PO 19:154. See Honigmann, Évéques et évêchés monophysites, 158-63.

60. Lives, 49, PO 18:696.

61. Ibid., 697; idem, 50, PO 19:155-56.

62. Ibid., 49, PO 18:696-97; 50, PO 19:156-58. Cf. Chronicon anonymum 819, 10.

60. Lives, 49, PO 18:696.

61. Ibid., 697; idem, 50, PO 19:155-56.

62. Ibid., 49, PO 18:696-97; 50, PO 19:156-58. Cf. Chronicon anonymum 819, 10.

60. Lives, 49, PO 18:696.

61. Ibid., 697; idem, 50, PO 19:155-56.

62. Ibid., 49, PO 18:696-97; 50, PO 19:156-58. Cf. Chronicon anonymum 819, 10.

63. The question is treated in detail in Bundy, "Jacob Baradaeus." Principal sources for Jacob are the following: John of Ephesus, Lives, 49, PO 18:690-97; and 50, PO 19:153-58; idem, HE, pt. III; the letters to and from Jacob, in Documenta ad origines monophysitarum illustrandas, ed. and trans. J.-B Chabot, Letters 7, 23, 29, 31, 32, 33, 35, 36; pseudo-Zachariah Rhetor, HE 10.12; Michael the Syrian, Chronique 9.29-31; and Bar Hebraeus, Chronicon ecclesiasticum 1.213-18, 233-44. There is also the spurious Vita Iacobi Baradaei, falsely attributed to John of

Ephesus, edited and translated by E. W. Brooks; the attribution to John was supported by the plagiarism of certain passages from John's Lives, but it also indicates how venerable a historian John was held to be in later tradition, and the marked influence of his particular biographical rendering of Jacob's life even where legend had grown extensively. To this spurious Vita, 268-73, editor Brooks appends a short text that concerns the transfer in 622 of Jacob's relics from the Egyptian monastery at Casium where he died, to his former home, the monastery of Fsiltha at Tella.

64. See esp., Sévère ibn-al-Moqaffa, évêque d'Aschmounain, Réfutation de Sa'id ibn-Batriq ( Eutychius ), ( Le Livre des Conciles ), ed. and trans. P. Chébli, PO 3 (Paris, 1909), 208ff.; Chronicle of Seert, Histoire nestorienne, ed. and trans. A. Scher, 140-42; and Le Livre de la Lampe des ténèbres par Abû l-Barakât Ibn Kabour, ed. and trans. L. Villecourt, E. Tisserant, and G. Wiet, PO 20 (Paris, 1929), 733.

65. Jacob's demise is perhaps best summarized in Wigram, Separation of the Monophysites .

66. Honigmann, Évêques et évêchés monophysites, is indispensable for understanding the structural evolution that took place in the Monophysite movement during the sixth century.

1. The critical analysis is Fiorenza, In Memory of Her .

2. Luke 8:1-3, 10:38-42.

3. Fiorenza, In Memory of Her; idem, "Word, Spirit, and Power: Women in Early Christian Communities," in McLaughlin and Ruether, Women of Spirit, 29-70; C. Parvey, "The Theology and Leadership of Women in the New Testament," in Ruether, Religion and Sexism, 117-49.

4. 1 Cor. 14:33-35; 1 Tim. 2:11-14; Titus 2:3-5; Eph. 5:22-24.

5. Gal. 3:27-28.

6. Chadwick, Early Church, 58-59.

7. "The Acts of Paul," in New Testament Apocrypha 2: 322-90 (trans. 352-90), esp. 330-33, and 353-64 (trans. "The Acts of Thecia").

8. Cf., for example, A. Harnack, The Mission and Expansion of Christianity in the First Three Centuries, trans. J. Moffat (New York, 1908), book 4, chap. 2. The role of mothers and wives as "missionaries" for the faith continued. Examples are legion; but, for instance, in the fourth century Augustine of Hippo was profoundly influenced by his pious mother Monica overshadowing his religiously unconvinced father. The two brothers Basil of Caesarea and Gregory of Nyssa had the example of their devout mother Emmelia and, even more, their great sister Macrina.

9. For the inception and development of ministry and hierarchy for the ecclesiastical body, see, for example, Kirk, Apostolic Ministry; Fliche and Martin, Histoire de l'église 1:259-78, 373-86, 2:387-402. What happened to women in

the midst of this process is delineated in Fiorenza, In Memory of Her; idem, "Word, Spirit, and Power" (see n. 3 above); Parvey, (see n. 3 above); and Danielou, "Ministère des femmes."

10. Clark, Ascetic Piety and Women's Faith . The developing situation for the Western church is well sketched in the two volumes Religion and Sexism and Women of Spirit (see n. 3 above). For the development in the eastern provinces of the empire, cf. Patlagean, "Histoire de la femme déguisée"; idem, Pauvreté économique, esp. 113-55; Grosdidier de Matons, "Femme dans l'empire byzantine"; Beauchamp, "Situation juridique''; and Buckler, "Women in Byzantine Law."

11. J. C. Engelsman, The Feminine Dimension of the Divine (Philadelphia, 1979), sets out the basic issues of this subject.

12. See Lucian, De dea Syria, and Apuleius, Metamorphoses 8.23-31, for ancient views on her cult. For her place in ancient Near Eastern religion and in the Greco-Roman world, see Segal, Edessa, 45-61; Drijvers, Cults and Beliefs at Edessa, esp. 76-121; Strong and Garstang, Syrian Goddess; and Nock, Conversion .

13. Segal, Edessa; Murray, Symbols of Church and Kingdom .

14. P. Bird, "Images of Women in the Old Testament," in Ruether, Religion and Sexism, 41-88; J. Hauptmann, "Images of Women in the Talmud," in Ruether, Religion and Sexism, 184-212. But the confines of women's lives were rigidly monitored, and no less in the early Christian era than before. See Neusner, History of the Mishnaic Law .

15. Trible, God and the Rhetoric .

16. Von Rad, Wisdom in Israel, esp. 144-76. For a survey of scholarship and discussion of Christianity's inheritance of the Wisdom tradition, see J. D. G. Dunn, Christology in the Making: An Inquiry into the Origins of the Doctrine of the Incarnation (London, 1980), 163-212, 324-38. Von Rad does not address the issue of whether Wisdom's female persona is significant in itself. Engelsman, Feminine Dimension of the Divine, attempts to treat the issue, but here (as also for Demeter and the Virgin Mary) she mishandles the sources. On the Shekinah, see Goldberg, Untersuchungen über die Vorstellung .

17. The psychological attraction of a Mother Goddess figure is shown especially in the Greco-Roman world by the adoption of the Isis cult, but similarly of Cybele, the Syrian Goddess, and indeed Diana of the Ephesians. Greek and Roman counterparts did not inspire the same response as these oriental mystery cults. See Pomeroy, Goddesses, Whores, Wives, and Slaves; and Nock, Conversion . The Great Mother of Greek mythology, probably at her strongest in Minoan Crete, was considerably scaled down in power and diffused as a cult once the pantheon of Zeus and Hera emerged. Lucian commented that one would have to combine Hera, Athena, Aphrodite, Artemis, Nemesis, Rhea, Selena, and the Fates in order to encompass the power of the Syrian Goddess; Lucian, De dea Syria, 32.

18. See Murray, Symbols of Church and Kingdom, 312-20.

19. See especially Odes 8, 19, 28, 35, and 36; and Murray, Symbols of Church and Kingdom, 312-20, for discussion of this kind of imagery. For recent assess-

ments of Ode 19, see Lagrand, "How was the Virgin Mary"; and Drijvers, "19th Ode of Solomon." It is not until a considerably later date that Western tradition attempts to explore these possibilities. See McLaughlin, "'Christ my Mother.'"

20. Esp. Ode 19:6-10, in Odes of Solomon, ed. and trans. J. H. Charlesworth, 81-84.

21. Graef, Mary 1:34-35. Graef's suggestion that Ode 19 confuses Mary with the goddess Isis misses the mark: people knew the differences between them.

22. See Brock, "Mary in Syriac Tradition"; idem, "Mary and the Eucharist"; Murray, "Mary, the Second Eve"; and Graef, Mary 1:57-62, 119-29. Compare Graef, Mary; and idem, "Theme of the Second Eve," for parallel developments in later Greek and Western traditions.

23. The origin of the Protevangelion remains in dispute. For the principal theories, see New Testament Apocrypha, 1:370-88; Strycker, Forme la plus ancienne; and Smid, Protevangelium Jacobi . Strycker argues for an Egyptian author, Smid for a Syrian one. Every, " Protevangelion of James, " suggests an origin in Ephesus.

24. The Syriac version of the Protevangelion is in Apocrypha Syriaca, ed. A. Smith-Lewis, Studia Sinaitica 11 (London, 1902). For the Syriac Life of the Virgin, see History of the Blessed Virgin, ed. and trans. E. A. Wallis Budge.

25. Cf. also Brown et al., Mary in the New Testament, 241-82, 293-94, for Mary's place in Greco-Latin works of the second century.

26. Above all, see Brock, Holy Spirit, esp. 79-88, 129-33; and Beggiani, Early Syriac Theology, esp. 101-13.

27. Brock, Holy Spirit, 130-32.

28. For examples from the Syrian Orthodox, Church of the East, and Maronite liturgies, see Brock, Holy Spirit, 79-88, 129-33; and Beggiani, Early Syriac Theology, 101-14.

29. For example, Pomeroy, Goddesses, Whores, Wives, and Slaves; and Nock, Conversion .

30. See Murray, Symbols of Church and Kingdom, 312-20. For a vivid example of the transformation of meltha, see the Gospel of John in the Peshitta. Brock, "Aspects of Translation," 87, sees both instances as a logical consequence of translation technique. Cf. also Brock, "Towards a History," 10.

31. Murray, "Mary, the Second Eve," esp. 373.

32. As Murray himself points out, ibid.; but also, for example, this reverence can be seen in the Odes of Solomon .

31. Murray, "Mary, the Second Eve," esp. 373.

32. As Murray himself points out, ibid.; but also, for example, this reverence can be seen in the Odes of Solomon .

33. Segal, Edessa, 38-39.

34. As discussed in the Introduction here. See esp. Bundy, "Marcion and the Marcionites"; Brown, Body and Society, 83-102; Bauer, Orthodoxy and Heresy; and Vööbus, History of Asceticism 1, for the impact of Marcionism on the Syrian Orient.

35. For example, Tertullian, Adversus Marcionem 1.29. Cf. Frend, Rise of Christianity, 215-16.

36. Marcion himself came from Asia Minor—Tertullian, Adversus Marcionem 1.1, says from the Pontus—but he made his career in Rome. The particular fertility of the Syrian Orient for his teachings, however, finds an important parallel in the "Phrygian heresy" of Montanism. Both groups granted women positions of high responsibility and sacerdotal import; both Phrygia and the Syrian Orient had worshiped goddesses of magnificent character. A natural extension, in both cases, from religious thought to societal consequences may have unconsciously been at work. Certainly these two heresies were the source of particular bitterness for the mainstream church, and their similar settings are striking. Eusebius, HE 5.14-19, describes the Montanists as spreading "like venomous reptiles." It is interesting to speculate here on the consequences of following a historical tradition written by and about men: contemporary sources tell us that some members of the Montanist sect chose to call themselves Priscillianists after their female foundress Prisca (Priscilla). For the scandalized reaction to heresies that granted authoritative roles to women, see, for example, Tertullian, De praescriptione haereticorum 41.

37. See the earlier discussion in the Introduction here. Cf. Brown, Body and Society, 259-84.

38. In general, see Vööbus, History of Asceticism . We have little evidence for women stylites beyond the mere records of their existence: VÖÖbus, History of Asceticism 2:273-74; Delehaye, "Femmes stylites." Fiey, "Cénobitisme féminin ancien," deals mainly with Iraq and reads the lack of evidence more pessimistically.

39. See esp. Vööbus, History of Asceticism; and Syriac and Arabic Documents, ed. and trans. A. Vööbus. Vööbus, History of Asceticism 2:257, rightly judges the negative motivation behind the authority granted deaconesses to distribute communion: it was the mark of the unworthiness of the nuns that they were not to receive it at the hands of a priest. Cf. also Danielou, "Ministère des femmes."

40. Theodoret, Historia religiosa 29, 30.

41. For a similar presentation, see J.-M. Fiey, "Une hymne nestorienne sur les saintes femmes," Anal. Boll. 84 (1966): 77-110.

42. Febronia, BHO, 302-3; BHG, 208-9.

43. Our oldest manuscript dates back to the sixth century. The Syriac text is in Vita Febroniae, and an English translation is in Holy Women of the Syrian Orient, trans. S. P. Brock and S. A. Harvey, 150-76. Febronia's cult remains popular to this day; cf. Gülcan, "Renewal of Monastic Life."

44. Cf. the similar interchange in the martyrdom of Mahya. I. Shahid, The Martyrs of Najran, Sub. Hag. 49 (Bruxelles, 1971), xix-xxii; translated in Holy Women of the Syrian Orient, trans. S. P. Brock and S. A. Harvey, 109-111.

45. Pelagia, BHO, 919; BHG, 1478-79. The Syriac text is in Vita Pelagiae, and an English translation is in Holy Women of the Syrian Orient, trans. S. P. Brock and S. A. Harvey, 40-62. It is unlikely that the Pelagia and Bishop Nonnus of our text can be identified with the courtesan mentioned by John Chrysostom, or

with the Bishop Nonnus of Theophanes, for reasons of lack of evidence in the former case and inaccurate chronology in the latter. See now the monograph, Pélagie la pénitente, ed. P. Petitmengin; and for a deeply sensitive treatment of her story and theme, Ward, Harlots of the Desert .

46. See Delehaye, Legends of the Saints, 150-55; Delcourt, "Female Saints in Masculine Clothing," in Hermaphrodite, 84-102; and Patlagean, "Histoire de la femme déguisée."

47. "The Acts of Thecla," New Testament Apocrypha, 2:330-33, 353-64.

48. Consider, for example, Matrona of Constantinople (c. 425-524), BHG, 1221-23; the sixth-century Anastasia, BHG, 79-80, who seems to have been a correspondent of Severus of Antioch. When the Piacenza Pilgrim visited the Holy Land around 570, he not only visited Pelagia's tomb but also reported a recent exploit like Anastasia's; Piacenza Pilgrim, Travels, 34, ed. P. Geyer; also in Wilkinson, Jerusalem Pilgrims, 78-89.

49. See the discussion in Patlagean, "Histoire de la femme déguisée."

50. Fiey, "Une hymne nestorienne" (see n. 41 above).

51. For example, Lives, 1, PO 17:12; 4, PO 17:69-71. Compare the parallel case when John himself nearly died as a baby; Lives, 4, PO 17:61-64.

52. John claims the preponderance of females in need of exorcism without hesitation. See esp. Lives, 4, PO 17:65; and cf., for example, the cases in 1, PO 17:12, 14-15; 15, PO 17:223-28.

53. Ibid., 44, PO 18:666-68.

54. Ibid., 4, PO 17:63. Cf. Simeon the Stylite, who had the same rule; Theodoret, Historia religiosa 26.21.

52. John claims the preponderance of females in need of exorcism without hesitation. See esp. Lives, 4, PO 17:65; and cf., for example, the cases in 1, PO 17:12, 14-15; 15, PO 17:223-28.

53. Ibid., 44, PO 18:666-68.

54. Ibid., 4, PO 17:63. Cf. Simeon the Stylite, who had the same rule; Theodoret, Historia religiosa 26.21.

52. John claims the preponderance of females in need of exorcism without hesitation. See esp. Lives, 4, PO 17:65; and cf., for example, the cases in 1, PO 17:12, 14-15; 15, PO 17:223-28.

53. Ibid., 44, PO 18:666-68.

54. Ibid., 4, PO 17:63. Cf. Simeon the Stylite, who had the same rule; Theodoret, Historia religiosa 26.21.

55. Lives, 47, PO 18:676-84.

56. See chap. 4 for detailed discussion.

57. Lives, 47, PO 18:683-84.

58. Lives, 15, PO 17:220-28.

59. The account of Jacob as unwilling exorcist is discussed in chap. 2.

60. Lives, 15, PO 17:225.

61. Ibid., 226-27.

62. Ibid., 228.

63. Ibid., 226.

64. Ibid., 56, PO 19:198-99.

65. Ibid., 31, PO 18:578-85. Elijah and Theodore are discussed in chap. 2.

60. Lives, 15, PO 17:225.

61. Ibid., 226-27.

62. Ibid., 228.

63. Ibid., 226.

64. Ibid., 56, PO 19:198-99.

65. Ibid., 31, PO 18:578-85. Elijah and Theodore are discussed in chap. 2.

60. Lives, 15, PO 17:225.

61. Ibid., 226-27.

62. Ibid., 228.

63. Ibid., 226.

64. Ibid., 56, PO 19:198-99.

65. Ibid., 31, PO 18:578-85. Elijah and Theodore are discussed in chap. 2.

60. Lives, 15, PO 17:225.

61. Ibid., 226-27.

62. Ibid., 228.

63. Ibid., 226.

64. Ibid., 56, PO 19:198-99.

65. Ibid., 31, PO 18:578-85. Elijah and Theodore are discussed in chap. 2.

60. Lives, 15, PO 17:225.

61. Ibid., 226-27.

62. Ibid., 228.

63. Ibid., 226.

64. Ibid., 56, PO 19:198-99.

65. Ibid., 31, PO 18:578-85. Elijah and Theodore are discussed in chap. 2.

60. Lives, 15, PO 17:225.

61. Ibid., 226-27.

62. Ibid., 228.

63. Ibid., 226.

64. Ibid., 56, PO 19:198-99.

65. Ibid., 31, PO 18:578-85. Elijah and Theodore are discussed in chap. 2.

66. Lives, 31, PO 18:582-85.

67. Ibid., 21, PO 17:290-93, 297-98.

66. Lives, 31, PO 18:582-85.

67. Ibid., 21, PO 17:290-93, 297-98.

68. Cf. McLaughlin and Ruether, Women of Spirit .

69. Lives, 12, PO 17:166-67; 27, PO 18:542.

70. Ibid., 27, PO 18:541.

71. Ibid., 28, PO 18:559.

69. Lives, 12, PO 17:166-67; 27, PO 18:542.

70. Ibid., 27, PO 18:541.

71. Ibid., 28, PO 18:559.

69. Lives, 12, PO 17:166-67; 27, PO 18:542.

70. Ibid., 27, PO 18:541.

71. Ibid., 28, PO 18:559.

72. Examples abound, perhaps most graphically in the Gospel of Thomas, Logion 114. Cf. Vita Macrinae, in Gregory of Nyssa, Opera, ed. W. Jaeger, 8.1.371; Palladius, Historia Lausiaca 9; Theodoret, Historia religiosa 29; and, in the sayings

of Sarah, Apophthegmata patrum, PG 65.419-22 [and the additional Saying 9, in Sayings of the Desert Fathers, trans. B. Ward (London, 1975), 192].

73. Lives, 12, PO 17:166-71. John does not title her ''the Pilgrim," but the label serves here to distinguish her from Mary the Anchorite, discussed later. The passages quoted from John's text are my own translations.

74. Ibid., 169.

75. Ibid., 169-70.

76. Ibid. For miracles worked by presence rather than by will, cf. Theodoret, Historia religiosa 24.7.

73. Lives, 12, PO 17:166-71. John does not title her ''the Pilgrim," but the label serves here to distinguish her from Mary the Anchorite, discussed later. The passages quoted from John's text are my own translations.

74. Ibid., 169.

75. Ibid., 169-70.

76. Ibid. For miracles worked by presence rather than by will, cf. Theodoret, Historia religiosa 24.7.

73. Lives, 12, PO 17:166-71. John does not title her ''the Pilgrim," but the label serves here to distinguish her from Mary the Anchorite, discussed later. The passages quoted from John's text are my own translations.

74. Ibid., 169.

75. Ibid., 169-70.

76. Ibid. For miracles worked by presence rather than by will, cf. Theodoret, Historia religiosa 24.7.

73. Lives, 12, PO 17:166-71. John does not title her ''the Pilgrim," but the label serves here to distinguish her from Mary the Anchorite, discussed later. The passages quoted from John's text are my own translations.

74. Ibid., 169.

75. Ibid., 169-70.

76. Ibid. For miracles worked by presence rather than by will, cf. Theodoret, Historia religiosa 24.7.

77. See chap. 2; and Lives, 4, PO 17:56-84.

78. Lives, 12, PO 17:171-86. The passages quoted are my own translations.

79. Lives, 12, PO 17:171.

80. Ibid., 174-75.

81. Ibid., 175-76. Euphemia was not the only one of John's ascetics who refused to take the sins of others upon herself. See also Lives, 4, PO 17:67; and 44, PO 18:665.

79. Lives, 12, PO 17:171.

80. Ibid., 174-75.

81. Ibid., 175-76. Euphemia was not the only one of John's ascetics who refused to take the sins of others upon herself. See also Lives, 4, PO 17:67; and 44, PO 18:665.

79. Lives, 12, PO 17:171.

80. Ibid., 174-75.

81. Ibid., 175-76. Euphemia was not the only one of John's ascetics who refused to take the sins of others upon herself. See also Lives, 4, PO 17:67; and 44, PO 18:665.

82. Lives, 12, PO 17:179-80.

83. Ibid., 181.

84. Ibid., 181. Compare the similar juxtaposition of Thomas and Stephen, Lives, 13, PO 17:187-213, discussed earlier in chap. 4.

82. Lives, 12, PO 17:179-80.

83. Ibid., 181.

84. Ibid., 181. Compare the similar juxtaposition of Thomas and Stephen, Lives, 13, PO 17:187-213, discussed earlier in chap. 4.

82. Lives, 12, PO 17:179-80.

83. Ibid., 181.

84. Ibid., 181. Compare the similar juxtaposition of Thomas and Stephen, Lives, 13, PO 17:187-213, discussed earlier in chap. 4.

85. See chap. 4; Lives, 27, PO 18:541-58.

86. Cf. Clark, "Piety, Propaganda and Politics"; and idem, "Ascetic Renunciation and Feminine Advancement."

87. Lives, 27, PO 18:552-53.

88. Ibid., 557.

89. Ibid., 28, PO 18:559-62.

90. Ibid., 560.

91. Ibid., 562.

87. Lives, 27, PO 18:552-53.

88. Ibid., 557.

89. Ibid., 28, PO 18:559-62.

90. Ibid., 560.

91. Ibid., 562.

87. Lives, 27, PO 18:552-53.

88. Ibid., 557.

89. Ibid., 28, PO 18:559-62.

90. Ibid., 560.

91. Ibid., 562.

87. Lives, 27, PO 18:552-53.

88. Ibid., 557.

89. Ibid., 28, PO 18:559-62.

90. Ibid., 560.

91. Ibid., 562.

87. Lives, 27, PO 18:552-53.

88. Ibid., 557.

89. Ibid., 28, PO 18:559-62.

90. Ibid., 560.

91. Ibid., 562.

92. See chap. 3.

93. Lives, 28, PO 18:559.

94. For example, Patlagean, "Sur la limitation"; and esp. idem, Pauvreté économique, 113-55.

95. Lives, 44, PO 18:660-68.

96. Ibid., 54, PO 19:185-91.

97. Ibid., 54-56, PO 19:185-99; John of Nikiu, Chronicle 90.13.

95. Lives, 44, PO 18:660-68.

96. Ibid., 54, PO 19:185-91.

97. Ibid., 54-56, PO 19:185-99; John of Nikiu, Chronicle 90.13.

95. Lives, 44, PO 18:660-68.

96. Ibid., 54, PO 19:185-91.

97. Ibid., 54-56, PO 19:185-99; John of Nikiu, Chronicle 90.13.

98. Palladius, Historia Lausiaca . Cf. the studies collected in Clark, Ascetic Piety and Women's Faith .

99. Severus of Antioch, Sixth Book of Select Letters, 10.7.

100. There is a lacuna of a leaf or two in the manuscript at the beginning of John's chapter about her; PO 19:186, and 186, n. 3. He may have included mention of her change in circumstance in the missing portion. But it also may not have been of concern to him, considering the situation in which he knew her—as an ascetic, within an ascetic community.

101. The suffering of members of the nobility who took up asceticism is a

recurring theme in hagiographical literature. Cf., for example, the case of Arsenius in the Egyptian desert of Scete, Apophthegmata patrum, PG 65.88-107. See also Clark, "Authority and Humility."

102. Lives, 54, PO 19:187.

103. Ibid., 188. Cf. Melania's vast knowledge of patristics, Palladius, Historia Lausiaca 55.

102. Lives, 54, PO 19:187.

103. Ibid., 188. Cf. Melania's vast knowledge of patristics, Palladius, Historia Lausiaca 55.

104. Some of these are treated by John in Lives , 55-56, PO 19:191-99.

105. Ibid., 54, PO 19:189.

106. Ibid., 190.

107. Ibid., 191.

104. Some of these are treated by John in Lives , 55-56, PO 19:191-99.

105. Ibid., 54, PO 19:189.

106. Ibid., 190.

107. Ibid., 191.

104. Some of these are treated by John in Lives , 55-56, PO 19:191-99.

105. Ibid., 54, PO 19:189.

106. Ibid., 190.

107. Ibid., 191.

104. Some of these are treated by John in Lives , 55-56, PO 19:191-99.

105. Ibid., 54, PO 19:189.

106. Ibid., 190.

107. Ibid., 191.

108. Cf. Melania, who exploited her temporal position for the sake of the ascetics she so loved. Palladius, Historia Lausiaca 46, 54. See also Clark, "Ascetic Renunciation and Feminine Advancement"; idem, "Authority and Humility."

109. Lives, 55, PO 19:191-96.

110. Ibid., 192.

111. Ibid., 193-95.

109. Lives, 55, PO 19:191-96.

110. Ibid., 192.

111. Ibid., 193-95.

109. Lives, 55, PO 19:191-96.

110. Ibid., 192.

111. Ibid., 193-95.

112. See the discussion in chap. 1.

113. Palladius, Historia Lausiaca 28-30, 33-35, 37, 49, 69-70.

114. Ibid., 5, 31, 60, 63-64, 69.

115. Ibid., 9, 41, 46, 54-57, 61, 67.

116. Ibid., 59. Amma Talis governed a convent of sixty women: "[These women] loved her so much that no lock was placed in the hall of the monastery, as in others, but they were held in check by their love for her. The old woman [Amma Talis] had such a high degree of self-control that when I had entered and taken a seat, she came and sat with me, and placed her hands on my shoulders in a burst of frankness" ( Palladius, trans. R. T. Meyer, 140).

113. Palladius, Historia Lausiaca 28-30, 33-35, 37, 49, 69-70.

114. Ibid., 5, 31, 60, 63-64, 69.

115. Ibid., 9, 41, 46, 54-57, 61, 67.

116. Ibid., 59. Amma Talis governed a convent of sixty women: "[These women] loved her so much that no lock was placed in the hall of the monastery, as in others, but they were held in check by their love for her. The old woman [Amma Talis] had such a high degree of self-control that when I had entered and taken a seat, she came and sat with me, and placed her hands on my shoulders in a burst of frankness" ( Palladius, trans. R. T. Meyer, 140).

113. Palladius, Historia Lausiaca 28-30, 33-35, 37, 49, 69-70.

114. Ibid., 5, 31, 60, 63-64, 69.

115. Ibid., 9, 41, 46, 54-57, 61, 67.

116. Ibid., 59. Amma Talis governed a convent of sixty women: "[These women] loved her so much that no lock was placed in the hall of the monastery, as in others, but they were held in check by their love for her. The old woman [Amma Talis] had such a high degree of self-control that when I had entered and taken a seat, she came and sat with me, and placed her hands on my shoulders in a burst of frankness" ( Palladius, trans. R. T. Meyer, 140).

113. Palladius, Historia Lausiaca 28-30, 33-35, 37, 49, 69-70.

114. Ibid., 5, 31, 60, 63-64, 69.

115. Ibid., 9, 41, 46, 54-57, 61, 67.

116. Ibid., 59. Amma Talis governed a convent of sixty women: "[These women] loved her so much that no lock was placed in the hall of the monastery, as in others, but they were held in check by their love for her. The old woman [Amma Talis] had such a high degree of self-control that when I had entered and taken a seat, she came and sat with me, and placed her hands on my shoulders in a burst of frankness" ( Palladius, trans. R. T. Meyer, 140).

117. Again, Palladius states that the responsibility for sin is women's when in fact he also indicates that the fault is not theirs at all. Of Taor he says, "She was so graceful in appearance that even a well-controlled person might be led astray by her beauty were not chastity her defense and did not her decorum turn sinful eyes to fear and shame" ( Historia Lausiaca 59; Palladius, trans. R. T. Meyer, 140). And on another excellent holy woman, "All the clergy confirmed that when she was a young maiden of about 20, she was exceedingly pretty and really to be avoided because of her beauty, lest one be suspected of having been with her" ( Historia Lausiaca 63; Palladius, trans. R. T. Meyer, 144).

118. Theodoret, Historia religiosa 29, 30.

119. Ibid., 29.

118. Theodoret, Historia religiosa 29, 30.

119. Ibid., 29.

120. John Moschus, Pratum spirituale 76, 88, 135-36, 152, 188, 207, 217. Chap. 128 speaks of women's weakness in the face of demons, and of their inability to lead others.

121. Ibid., 3, 14, 19, 31, 39, 45, 60, 75, 78, 179, 189, 204-6.

122. Ibid., 45-48, 50, 75. For discussion of the Marian witness of John Moschus, see Chadwick, "John Moschus"; and Vasey, "John Moschus, Monk

Marian Witness." John Moschus, Pratum spirituale 20, speaks also of the potency of Saint Thecla as intercessor.

120. John Moschus, Pratum spirituale 76, 88, 135-36, 152, 188, 207, 217. Chap. 128 speaks of women's weakness in the face of demons, and of their inability to lead others.

121. Ibid., 3, 14, 19, 31, 39, 45, 60, 75, 78, 179, 189, 204-6.

122. Ibid., 45-48, 50, 75. For discussion of the Marian witness of John Moschus, see Chadwick, "John Moschus"; and Vasey, "John Moschus, Monk

Marian Witness." John Moschus, Pratum spirituale 20, speaks also of the potency of Saint Thecla as intercessor.

120. John Moschus, Pratum spirituale 76, 88, 135-36, 152, 188, 207, 217. Chap. 128 speaks of women's weakness in the face of demons, and of their inability to lead others.

121. Ibid., 3, 14, 19, 31, 39, 45, 60, 75, 78, 179, 189, 204-6.

122. Ibid., 45-48, 50, 75. For discussion of the Marian witness of John Moschus, see Chadwick, "John Moschus"; and Vasey, "John Moschus, Monk

Marian Witness." John Moschus, Pratum spirituale 20, speaks also of the potency of Saint Thecla as intercessor.

1. Cyril of Scythopolis, Vitae, in Kyrillos von Skythopolis, ed. E. Schwartz. See also Festugière, Moines d'Orient 3:1-3, Les moines de Palestine . Cyril's biographies record the lives of Saints Euthymius, Sabas, John the Hesychast, Cyriacus, Theodosius, Theognius, and Abraamius. On Cyril as a hagiographer, see, above all, Flusin, Miracle et histoire .

2. John Moschus, Pratum spirituale, PG 87.3.2851-3112.

3. Vita Euthymii 6; Vita Sabae, Prologue.

4. Festugière, Moines d'Orient 3.1:10, praises him for "une candeur charmante"; Cyril does, of course, use familiar hagiographical themes—for example, friendship with lions, divine protection, and temptation by Satan in the wilderness—that might be called "thematic stylization." But the presence of these incidents in no way undermines the historical integrity of his biographical narrative.

5. Vita Euthymii 41-60; Vita Sabae 77-90.

6. Cf., for example, Vita Euthymii 36, 40, 43; Vita Sabae Prologue, 6, 10, 15, 19, 27, 68, 77; Vita Iohannis Hesychasti 5, 11; Vita Kyriaki 8, 10. For example, Festugière, Moines d'Orient 3.1:42-44; Dictionnaire de Spiritualité 2.2, cols. 2687-90 (I. Hauscherr). On Cyril's use of dates, see, above all, Kyrillos von Skythopolis, ed. E. Schwartz, 340-55.

7. For example, Vita Euthymii 2, 16; Vita Sabae 1, 2, 9, 25; Vita Iohannis Hesychasti 1, 3; Vita Abraami . Cf. Flusin, Miracle et histoire, 89-90; and cf., for example, the parallel situations of the Cappodocian Fathers, especially Basil's network of contacts; and the situation in fifth-century Egypt. On Basil, see in particular Saint Basile, Lettres ; and the discussions in Kopecek, "Social Class"; Ramsey, "Life in the Days of St. Basil the Great," in Pauline and Other Studies, 369-406; idem, ''Noble Anatolian Family"; and Ruether, Gregory of Nazianzus . On the Egyptian situation, consider the connections laid out especially by Palladius, Historia Lausiaca ; cf. Rousseau, "Blood-relationships." The Vita Antonii, and Theodoret in his Historia religiosa, both struggle to justify the presence of uneducated, lower-class ascetic leaders.

8. For the political context, see F. T. Noonan, "Political Thought in Greek Palestinian Hagiography (ca. 526-ca. 630)" (Ph.D. diss., University of Chicago, 1975).

9. Vita Euthymii 17, 25, 38, 44; Vita Sabae 11, 17, 58, 64, 66, 67; Vita Iohannis Hesychasti 12; Vita Kyriaki 8, 9, 17; Flusin, Miracle et histoire, 126, 181-82.

10. Vita Euthymii 13; Vita Sabae 5, 14, 23, 34, 49; Vita Iohannis Hesychasti 13, 18; Vita Kyriaki 10, 16.

11. Vita Sabae 25; Vita Kyriaki 18, 19.

12. For example, Vita Euthymii 25; Vita Sabae 67; Vita Abraami .

13. For example, Vita Euthymii 10, 12, 19, 23; Vita Sabae 39, 45; Vita Kyriaki 9, 10; Vita Abraami .

14. Vita Euthymii 30, 35; Vita Sabae 31, 72, 73; Vita Iohannis Hesychasti 5; Vita Theodosii 3; Vita Abraami . This setup is closely aligned with Basil's welfare and social service program as instituted in Caesarea. Cf. Basil, Lettres 94, 142-54; and Gregory of Nazianzus, Oration 43.63. This became the model for Byzantine philanthropia ; see Constantelos, Byzantine Philanthropy and Social Welfare ; Boojamra, "Christian Philanthropia "; and Downey, " Philanthropia ."

15. Vita Euthymii 41, 43, 44 48-60; Vita Sabae 78-84.

16. Vita Euthymii 17, 25; Vita Sabae 58, 64, 65, 67; Flusin, Miracle et histoire, 123-25.

17. For example, Vita Sabae 44.

18. For example, the treatment in Frend, Rise of the Monophysite Movement .

19. Vita Euthymii 30, 35. There is a familiar motif here of spurning a woman's audience, however virtuous or pious she may be; the summary model is that of Arsenius, in the Apophthegmata patrum, PG 65.95-98. See also Festugière, Moines d'Orient 1, Culture ou Sainteté, 47-48.

20. Vita Euthymii 43.

21. Vita Sabae 50-54.

22. Ibid., 55.

23. Ibid., 56-57. Cf. Evagrius, HE 3.31, 33.

21. Vita Sabae 50-54.

22. Ibid., 55.

23. Ibid., 56-57. Cf. Evagrius, HE 3.31, 33.

21. Vita Sabae 50-54.

22. Ibid., 55.

23. Ibid., 56-57. Cf. Evagrius, HE 3.31, 33.

24. Vita Sabae 64, 66-67, 70. Cf. Procopius, Anecdota 11.24-26.

25. Vita Sabae 71-75. Sabas treats Theodora rather more kindly than Euthymius treated Eudocia, even while holding her Monophysitism in utter disdain.

26. Vita Euthymii 2, 20, 26-27.

27. Vita Euthymii 30; Vita Sabae 38, 52, 55, 74; Vita Iohannis Hesychasti 27.

28. Vita Euthymii 27, 30, 43, 45; Vita Sabae 30, 33, 35-36, 38, 50, 56-57, 60, 72, 74, 83-90; Vita Kyriaki 11-15; Vita Theodosii 1; Vita Theognii . Cyril's condemnation of Leontius of Byzantium is scathing. The contrast to the opinion of modern scholars is noteworthy. Cf. Gray, Defense of Chalcedon, 90-103; Wigram, Separation of the Monophysites, 120; Moeller, "Chalcédonisme et le néo-chalcédonisme"; Sellers, Council of Chalcedon .

29. Cyril does mention an anchoress in the desert: Vita Kyriaki 18-19. There may not have been convents within the specific geographical area Cyril writes about outside Jerusalem, but the convents in and around the Holy City were certainly renowned. Consider those founded by Jerome and Paula, and Rufinus and Melania. There were also desert communities of women south of Cyril's region, in lower Palestine. Cf., for example, C. J. Kraemer, Jr., ed., Excavations at Nessana 3, Non-Literary Papyri (Princeton, 1958), P. Nessana 25 (?), 29, 31, 62, 79; and the Piacenza Pilgrim, Travels 12, 16, 22, 34; which mention communities throughout the Holy Land. I am indebted to Peter Donovan for these references.

30. Vita Euthymii 16, 31; Vita Sabae 7, 29, 69; Vita Kyriaki 4. Compare the similar attitude in Egypt, Chitty, Desert a City, 66-67.

31. Vita Sabae, 47. Women were not allowed to enter the monasteries even when in need: Vita Euthymii 54.

32. Vita Euthymii 1, 3, 23, 30, 35, 52, 54; Vita Sabae 53, 62-63, 68, 70-71, 80; Vita Kyriaki 18-19; Vita Iohannis Hesychasti 23-24.

33. Vita Euthymii 1, 3; Vita Sabae 75; Vita Iohannis Hesychasti 20, 23-24; Vita Theodosii 1; Vita Theognii .

34. Vita Sabae 62-63. Cf. Flusin, Miracle et histoire, 180-81.

35. Cf. Baynes, "The Pratum Spirituale, " in Byzantine Studies, 261-70; Chadwick, "John Moschus"; and "Jean Moschus," Dictionnaire de Spiritualité 8, cols. 632-40 (E. Mani).

36. John Moschus, Pratum spirituale 179.

37. Ibid., 84, 87, 89, 120-21, 170, 179. Cf. Cyril, Vita Sabae 24; Vita Kyriaki 18-19.

36. John Moschus, Pratum spirituale 179.

37. Ibid., 84, 87, 89, 120-21, 170, 179. Cf. Cyril, Vita Sabae 24; Vita Kyriaki 18-19.

38. John Moschus, Pratum spirituale 14, 19, 39, 45, 97, 135.

39. Ibid., 136, 186, 207.

40. Ibid., 186, 193, 201, 207.

41. Ibid., 131-32.

42. Ibid., 20-21, 99. Cf. Cyril, Vita Sabae 14; Vita Kyriaki 16; Vita Iohannis Hesychasti 13.

38. John Moschus, Pratum spirituale 14, 19, 39, 45, 97, 135.

39. Ibid., 136, 186, 207.

40. Ibid., 186, 193, 201, 207.

41. Ibid., 131-32.

42. Ibid., 20-21, 99. Cf. Cyril, Vita Sabae 14; Vita Kyriaki 16; Vita Iohannis Hesychasti 13.

38. John Moschus, Pratum spirituale 14, 19, 39, 45, 97, 135.

39. Ibid., 136, 186, 207.

40. Ibid., 186, 193, 201, 207.

41. Ibid., 131-32.

42. Ibid., 20-21, 99. Cf. Cyril, Vita Sabae 14; Vita Kyriaki 16; Vita Iohannis Hesychasti 13.

38. John Moschus, Pratum spirituale 14, 19, 39, 45, 97, 135.

39. Ibid., 136, 186, 207.

40. Ibid., 186, 193, 201, 207.

41. Ibid., 131-32.

42. Ibid., 20-21, 99. Cf. Cyril, Vita Sabae 14; Vita Kyriaki 16; Vita Iohannis Hesychasti 13.

38. John Moschus, Pratum spirituale 14, 19, 39, 45, 97, 135.

39. Ibid., 136, 186, 207.

40. Ibid., 186, 193, 201, 207.

41. Ibid., 131-32.

42. Ibid., 20-21, 99. Cf. Cyril, Vita Sabae 14; Vita Kyriaki 16; Vita Iohannis Hesychasti 13.

43. John Moschus, Pratum spirituale 38; cf. Cyril, Vita Euthymii 17.

44. See chap. 6.

45. John Moschus, Pratum spirituale 26.

46. Ibid., 30.

47. Ibid., 48-49.

48. Ibid., 106.

49. Ibid., 29, cf. 36.

45. John Moschus, Pratum spirituale 26.

46. Ibid., 30.

47. Ibid., 48-49.

48. Ibid., 106.

49. Ibid., 29, cf. 36.

45. John Moschus, Pratum spirituale 26.

46. Ibid., 30.

47. Ibid., 48-49.

48. Ibid., 106.

49. Ibid., 29, cf. 36.

45. John Moschus, Pratum spirituale 26.

46. Ibid., 30.

47. Ibid., 48-49.

48. Ibid., 106.

49. Ibid., 29, cf. 36.

45. John Moschus, Pratum spirituale 26.

46. Ibid., 30.

47. Ibid., 48-49.

48. Ibid., 106.

49. Ibid., 29, cf. 36.

50. Another shared motif is the relationship between holy men and wild beasts, particularly lions. For example, Cyril, Vita Euthymii 13; Vita Sabae 23, 33-34, 49; Vita Iohannis Hesychasti 13; Vita Kyriaki 49-50; and John Moschus, Pratum spirituale 2, 18, 58. For a measure of realism beyond the motif, compare these with the nuns' lion in the Piacenza Pilgrim, Travels 34. In general, see Festugière, "Lieux communs"; and idem, Moines d'Orient 1:53-57. Cf., for example, Theodoret, Historia religiosa 6.

51. Archaeological evidence appears to indicate that the sixth century witnessed an expansionist period in Palestine, despite the plague and other factors. For example, H. D. Colt, ed., Excavations at Nessana 1 (London, 1962), and C. J. Kraemer Jr., ed., Excavations at Nessana 3, Non-Literary Papyri (Princeton, 1958); and Cameron, "Late Antiquity." But cf. Patlagean, Pauvreté économique, 74-92, on Palestine's share of catastrophes, particularly of famine. Six earthquakes only are recorded for Palestine in the sixth century, of which two, in 502 and 531, were serious. Cf. Kallner-Amiran, "Revised Earthquake-Catalogue," 1-2. For a particular case in point see Downey, Gaza in the Early Sixth Century .

52. Cyril, Vita Sabae 72-74; Cf. Procopius, Anecdota 11.24-29. See Avi-Yonah, Jews of Palestine, 241-43.

53. John of Ephesus, Lives, 21, PO 17:287-88.

54. Ibid., 289.

55. Ibid.

56. Ibid., 291-92.

57. Ibid., 12, PO 17:180-81.

58. Ibid., 38, PO 18:643-45. On this episode see Harvey, "Physicians and Ascetics." What makes this episode so striking is the contrast to how other hagiographers portray illness and healing. Cf., for example, Adnès and Canivet, "Guérisons miraculeuses." Furthermore, John is prepared to call on "secular" doctors. Cf. Constantelos, "Physician-priests."

53. John of Ephesus, Lives, 21, PO 17:287-88.

54. Ibid., 289.

55. Ibid.

56. Ibid., 291-92.

57. Ibid., 12, PO 17:180-81.

58. Ibid., 38, PO 18:643-45. On this episode see Harvey, "Physicians and Ascetics." What makes this episode so striking is the contrast to how other hagiographers portray illness and healing. Cf., for example, Adnès and Canivet, "Guérisons miraculeuses." Furthermore, John is prepared to call on "secular" doctors. Cf. Constantelos, "Physician-priests."

53. John of Ephesus, Lives, 21, PO 17:287-88.

54. Ibid., 289.

55. Ibid.

56. Ibid., 291-92.

57. Ibid., 12, PO 17:180-81.

58. Ibid., 38, PO 18:643-45. On this episode see Harvey, "Physicians and Ascetics." What makes this episode so striking is the contrast to how other hagiographers portray illness and healing. Cf., for example, Adnès and Canivet, "Guérisons miraculeuses." Furthermore, John is prepared to call on "secular" doctors. Cf. Constantelos, "Physician-priests."

53. John of Ephesus, Lives, 21, PO 17:287-88.

54. Ibid., 289.

55. Ibid.

56. Ibid., 291-92.

57. Ibid., 12, PO 17:180-81.

58. Ibid., 38, PO 18:643-45. On this episode see Harvey, "Physicians and Ascetics." What makes this episode so striking is the contrast to how other hagiographers portray illness and healing. Cf., for example, Adnès and Canivet, "Guérisons miraculeuses." Furthermore, John is prepared to call on "secular" doctors. Cf. Constantelos, "Physician-priests."

53. John of Ephesus, Lives, 21, PO 17:287-88.

54. Ibid., 289.

55. Ibid.

56. Ibid., 291-92.

57. Ibid., 12, PO 17:180-81.

58. Ibid., 38, PO 18:643-45. On this episode see Harvey, "Physicians and Ascetics." What makes this episode so striking is the contrast to how other hagiographers portray illness and healing. Cf., for example, Adnès and Canivet, "Guérisons miraculeuses." Furthermore, John is prepared to call on "secular" doctors. Cf. Constantelos, "Physician-priests."

53. John of Ephesus, Lives, 21, PO 17:287-88.

54. Ibid., 289.

55. Ibid.

56. Ibid., 291-92.

57. Ibid., 12, PO 17:180-81.

58. Ibid., 38, PO 18:643-45. On this episode see Harvey, "Physicians and Ascetics." What makes this episode so striking is the contrast to how other hagiographers portray illness and healing. Cf., for example, Adnès and Canivet, "Guérisons miraculeuses." Furthermore, John is prepared to call on "secular" doctors. Cf. Constantelos, "Physician-priests."

59. Cf. Hopkins, "Contraception in the Roman Empire"; Patlagean, "Sur la limitation"; and Sigerist, Civilization and Disease (New York, 1944), esp. 69-71.

60. Lives, 6, PO 17:118.

61. Ibid., 25, PO 18:614-18.

62. Ibid., 615.

63. Ibid., 616.

60. Lives, 6, PO 17:118.

61. Ibid., 25, PO 18:614-18.

62. Ibid., 615.

63. Ibid., 616.

60. Lives, 6, PO 17:118.

61. Ibid., 25, PO 18:614-18.

62. Ibid., 615.

63. Ibid., 616.

60. Lives, 6, PO 17:118.

61. Ibid., 25, PO 18:614-18.

62. Ibid., 615.

63. Ibid., 616.