1. In English usage the one word describing the placing of the royal headgear on the new ruler, "coronation," denotes the entire set of rites connected to the ascension to power; from the late Middle Ages the ceremonial beginning of a papal pontificate came also to be called coronatio. In France the anointment (sacre) acquired a central position. In German scholarship both terms Krönung and Weihe (consecration) are used. However, a proper definition of our interests should include many other symbolic events and gestures, such as the royal funeral preceding the new king's (or queen's, or pope's) inauguration, the different types of royal festivities, the rulers' entries into their capitals and other cities before and after the coronation, formal first acts of government (such as the lit de justice in France, the secular oath and knighting in Poland and Hungary, the general indulgence by a new pope), and so on.

2. I very much regret two obvious gaps: Germany, that is, the medieval empire, and the kingdoms of the Iberian Peninsula. There were plans for papers regarding both, but unfortunately the authors' other obligations prevented them from submitting these in time. Naturally, Byzantium must also be included if any claim to an overview should be valid, for the Greek imperial usage was most a powerful model, at least in the early Middle Ages. However, the extensive coverage of France reflects not only a special interest in French coronation studies both in that country and in North America but also the great number of challenging questions posed by the religion royale and its transformations.

3. I add quotation marks because I feel that the vicissitudes of academic life in our hectic age are not exactly conducive to the development of master-pupil relations and schools in the classical sense. As a matter of fact few of the medievalist doctorandi and doctorandae of the leading scholars mentioned below remained in the field and continued their work, or if they did so, many of them departed from the path of their "fathers."

4. For example, P. E. Schramm, Die deutschen Kaiser und Könige in Bildern ihrer Zeit , 1st ed. (Leipzig, 1928), last posthumous ed. by F. Müterich (Munich, 1983); E. H. Kantorowicz, "The 'King's Advent' and Enigmatic Panels in the Doors of S. Sabina," Art Bulletin 26 (1944): 207-231, reprinted in Selected Studies , ed. M. Cherniavsky and R. E. Giesey (Locust Valley, N.Y.: J. J. Augustin, 1965), 37-75; E. H. Kantorowicz, "The Carolingian King in the Bible of S. Paolo fuori le mura," reprinted in Selected Studies , 81-94; G. Ladner's books on the images of the popes, from I ritratti dei Papi nell'antichità e nel medioevo 1 (Vatican City, 1941) to Die Papstbildnisse des Altertums und des Mittelalters vol. 6 (Vatican City, 1984). The comparable studies for the Eastern Empire include such classics as A. Grabar, L'empereur dans l'art byzantin. Recherches sur l'art officiel de l'empire d'Orient (Paris, 1936, reprinted: London, 1971). The overview of the Slavic material, F. Kämpfer, Das russische Herrscherbild von den Anfängen bis Peter d. Gr.: Studien zur Entwicklung der politischen Ikonographie im byzantinishen Kulturkreis (Recklinghausen, 1978), with extensive literature, is, as far as I can see, the first attempt to apply modern semiotic analysis to this field (see pp. 17-102).

5. G. Waitz, "Die Formeln der deutschen Königs- und der römischen Kaiserkrönung vom 10. bis zum 12. Jahrhundert," Abhandlungen der kgl. Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Göttingen , 18 (1873). There was an earlier dissertation submitted to the University of Halle by Hermann Schreiber ("De ceremoniis conditionibusque, quibus . . . usi sunt") in 1870, but only a fifty-three page short excerpt (to Berengar, 915 A.D.) was published. Waitz was followed by Joseph Schwarzer in Forschungen zur deutschen Geschichte 22 (1882) covering the entire Middle Ages, but too superficially. On the studies of English coronation around the turn of the century, see Sturdy, in this volume; on the relevant French scholarship, see the bibliography in R. A. Jackson, Vive le Roi! A History of the French Coronations from Charles V to Charles X (Chapel Hill/London: University of North Carolina Press, 1984), 280-299.

6. Relevant medieval texts include, among other works, the "Libellus de cerimoniis aule imperatoris," from the eleventh century, edited as part of the "Graphia auree urbis Roma," with commentary, in vol. 3, pp. 338-352 of Percy E. Schramm's Kaiser, Könige und Päpste: Gesammelte Abhandlungen , 4 vols. (Stuttgart, 1968-1971), henceforth referred to as KKP ; the allegorical interpretations of insignia by Honorius Augustodunensis ("Gemma animae," c. 224-225, Migne PL 172: 612), by Godfrey of Viterbo ("Pantheon,'' XXVI, MG SS 22: 272ff.), and by Sicardus of Cremona ("Mitrale,'' II, 6: De regalibus insignis, Migne PL 213: 82), and several others. That these are not reliable sources for the actual appearance of insignia or for events at a ceremony, but rather suggest something about the perception of all these, has been often pointed out; see, e.g., my "Der Reichsapfel," in Insignia Regni Hungariae (Budapest, 1986), 193f. The French tracts, beginning with the "Traité du sacre" of Jean Golein, ed. R. A. Jackson, Proc. of Am. Phil. Soc. 113 (1969), through the great seventeenth-century edition of ceremonial texts by the two Godefroys to the renewed discussion after the Restoration, are discussed and listed in Jackson, Vive le Roi .

7. From his Table-Talk , quoted in J. L. Nelson, "Ritual and Reality in Early Medieval ordines," reprinted in her Politics and Ritual in Early Medieval Europe (London, 1986), 329.

8. Referred to by E. Eichmann, Die Kaiserkrönung im Abendland: Ein Beitrag zur Geistesgeschichte des Mittelalalters , 2 vols. (Würzburg, 1942), vii.

9. On the politics of scholarship in this era see E.-W. Beckenförde, Die deutsche verfassungsgeschichtliche Forschung im 19. Jahrhundert (Berlin, 1961), and also F. W. Maitland's "Introduction" to the selected English translation of Otto Gierke's Genossenschaftsrecht: Political Theories of the Middle Ages (Cambridge, 1900).

10. G. von Below, Der deutsche Staat des Mittelalters , 2d ed (Leipzig, 1925), the first hundred pages of which summarize the controversial literature.

11. P. E. Schramm, Herrschaftszeichen und Staatssymbolik. Beiträge zu ihrer Geschichte vom dritten bis zum sechtzehnten Jahrhundert , 3 vols, (Stuttgart, 1954-1956; MGH Schriften 13: 1-3) I, 1; quoted in English translation in J. M. Bak, "Medieval Symbology of the State: Percy E. Schramm's Contribution," Viator 4 (1973): 34.

12. In regard to the political use of royal tradition int the last century, see now also D. Cannadine, "The Context, Performance and Meaning of Ritual: The British Monarchy and the 'Invention of Tradition', c. 1820-1977." In The Invention of Tradition , ed. E. Hobsbawm and T. Ranger (London, 1983); reprinted in an abbreviated form in Rites of Power: Symbolism, Ritual and Politics Since the Middle Ages , ed. S. Wilentz: (Philadelpia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1983).

13. First published as Publications de la faculté des lettres de l'Université de Strasbourg vol. 19 (Strasbourg, 1924); reprinted Paris, 1961 and now also Paris, 1983, with a preface by J. Le Goff. An English translation was published only in 1973, transl. J. A. Anderson, The Royal Touch: Sacred Kingship and Scrofula in England and France (London, 1973).

14. Ecclesiastical historians and students of sacred kingship have also contributed much to our knowledge of monarchical presentations, and so have researchers on Germanic, pre-Christian, and early medieval rulership. A few titles from the many: O. Höfler, Germanisches Sakralkönigtum (Tübingen, 1952); H. Wolfram, "Methodische Fragen zur Kritik am 'Sakralen' Königtum," in Festschrift O. Höfler (Vienna, 1968); J. M. Wallace-Hadrill, Early Germanic Kingship in England and the Continent (Oxford, 1971); W. A. Chaney, The Cult of Kingship in Anglo-Saxon England (Manchester, 1970); and the collective volumes, Das Königtum: Seine geistigen und rechtlichen Grundlagen. Mainau Voträge 1954 , ed. Th. Mayer (Vorträge und Forschungen 3, 1955; repr. Sigmaringen, 1973); R. Schneider, ed., Das spätmittelalterliche Königtum in europäischem Vergleich (Vort. u. Forsch. 32; Sigmaringen, 1986); The Sacral Kingship: Contributions to the VIIIth International Congress on the History of Religion (Leiden, 1959); Early Medieval Kingship , ed. P. H. Sawyer and I. N. Wood (Leeds, 1977); and so on.

15. See KKP 2: 201ff.; referring to P. L. Ward., "The Coronation Ceremony in Medieval England," Speculum 24 (1939): 160-178. See also P. L. Ward, "An Early Version of the Anglo-Saxon Coronation Ceremony," English Historical Review 57 (1942): 345-361. Of course, Schramm could not fully accept Ward's findings, because these have essentially proven the weakness of his datings and filiations.

16. See n. 11, above. Most of the "Ordines-studien" are now reprinted in KKP 2 and 3. A bibliography of Schramm's work (up to 1963, compiled by A. Ritter) is in the Festschrift Percy Ernst Schramm: zu seinem siebzigsten Geburtstag , ed. P. Classen and P. Scheibert, 2 vols. (Wiesbaden, 1964) 2: 291-321. The volumes of KKP contain a number of updating comments to earlier studies.

17. See Viator 4 (1973): 59, with reference to related works by Treitinger, Deér, Dölger, and others. The landmark articles of A. Alföldi, with whom both Schramm and Kantorowicz held close friendship, on the late Antique models are now collected in his Die monarchische Repräsentation im römischen Kaiserreich (Darmstadt, 1970); on the transition period from antiquity to early Middle Ages and Byzantium see now M. McCormick, Eternal Victory (Cambridge, 1987) and the excellent overview, with extensive literature by J. L. Nelson, "Symbol in Context: Rulers' Inauguration Rituals in Byzantium and the West in the Early Middle Ages," reprinted in her Politics and Ritual , 259-282. Recently A. Cameron has done much in this field, see, e.g., "The Construction of Court Ritual: The Byzantine Book of Ceremonies," Rituals of Royalty: Power and Ceremonial in Traditional Societies , ed. D. Cannadine and S. Price (Cambridge, 1987), 106-136.

18. See n. 8, above; a list of his works (most of which are in the field of law and church history) can be found in the Festschrift Eduard Eichmann zum 70. Geburtstag , ed. M. Grabmann and K. Hoffman (Paderborn, 1940), 685-687.

19. Fritz Kern, Gottesgnadentum und Widerstandsrecht im frütheren Mittelalter (c. 1914; rev. ed. by R. Buchner, Münster, 1954; reprinted Darmstadt, 1962); partial English trans. by S. B. Chrimes, as pt. I of Kingship and Law in the Middle Ages (Oxford, 1939; reprinted New York: Harper & Row, 1956, 1970); Erdmann's works are reprinted in two posthumous collections: Forschungen zur politischen Ideenwelt des Frühumittelalters , ed. F. Baethgen (Berlin, 1951), with bibliography, and Ottonische Studien , ed. H. Beumann (Darmstadt, 1968); only his Origins of the Idea of Crusade is available in English, trans. M. M. Baldwin and W. Goffart (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1977).

20. For example: M. Andrieu, Le pontifical romain au moyen âge , 6 vols. (Vatican City, 1938-1941, Studi e Testi, 86-88, 99); C. Vogel and R. Elze, Le pontifical Romano-Germanique du X ^e siècle, 3 vols. (Vatican City, 1963-1972, Studi e Testi, 226-227, 269); see also the titles in the notes to Schimmelpfennig's article in this volume.

21. A bibliography of Ullmann's writings, 1940-1979, compiled by Peter Linehan, is in Authority and Power: Studies in Medieval Law and Goverment presented to Walter Ullmann on his Seventieth Birthday , ed. B. Trieney and P. Linehan (Cambridge, 1980), 225-274; the fullest statements of Ullmann's mature approach to coronation rituals are The Carolingian Renaissance and the Idea of Kingship (London, 1969), lecture IV; and Law and Politics in the Middle Ages (London, 1975), 207-208, 263-266. For a critical appreciation of some of his views, see F. Oakley, "Celestial Hierarchies Revisited: Walter Ullmann's Vision of Medieval Politics," Past & Present 60 (1975): 3-48; also J. L. Nelson, "The Lord's Anointed and the People's Choice: Carolingian Royal Ritual," in Cannadine and Price, Rituals , 137-180, esp. 144-149.

22. An essential bibliography of Kantorowicz's work, complied by himself, is printed in his Selected Studies , xi-xiv; cf. also the biography by Eckhart Grünewald, Ernst Kantorowicz und Stefan George: Beiträge zur Biographie des Historikers bis zum Jahre 1938 und zu seinem Jugendwerk "Kaiser Friedrich der Zweite" (Wiesbaden, 1982) and the essay by Ralph Giesey, "Ernst Kantorowicz: Scholarly Triumphs and Academic Travails in Weimar Germany and the United States," Leo Baeck Institute Year Book 30 (1985): 191-202.

23. Kaiser Friedrich der Zweite , 2 vols. (Berlin, 1927-1931), truncated English translation without the essential Ergänzungsband by E. O. Lorimer, Frederick the Second (London, 1931; reprinted 1957); same in French by A. Kohn (Paris, 1987) and the two Italian ones (by M. Offergeld-Merlo, Milan, 1976, and G. P. Colombo, Milan, 1976), although the last includes some notes from the volume of references.

24. Laudes Regiae: A Study in Liturgical Acclamations and Medieval Ruler Worship with a Study of the Music of the Laudes and Musical Transcriptions by M. F. Bukofzer (Berkeley, Los Angeles, University of California Publications in History 33, 1946).

25. The King's Two Bodies: A Study in Mediaeval Political Theology (Princeton University Press: Princeton, 1957; reprinted Princeton, 1966); a Spanish translation was published in 1985 in Madrid, a German in 1987 in Munich; an Italian (Milan, 1988) and a French version (Paris, 1988) have just appeared.

26. The Royal Funeral Ceremony in Renaissance France (Geneva, 1960; reprinted 1984); in French as Le roi ne meurt jamais (Paris, 1987). See also now his Cérémonial et puissance souveraine: France, XV ^e -XVII ^e siècles (Paris, 1987).

27. Sacring and Crowning. The Development of the Latin Ritual for the Anointing of Kings and the Coronation of the Emperor before the XIth Century (Groningen, 1951, Bijdragen van het Institutt voor Middeleuwse Geschiedenis der Rijksuniversitet te Utrecht 30).

28. See above, n. 4.

29. Most of his studies are now collected as Päpste, Kaiser, Könige und die mittelalterliche Herrschersymbolik , ed. L. Schmugge and B. Schimmelpfennig (London, 1982). Of course, his chef d'oeuvre, so far, is the edition of the imperial coronation ordines in MGH Font. iur. germ. ant. 9 (Hanover, 1960) containing the only complete corpus of such records for any medieval polity.

30. "Is Politics Still the Backbone of History?," Daedalus 100 (1971): 1-19. The importance of ritual and symbology for political history is now nicely argued by D. Cannadine in his "Introduction: The Divine Rite of Kings," in Cannadine and Price, Ritual , 1-19, with extensive references to the parallel studies in anthropology. See also L. Bryant, The King and the City in the Parisian Royal Entry Ceremony (Geneva, 1986); Sarah Hanley, The Lit de Justice of the Kings of France: Constitutional Ideology in Legend, Ritual and Discourse (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1983); for Jackson, see above, n. 5; for Nelson above, n. 7.

32. See J. L. Nelson's paper prepared for the Toronto conference on "The Second English Ordo," printed in her Politics , 361-370, with bibliography.

33. On this see also Nelson, "The Rites of the Conqueror," in her Politics , 375-401.

34. See Viator 4 (1973): 63; some years ago Giesey and I noted that we both have gradually given much more attention also to the other side of the dualist equation in medieval monarchy--diets, parliaments, estates, electors--than our teachers ever did.

35. In 1980-1982 the Shelby Cullom Davis Center for Historical Studies at Princeton University explored in a symposium and in many seminar meetings the problems of "Ideology and power"; the result of these discussions was published in the volume edited by S. Wilentz on Rites of Power (see above, n. 10), which contains a 1977 article by Clifford Geertz that was crucial in inspiring this research, papers written by scholars while being fellow-in-residence at the Davis Center (Hanley, Agulhon, Isaac, Lüdtke) and other contributions on topics from the early Middle Ages to our own times. In his introduction (pp. 1-10, "Teufelsröckh's Dilemma: On Symbolism, Politcs, and History"), Sean Wilentz explores the causes of renewed interest in political symbology among American historians. The papers of the 1981 Mainz colloquium were published under the editorship of H. Duchhardt, Herrscherweihe und Königskrönung im frühneuzeitlichen Europa (Wiesbaden, 1983). Changes in function and significance of medieval rites were explored, for examples, by Sarah Hanley (see above, n. 30) and by R. Giesey (in this volume) in regard to the French lit de justice ; similar developments in central Europe toward a more law-oriented symbology were noted both by E. Fügedi, ''Coronation in Medieval Hungary," Studies in Medieval and Renaissance History NS 2 (1980): 159-189, esp. 179 ff.) and myself, Königtum und Stände in Ungarn im 14.-16. Jahrhundert (Wiesbaden, 1973), esp. 79-91.

36. See the wide range of ceremonial events discussed in both Cannadine and Price, Rituals , and Wilentz, Rites of Power .

37. On these aspects I have learned much from the books of I. A. Gurevich: Categories of Medieval Culture , trans. G. L. Campbell (London, 1984), and Medieval Popular Culture: Problems of Perception and Belief , trans. J. M. Bak and P. Hollingsworth (Cambridge, 1988).

38. The association founded at the 1985 Toronto conference, MAJESTAS: Rulership-Souveraineté-Herrschertum , has sponsored several sessions on different scholarly meetings about relevant subjects and found that interest in these topics is again growing among historians of various orientations.

1. See H. H. Anton, Fürstenspiegel und Herrscherethos in der Karolingerzeit (Bonn, 1968), 281-356; U. Penndorf, Das Problem des "Reichseinheitsidee" nach der Teilung von Verdun (843) (Munich, 1974), 77-88; J. Devisse, Hincmar archevêque de Reims , 845-882, 3 vols. (Geneva, 1975-1976) 2: 671-723; J. L. Nelson, "Kingship, Law and Liturgy in the Political Thought of Hincmar of Rheims," English Historical Review 92 (1977): 241-279 (reprinted in Nelson, Politics and Ritual in Early Medieval Europe (London, 1986), chap. 7); J. M. Wallace-Hadrill, "History in the Mind of Archbishop Hincmar," in The Writing of History in the Middle Ages. Essays Presented to R. W. Southern , ed. R. H. C. Davis and J. M. Wallace-Hadrill (Oxford, 1981), 43-70.

2. Cf. Anton, Fürstenspiegel , 295-296, with references at n. 756 to earlier literature; Wallace-Hadrill, "History in the Mind of Hincmar," 57.

3. De Divortio Lotharii regis et Tetbergae reginae , quaestio vi, PL 125, col. 756.

4. The reference here is clearly to the imposition of penance on the king as an individual, rather than to deposition from office: see Nelson, "Kingship, Law and Liturgy," 243-245.

5. PL 125, col. 758 ". . . sicut de his omnibus in historiis et chronicis et etiam in libro qui inscribitur Vita Caesarum invenitur." Tyrannical usurpers constituted a third subgroup.

6. Ibid.: "Non sufficit ad suffragium liberis paterna nobilitas. Vitia siquidem vicerunt naturae privilegia." To the Biblical exempla mentioned by Hincmar here may be added the influence of Pseudo-Cyprian, De XII abusivis saeculi , chap. 9, ed. S. Hellmann, Texte und Untersuchungen 34 (Leipzig, 1910), 52: ". . . regis iniustitia non solum praesentis imperii faciem fuscat, sed etiam filios suos et nepotes ne post se regni hereditatem teneant obscurat." (The text goes on to cite the case of Solomon.) Lothar II's inauguration occurred, curiously, under his uncle's auspices, outside his own kingdom, but with the support of its principes and optimates; see Annales Fuldenses , ed. F. Kurze, MGH Scriptores rerum Germanicarum in usum scholarum 7 (Hanover, 1891), s.a. 855, 46.

7. Cf. above, n. 2 (followed by Wallace-Hadrill) claims that Hincmar distinguished "six types of ruler," when in fact the distinction is between three types of ruler-making.

8. Anton and Devisse say very little about these. But see. C. A. Bouman, Sacring and Crowning (Groningen, 1957), 103, 112-114; see also Nelson, "Kingship, Law and Liturgy," 246 and nn. 1 and 4.

9. Ep. 187, MGH Epp. KA VI, i, p. 196. The Annals of St. Bertin are referred to below as the AB and cited in the edition of F. Grat, J. Vielliard and S. Clemencet (Paris, 1964). The comment quoted is that of Devisse, vol. 2: 1054.

10. See Appendix. Cf. the list of "coronations" in C. R. Bruhl, "Fränkischer Krönungsbrauch," Historische Zeitschrift 194 (1962): 265-326, at 321-326.

11. Filial succession: see Appendix, items 1, 4, 5, 6, 13, 14, 16, 18, 19, 21; succession to brother, uncle, nephew, or cousin: see items 2, 3, 7, 8, 9, 10, 12, 17, 22, 25, 26.

12. See Appendix, items 1, 10. Cf. the case of Louis the Stammerer in 862, AB , s.a., p. 88, where Hincmar Hints at, but does not specify, the aim of usurping royal power; and the sons of Louis the German, Annales Fuldenses , s.a. 861, 863, 866, 871, 873, pp. 55, 56, 64, 72-73, 77-78. See K. Bund, Thronsturz und Herrscherabsetzung im Frühmittelalter (Bonn, 1979), 469-470, 528-529.

13. See Appendix, item 8. On family inheritance, see J. L. Nelson, "Public Histories and Private History in the Work of Nithard," Speculum 60 (1985): 251-293, at 264, 272-273 (reprinted in Politics and Ritual , chap. 9).

14. Among the few not mentioned by Hincmar are some of the East Frankish cases listed above, n. 11. Hincmar may not have taken the unrest of Louis the German's sons as seriously as the authors of the East Frankish Annals of Fulda . It is of course not always easy to distinguish usurpation from a ritual of rebellion, in the case of kings' sons, nor from a probing-exercise, such as Louis the German's attack on West Francia in 875; see Bund, Thronsturz , 467-468. My list in the Appendix follow Hincmar's interpretation, with all the possibilities of arbitrariness that implies.

15. See Appendix, items 4, 5, 6, 13, 14, 16.

16. See Appendix, items 2, 3, 4, 7, 9, 12, 13, 14, 16, 17, 19, 23, 25, 26. Excluding the three papally performed coronations (two of them involving emperors), the figures are thus 14/23. Note that Hincmar does not mention aristocratic support for filial usurpations: See Appendix items 1, 10, 18, 21, though he does talk of "accomplices" (item 10) and "brigands" (item 21).

17. A helpful survey of such situations in the ninth century can be found in W. Schlesinger, "Karlingische Königswahlen," in his Beiträge zur deutschen Verfassungsgeschichte des Mittelalters , 2 vols. (Göttingen, 1963), 1: 88-138. But whereas Schlesinger, pp. 97, 132, sees a "winning-back" of aristocratic influence after 814, I would see expectations as constant throughout the period. Cf. K. Brunner, Oppositionelle Gruppen im Karolingerreich (Vienna-Cologne-Graz, 1979). G. Tellenbach, "Die geistigen und politischen Grundlagen der karolingischen Thronfolge,'' Frühmittelalterliche Studien 13 (1979): 184-302, offers penetrating observations on the creation of consensus between king and aristocracy, esp. at pp. 253-257, despite the unpleasant ring of some of his terminology. (The first part of this study was written in 1944/1945.)

18. For the view that Hincmar expounded hierocracy or episcopalism, see W. Ullmann, The Carolingian Renaissance and the Idea of Kingship (London, 1979), 82-124.

19. AB , s.a. 865, p. 118-119, 121; 866, pp. 128-129; 876, pp. 201-202. Cf. J. L. Nelson, "The Annals of St. Bertin," in M. Gibson and J. L. Nelson, Charles the Bald: Court and Kingdom (B.A.R., International Series 101, Oxford, 1981), 15-36 (reprinted in Politics and Ritual , chap. 8, pp. 24-29).

20. Cf. Wallace-Hadrill, "History in the Mind of Hincmar," [54: ". . . the entire account of public life as he sees it over more than twenty years betrays the historian's instinctive control of material"]. For some reservations about Hincmar the historian, see below.

21. AB , s.a. 870, p. 171: ". . . reputatus quoniam insidias erga patrem suum infideliter moliebatur . . ." On the revolt of Carloman, E. Dümmler, Geschichte des ostfränkischen Reiches , 2d ed., 3 vols. (Leipzig, 1888) 2: 320-323, 337-338, 356-359 remains fundamental. See also P. McKeon, Hincmar of Laon and Carolingian Politics (Urbana, 1978), chap. 7, and J. L. Nelson, "A Tale of Two Princes: Politics, Text and Ideology in a Carolingian Annal," Studies in Medieval and Renaissance History 10 (1988): 105-141. Hincmar left three different types of information on Carloman's revolt: the AB ; references in letters, excerpted by Flodoard; and the Capitulary of Quierzy (January, 873). A hint in a letter, Flodoard, Historia Ecclesiae Remensis iii, chap. 18, MGH Scriptores XIII, p. 508, indicates that Hincmar attempted to negotiate with Carloman on Charles's behalf in 871.

22. AB , s.a. 868, p. 151: "Karlomannum filium suum, diaconum et abbatem, cum scara e vestigio . . . [Karolus] misit . . ." Carloman's abbacies included St. Médard, Soissons, St. Germain, Auxerre, and St. Amand: lucrative honores .

23. AB , s.a. 873, pp. 189-190: ". . . antiquus et callidus Adversarius [Karlomannum] et suos complices ad argumentum aliud excitavit, videlicet quia liberius ad nomen et potentiam regiam conscendere posset quia ordinem ecclesiasticam non haberet. . . . Unde post depositionem eius complices illius ardentius coeperunt se ei iterum reconiugere et alios quos valebant in societatem suam abducere, quatenus, mox ut locum invenire possent, illum a custodia in qua servabatur educerent et sibi regem constituerent . . ."

24. AB , s.a. 873, p. 180: "quatenus pernitiosa spes pacem odientium de illo frustraretur."

25. The location of Carloman's supporters is indicated by his itinerary: AB , s.a. 870, p. 178; 871, pp. 179, 182-183; and by several of Hincmar's letters: Flodoard, iii, chap. 21, p. 515; chap. 26, p. 543. On the difficulty of identifying these supporters, see Nelson, "Tale of Two Princes," p. 112 Pope Hadrian II's interventions (probably at the instance of the Emperor Louis) are in MGH Epp. VI, nos. 32, 33, pp. 736, 737.

26. For earlier use of similar strategies in 849 and 852 for Charles's nephews, see AB , s.a., pp. 58, 65. See. T. Schieffer, "Karl von Aquitanien. Der Weg eines karolingischen Prinzen auf den Stuhl des heiligen Bonifatius," in Universitas. Festschrift für A. Stohr , ed. L. Lenhart, 2 vols. (Mainz, 1960) 2: 42-54, at 47-48. Before the ninth century, of course, as during it, kings' illegitimate sons were often put into the Church.

27. As Hincmar recognized in Flodoard, iii, chap. 26, MGH SS XIII, p. 543: ecclesiastical sanctions would need backing by alia (i.e., royal) potestas .

28. Letter to King Carloman (881), PL 125, col. 1045: "particula regni." Cf. below, n. 58. On earlier attempts to limit partibility, see J. L. Nelson, "Queens as Jezebels" in Medieval Women , ed. D. Baker (Oxford: Blackwell, 1977), 45, 48 (reprinted in Nelson, Politics and Ritual , chap. 1). Cf. Schlesinger, "Karlingische Königswahlen," 95, 101.

29. Blinding, widely used as a punishment for political crimes in the early Middle Ages, had special consequences in the case of royals: generally it removed them definitively from the circle of eligibles. (The dissertation of M. Schaab has unfortunately been inaccessible.)

30. For the structure of the rest of the 873 annal, and the story of Charles the Fat, see Nelson, "Tale of Two Princes."

31. AB , s.a. 879, pp. 234-235: ". . . coronam et spatam ac reliquum regium apparatum filio suo Hludouuico misit, mandans illis qui cum eo erant ut eum in regem sacrari ac coronari facerent." The political conflicts following Louis the Stammerer's death are lucidly examined by K. F. Werner, "Gauzlin von Saint-Denis und die westfränkische Reichsteilung von Amiens (880)," Deutsches Archiv 35 (1979): 395-462. Hincmar's stance is discussed by Penndorf, Das Problem des "Reichseinheitsidee," pp. 77-88.

32. AB , s.a. 879, pp. 236, 239. See J. Fried, "König Ludwig der Jüngere in seiner Zeit," Geschichtsblätter für den Kreis Bergstrasse 16 (1983): 5-32, at 15-17.

33. AB , s.a. 879, pp. 238-239: ". . . Hugo abbas et ceteri primores, qui cum filiis quondam senioris sui Hludouuici . . . agebant, . . . quosdam episcopos, Ansegisum et alios, miserunt ad Ferrarias monasterium, et ibi eos consecrari ac coronari in reges fecerunt."

34. AB , s.a. 880, pp. 241-242. Hincmar had also recorded the agreement made with Louis the Younger at Fouron in November 878, when Louis the Stammerer had apparently envisaged a divided succession between his sons: AB , s.a. 878, pp. 230-234, esp. chap. 3, p. 232. But it is not clear that Hincmar himself approved this plan.

35. See Werner, "Gauzlin," pp. 426, 449-450; also G. Schmitz, "Hinkmar von Reims, die Synode von Fismes (881) und der Streit um das Bistum Beauvais," Deutsches Archiv 35 (1979): 463-486, at 471, n. 31, 478, n. 51. It may have been Hincmar's resentment of Abbots Hugh and (especially) Gauzlin which occasioned his new emphasis on episcopal authority in writings of these last years, e.g., the decrees of the Synod of Fismes, PL 125, cols. 1071, 1087-1088; and letter to Louis III, PL 126, col. 119. Bishops (and not abbots) could consecrate kings.

36. Hincmar's ordo for Louis the Stammerer: MGH Capitularia II, no. 304, pp. 461-462.

37. Flodoard, iii, chap. 23. MGH SS XIII, p. 532: Hincmar to the bishop of Soissons. Evidently the initiative had come from the magnates with the young kings, however. Hincmar later had to protest his support for the "election" of Louis III and Carloman: ibid., chap. 19, p. 510. The differing accounts of the AB and the Annals of St. Vaast are discussed by Werner, "Gauzlin," pp. 428-431. The problem of dating and placing the "electoral assembly" implied by Hincmar disappears if his reference is seen as ideological rather than literal.

38. AB , s.a. 879, p. 239: "Interea Boso, persuadente uxore sua, quae nolle vivere se dicebat, si filia imperatoris Italiae et desponsata imperatori Greciae, maritum suum regem non faceret . . ." This is often taken as a statement of fact: cf. W. Mohr, "Boso von Vienne und die Nachfolgerfrage," Archivum Latinitatis Medii Aevi 26 (1956): 141-165, at 158-160; but for an alternative view, see P. Stafford, Queens, Concubines and Dowagers (Athens, 1983), p. 24.

39. AB , s.a. 879, p. 239: ". . . partim comminatione constrictis, partim cupiditate illectis pro abbatiis et villis eis promissis et postea datis, episcopis illarum partium persuasit ut eum in regem ungerent et coronarent." On Boso's installation, see R. H. Bautier, "Aux origines du royaume de Provence. De la sédition avortée de Boso à la royauté légitime de Louis," Provence Historique 23 (1973): 41-68; See also Bund, Thronsturz , 499-503.

40. AB , s.a. 879, p. 239: "Hugo etiam, filius iunioris Hlotharii ex Vualdrada, collecta praedonum multitudine, regnum patris sui est molitus invadere." For other sources, see Bund, Thronsturz , 447-478. Hincmar's attitude is further revealed in Flodoard, iii chap. 26, pp. 545-546, where he warns Hugh against "any flatterer who urges him to attempt the usurpation of a realm" ( pervasio regni ), but also recalls his friendship with Hugh's father and grandfather, and urges Hugh to accept the honores promised him by Charles the Fat.

41. AB , s.a. 879, p. 240. The structure of this annal shows some parallels to that of 873; see n. 23 above.

42. AB , s.a. 869, pp. 157-164. See W. Schlesinger, "Zur Erhebung Karls des Kahlen zum König von Lothringen," in Festschrift für F. Petri (Bonn, 1970), 454-475; and N. Staubach, "Das Herrscherbild Karls des Kahlen. Formen und Funktionen monarchischer Repräsentation im früheren Mittelalter" (diss. Münster, 1982), 239-271. Staubach, p. 555, n. 672, stresses that the rituals of 869 should also be looked at from Charles's standpoint as having "die Funktion herrscherlicher Selbstdarstellung." Thus the AB account can be seen as the representation of a representation, in another medium. (L. Riefenstahl's film of the 1936 Olympics comes to mind as a modern parallel.)

43. AB , s.a. 869, p. 157: ". . . plures autem saniore consilio illi mandaverunt ut quantotius commode posset usque Mettis properare stageret. . . . Quorum consilium Karolus acceptabilius et sibi salubrius esse intellegens . . . festinavit." Cf. the prologue to the Ordinatio imperii of 817, MGH Capitularia I, no. 136, p. 270: "hi qui sanum sapiunt."

44. J. Hannig, Consensus Fidelium (Stuttgart, 1982).

45. AB , s.a. 869, pp. 158-159, quoting Eph. 2: 14.

46. Ibid., p. 160: ". . . sciatis me . . . unicuique in suo ordine secundum sibi competentem leges . . . legem et iustitiam conservare." This echoes the promise of Coulaine (843): see Nelson, "Kingship, Law and Liturgy," 255-256.

47. AB , s.a. 869, pp. 162-164: ". . . quo etiam vos eius inspiratione confluxistis et ipsi vos sponte commendastis, cuius instinctu animata omnia in arcam Noe . . . nullo cogente convenerunt." (The allusion is to Gen. 7: 8-9, but the idea of the animals moving without human compulsion is Hincmar's own.) ". . . non incongruum videtur . . . ut in obtentu regni, unde vos ad illum sponte convenistis. . . coronetur."

48. AB , s.a. 869, pp. 162-163. The two precedents are described in a single lengthy clause, beginning with "because" (quia) and covering nineteen lines of the printed text! The second "cause" adduced is the Biblical precedent of I Macc. 2: 13, for a repeated coronation when a king acquires a second kingdom. P. E. Schramm, "Die Krönung bei den Westfranken und den Franzosen," Archiv für Urkundenforschung 15 (1938): 3-55, at 13, n. 6, noted that seven bishops officiated both in 835 and in 869. On the myth of Carolingian descent from Clovis, see O. G. Oexle, ''Die Karolinger und die Stadt des heiligen Arnulf,'' Frühmittlelalterliche Studien 1 (1967): 250-364; on the holy oil, see Ullmann, Carolingian Renaissance , p. 92; and on the meaning of all this for Hincmar, see Wallace-Hadrill, "History in the Mind of Hincmar," 54-55.

49. The prayers for the anointing and the crowning both begin with same phrase, "Coronet te dominus corona gloriae": MGH Capitularia II, no. 302, p. 457. Hincmar's personal involvement in the two rituals, of 835 and 869, partly explains this association. For some further considerations, see J. L. Nelson, "The Lord's Anointed and the People's Choice: Carolingian Royal Ritual," in Rituals of Royalty , ed. D. Cannadine and S. Price (Cambridge, 1987), 137-180.

50. AB , s.a. 869, p. 164.

51. I have attempted this for the 873 annals in "Tale of Two Princes." For some suggestions about the original audience of Hincmar's AB , see Nelson, "Annals of St. Bertin," pp. 24, 28.

52. The evidence is sensitively discussed by Schlesinger, "Zur Erhebung," 460-464, and Staubach, Herrscherbild , 252-253. In this case, other contemporary annals have little to say. For 873, the Annuals of Fulda and other evidence can be set against the AB : see Nelson, "Tale of Two Princes." For 879, the Annals of St. Vaast give a very different picture from the AB 's, while papal letters offer a corrective to the AB on both Carloman and Boso: see references above, notes 24, 36, 37.

53. Hincmar, Third Treatise on Predestination , PL 125, col. 191, quoting the Hypomnesticon which he believed to be by Augustine (iii, chap. 10, PL 45, col. 1631): ". . . quomodo autem unicuique secundum opera sua redderetur in die iudicii nisi liberum esset arbitrium?" For Hincmar's use of this probably fifth-century work, see Devisse, Hincmar 1: 234-236.

54. Devisse, Hincmar 1: 256; and see also the thought-provoking comparison between the psychologies of Gottschalk and Hincmar, pp. 265-268.

55. De Ordine Palatii , ed. T. Gross and R. Schieffer, MGH Fontes Iuris Germanici Antiqui (Hanover, 1980), chap. 29, pp. 84-85. See J. L. Nelson, "Legislation and Consensus in the Reign of Charles the Bald," in Ideals and Reality. Studies in Frankish and Anglo-Saxon Society presented to J. M. Wallace-Hadrill , ed. P. Wormald (Oxford, 1983), 202-227 (reprinted in Politics and Ritual , chap. 5).

56. See P. Brown, "St. Augustine," in Trends in Medieval Political Thought , ed. B. Smalley (Oxford, 1965), 1-21, at 12-16; R. Markus, Saeculum (Cambridge, 1970), 59-71.

57. Flodoard, iii, chap. 26, MGH SS XIII, p. 545 (to Count Theuderic): ". . . ne moleste acciperet si eum commoneret . . . quia non solum grandis presumptio, sed etiam magnum periculum est, uni soli generalem regni dispositionem tractare sine consultu et consensu plurimorum . . ." Cf. De Ordine Palatii , chaps. 29-34, pp. 82-93; Instruction to Louis the Stammerer , chap. 8, PL 125, col. 987-988; Acta of Syond of Fismes, PL 125, cols. 1085-1086. Note that the letter of warning to Theuderic ends by harking back to the three-fold division of 843. On Theuderic's role in the late 870s, see Werner, "Gauzlin," 416, n. 74. The primores ' "utilitarian" values are given particularly clear expression in Hincmar's very first annal: AB 861, p. 87.

58. Wallace-Hadrill, "History in the Mind of Hincmar," 58-59, also noting the appeal to dynastic history, and to Verdun as a model settlement, in the Instruction to Louis the Stammerer , PL 125, chap. 4, col. 986.

59. MGH Epp. KA VI, no. 126, p. 65.

60. Cf. Hincmar's letters cited above, notes 56, 57; and note the regretful tone of AB , s.a. 880, p. 241: in the division of Amiens, Louis III received "quod de Francia residuum erat ex paterno regno . . ."

1. R. A. Jackson, Vive le Roi! A History of the French Coronation from Charles V to Charles X (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1984); also in French as Vivat Rex (Strasbourg, 1984).

2. Percy E. Schramm, Der König von Frankreich (Weimar, 1960) 1:97-103; Robert Holtzmann, Französische Verfassungsgeschichte (Munich, 1910), 112-113.

3. Schramm, Frankreich 1: 104-111.

4. Ibid., 1: 226.

5. Ralph E. Giesey, The Royal Funeral Ceremony in Renaissance France (Geneva, 1960; reprinted 1984), 41-50.

6. Ibid., 125-144.

7. Ibid., 105-124.

8. See the chapter ''Le Roi est mort! Vive le Duc!" in my forthcoming monograph, Le Cérémonial royal en France à l'époque de la Renaissance (Editions de l'Ecole des Hautes Études Sciences Sociales, Paris, 1987), where the Lorraine and other ducal rituals of mis au tombeau are compared with the French royal custom.

8. See the chapter ''Le Roi est mort! Vive le Duc!" in my forthcoming monograph, Le Cérémonial royal en France à l'époque de la Renaissance (Editions de l'Ecole des Hautes Études Sciences Sociales, Paris, 1987), where the Lorraine and other ducal rituals of mis au tombeau are compared with the French royal custom.

10. I draw freely in this section upon the new work by Lawrence M. Bryant. The King and the City in the Parisian Royal Entry Ceremony (Geneva, 1986).

11. See, e.g., my Juristic Basis of Dynastic Right to the Throne (Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, vol. 51, part 5; Philadelphia, 1961), 18.

12. Sarah Hanley, The Lit de Justice of the Kings of France (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1983), 127-133.

13. Ibid., 160-172.

14. Ibid., 231-253.

15. This is stated explicitly in the title of a contemporary pamphlet: Les cérémonies et ordre tenu au sacre et couronnement de la royne Marie de Médicis, Royne de France et de Navarre . . . Ensemble la mort du roy & Comme Monsieur le Dauphin a esté declaré Roy, et la Royne Régente par la Cour de Parlement (S.1., 1610) B.N. Lb ³⁵ . 870; see p. 13 for some details.

16. See my Royal Funeral , 122-124, 190-192; also "The Presidente of Parlement at the Royal Funeral," Sixteenth-Century Journal , VII (1976): 25-34.

17. Jackson, Vive le Roi , 131-154; Hanley, Lit de Justice , 254-280.

18. Jackson, Vive le Roi , esp. 145.

19. Nicolas Bergier, Le Bouquet Royal, ou le parterre des riches inventions qui servy a l'Entrée du Roy Louis le Juste en sa Ville de Reims (Reims, 1637), 54-57.

1. Our thanks go to François Avril for his generous and illuminating help.

2. The text of the ordo of Reims can be found in U. Chevalier, Sacramentaire et martyrologie de l'abbaye de Saint Remy. Martyrologie, calendriers, ordinaires et prosaire de la métropole de Reims (VIIIe-XIIIe siècles) (Paris, 1900), 22-26. The text of the ordo of 1250 has been published by Theodore et Denis Godefroy, Le ceremonial français (Paris, 1619) 1: 13-25 (Latin text) and 26-30 (French translation from the end of the thirteenth century).

3. We are greatly indebted to Richard A. Jackson for his general study of French royal ordines: Vive le Roi! A History of the French coronation ceremony from Charles V to Charles X (Chapel Hill, London: University of North Carolina Press, 1984) which contains the indispensible bibliography.

4. V. Leroquais, Les pontificaux manuscrits des bibliothèques publiques de France (Paris, 1937) 2: 145 ff.; see Bonne, in this volume.

5. See above, n. 2.

6. The works of the great German historian Percy Ernst Schramm remain fundamental, although the manuscript datings are dubious and the orientation is somewhat outdated (he pays too much attention to insignia, to the detriment of the rituals, and fails to recognize the specific character of the liturgical texts): Der König von Frankreich. Das Wesen der Monarchie vom 9. bis zum 16. Jahrhundert (Weimar, 1939); "Ordines-Studien II" in Archiv für Urkundenforschung 15 (1938): 3-55.

7. On rites of passage: Arnold van Gennep, Les rites de passage (Paris, 1909), 2d ed. (Paris, 1969); Robert Hertz, Sociologie religieuse et folklore (Paris, 1928), 2d ed. (Paris, 1970); Victor Turner, Ritual Process: Structure and Anti-Structure, (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1969); Edmund Leach, Culture and Communication: the logic by which Symbols are Connected. An Introduction to the Use of Structuralist Analysis in Social Anthropology , (Cambridge, 1976), esp. 77-79. The best thinking on the liturgical character of the ordines and on the possibilities of comparing them with inauguration rituals studied by anthropologists can be found in the work of Janet L. Nelson, especially her article "Inauguration Rituals," now in her Politics and Ritual in Early Medieval Europe (London, 1986). The most useful work concerning comparable African rituals is M. Fortes, "Of Installation Ceremonies," in Proceedings of the Royal Anthropological Institute for 1967 , 5-20.

8. F. Lot, "Quelques mots sur l'origine des pairs de France", Revue historique 104 (1894): 34-59.

9. Jackson, Vive le Roi , 134.

10. Ibid., 135.

11. Van Gennep, Les rites , 156.

12. Jean Beleth (Parisian master of the end of the twelveth century), Summa de ecclesiasticis officiis , CC Cont. Med. CLI/A, p. 297: "De sancto Remigio: Sanctus Remigius Gallorum dicitur pontifex, quoniam primus regem Gallorum inunxit, atque ideo in tanto honore et veneratione habetur in Francia, ut festum illud obfuscet festum beati Michaelis."

13. Cf. M. David, Le serment du sacre du IXe au XVe siècle. Contribution à l'étude des limites juridiques de la souveraineté , (Strasbourg, 1951), first published in Revue du Moyen Age latin 6 (1950): 5-272).

14. These come from the Anglo-Saxon ritual (consecration of Edgar in 973 where they were pronounced before the anointing) and were introduced into the French ritual through the ordo of Fulrad ( c. 980), which was used for the first time at the consecration of Louis VI (1108), but they were pronounced at the end of the ceremony. The people (populus) were added for the consecration of Philip I (1059).

15. Cf. Hervé Pinoteau, "La tenue de sacre de Saint Louis IX, roi de France. Son arrière-plan symbolique et la 'renovatio regni Juda,'" Itinéraires 162: 120-166; reprinted in his Vingt-cing ans d'études dynastiques (Paris, 1982), 447-504.

16. Of course, the parallel to rites of passage, where there is a place to "assemble" or "aggregate" (in Van Gennep's word) for the initiated, can be drawn only metaphorically, for the king is the only one of his kind in any society.

1. V. Leroquais, Les Pontificaux manuscrits des biblithèques publiques de France (Paris, 1937), 2:145f.

2. On this ordo see E. S. Dewick, The Coronation Book of Charles V of France (Cottonian MS Tiberius B. VIII) (London, 1899).

3. See J.-Cl. Bonne, "Rituel de la couleur," in Image et signification. Rencontres de l'Ecole du Louvre (Paris, 1983), 129f.

4. Robert Benson discussed these aspects eloquently at the Toronto Conference; it is to be hoped that he will publish his comments.

5. R. Branner, Manuscript Painting in Paris During the Reign of Saint Louis: A Study of Styles (Berkeley, Los Angeles, London: University of California Press, 1977), 69, 87-91; F. Avril, annotation no. 216, in La France de Saint Louis: Catalogue de l'exposition Paris, Octobre 1970-Janvier 1971 . I express my gratitude to François Avril for his invaluable codicological information and suggestions in connection with my study of the manuscript.

6. Cf. M. Schapiro, Words and Pictures (The Hague-Paris, 1973), 38.

7. D. Gaborit-Chopin, Ivoires du Moyen Age (Fribourg, 1978), 68, pl. 83: Reims, last quarter of the ninth century, Amiens, Musée de Picardie.

8. H. Bober, "The Coronation Book of Charles IV and Jeanne d'Evreux," Rare Books 8 (November 1985): 4, fig. 4.

9. From a symboligical perspective it is worth noting that it was precisely between 1243-1248 that St. Lous had the Sainte-Chapelle built to house the relic of the Crown of Thorns.

10. Luc de Heusch, "Introduction à une ritologie générale," in L'Unité de l'homme:

Pour une anthropolgie fondamentale , ed. E. Morin, and M. Piatelli-Palmarini (Paris, 1974); cf. also R. Giesey's article in this volume.

11. This distinction between rite and ceremony has been worked out by Lue de Heusch, as above, n. 10.

1. The pioneer in the study of the French ordines was Percy Schramm who published his findings in "Ordines-Studien 2: Die Krönung bei den Westfranken und die Franzosen," Archiv für Urkundenforschung 15 (1938): 3-55; and in Der König von Frankreich: Das Wesen der Monarchie vom 9. zum 16. Jahrhundert. Ein Kapitel aus der Geschichte des abendländischen Staates , 2 vols. (Weimar, 1939). For recent research, see Richard Jackson, Vive le Roi! A History of the French Coronation from Charles V to Charles X (Chapel Hill/London: University of North Carolina Press, 1984), the collective volume Le sacre des rois. Actes du Colloque international d'histoire sur les sacres et couronnements royaux (Reims 1975) (Paris, 1985), and the contributions to this volume.

2. For this, see Claire Sherman, "The Queen in Charles V's Coronation Book : Jeanne de Bourbon and the Ordo ad Reginam Benediendem ," Viator 8 (1977): 255-298; and Claire Sherman, "Taking a Second Look: Observations on the Iconography of a French Queen: Jeanne de Bourbon (1338-1378)," in Feminism and Art History , ed. by Norma Broude and Mary D. Garrard (New York: Harper & Row, 1982), 101-117. Other early illustrated ordines are now under study. Jean-Claude Bonne is analyzing the illustrations of Paris, B.N. ms. lat. 1246, as part of a comprehensive study of this copy of the ordo with Jacques le Goff, and I have undertaken a study of a fragmentary copy of the last Capetian ordo (University Library, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign) which Harry Bober, in "The Coronation Book of Charles IV and Jeanne d'Evreux," Rare Books: Notes on the History of Old Books and Manuscripts 8 (1958): 1-12, suggested was used at the coronation of Charles IV.

3. Scheller presented these preliminary findings in a paper entitled, "The French Coronation Ceremony and the Artists, 1365-1520," at the International Conference on Medieval Coronations in Toronto in 1985. For additional discussion of royal imagery by him, see Robert Scheller, "Imperales Königtum in Kunst und Staatsdenken der Französischen Frührenaissance," Kritische Berichte 6 (1978): 5-24; Robert Scheller, "Imperial Themes in Art and Literature of the Early French Renaissance: The Period of Charles VIII," Simiolus 12 (1981-1982): 5-59; and Robert Scheller, "Enseigns of Authority: French Royal Symbolism in the Age of Louis XII," Simiolus 13 (1983): 75-141. For a consideration of genres of narrative in one manuscript, see Anne D. Hedeman, ''Restructuring the Narrative: The Function of Ceremonial in Charles V's Grandes Chroniques de France," Studies in the History of Art 16 (1985): Pictorial Narrative in Late Antiquity and the Middle Ages , 171-181.

4. For a critical edition of the Grandes Chroniques , see Jules Viard, ed., Les Grandes Chroniques de France , Société de l'histoire de France, 10 vols. (Paris, 1920-1953), and Roland Delachenal, ed., Les Grandes Chroniques de France: Chroniques des règnes de Jean II et de Charles V , Société de l'histoire de France, 4 vols. (Paris, 1910-1920). Henceforth I shall refer to these volumes by their editor and by the number of the volume. For a summary of the literary sources for the Grandes Chroniques , see Gabrielle Spiegel, The Chronicle Tradition of Saint-Denis: A Survey (Brookline, Mass. and Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1978).

For a history of Charles V, see Christine de Pizan, Le livre des fais et bonnes meurs du sage roi Charles V , ed. S. Solente, 2 vols. (Paris, 1936-1940); Roland Delachenal, Histoire de Charles V , 5 vols. (Paris, 1909-1931); Raymond Cazelles, Société politique, noblesse, et couronne sous Jean le Bon et Charles V , Mémoires et documents publiés pour la Société de l'Ecole des Chartes, 28 (Geneva-Paris, 1982); Schramm, Der König von Frankreich 1: 236-245; and Joseph Calmette, Charles V (Paris, 1945).

Previous discussions of Charles V's copy of the chronicle appear in Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, La librairie de Charles V , ed. F. Avril (Paris, 1968), no. 195, pp. 112-113; Paris, Grand Palais, Les fastes du Gothique: Le siècle de Charles V (Paris, 1981), no. 284, pp. 329-331; Claire Sherman, The Portraits of Charles V of France (1338-1380) (New York: College Art Association, 1969), 41-44; Marcel Thomas, "La visite de l'Empereur Charles IV en France d'après l'exemplaire des Grandes Chroniques executé pour le roi Charles V," Congrès international des bibliophiles, Vienna, 29 Septembre à 5 octobre, 1969 (Vienna, 1971), 85-98; Anne D. Hedeman, "Valois Legitimacy: Editorial Changes in Charles V's Grandes Chroniques de France ," Art Bulletin 66 (1984): 97-117; and Hedeman, "Restructuring the Narrative."

5. Delachenal, Grandes Chroniques 4: 27-28, identifies the heraldry in the miniatures from the Grandes Chroniques and cites the Coronation Book as the model for the double picture in the chronicle. In addition, Sherman discusses the artistic relationship between the Grandes Chroniques and the Coronation Book . She does not note the heraldic discrepancies. See Sherman, Portraits , 37.

6. For this and the following, see Hedeman, "Valois Legitimacy," 98-99, and 108-115; and Hedeman, "Restructuring the Narrative," passim .

7. A mandament of 1377 commissioned bindings for two volumes containing the "Croniques de France and those which Pierre d'Orgement had made." For this, see Delachenal, Grandes Chroniques 1: xii. No such order survives for the version of the text ending in the life of Philip of Valois. Nevertheless a codicological study of the manuscript suggests that it was a complete book at that stage as well.

8. The classic analysis of the difficulties faced by the new Valois line remains Raymond Cazelles, La société politique et la crise de la royauté sous Philippe de Valois (Paris, 1958). See also Cazelles, Jean le Bon et Charles V . For a summary, see Hedeman, "Valois Legitimacy," 97-98.

9. For the scepter of Charlemagne, see Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, Fastes du Gothique , no. 202, pp. 32 and 249. For the scepter of Dagobert, see Bernard de Montfaucon, Les monuments de la monarchie françoise , 5 vols. (Paris, 1729-1733) 1: xxxv and pl. 1.

10. On the Coronation Book see E. S. Dewick, ed., The Coronation Book of Charles V of France (Cottonian Ms. Tiberius B. VIII ), Henry Bradshaw Society, vol. 16 (London, 1899); R. A. Jackson, ed., "The Traité du sacre of Jean Golein," Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society 113-114 (1969): 305-324; Jackson, "Les manuscrits des ordines de courronnement de la bibliothèque de Charles V, roi de France," Moyen Age , vol. 82, ser. 4, f. 31, no. 1 (1976): 76-88; Jackson, Vive le Roi , 26-33; Sherman, The Portraits , 34-37; and especially, Sherman, "The Queen.''

11. For the text, see Delachenal, Grandes Chroniques 2: 1-5.

12. Dewick reproduces these images of coronation in Coronation Book , pls. 23 and 35.

13. The elimination of the altars together with the juxtaposition of two distinct scenes from the Coronation Book in close proximity constitute a transformation, in Scheller's terms, of a factually narrative model into a condensed copy. From this point of view the double miniature in the Grandes Chroniques has more in common than first meets the eye with such scenes from Charles V's Grandes Chroniques as the Coronation of John the Good (fig. 5.2).

14. Their arms are as follows: count of Flanders--or, a lion rampant sable; duke of Bourbon--azur, semé with fleurs-de-lis or, a bendelet gules; count of Toulouse--gules, a cross argent voided sable; count of Étampes--azur, semé with fleurs-de-lis or, a bendelet company gules and ermine; duke of Anjou--azur semé with fleurs-de-lis or, a border gules; archbishop of Reims--azur semé with fleurs-de-lis or, a cross argent; and bishop of Beauvais--or, a cross between four keys paleways, a ward in chief gules.

15. The arms of the duke of Burgundy are: quarterly 1 and 4--azur, semé with fleurs-de-lis or, a border company white and gules; 2 and 3--banded with or and azur, a border gules.

16. Delachenal, Grandes Chroniques 2: 2-3.

17. For the list of peers in the Coronation Book , see Dewick, Coronation Book , cols. 13-14. For the list in the Traité du sacre , see Jackson, " Traité du sacre ," 312.

18. Jackson, Vive le Roi , 161-162.

19. Delachenal, Histoire 3: 88-89.

20. Sherman, "The Queen," 288. Sherman concentrates on the queen's role in the ordinance. For the texts of these documents, see D. F. Secousse, Ordonnances des roys de France de la trosième race recueillies par ordre chronologique , 21 vols. (Paris, 1723-1849) 6: 26-32 (the majority), 45-49 (regency conditions), 49-54 (tutelle). For a recent discussion see Cazelles, Jean le Bon et Charles V , 579-581.

21. For this and the following, see Jackson, " Traité du sacre ," 306-308. See as well Sherman, "The Queen," passim , for a discussion of the relationship between the Traité du sacre and the representations of the queen in the Coronation Book .

22. ". . . les pers de France qui sont entour en significance des fors qui estoit entour salemon omnes tenentes gladios et ad bella doctissi. car sil ne tiennent le presentement les espees si sont il pres pour les prendre quant temps en est pour deffendre le Roy et le Royaume en grant hardement." Jackson, " Traité du sacre ," 317.

23. See Hedeman, "Restructuring the Narrative," 173-174.

24. For a description of the relationship between text and image in the Coronation Book , see Sherman, "The Queen," esp. 263-265.

25. Prior to Charles V, Louis VIII (1223), Philip IV (1286), Louis X (1315), Philip V (1317), Philip VI (1328), and John the Good (1350) were crowned with their wives. Despite this, no other dual coronations are represented in Charles V's Grandes Chroniques . For a description of these earlier coronations, see Sherman, "The Queen," 268, n. 47.

1. See my The King and the City in the Parisian Royal Entry Ceremony: Politics, Ritual, and Art in the Renaissance (Geneva, 1986), 66-98.

2. Victor Turner, Dramas, Fields, and Metaphors: Symbolic Action in Human Society (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1978), 43.

3. Bernard Guenée and Françoise Lehoux, Les Entrées royale françaises de 1328 à 1515 (Paris, 1968), 7. Guenée calls attention to the importance of the two aspects in his important article, "Histoire de l'Etat en France à la fin du Moyen Age, vue par les historiens français dépuis cent ans," Revue historique 236, (1964): 331-360, and in translation in P.S. Lewis, ed., The Recovery of France in the Fifteenth Century (New York, 1972), 324-352.

4. Ernst H. Kantorowicz, "The 'King's Advent' and the Enigmatic Panels in the Doors of Santa Sabina," Art Bulletin 26 (1944): 207-231, and reprinted in his Selected Studies (Locust Valley, New York: J.J. Augustin, 1965), 37-64. Sabine MacCormack, Art and Ceremony in Late Antiquity (Berkeley, Los Angeles, London: University of California Press, 1981), 1-92.

5. On the principle, see Gaines Post, "A Romano-Canonical Maxim, Quod omnes tangit , in Bracton," Traditio 4 (1954): 195-252.

6. For Germany, Winfried Dotzauer has noted "Die Verweigerung oder Gewährung einer feierlichen Einholung war keine Zeremoniellenfrage, sondern eine wichtige Vorentscheidung in der Frage der Anerkennung des Herrschers, denken wir in diesem Zusammenhang an Wahlkandidaten, strittige und Gegenkönige und gebannte Herrsche, denen der Einzug verweigert werden konnte" in "Die Ankunft des Herrschers: Der fürstliche 'Einzug' in die Stadt (bis zum Ende des Alten Reichs)," Archiv für Kulturgeschichte 55 (1973): 259. One of the best descriptions of an early civic reception for a French king is that staged by the canons and citizens of Bruges in 1127. Louis VI and William Clitho, his candidate to replace the murdered Count of Flanders, were greeted ''in sollempni processu regio more" by the clergy; in an assembly held the next day king and count swore on relics to preserve the liberties of the canons and they promised to preserve the liberties of the citizens granted by the former count. Only then did the citizens give fealty, loyalty, and homage to both king and count: Galbert de Bruges, Histoire du Meurtre de Charles Le Bon, Comte de Flandre ( 1127-1128 ), introduction and notes by Henri Pirenne (Paris, 1891), chap. 55, pp. 86-89. Frederick I took great offense at such a request by the Roman citizens before his coronation in 1155: Otto of Freising, Gesta Frederici , lib. II, cap. 29, ed. G. Waitz (MGH. SS. rer. germ., 1912), 148 ff.

7. In other places the clergy was prominent in extramural processions, as Noël Coulet makes clear for Provence: "Les Entrées solennelles en Provence," Ethnologie française 7 (1977): 63-82.

8. Christine de Pizan, Livre des fais et bonnes meurs du sage roy Charles V , éd. S. Solente (Paris, 1936), 50-51 and "Livre de Paix" in Pizan, Livre des fais , appendix 5, p. 198. There is no contemporary evidence for the use of the "espée et le chappel royal" in entry ceremonies before the 1420s when Christine was writing her biography.

9. Coulet calls attention to the entry taking shape as a "rite d'honneur" ("Entrées en Province," 70) rather than in feudal obligations such as the "droit de gîte" as suggested by Guenée and Lehoux ( Entrées royales , 9).

10. In 1437 for Charles VII's entry it was noted: "et à la entrée les bourgeois luy mirent ung ciel sur sa teste que on a la Saint Sauveur à porter Nostre-Seigneur"; Journal d'un Bourgeois de Paris , ed. Jos. Fr. Michaud and J.-J. F. Poujoulat (Paris, 1837, Nouvelle collection des mémoires, l ^e série, tome 3), 283.

11. The tax payments for 1421, 1423, and 1438 show that the most prosperous guilds carried the canopy: see Jean Favier, Les Contribuables parisiens à la fin de la guerre de cents ans (Geneva, 1970), 26-34.

12. On the phrase, Sarah Hanley has the last word: The Lit de Justice of the Kings of France: Constitutional Ideology in Legend, Ritual, and Discourse (Princeton University Press: Princeton, 1983), chap. 1, and in Annales 37, no. 1 (jan.-fev. 1982): 32-63.

13. Guenée and Leheux, Entrées royales , 50.

14. J. B. L. Crevier, Histoire de l'Université de Paris depuis son origine jusqu'en l'année 1600 (Paris, 1761) 3: 113. The time of the University's reception with the king varied and as late as 1515 was not part of the entry ceremony.

15. See I. D. McFarlane's introduction and notes for the facsimile edition of the 1549 entry: The Entry of Henri II into Paris, 16 June 1549 (Binghamtom, N.Y.: Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies; 1982).

16. Jean, Sire de Joinville, Mémoires ou Histoire de Saint Louis , ed. M. Gervais (Paris, 1822), 191. The route that Louis took from Reims to Paris was by way of Montlhery where the Parisians went.

17. Paul Lehugeur, Histoire de Phillipe le Long, roi de France (Paris, 1897), 46.

18. Chronique parisienne anonyme de 1316 à 1339 , ed. A. Hellot, vol. II, Mémoires de la société de l'histoire de Paris et de l'Ile-de-France (Paris, 1984), 175.

19. Ibid., 137: my emphasis.

20. By the end of the thirteenth century, the legal fiction that towns possessed a juridical personality comparable to that of an individual lord was commonly accepted in France primarily, according to Charles Petit-Dutaillis, under the influence of royal office holding and the applications of Roman law; see his Communes Françaises (Paris, 1947), 137f.

21. In 1431 the herald, called Loyal Heart, introduced a person portraying the genius of the city in the guise of Fama ; she was accompanied by "les anciens IX preux et IX preuses" who reminded the new Anglo-French king that "cele ville ainsi fame/Est digne d'estre bien gouverné." In 1437 he introduced a mock battle of the seven vices with the seven virtues. In 1484 he presented the new king with the five virtues whose first letters formed an anagram for Paris ( "P"aix, "A''mour, "R''aison, "I"oye , and "S"urete ). See The King and the City , 143.

22. Chronique des Jean II et de Charles V , 1: 27.

23. Jean Froissart, Oeuvres , ed. Kervyn de Lettenhove (Brussels, 1867-1877) 9: 554 and 14: 10.

24. Guenée and Lehoux, Entrées royales , 65.

25. In the mid-fifteenth century the parlementaire families began to replace the old merchant elite in major municipal offices: from about one-fifth during the English occupation to about three-fourths of the offices during 1440-1450; see Jean Favier, "Paris, place d'affaires au XV ^e siècle," Annales 28, no. 5 (Sept.-Oct. 1973): 1245-1279.

26. On the tensions of the period and the assembly, see Léon Mirot, Les Insurrections urbaines au début de règne de Charles VI, 1380-1383 (Paris, 1905), 28-37.

27. Froissart, Oeuvres 10: 192-200, 497-500.

28. Chronica di Buonaccorso Pitti as printed in Mirot, Insurrections urbaines , 180, n. 5. Although the speech may be apocryphal, it both accurately represents events that followed the reception and gained a place in entry lore.

29. The entry ceremony gave structure to reconciliation after rebellion, as described with excellent illustrations in the manuscript of Jean Marot, La Magnamine victoire du roy très crestien Loys XIIe . . . contre les Genevoys ses rebelles , Paris, B.N., ms. franç., ancien fonds, 5091. Robert W. Scheller considers such works of royal propaganda during the last years of Louis XII's reign in "Gallia Cisalpine: Louis XII and Italy, 1499-1508," Simiolus (1984-1985): 5-60.

30. See Marcel Thibault, Isabeau de Baviere, 1370-1405 (Paris, 1903), 109-166.

31. Political crises, religious intensity, and urban processions can quickly be related by a perusal of " Notes historiques extraites de registres du Parlement, 1340-1640, " Paris, Arch. Nat., U424. There was a marked increase in processions in which Parlement appeared in the period between 1411 and 1440 and then a tapering off until the period starting in the 1550s.

32. Clement de Fauquembergue, Journal , ed. Alexandre Tuetey (Paris, 1903, 1915) 1: 264-269.

33. Fauquembergue, Journal 2: 142 and Journal d'un bourgeois de Paris , ed. Alexandre Tuetey (Paris, 1981), 144, n. 4.

34. Guenée and Lehoux, Entrées royales , 61.

35. In his Parisian entry Charles VII entrusted the keys to the constable: Enguerrand de Monstelet, Chronique , ed. L. Douet-d'Arcq (Paris, 1857-1862) 5: 301-302.

36. The miniature reproduced by Guenée and Lehoux ( Entrées royales ) shows a different balance in the submission of Rouen. The kneeling échevin hands the keys to the king, who is on horseback and in armor, while the chancellor, who is also on horseback gestures for the submission. One of the échevins points upward to indicate a desire to rise.

37. See C. Coudevc, "L'Entrée solennelle de Louis XI à Paris" in Mémoires de la société de l'histoire de Paris et de l'Ile-de-France (1896) 23: 125-166.

38. Jacques du Clercq, Mémoires , ed. J. A. Buchon, in Chroniques nationales françaises (Paris, 1826) 39: 155.

39. For descriptions of the kings' costumes in entry ceremonies, see Albert Mirot and Bernare Mahieu, "Cérémonies officielles à Notre Dame en XV ^e siècle," in Huitième Centenaire de Notre Dame--Congrès des 30 mai-juin, 1964 (Paris, 1967), 222-290.

40. Guenée and Lehoux, Entrées royales , 73. The riderless horse may have echoes of the gift that vassals made at their time of investiture according to the feudal custom of the Ile-de-France and as was practiced in Naples and other places, but no suggestion of such connections is mentioned. René Choppin-- Traité du domaine , bk. 3, title 13, par. 11, p. 471 from Oeuvres (Paris, 1662)--argued that the gifts did not pertain to entries. The horse was a common gift by medieval hosts to honored guests.

41. Guenée and Lehoux, Entrées royales , 128. Charles VII (Monstrelet, Chronique 5: 305), Louis XI (Du Clercq, Mémoires , 153), and Charles VIII ( Entrées royales , 110) also marched with helmets that were superimposed with a gold crown, but the accounts made no explicit connection between the symbol and imperial rights. On the symbol see Robert W. Scaheller's "Ensigns of Authority: French Royal Absolutism in the Age of Louis XII," Simiolus (1983-1984), 103-111 and "Imperial Themes in Art and Literature of the Early French Renaissance: The Period of Charles VIII," Simiolus 12 (1981-1982), 55-63. I would add that from its appearance in the early fifteenth century the crowned helmet quickly came to be seen as a juridical symbol of the superior rights of the king.

42. Guenée and Lehoux, Entrées royales , 73.

43. Jean Chartier, Chronique de Charles VIII , ed. Auguste Vallet de Viriville (Paris, 1858) 2: 160-172 and 298-310. Scheller notes the seal in substitution for the king in the 1499 oath of fealty by Philip the Handsome: see "Ensigns of Authority," 128-134.

44. E. Maugis, Histoire du Parlement de Paris de l'avènement des rois Valois à la mort d'Henri VI (Paris, 1913-1916) 1: 374.

45. On the notion of a political aggregate as a "corpus morale," see Ernst Kantorowicz, The King's Two Bodies: A Study in Mediaeval Political Theology (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1957), 210-221.

46. On the actors in the street pageants, see The King and the City , 169-172 and 190-192.

47. See ibid., chaps. 5-9. Also, see Elie Konigson, "La Cité de la prince: premières entrées de Charles VIII (1484-1486)" and Michel Reulos, "La Place de la justice dans les fêtes et cérémonies du XVI ^e siècle" in Les Fêtes de la renaissance , ed. Jean Jacquot (Paris, 1975) 3: 55-69 and 71-80. Josephe Chartrou also offers a descriptive survey of the allegorical prsonages and virtues associated with rulers in fifteenth-century entries in Les Entrées solennelles et triomphales à la renaissance, 1484-1551 (Paris, 1928).

48. On the aesthetic revolution, see V. L. Saulnier, "L'Entrée de Henry II à Paris et la revolution poetic de 1550," Les Fêtes de la renaissance , ed. Jean Jacquot (Paris, 1956) 1: 3-59; see also McFarlane, Entry of Henri II , "Introduction."

49. Jean Gerson, Vivat Rex (Paris, 1559), 13-18.

50. Ibid., 10.

51. "Medieval Constitutionalism: A Balance of Power" in Album Helen Maud Cam. Studies Presented to the International Commission for the History of Representative and Parliamentary Institutions (Louvain, 1961) and reprinted in Studies of West European Medieval Institutions (London, 1978), 175.

52. On the concept, see Kantorowicz, The King's Two Bodies , particularly 360f. On its ritual expression, see my The King and the City , 55-56 and 112-115.

53. Emili Paulus, De Rebus Gestis Francorum (Paris, 1539), Liber VIII, fo. 165v.

54. François Belleforest, Harangues militaires et concernant de princes, capitaines, ambassadeurs, et autres manians tant la guerre, que les affaires d'estat (1595), 2124.

55. Guenée and Lehoux, Entrées royales , 116.

56. In 1460, according to Thomas Basin the coronation promise was repeated by Louis XI in his Parisian entry: Histoire de Louis XI , ed. Charles Samaran (Paris, 1963), 1: 26-28. Jacques du Clercq only noted that at Notre Dame Louis XI "fit le serment tel que les roys de Franche ont accoustume de faire" ( Mémoires , 158).

57. Guenée and Lehoux, Entrées royales , 134.

58. Matthieu de Vauzelles, Traicté des péages (Lyon, 1550), 38.

59. On the subject, see my comments in "Parlementaire Political Theory in the Parisian Entry Ceremony," Sixteenth Century Journal 7 (1976): 15-24.

60. Karl Mösenedor, Zeremoniell und monumentale Poesie: Die "Entrée solennelle" Ludwigs XIV. 1660 in Paris (Berlin, 1983), 64-80.

61. George Chastellain, Traité par form d'allégorie mystique sur l'entrée du Roy Loys en nouveau régne in Oeuvres , Kervyn de Lettenhove (Brussels, 1865) 7: 6, 32.

62. Kantorowicz, "The 'King's Advent'," 72-74 and Mösenedor, Zeremoniell , 26-33.

1. W. S. Schlesinger, "Über germanisches Heerkönigtum," in Das Königtum: Seine geistigen und rechtlichen Grundlagen ed. Th. Mayer, (Vorträge und Forschungen 3, 1955; reprinted Sigmaringen, 1973), 105-141. Based on the results of excavations of Danish military installations (e.g., in Trelleborg) during the past decades, A. E. Christensen, Vikingetidens Danmark (Copenhagen, 1977), stresses the military strength and power of the kings.

2. This point of view, which regarded the thing and the royal "election" as democratic institutions was prevalent until the 1960s; see, e.g., Hal Koch, Af Folkets Saga. Dansk Daad (Copenhagen, 1941); A. E. Christensen, Kongemagt 0 Aristokrati (Copenhagen, 1945; reprinted 1968).

3. O. Höfler, Germanisches Sakralkönigtum (Tübingen, 1952); E. Hoffmann, Die hiligen Könige bei den Angelsachssen (Neumünster, 1975); E. Hoffmann, Königserhebung und Thronfolgeordnung in Dänemark bis zum Ausgang des Mittelalters (Berlin, 1976). J. Fleck, in " : A Knowledge Criterion for Succession to the Germanic Sacred Kingship," Scandinavian Studies 42 (1970): 41 ff., argues that ritual numinous education (such as runic knowledge) was decisive in succession; see also his "The 'Knowledge-Criterion' in the Grimnismál: The Case Against 'Shamanism,'" Arkiv för Nordisk Filologi 85 (1971): 58-59.

4. Some scholars attempt to combine these approaches; Hoffmann, Königserhebung , 7, argues that folk-kingship and war-kingship were successive stages and that the transition took place during the age of the Völkerwanderung .

5. See Konungabalken 1-3, in "Upplandslagen," Svenska Landskaplager 1 (Stockholm, 1933); Rättegangsbalken 1, in "Äldre Västgötalagan," Landskapslager , ed. Å. Holmbäck and E. Wessén, vol. 3 (Stockholm, 1939). "Hirdskrá," chap. 5 in Norges Gamle Love IV (Christiania 1846-1895), R. Keyser and P. A. Munch, eds.

6. See, e.g., Saxo Grammaticus, Gesta Danorum , ed. F. Winkel Horn (Copenhagen, 1898, reprinted 1975); Sven Aggesøn historiske skrifter , ed. M. C. Gertz (Copenhagen, 1916-1917); Adam of Bremen, Gesta Hammaburgensis ecclesiae pontificum , ed. C. L. Henriksen (Copenhagen, 1968); Rimbert, Vita Anskarii , ed. P. A. Fenger (Copenhagen, 1926).

7. One of the most elaborate descriptions of Norwegian inauguration is found in Snorri Sturluson, "Haraldz saga ins hárfagra," Heimskringla , ed. F. Jonsson (Copenhagen, 1911), 45 ff. This corresponds with the rules of private inheritance found in the provincial law, the Gulathingslovi , section 115: "Now a man is dead. The heir has to place himself in the highseat." See also A. Taranger, "Om kongevalg i Norge i Sagatiden," Historisk Tidsskrift (Oslo, 1934-1936) 30: 120-124. However, we are unable to date when the change from the stone to the highseat took place nor do we have reliable sources on the details.

8. Snorri, "Haraldz saga," 45.

9. As consequence of a long period of bad harvests and famine the Danish king Oluf I Hunger (1086-1095) had to leave office and was succeeded by his brother Erik the Good.

10. See, e.g., Chaps. 15 and 43 of "Ynglinga saga" in the Heimskringla , ed. F. Jonsson (Copenhagen, 1911), 12-13, 31.

11. See, e.g., Upplandlagen enligt Cod. Holm. B 199 och 1607 Års Utgåva , ed. S. Henning (Uppsala, 1967), 59; G. Hasselberg, "Eriksgata," in Kulturhistorisk Leksikon for Nordisk Middelalder (Copenhagen-Stockholm-Oslo, 1959) 4: 22-27.

12. Many references are found, among others, to blót , that is "worship," often including sacrifice; for example in Landnámabók , ed J. Benediktsson (Reykjavik, 1968, Izlenzk Fornrit 1), 37, 42 124-126, 163-164, 358. The list could be easily continued.

13. G. Neckel, ed., Edda. Die Lieder des Codex Regius nebst verwandten Denkmälern ; 5th ed., ed. H. Kuhn (Heidelberg, 1983), 69-70.

14. See above, n. 8

15. See Erich Hoffman in this volume.

16. "Uphaf sogu hákonar ," chaps. 30-31, Heimskringla (as n. 10), 88-90.

17. E. Vestergaard, "The perpetual reconstruction of the past," in Archaeology as Long-Term History , ed., Ian Hodder (Cambridge, 1987), 65 f.

18. T. A. Vestergaard, "On Kinship Theory, Clocks, and Steamengines: The Problem of Complex Structures," in The Future of Structuralism , ed. J. Osten and A. de Ruijter (Göttingen, 1983), 444-446.

19. See Erich Hoffman in this volume.

1. Cf. E. Hoffmann, Königserhebung und Thronfolgeordnung in Dänemark bis zum Ausgang des Mittelalters (Berlin, 1976), 1 ff.; 22 ff.; E. Hoffmann, "Knut der Heilige und die Wende der Dänischen Geschichte im 11. Jahrhundert," Historische Zeitschrift 218 (1974): 529 ff.

2. In Norway, Magnus Erlingsson (1162-1184), in Denmark, Niels (1104-1134), and in Sweden, Knut Eriksson ( c. 1167- c. 1195) began to use the Dei gratia in his royal style.

3. On the general background for Norwegian history in this period see Vårt Folks Historie , ed. Th. Dahl et al., vols. 2-4 (Oslo, 1976-1977): K. Helle, Norge blir en Stat 1130-1319 (Oslo, 1964); K. Helle, Konge og gode menn (Bergen, 1971); G. Authén Blom, Kongemakt og Privilegier i Norge inntil 1387 (Oslo, Bergen, Tronso[Tronsø] 1967), all with bibliography.

4. On these matters, cf. my more detailed study Die heiligen Könige bei den Angelsachsen und den skandinavischen Völkern: Königsheiliger und Königshaus (Neumünster, 1975), 156 ff. with bibliography in n. 71, p. 156; also cf. Hoffmann, Königserhebung 99, f., with bibliography in n. 99.

5. Snorri Sturluson, Heimskringla III , ed. B. Adalbjarnarson (Reykjavik, Izlensk Fornrit 28, 1951), pt. 3, chaps. 21-22, pp. 395-398.

6. Latinske Dokument til Norsk Historie , ed. E. Vandvik (Oslo, 1959) no. 10, p. 62; on the analysis of the text cf. W. Holtzmann, "Krone und Kirche in Norwegen im 12. Jahrhundert," Deutsches Archiv 2 (1938): 341 ff.; the text is printed, ibid., 376 f.

7. On the mission of Nicholas Breakspeare and the agreements made with him, see Latinske Dokument no. 7 (Canones Nidrosienses A.D. 1152); Holtzmann, "Krone," 376 f.; in summary also: W. Seegrün, Das Papsttum und Skandinavien bis zur Vollendung der nordischen Kirchenorganisation (Neumünster, 1967), 146 ff. (with bibliography).

8. In contrast to Holtzmann ("Krone," 352 f.) I see in these very much the concern to protect the legal claims of the church of Trondheim.

9. Holtzmann, "Krone," 351 f.

10. Ibid., 352 with n. 1; on the professio, see E. Eichmann, "Die 'formula professionis' Friedrichs I.," Historisches Jahrbuch 52 (1932): 137 ff. and P. E. Schramm, Kaiser, Könige und Päpste [henceforth: K. K. P.] (Stuttgart, 1969) 3: 65 f.

11. Latinske Dokument , no. 9, p. 58.

12. E. Gunnes, Kongens Aere: Kongemakt og kirke i "En tale mot biskopene" (Oslo, 1971).

13. On the negotiations before the coronation and the festivities, see Sverris Saga , ed. G. Indrebo[Indrebø] (Kristiana, 1920), chaps. 122-123, pp. 130-131.

14. Hokonar[Høkonar] Saga Hákonarsonar , ed. M. Mundt (Norsk Historisk Kjeldeskrift-Institutt, Norrone Tekster 2, Kristiana, 1847, 1977), chap. 247, p. 138.

15. Diplomatarium Norvegicum [henceforth: DN] I, Oslo, no. 69.

16. On Haakon's coronation, see Hákonar Saga , chap. 253-257, pp. 141-145; cf. Blom, Kongemakt , 136 f.

17. P. E. Schramm, Herrschaftszeichen und Staatssymbolik (Stuttgart, 1955) 2:392; P. E. Schramm, History of the English Coronation (Oxford, 1937).

18. Snorri, Heimskringla (Reykjavik Islenzk Fornrit 26, 1941) 1:186-189 (chaps. 30-31).

19. B. Thordeman, "Kungakroning och Kungakrona i Medeltidens Sverige," Arkeologiska Forskningar och Fynd: Studier utg. med. Anlyedning av H. M. Gustaf VI. Adolfs Sjuttioårsdag, 11. 11. 1952 . (Stockholm, 1952), 307 (with tab. 4, p. 314); B. Thordeman, "Erik den Heliges Kungakrona," Erik den Helige: Historia, Kult, Reliker , ed. B. Thordeman (Stockholm, 1954), 277 f. with tab. 221, pl. LII.

20. Schramm, K. K. P. (1968) 2:287 ff.

21. Widukindi res gestae Saxoniae , II, 1. MGH SS rer. G. 60: II, 1, 65.

22. Diplomatarium Suecanum 4, no. 3484.

23. O. Källström on the scepter in Scandinavia, in Schramm, Herrschaftszeichen (1956) 3:70 f. Accepting his interpretation, I imply that thus Norway would be the only country, besides France, which retained the baculus or virga as well as the scepter and did not introduce an orb; cf. P. E. Schramm, Der König von Frankreich , 2d ed. (Darmstadt, 1960) 1:211.

24. Hákonar Saga , chap. 310, p. 186 f.

25. See above, n. 15.

26. "Protifeor et promitto coram deo et sanctis eius a modo pacem et iusticiam ecclesie dei populoque mihi subiecto obseruare pontificibus et clero prout teneor condignum honorem exhibere secundum discretionem mihi a deo datam atque ea que a regibus ecclesiis collata ac reddita sunt sicut compositum est inter ecclesiam et regnum inuiolabiliter conseruare malasque leges et consuetudines peruersas precipue contra ecclesiasticam libertatem facientes abolere et bonas condere prout de consilio fidelium nostrorum melius inuenire poterimus .'' The nonitalicized passages of this oath formula are borrowed verbatim or in content from the parallal passages of the professio; cf. also G. Carlsson, "Gustav Vasas Kröningsed," Svensk Historisk Tidskrift [henceforth: HT Svensk ], (1946), 324 f. Carlsson detects in the last sentence about the abolition of bad laws and customs a parallel to the English coronation oath of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries; cf. J. Hatschek, Englishche Verfassungsgeschichte bis zum Regierungsantritt der Königin Viktoria (Munich and Berlin, 1913; Below-Meinecke, Handb. d. Mittleren und Neueren Gesch . III/1), 69.

27. Norske gamla Love (Kristiana, 1849) 3:45-55.

28. Helle, Norge , 187.

29. Ch. Joys "Magnu Eriksson, Norges og Sveriges Konge" in: Vårt Folks Hist . 3:264.

30. "Chronologia Svecica 815-1412 ex cod. min. Wisbyensium," SS rer. Svecicarum 1 (Uppsala, 1818), 43.

31. Die Chroniken der niedersächsischen Städte, Lübeck , vol. 1 (Stuttgart, 1884; Chron. dt. st. 19), 476-477:. . . do war dar komen de vrome biscop Ghiselbert van Darbathe [Dorpat] . . .; den ereden dar de biscop van Upsale unde andere biscope des rikes, dat he sang de mysse unde wyede unde kronede den koning unde de koninhinnen.

32. See Hoffmann, Königserhebung , 150-155.

33. Best overview: A. E. Christensen, Kalmarunionen og nordisk politik 1319-1439 (Copenhagen, 1980), with bibliography.

34. Because from the death of Olaf to 1814 the King of Denmark was also king of Norway.

35. DN 1, no. 783; A. Huitfeldt, Danmarkis Riges Kronike[Krønike (Copenhagen, 1650-1652), 830.

36. "Chronologia vetusta," SS rer. Svecicarum 1:97; "Diarium Wazstenense," SS rer. Svecicarum 1:166; Chronika Erici Olai, SS rer. Svecicarum , 2:158; Olai Petri Krönika , ed. G. E. Klemming (Stockholm, 1860), 214 f.

37. A. Huitfeldt, Danmarkis Riges Kronike[Krønike]: Kong Hans' Historie (Copenhagen, 1599; reprinted Copenhagen, 1977), 36 (coronation in Norway); A. Huitfeldt, Kong Christian II.'s Historie (Copenhagen, 1596; reprinted Copenhagen, 1976), 25 (coronation in Norway).

38. On the significance of the Olaf-cult, as a "national" saint: St. Olav: Seine Zeit und sein Kult , Acta Visbyensia VI: Visbysimposiet för historiska vetenskaper 1979, ed. G. Svahnström (Visby, 1981); cf. also, Hoffmann, Königserhebung , 58 ff.

39. C.J. Schive, Norges Mynter i Middelalderen (Kristiana, 1865); Chr. Brinkmann, Norske Konge-Sigiller og andre Fyrste-Sigiller (Kristiana, 1924); Thordemann, "Kungakröning," 306 f., Thordeman, "Erik," 277 ff., Hoffmann, Königserhebung 109 f., P. E. Schramm, "Die Grabkrone Erichs von Schweden,'' Herrschaftszeichen 3:769 ff., esp. 773 f.

40. See notes 16 and 24, above.

41. For an overview of Danish history used here, see Gyldendals Danmarks historie vols. 1-2, ed. A. E. Christensen et al. (Copenhagen, 1977-1979); N. Skyum Nielsen, Kvinde og Slave: Danmarkshistorie uden retouche , vol. 3 (Copenhagen, 1971); Th. Riis, Les institutions politiques centrales du Danemark 1100-1332 (Odense, 1977).

42. Saxonis Gesta Danorum , ed. J. Olrik and H. Raeder (Copenhagen, 1931) vol. 1, XIV, XL; 1, p. 477.

43. "Annales Lundenses," Annales Danici medii aevi [henceforth: Ann. Dan. ], ed. E. Jorgensen[Jørgensen] (Copenhagen, 1920), 85; however, mistakenly dated for 1171.

44. Hoffmann, Königserhebung , 106-108.

45. The right to coronation was confirmed by Pope John XXII; see Diplomatarium Danicum 2. R., 8, no. 182.

46. In 1252, Christopher I was crowned by the Bishop of Schleswig in Lund, because the archbishop had recently died; see Hoffmann, Königserhebung , 131 (with a discussion of sources in n. 26); in 1259 the Bishop of Ripen crowned Christopher's son, Erik Glipping, because the archbishop, opposed to the crown, refused to do so; see Acta processus litium inter regem Danorum et archiepiscopum Lundensem , ed. A. Krarup and W. Norwin (Copenhagen, 1932), 56. In 1524 Frederick I was crowned, due to the vacancy of the archsee, by the archbishop of Uppsala; see A. Huitfeldt, Danmarkis Riges Kronike[Krønike]: Friedrich I.'s Historie (Copenhagen, 1597, reprinted Copenhagen, 1977), 74.

47. Arnold of Lübeck, Chronica Slavorum , MG SS rer. G. 14:238.

48. "Chronica Jutensis [henceforth: "Chron. Jut."]," Scriptores minores historiae Danicae medii aevi [henceforth: SS min. Dan. ], ed. M. Cl. Gertz (Copenhagen, 1917-1918) 1:448.

49. For Erik, see the annals in Ann. Dan. , 108 f.; for Abel: Annales Stadenses auctore Alberto , MGH SS 16:273.

50. "Annales Waldemariani ad a. 1218," Ann. Dan. , 104 f.

51. See above, n. 46.

52. "Chron. Jut.," 451; "Chronica archiepiscoporum Lundensium XII," SS min. Dan. 2:115.

53. J. A. Cypreaus, "Annales Epsicoporum Slesvicensium" (1634), in Monumenta inedita rerum Germanicarum , ed. E. J. von Westphalen (s.l., Leipzig 1793) 3:310-311 (the notarial record); A. Huitfeldt, Danmarkis Riges Kronike[Krønike: Chronologia (reprinted Copenhagen, 1977) 3:656 f. (coronation report and Carmen ).

54. For Christian I: "Chronica Archiepiscoporum Lundensium," SS min. Dan. 2:123; for Hans: A. Huitfeldt, Danmarkis Riges Kronike[Krønike]. Kong Hans' Historie (Copenhagen, 1599; reprinted Copenhagen, 1977), 31; for Christian II: Huitfeldt, Christian II.'s Historie (Copenhagen, 1596, reprinted Copenhagen, 1976), 23; for Frederick I, see n. 47 above.

55. See n. 33, above.

56. For Waldemar (III), see Hoffmann, Königserhebung , 142; for Waldemar IV, ibid., 144 f.

57. Ibid., 152 (but correct the typographical error; Olaf died in 1387!).

58. Ibid., 126 ff.

59. For Mechtild and Abel, see n. 50; for Margarethe and Christopher I, n. 46; and for Christina and Hans, n. 55, above.

60. Obviously, Canute the Great, King of England, must have had a crown (Schramm, Herrschafstzeichen 2:633; Hoffmann, Königserhebung , 108 f.). The rulers who came to be vassals of the emperor received crowns at their enfeoffment, so dux Knut Lavard as rex Obodritorum (Helmold of Bosau, Chronica Slavorum , chap. XLIX; MGH SS rer. G. 32:97); King Magnus Nielsson (see W. Bernhardi, Jahrbücher der deutschen Geschichte: Lothar von Supplinburg , Leipzig, 1879, 404 f.) and King Sven Grathe ( Ottonis et Rahewini Gesta Frederici I. imperatoris II: 5, MGH SS rer. G. 46: 105 f.) from Lothair III and Frederick I, respectively. Whether the votive crown displayed by Bishop Sven in the cathedral of Roskilde was indeed that of St. Canute (1080-1086), as Saxo (XI, XII:6) maintains, cannot be stringently proven. However, Helmold ( Chronica , 98) explicitly reports about a royal court held in Slesvig c. 1129/1130 that King Niels sedisset in trono indutus cultu regio . Danish royal seals display the king with crown and other insignia since the reign of St. Canute, coins since that of Canute the Great, the latter sometimes with helmet. Earlier images have closed and arched crowns, later ones (from the mid-twelfth century onward) open crowns surmounted by lilies or leaves. Additional insignia are usually scepter, orb, and sword, the same ones that are listed in the earliest reports on coronations (1143, 1537). However, it is true for Denmark as well that such images are highly dependent on foreign models and have little value for historical reconstruction; cf. above n. 39; Hoffmann, Königserhebung , 108 ff. Further: Th. Riis, Les institutions politiques centrales du Danemark 1100-1332 (Odense, 1977), 151 ff.; H. Petersen and A. Thiset, Danske Kongelige Sigiller 1085-1559 (Copenhagen, 1917); P. Hauberg, Myntforhold og Udmyntninger i Danmark indtil 1146 (Det Kgl. Danske Videnskabernes Skrifter, R. 6, Hist.-fil. Afd. 5, 1906), 51 ff., 106 ff.; Schramm, Herrschaftszeichen 1:18 ff.; K. K. P. 1:24.

61. See above, n. 53.

62. See ibid.

63. Hoffmann, Königserhebung , 161, with n. 53 (lit.); Hoffman, "Die Krönung Christians III. von Dänemark am 12. August 1537: Die erste protestantische Königkrönung in Europa," Herrscherweihe und Königskrönung im frühneuzeitlichen Europa , ed. H. Duchhardt (Schriften der Mainzer Philosophischen Fakultätsgesellschaft 8, Mainz, 1983), esp. 59; N. Skyum. Nielsen, "Aerkekonge og Aekebiskop: Nye Traek i dansk Kirkenhistorie 1376-1536," Scandia 3 (1955-1957): 1 ff.; J. E. Olesen, Rigsrad, Kongemagt, Union: Studier over det danske rigsrad og den nordiske kongemagts politik 1434-1449 (Aarhus, 1980), 95-376.

64. There are several records of the Protestant ordo as well as of the actual ceremonies of the coronation. The two main sources, both in German, are a sketchy overview of the coronation, probably compiled for the information of the royal couple and a detailed report about the events of the coronation day. They are printed as: (a) Aktstykker vedkommende kong Christian den Tredies og Dronning Dorotheas Kroning in Vor Frue Kirke, Kobenhavn, den 12te August 1537 af Dr. Johannes Bogenhagen , ed. F. Münter [henceforth: Münter], with an intro. by E. C. Werlauff [henceforth: Werlauff] (1831); Werlauff is also available in German, in Baltische Studien 5,2 (1838): 1 ff. and (b) Die Krönung König Christians III. von Dänemark und seiner Gemahlin Dorothea durch Johannes Bugenhagen , ed. G. Mohnike [henceforth: Mohnike] (Stralsund, 1832). Additional sources in A. G. Hassø, ed. "Kong Kristian III.'s og Dronning Dorotheas Kroning den 12. August 1537," Kirkehistoriske Samlinger 6, 2 (1936-38):287 ff.

65. Cf. the carmen , as referred to in n. 53.

66. Hassø, "Kong Kristian," 317.

67. For 1443, see n. 53; for 1537, Hassø, "Kong Kristian," 317.

68. Münter, 24 f., Mohnike, 68 f.

69. On the Imperial Council, see Hoffmann, Königserhebung , 140 f., 149 f., 151 f., 156 ff., 165 f., and 178 f., Riis, Institutions , 252 ff. (cf. also ibid., 236 ff., 256 ff.).

70. Cypräus, "Annales," 311.

71. Coronatio Aquisgranensis (24 Oct. 1273), MGH LL 2:386.

72. Schramm, K. K. P. 2:64 f., 95 ff.

73. The text of the professio is in Eichmann, "Friedrich I," 140; cf. Cypräus, "Annales," 311.

74. Münter, 4, 13 f., Mohnike, 36, 51 f.

75. This would point to a relationship to the German ordo.

76. Münter, 5, 16 f.; Mohnike, 37, 55 f.; the oil is described as kresem (chrism) or balsam . On the coronation and anointing of Queen Elisabeth (Isabella), see Werlauff, xii (or Werlauff, Baltische Studien , 14).

77. Schramm, English Coronation , 120; K. K. P. 3:153 ff.; E. Eichmann, Die Kaiserkrönung im Abendland (Würzburg, 1942), 135, 174, 182 ff. In the light of my present argument, I should like to revise my formulation of 1983 (in "Krönung Christians III.," 64 and 65) about German practice of anointing as to mean "anointing practice following the Imperial usage" and ''as far as the anointing is concerned, from the ordo of the imperial coronation," respectively.

78. See n. 54.

79. See ibid.

80. Münter, 6, 21; Mohnike, 38, 64.

81. Hoffmann, "Krönung Christians III," 64; cf. the coronation ceremonies of Christian IV (1588-1648), Kjøbenhavns Diplomatarium , ed. O. Nielsen 4 (Copenhagen, 1879), 741 ff., no. 851, esp. 746.

82. MGH LL 2:390.

83. Eichmann, "Friedrich I," 137 ff; the oath formula (140) compares with that of the Danish one very well. In the following text changes from the imperial to the Danish are marked in italics, (om.-omitted in the Danish): Profiteor et promitto coram Deo et angelis eius amodo et (om.) deinceps legem et iusticiam pacemque Dei sanctae ecclesiae populoque michi subjecto pro posse et nosse facere et ( ac ) conservare ( servare ) salvo condigno misericordiae respectu sicut cum consilio fidelium nostrorum ( meorum ) melius invenire poterimus ( potero invenire ). Pontificibus quoque ecclesiarum Dei condignum et canonicum honorem exhibere atque ea, quae ab imperatoribus et regibus eclesiis sibi commissis (om.) collata et reddita sunt, inviolabiliter conservare ( observare ), abbatibus etiam (om.), comitibus et vassis dominicis ( vassallis ) nostris ( meis ) congruum honorem secundum consilium fidelium nostrorum praestare; cf. Hoffman, Königserhebung , 168-169, n. 78.

84. Schramm, K. K. P. 3:65 f.; Eichmann, as above.

85. We know of a "coronation oath" of the succesor of Christopher III, the first Oldenburg on the Danish throne, Christian I, which does not follow the professio but rather the "royal oath" of Christian. Royal oaths were usually sworn by late medieval Danish kings at the elevation acts in the three major landthinger in Viborg, Ringsted, and Lund. Thus Christian I also swore such an oath in 1448 in Viborg, which is supposed to be almost identical with the alleged "coronation oath." Most likely, tradition mixed up the two different occasions in this case, see Hoffmann, Königserhebung , 159-160, 163-164. The royal oath of Christopher III, identical with that of Christian I is printed in Samling af Danske Kongers Haandfaestninger og andre lignende Acter (Aarsberetniger fra det kong. Geheimearchiv 2, 1856-1860), 40 ff., no. 12; cf. Christian's royal oath in A. Huitfeld, Danmarckis Rigis Krønicke, ed. fol. (Copenhagen, 1652), 844-845; Christian's coronation oath is in Samling . . . Acter 45 ff., no. 14.

86. Cf. the royal coronation of Emperor Frederick III in 1442, at which the king was led after coronation and professio to the throne, whereupon Te Deum was sung and the Gospel read; Deutsche Reichstagsakten 16:181 f. (no. 102).

87. Rex Euangelium legit, unctus postea . . .

88. See Hoffmann, "Krönung Christians"; P. Janzon, "Erik XIV.'s Kröningsritual," Kyrkohistorisk Årsskrift 50 (1959): 175 ff., with the ordines on 213 ff. This sequence was also characteristic for late medieval German coronations (cf. Deutsche Reichstagsakten , as above). Even if not mentioned in the notarial record, only in the festive poem for 1443, it is most likely that this event took place, for all early modern coronation report the reading of the Gospel is listed, albeit at the place where it features in the 1537 ordo. There is reason to believe that this act was not part of medieval Danish royal inaugurations, but had been introduced by Christopher III.

89. Cf. H. Heimpel, "Königlicher Weihnachtsgottesdienst auf den Konzilien von Konstanz und Basel," Tradition als historische Kraft: Interdisziplinäre Forschungen zur Geschichte des früheren Mittelalters , ed. N. Kamp, J. Wollasch, et al. (Münster, 1982), 388 f.; H. Heimpel, "Weihnachtsdienst im späteren Mittelalter," Deutsches Archiv 39 (1983): 131 ff.

90. Hoffmann, "Krönung Christians," 58 f.,

91. Olesen, Rigsrad .

92. Hoffmann, "Krönung Christians," 59 f.

93. H. Heimpel, "Königliche Evangelienlesung bei königlicher Krönung," Aus Kirche und Reich: Studien zur Theologie, Politik und Recht im Mittelalter. Festschrift f. F. Kempf , ed. H. Mordek (Sigmaringen, 1983), 447 ff.

94. Bugenhagen noted in his instructions that in the Catholic coronation ordo the king and queen, as other rulers of the West, took communion at the end of the ceremony; Münter, 3; Mohnike, 34.

95. On the insignia and their order of investment, see Schramm, Der König von Frankreich 1:59 f., 205 ff.; Schramm, K. K. P. 2:140 ff., 169 f., 3:59 ff.

96. However, in the fifteenth century we hear of a royal treasure which Eric of Pomerania, at his deposition was charged with having alienated: "Item heft he ut de rykes trezel to Callingeborch wechbringen laten des rykes schat unde clenode, de to velen jaren van konige unde koninhynnen ghesammelt weren to nutte des rykes. . . ." Aktstykker vedrorende Erik af Pommerns Afsaettelse som Konge af Danmark , ed. A. Hude (Copenhagen, 1897; reprinted Copenhagen, 1971), no. 4, p. 14. About Christopher III it is said that he lost the treasure in a shipwreck; Werlauff, "Inledning," xxi; Werlauff, Baltische Studien , 14, 26.

97. Hoffmann, Königserhebung , 167-168; cf. the writings of Schramm quoted in n. 95 above.

98. Hoffmann, Königserhebung , 166.

99. For the history of Sweden in the period under review, see Sveriges Historia till vara Dagar , ed. E. Hildebrand, 5 vols. (Stockholm, 1919-1920); Den Svenska Historien , ed. St. Carlsson, J. Rosén, and G. Grenholm, 3 vols. (Stockholm, 1966); Svenska Kyrkens Historia , ed. H. Holmquist, H. Pleijel, vols. 1-2 (Stockholm, 1941, 1933/1934); Erik den Helige , ed. B. Thordeman; S. Carlsson, J. Rosén, Svensk Historia , 3d ed., vol. 1 (Stockholm, 1969), all of which contain references to sources and literature.

100. Cf. Erik den Helige ; Hoffmann, Die heiligen , 197 ff., Schramm, Herrschaftszeichen 3:769 ff.

101. Thordeman, "Kungakröning," 309; Thordeman, "Kungakrona," 277. Although in the earliest record of this coronation, in Pope Innocent III's letter of 4 April 1216 only anointing is mentioned ( Sveriges Traktater med frümmade Magter , ed. O. S. Rydberg, vol. 1, no. 64 [Stockholm, 1877], anointing without coronation is not likely to have been performed after the tenth century (cf. Schramm, Herrschaftszeichen 3:775, n. 1).

102. Thordeman, "Kungakröning," 308; Thordeman, "Kungakrona," 277f. King Anund Jakob (early eleventh century) is depicted with a golden helmet; later coins and seals display crown, scepter, and orb. Earlier pictures show closed and arched crowns, those from the thirteenth century and later open crowns surmounted with lilies or leaves; however, the source value of these pictures is questionable (see above, n. 60). For the seals see H. Fleetwood, ed., Svenska medeltidinga Kungasigill , 2 vols. (Stockholm, 1936-1942); for the coins: B. Thordeman, ''Sveriges medeltidsmynt," Nordisk Kultur XXIX (1936). The existence of a burial crown for St. Erik suggests, however, that he wore one in life; see Thordeman, "Kungakrona," as above; Schramm, as above.

103. K. H. K. Olivecrona, "Das Werden eines Königs nach Altschwedischem Recht. Der Königsritus als magischer Akt," Lunds Universitetets Arsskrift NF 1, 44 (1948); Thordeman, "Kungakröning," 308 f.; Thordeman, "Kungakrona," 278 f.; cf. the review of the latter by K. Olivecrona in Deutsche Literaturzeitung 65 (1944): 74-78. See also Hoffmann, Königskrönung , 3 f., 12 f., 181 f.

104. R. Schmidt, "Königsumritt und Huldigung in ottonisch-salischer Zeit," Vorträge und Forschungen 6 (1961): 97-233.

105. The sources for mid-fourteenth-century Scandinavia are very scant in general, which may be the consequence of repeated waves of the Black Death; hence the silence of the sources cannot be taken as evidence against the possibility of coronations in this period.

106. As the archbishop of Uppsala was the only metropolitan in Sweden, the coronation was his privilege without contest.

107. See above, n. 102.

108. "Chronologia vetusta," SS rer. Svecicarum 1 (Uppsala, 1818): 96; "Diarium Wasstenense 1344-1545," ibid., 157 f.

109. Olai Petri Svenska Krönika , ed. G. E. Klemming (Stockholm, 1860), 327.

110. See the sources quoted in notes 30-31, above.

111. "Chronologia vetusta," 97.

112. "Annales Holmienses 1457-1468, SS rer. Svecicarum 3:27. S. Kraft (in Sveriges Historia til vara Dagar 3:2) assumes a brief quarrel between the king and the prelate.

113. G. Holmgren, "Gamla Uppsala och Mora äng in Medeltidslagarnas Valförskrifter," Upplands Fornminnesförenings Tidsskrift 45 (1935-1937): 3 ff., esp. 36. Clearly indicated on the sources are only the following coronations in Uppsala: Magnus Ladulas's in 1267 (in "Chronologia. . ." SS rer. Svecicarum 1:25; "Chronologia Anonymi. . . ," ibid., 54; "Chronologia Erici Olai,'' ibid., 2:59); Christopher III's in 1444 (see above, n. 108); Karl Knutsson's in 1448 (see above, n. 111 Diarium Wasstenense SS rer. Svericarum 1:165; chronicon Erici Olai, ibid. 2:155 and n. 112) and Christian I's in 1457 (in: "Chronologia vetusta," SS rer. Svecicarum 1:97). There are definite exceptions from the rule we have assumed: the coronation of Waldemar in 1251 in Linköping (see "Chronologia Anonymi," 1:54, and Chronicon, ibid., 186) and of Birger in 1302 in Sönderköping (see SS rer. Svecicarum 1:27, 42, 64, 87, 92, etc.).

114. See notes 30 and 31 above; further SS rer. Svecicarum 1:28, 94.

115. Olai Petri Svenska Krönika (as n. 109 above), 295.

116. See n. 109, above.

117. See n. 33, above.

118. There is positive evidence for the following coronations only: Margarethe, wife of Birger in 1302 ( SS rer. Svecicarum 1:27, 64, 87, 92; 2:76); Blanche of Flanders, wife of Magnus Eriksson in 1448 (ibid., 1:28, 43, 94; cf. n. 31 above) and of the wife of Karl Knutsson a few days after the king's coronation in 1448 (ibid., 1:97, 165 and 2:155).

119. Diplomatarium Suecanum 3:30-31, no. 1811.

120. Cf. Deutsche Reichstagsakten 16:173, no. 100: ". . . als in dem puch der krönung geschriben steet," 177, no. 101: ". . . ut in libro coronacionis pretacto . . . ," 178, no. 102. Cf. also G. Carlsson "Gustav Vasas Kröningsed," 323 f.

121. See n. 109, above.

122. Cf. my earlier assessment in "Krönung Christians," 62 and the above (n. 120) quoted article of Carlsson. A contemporary report on the coronation is to be found in: Peder Swart, Konung Gustaf I.'s Krönika , ed. N. Edén (Stockholm, 1912), 123.

123. Text in Carlsson, as above, 321: Ego Gotstauus electus rex profiteor et promitto coram Deo et angelis suis, deinceps legem, justiciam et pacem ecclesie Dei populoque michi subiecto pro posse et nosse facere atque seruare, saluo condigno misericordie Dei respectu, sicut in consilio fidelium meorum melius potero inuenire.

124. Janzon, "Erik XIV," 175.

125. Ibid., 206 f.; the two texts are confronted on pp. 213 ff.

126. See above, notes 76 and 77; anointing in the ordo A is in Janzon, as above, p. 218-219.

127. Schramm, Der König von Frankreich 1:157.

128. Janzon, "Erik XIV," 223.

129. Ibid., 224 (ordo A), after the acclamation of Eric XIV as king: "När nu alt thz so skiedt ähr, skall Konungen Mtt. ledas fram till Altaret, och their siunga eller läsa Euangelium de tempore, hollandes swerdet i handene bart och vprett, therförinan holla tua[tuå] Ordinarij Euangelij bocken." In ordo B, the one actually used at the coronation of King Erik, this reading of the Gospel is placed between the investiture with cloak and the enthronization and coronation (ibid., 220-221), the king standing by with the imperial sword in his right hand.

130. An additional piece of evidence for this can be found in the Diarium of the Abbey of Vadstena, already noted by Janzon ("Erik XIV," 207, n. 7), where it is reported that the successor of Christopher in Sweden, Karl Knutsson, read the beginning of the Gospel at the mass held for the veiling of his daughter, Brigitta, as nun of the monastery. At this occasion the king wore alba, tunic, and cape.

131. Schramm, English Coronation , 120.

1. M. Joysse, L'Anthropologie du geste (Paris, 1962); R. Brillant, Gesture and Rank in Roman Art: The Use of Gestures to Denote Status in Roman Sculpture and Coinage (Copenhagen, 1963); G. Neumann, Gesten und Gebärden in der griechischen Kunst (Berlin, 1966); G. Durand, Les structures anthropologiques de l'imaginaire (Paris, 1969); La Communication par le geste. Actes des sessions organisées par la recherche du sacré à l'Abresle 1965-1968 (Paris, 1970); Gestes et paroles dans les diverses familles liturgiques. Conférences Saint-Serge, XXIV ^e semaine d'études liturgiques (Rome, 1978, Bibliotheca Ephemerides liturgicae, Subsidia 14).

2. See, e.g., P. E. Schramm, A History of English Coronation , trans. L. G. Wickham Legg (Oxford, 1937); P. E. Schramm, Herrschaftszeichen und Staatssymbolik , 3 vols. (Stuttgart, 1954-1956); P. E. Schramm, Der König von Frankreich . . ., 2d ed. (Weimar, 1960). See also: C. A. Bouman, Sacring and Crowning . . . (Groningen, 1957); R. A. Jackson, Vive le roi! A History of French Coronation from Charles V to Charles X (Chapel Hill and London: University of North Carolina Press, 1984); H. D. Duncan, Symbols in Society (London, 1962); A. M. Hocart, Kingship (Oxford, 1927; reprinted 1969).

3. A. Gieysztor, "Non habemus caesarem nisi regem. La couronne fermée des rois de Pologne à la fin du XV ^e et au XVI ^e siècle," Bibliothèque de l'Ecole des chartes (1969) 127:5-26; "Spektakl i liturgia--polska koronacja królewska [Spectacle and Liturgy: The Polish Royal Coronation]," in Kultura elitarna a kultura masowa w Polsce (Wroclaw, 1978), 9-23; "Ornamenta regia w Polsce XV wieku [Royal Insignia in Fifteenth-century Poland]," in Sztuka i ideologia XV wieku (Warsaw, 1978), 155-163.

4. S. Ktrzeba, ed., "Ordo coronandi Regis Poloniae," in Archiwum Komisji Akademia (1910-1913), vol. 2; S. Ktrzeba, ed. "Zródla polskiego ceremonialu koronacyjnego [Sources of the Polish Coronation Ceremony]," Przeglad Historiczny (1911), 12:71-83, 285-307; cf. also his short overview Koronacja królów i królowych w Polsce [Coronation of Kings and Queens in Poland] (Warsaw 1918); Schramm, "Das polnische Königtum," in Herrschaftszeichen 3:939-962. The Cracow Cathedral MS 35 from the late fourteenth century contains a German ordo with the royal initial W[ladislas]. In the fifteenth century some additions were incorporated from the Durand Pontificale. The ordo in the Cracow MS 17, twice as long as the previous one, linked to the 1434 coronation of Wladislas III, is based on an ordo for the kings of Bohemia from the fourteenth century, which in turn goes back to English ceremonials with borrowings from the German ordo. The "ordo cornandae reginae,'' edited by Kutrzeba, mentioned above, and also in Corpus iuris Polonici , ed. O. Balzer (Warsaw, 1906), 3:208-212 has the same Bohemian-English parentage.

5. Cf. Schramm, Herrschaftszeichen , 3:961.

6. M. Bielski, Kronika polska , 1st ed. (1597, reprinted Sanok, 1856), 3:1207.

7. E. Sniezynska-Stolot, "Dworski ceremonial pogrzebowy królów polskich w XIV. w. [Courtly Ceremonial at the Funeral of Polish Kings in the fourteenth-century]," in Sztuka i ideologia XV wieku (Warsaw, 1978), 89-110; cf. E. M. Hallam, "Royal Burial and the Cult of Kingship in France and England 1060-1330," Journal of Medieval History 8 (1982): 359-380.

8. Cf. the ordo of 1434, of c. 1555(?), Kutrzeba, "Ordo," 162, 175. In Westminster Abbey "only an illustrious and select circle could get near" the ceremony, according to Schramm, English Coronation , 93.

9. Cf. Kutrzeba, "Ordo," 175, 185; Jan , "Historia," in Opera , ed. A. Przedziecki (Cracow 1873-1878) 13:546. From the sixteenth century to 1764 the king is said to be dressed in sandalis, tunica, chirotecis, amicto, alba, dalmatica et pallio seu cappa , according to Kutrzeba, "Ordo," 195.

10. Ordines of 1434, 1530, and the ceremonial of 1764, Kutrzeba, "Ordo," 47, 162, 196.

11. See the ordines and , Opera 13:33.

12. Gieysztor, "Spektakl," 16-17.

13. Ibid., 17-18.

14. In the ordo of 1540: Et rex accepto ense vibrat illum ; similarly in the ceremonial of 1764 (Kutrzeba, "Ordo," 204). This rite appears also in Wladisalas Jagiellonczyk's 1440 Hungarian coronation, see , Opera 13:645. For the history of the regalia, see W. Eliasz Radzikowski, Korony królóv polskich [Crowns of Polish Kings] (Poznan, 1899); F. Kopera, Dzieje skarbca koronnego [History of the Crown Jewels] (Cracow, 1904); C. Estreicher, The Mystery of the Polish Crown Jewels (London, 1945); Schramm, Herrschaftszeichen 3:957, 986.

15. The armilla in fashion of a stole made of cloth of gold to be put about the king's neck and fastened above and beneath the elbows with silk ribbons is still in use in England, but, like the stole of the kings of Poland, is not handled during the coronation act.

16. Wladislas Jagiello organized in 1412 a solemn entry of the insignia (crown, orb, scepter, and sword) to Cracow after their return from Hungary where they had been since 1382; they were placed in St. Mary's, the main parish church of the city, on public display ( , Opera 13:144). This crown, sometimes called the corona privilegiata was supplemented in the sixteenth century with two crossed arches surmounted by orb and cross, symbolically underlining the new ideas of Polish sovereignty (Gieysztor, "Non habemus," 5-26). The crown was confiscated by the Prussians in 1795 and secretly melted down in 1811 (Estreicher, Mystery ). For the metaphorical and political significace of the crown, see J. , "Die Krone des polnischen Königtums im 14. Jh. Eine Studie aus der Geschichte der Entwiclung der polnischen ständischen Monarchie," in Corona Regni: Studien über die Krone als Symbol des Staates im späteren Mittelalter , ed. M. Hellmann (Weimar, 1961), 399-548.

17. The crucufix taken by John Casimir to Paris after his abdication can be still seen in the treasury of Notre Dame, the Holy-Cross reliquary altered in the early nineteenth century; a study by E. Dabrowska is in print.

18. Knighting as the first royal act also seems to be one of the specific features of the Polish coronation with parallels only in Hungary, whence it may have been brought by Wladislas Jagiellonczyk. In England the king conferred knighthood at the Tower two nights before the coronation (Schramm, English Coronation , 93-95).

19. If the king was married, his first act after the coronation was to attend the queen's crowning (Kutrzeba, "Ordines," 212-216), just as in England; see J. Wickham Legg, Three Coronation Orders , (London, 1900, H. Bradshaw Soc. 19), 62-63.

20. For this aspect, see C. Deptula, "Problema mitu monarchy-dawcyz zywnosci w Polsce sredniowiecznej na przykladzie podania o Piascie [Problem of the Myth of a Food-providing Monarch in Medieval Poland on the Example of the Piast-legend]," Zeszyty Naukowe Kat. Univ. Lubelski 18, no. 3 (1975): 41-56; for a Dumézilian approach to sacred kingship cf. D. Dubuisson, "Le roi indo-européen et la synthèse des trois fonctions," Annales: ESC 33 (1978): 21-34.

21. Opera 13:547.

22. It was followed by a tournament in the main courtyard of Wavel Castle. As Schramm ( English Coronation , 90) observed, "Men of the late Middle Ages were brought up on courtly and knightly festivities no less than on ecclesiastical, for, there being no antithesis between the, two, the were complementary to one another and encouraged each other."

23. "La prière de l'Eglise est ergon dont la dynamique propre et incressante durant la liturgie," Andronikoff, Gestes et paroles , 15.

1. J. Schwalm, "Reise nach Italien im Herbst 1894," Neues Archiv 23 (1898): 18-22.

2. Ed. in Schwalm, "Reise," 18-20; also in R. Elze "Tre ordines per l'incoronazione di un re e di una regina del regno normanno di Sicilia," reprinted from Atti del Congresso Internazionale di Studi sulla Sicilia Normanna, 1972 (Palermo, Istituto di Storia Medievale, 1973), 15-18.

3. Schwalm, "Reise," 18-20; Elze, "Tre ordines," 19-20.

4. R. Elze, ed., Die Ordines für Weihe und Krönung des Kaisers und der Kaiserin , MGH Font, iur, germ. 9 (Hanover, 1960) [henceforth: OCI ] II, cap. 6, 7, 9.

5. Schwalm, "Reise," 18.

6. R. Elze, "Zum Königtum Rogers II. von Sizilien," Festschrift P. E. Schramm (Wiesbaden, 1964) 1: 102-116.

7. See V. Ehrensberger, Libri Liturgici Bibl. Apost. Vaticana (Rome, 1897), 551; Bannister, Monumenti Vaticani di paleografia musicale latina (Rome, 1913), 156, n. 520 (with revised dating).

8. Elze, OCI I-III.

9. Bannister, Monumenti , 157, n. 523 b ; Salmon.

10. Cf. Inventario general de Mss. de la Biblioteca Nacional (Madrid, 1956) 2: 115; J. Janini, J. Serrano, and A. M. Mundo, Manuscriptos liturgicos de la Bibl. Nat . (Madrid, 1969), 35.

11. C. Vogel and R. Elze, eds. Le pontifical romano-germanique de X ^e siècle. Vols. 1 and 2, Le Texte (Vatican City, 1963; 2d ed. 1966; Studie Testi, 226-227), Vol. 3, Introduction générale et Tables (Vatican City, 1972, no. 269) [henceforth: PRG].

12. M. Andrieu, ed. Le pontifical romain du XIII ^e siècle [= Le pontifical romain au moyen âge, 1] (Vatican City, 1938, Studi e Testi, 86).

13. Elze, "Tre ordines," 19-20.

14. Ibid., 15-18.

15. Elze, OCI , 171, n. 37.

16. Elze, "Tre ordines," 8-20.

17. Vogel and Elze, PRG, 259-261.

18. Elze, "Königtum," 109.

1. Cf. B. Schimmelpfennig, "Die Funktion des Papstpalastes und der kurialen Gesellschaft im päpstlichen Zeremoniell vor und während des Großen Schismas," in Genèse et débuts du Grand Schisme d'Occident: Colloques internat. du CNRS 586 (Paris, 1980), 317-328.

2. For the Lateran, see Ph. Lauer, Le palais du Latran (Paris, 1911); for the Vatican, most recently, K. B. Steinke, Die mittelalterlichen Vatikanpaläste und ihre Kapellen (Vatican City, 1984, Studi e documenti per la storia del palazzo apostolico Vaticano 5).

3. F. Piola Caselli, La construzione del palazzo dei papi di Avignone : 1316-1367 (Milan, 1981); cf. also L.-H. Labande, Le Palais des Papes et les monuments d'Avignon , 2 vols. (Marseille, 1925); S. Gagnière, Le Palais des Papes d'Avignon (Paris, 1965).

4. E. Baluze and G. Mollat, eds. Vitae paparum Avenionensium (Paris, 1914) 1:309, 330, 343 (for Innocent VI); 349, 384, 394-395, 398-399 (for Urban V); 415, 439 (for Gregory XI).

5. P. Guidi, "La coronazione d'Innocenzo VI," in Papsttum und Kaisertum. Forschungen . . . Paul Kehr . . . dargebracht (Munich, 1926), 571-590.

6. Guidi, "La coronazione," 587.

7. Besides the references in notes 4 and 5, see Baluze and Mollat, Vitae 1:195, 210, 217, 226 (for Benedict XII); 241, 263, 276, 289 (for Clement VI); further, see K. H. Schäfer, ed. Die Ausgaben der Apostolischen Kammer unter den Päpsten Benedikt XII., Klemens VI., und Innozenz VI (Paderborn, 1914, Vatikanische Quellen . . . 3) [henceforth: Schäfer, Ausgaben ], 33, 184-191.

8. For the following cf. B. Schimmelpfennig, "Die Krönung des Papstes im Mittelalter dargestellt am Beispiel der Krönung Pius II (3. 9. 1458)," QFIAB 54 (1974): 192-270; B. Schimmelpfennig, "Papal Coronation," Dictionary of the Middle Ages (New York, 1983) 3:602-605; N. Gussone, Thron und Inthronisation des Papstes von den Anfängen bis zum 12. Jahrhundert (Bonn, 1978).

9. Schimmelpfennig, "Krönung," 250-255; C. G. Fürst, "'Statim ordinetur episcopus,'" in Ex aequo et bono: Willibald M. Plöchl zum 70. Geburtstag (Innsbruck, 1977), 45-65.

10. Schimmelpfennig, "Krönung," 210, 241; to the tiara, last G. B. Ladner, "Der Ursprung und die mittelalterliche Entwicklung der päpstlichen Tiara," in Tainia: Festschr. f. Roland Hampe (Mainz, 1979), 449-481; now also his Die Papstbildnisse des Altertums und des Mittelalters 3 (Vatican City, 1984, Monumenti di antichità cristinana II, 4), 270-307.

11. Baluze and Mollat, Vitae 1:210, 226, 384, 394-395, 398-399; G, Melville, "Quellenkundliche Beiträge zum Pontifikat Benedikts XII. anhand von neu aufgefundenen 'Gesta'. I," Historisches Jahrbuch 102 (1982): 176 (verbatim as Baluze and Mollat 1:226).

12. The ordo Romanus XIII , so called ever since Mabillon, was last edited by M. Dykmans in his La cérémonial papal de la fin du moyen âge à la Renaissance 1 [henceforth: Dykmans, Cérémonial 1] (Brussels-Rome, 1977, Bibl. de l'Institut historique belge de Rome 24), 155-218.

13. K. Eubel, ed. Hierarchia catholica medii aevi , 2d ed. (Münster, 1913) 1:5-8; to the elections and the places cf. P. Herde, "Die Entwicklung der Papstwahl im dreizehnten Jahrhundert," Österreichisches Archiv für Kirchenrecht 32 (1981): 11-41.

14. Cf. the Prooemium of the ordo (Dykmans, Cérémonial 1:158): . . . sanctissimus pater et communis dominus, dominus Gregorius papa decimus, qui olim . . . electus extitit, . . . ad cautelam presentium . . . hec que sequuntur fecit redigi . Thus only the election, not the consecration is implied to have taken place. Dykmans ( Cérémonial 1:16-17) dates the text to c. 1272/1273.

15. Dykmans, Cérémonial 1:173, cap. 49. To the sources, cf. ibid. , 155-218 and B. Schimmelpfennig, Die Zeremonienbücher der römischen Kurie im Mittelalter (Tübingen, 1973, Bibl. d. Dt. Hist. Inst. in Rom, 40), 31.

16. Schimmelpfennig, Zeremonienbücher , 66.

17. Most recent edition: M. Dykmans, "De Rome en Avignon ou Le cérémonial de Jacques Stefaneschi," in his Le cérémonial papal &c. 2 [henceforth: Dykmans, Cérémonial 2] (Brussels-Rome, 1981, Bibl. de l'Institu . . . 25), 2:275-87. Dykmans ( Cérémonial 2:168) dates the text after 1303; to the ascription to Stefaneschi, cf. Schimmelpfennig, Zeremonienbücher , 89-95; to election and coronation, ibid. , 66-71.

18. Schimmelpfennig, Zeremonienbücher , 69; recent ed., Dykmans, Cérémonial 2:290-305.

19. Cf. the literature cited above in notes 7 and 11.

20. M. Dykmans, "Les textes avignonnais jusqu'à la fin du grand schisme d'occident," in Le Cérémonial . . . 3 (Brussels-Rome, 1983 Bibl. de l'Institut . . . 26), 462-473; to the dating, ibid. , 141-144.

21. Dykmans, Cérémonial 3, 468, para. 46.

22. Ibid., 467, para. 40.

23. Ibid., 470-471, paras. 63, 65, 66.

24. Ibid., 471, para. 69.

25. Ibid., 462, paras. 1 and 3. That the subsequent paragraphs refer also to the palace chapel is, to my mind, obvious from the reference to altare and not to altare maius as it would be in a large church with several altars.

26. Steinke, Vatikanpaläste (see n. 2), 99-105.

27. Cf., for example, the description at the occasion of Gergory XII's coronation, in H. Finke, "Eine Papstchronik des XV. Jahrhunderts," Römische Quartalschrift 4 (1890): 361.

28. Schäfer, Ausgaben 2:33 and 191.

29. Baluze and Mollat, Vitae 1:217.

30. B. Schimmelpfennig, "Die Organisation der päpstlichen Kapelle in Avignon", QFIAB 50 (1970): 80-111.

31. J. Braun, Die liturgische Gewandung im Occident und Orient (Freiburg/B., 1907; reprinted Darmstadt, 1964), esp. 399-410; more detailed is G. Pouyard, Dissertazione sopra l'anteriorità del bacio de' piedi de' sommi pontifici (Rome, 1807).

32. Cf. Schimmelpfennig, Zeremonienbücher , 466 b : Index s. v. " Quam amabilia ," and " Quam dilecta ."

33. M. Andrieu, Le pontifical de Guillaume Durand ( Le pontifical romain au moyen âge 3, Vatican City, 1940, Studi e testi 88).

34. C. A. Willemsen, Kardinal Napoleon Orsini (1263-1342) (Berlin, 1927); the cardinal is named explicitly for 1335 in a vita , see Baluze and Mollat, Vitae , 1:217.

35. Schimmelpfennig, Krönung (see n. 8), 207-208; Dykmans, Cérémonial 3:143.

36. Finke, "Papstchronik," 361.

37. P. Fabre, L. Duchesne, eds., Le Liber censuum de l'église romaine (Paris, 1910, Bibl. de l'Ecole Française 2:6) 2:145 b , para. 17; and 153 a , para. 47.

38. St. J. P. Van Dijk, The Ordinal of the Papal Court from Innocent III to Boniface VIII and Related Documents (Fribourg, 1975, Specilegium Friburgense 22), 291.

39. Schimmelpfennig, Krönung , 207, n. 77.

41. Schäfer, Ausgaben 2:185; fourty-five fl spent by Clement VI at his coronation pro 2 pannis pro 2 cathedris papae .

42. R. Elze, "Das 'Sacrum Palatium Lateranense' im 10. und 11. Jahrhundert," Studi Gregoriani 4 (1952): 27-54; now also in his Päste-Kaiser-Könige und die mittelalterliche Herrschaftssymbolik (London, 1982, CS 152), R. Elze , "Die Herrscherlaudes im Mittelalter," ZSRG Kan. Abt. 40 (1954): 214-226; also in Päpste &c. , no. X.

43. Dykmans, Cérémonial 2:329, para. 15.

44. Ibid., 319, para 30: . . . sedet in faldistorio super pulvinar, coopertum de samito rubeo, et scabello ad pedes posito, in medio eiusdem [= St. Peter] platee, super gradus prefatos, unde ab omnibus videri possit . Since this passage was also included in the Ordo Roman VIX, the prescriptions about the fabrics may have been observed in Avignon as well; cf., however, the passage quoted in the next note.

45. Schäfer, Ausgaben 2:190 (for Clement VI) on timber bought pro cadafalco, ubi papa coronatus fuit . Guidi, "Coronazione" (see n. 5), 583-584 records expenses for mason's work at Innocent VI's coronation in muro cadafalli ad ponendum fustas saumeriorum ubi dominus noster papa fuit coronatus , and (on p. 587) for fabric to be draped over the catafalque pro pannis aureis (!!) . . . cathedre, ubi, fuit facta coronatio .

46. To this and the following cf. Schimmelpfennig, Krönung , 214-219; the lit. cited there is to be augmented now by Ladner, "Ursprung," and Papstbildnisse (as n. 10, above).

47. Schimmelpfennig, Krönung , 214-219.

48. Baluze and Mollat, Vitae 1:263, 276.

49. Ibid., 217.

50. Schimmelpfennig, Krönung , 246, 248.

51. Schäfer, Ausgaben 2:184-191.

52. Schimmelpfennig, Krönung , 219-231.

53. Reproduced from Cod. Vat. lat. 1145, fol. 36v in M. Dykmans, "D'Avignon à Rome. Martin V et la cortège apostolique," Bulletin de l'Institut historique belge 43 (1986): pl. I-II.

54. C. Erdmann, "Das Wappen und die Fahnen der römischen Kiche," QFIAB 22 (1931): 227-255.

55. Schäfer, Ausgaben 2:190; Guidi, "Coronazione," 589.

55. Schäfer, Ausgaben 2:190; Guidi, "Coronazione," 589.

57. Schimmelpfennig, Krönung , 231-238.

58. Guidi, "Coronazione," 584, records expenses for a catafalque supra cancellum, quod est iuxta ecclesiam beate Marie de Domps .

59. For the following, see Baluze and Mollat, Vitae 1:330, 334 (Innocent VI); 384, 394, 398 (Urban V); 439 (Gergroy XI); and Guidi, "Coronazione," 571-590.

60. Dykmans, Cérémonial 3:462-473; cf. n. 20 above.

61. Schimmelpfennig, Krönung , passim; Schimmelpfennig, "Fuktion," (as n. 1).

62. For the later developments, cf. Schimmelpfennig, Krönung , 196 ff.

1. A companion article entitled "Antiphons and Acclamations: The Politics of Music in the Coronation Service of Edward II, 1308," The Journal of Musicology 6 (1988): 150-68, documents and exemplifies the discussion summarized in the following paragraphs. A third article, "The Music of the Late Medieval English Coronation Ceremonies," for which a place of publication has yet to be found, deals with general matters of musical style and performance of the chants in the coronation, including those discussed in the remainder of the present study.

2. H. Pirenne, A History of Europe , trans. B. Miall (Garden City, N.Y.: 1958) 2:85, 90.

3. J. Brückmann, "English Coronations, 1216-1308: The Edition of the Coronation Ordines," doctoral dissertation, Toronto 1964, table XIV (following p. 384).

4. Compare the groupings in H. G. Richardson and G. O. Sayles, "Early Coronation Records," Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research 13 (1935-1936), 129-45 and 14 (1936-1937), 1-9, 145-148, and in P. E. Schramm, "Ordines-Studien III: Die Krönung in England vom 10. Jh. bis zur Neuzeit," Archiv für Urkundenforschung 15 (1938): 305-91 and 16 (1939): 279-286.

5. H. G. Richardson, "The Coronation of Edward II," Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research 16 (1938-1939), 7, 11; Brückmann, "English Coronations," 335-337.

6. Brückmann, as above, 337-339.

7. L. B. Wilkinson, "Notes on the Coronations Records of the Fourteenth Century," English Historical Review 70 (1955): 581-600, here 591-592.

8. Ibid.

9. J. Wickham Legg, ed., Missale ad usum ecclesie Westmonasteriensis , 3 vols. (London, 1891-97; Henry Bradshaw Soc. 1, 5, 12), here: addendum preceding vol. 3, describing the Accompt roll of 1384 which lists charges incurred for preparing Lytlington's Missal. Cf. Richardson and Sayles, "Early Coronation," 138-139.

10. T. A Sandquist, "English Coronations," doctoral dissertation, Toronto 1962, 7-10.

11. P. E. Schramm, A History of the English Coronation , trans. L. G. Wickham Legg (Oxford, 1937), 80.

12. Schramm, "Ordines-Studien," 345.

13. Personal communication.

14. Wilkinson, "Notes," 591, 596.

15. See my "Music . . .," as in n. 1, above.

16. M. Andrieu, Le pontifical romain au moyen-âge , 4 vols. (Vatican City, 1938-1941, Studi e testi, 86-88, 99), here: 2:367 and 3:391; H. A. Wilson, ed., The Pontifical of Magdalen College (London, 1910; Henry Bradshaw Soc. 39), 89; here 249 and 251.

17. W. H. Frere, ed., The Winchester Troper (London, 1894; Henry Bradshaw Soc. 8), f. 53v in the manuscript.

18. MS 4 of table 1, f. 67; L. G. Wickham Legg, Three Coronation Orders (London, 1900; Henry Bradshaw Soc. 19), 163-164.

19. Wilson, Pontifical , 89.

20. The Ms Harley 561 (MS k of table 2, a fifteenth-century copy of the Fourth Recension which has a very peculiar position in the transmission of the music) gives a chant different from either English version and from that in fifteenth-century French sources.

21. MS 5 of table 12.1, p. 279; Legg, Three , 53; MS 3 of table 1, p. 138; L. G. Wickham Legg, English Coronation Records (Westminster, 1901), 15 (with chorus for clerus ).

22. Brückmann, "English Coronations," 457.

23. MS f on table 12.2, f. 196v; MS e of table 12.2, f. 97, gives hec for hanc .

24. MS b of table 12.2, f. 62.

25. MSS c and d of table 12.2, f. 64 and p. 402 respectively.

26. W. G. Henderson, ed., Liber Pontificalis Chr. Bainbridge (Durham, 1875; Surtees Soc. 61), 270; Legg, English , 15; Legg, Three , 53; Brückmann, "English Coronations," 412.

27. Legg, English , 86-87.

28. . . . capella regia solemniter decantat sequens responsorium . . . "Ecce mitto" . . . Introeuntibus autem illis in ecclesiam usque ad introitum chori cantet predicta capella hanc antiphonam "Domine in virtute ," see D. H. Turner's note on music in W. Ullmann, ed., Liber regie capelle (London, 1961; Henry Bradshaw Soc. 92), 50.

29. See F. Ll. Harrison, Music in Medieval Britain (London, 1958), 244.

30. C. Marbach, ed. Carmina scripturarum (Strassburg, 1907; repr. Hildesheim 1963), 371; Andrieu, Le pontifical 2:386, 3:427.

31. Ullmann, Liber , 26-27.

32. Andrew Hughes, Medieval Manuscripts for Mass and Office: A Guide to their Organization and Terminology (Toronto 1982), 86.

33. I refer only to the source with music, the Magdalen Pontifical (as n. 16 above), MS 6 of table 12.1. The Second Recension Order with music does not give the Alleluya; this may provide a clue about the coronation for which the Magdalen Pontifical was used.

34. See above, n. 32.

35. Antiphonaire monastique, XIII ^e siècle, Codex F. 160 de la Bibl. de la cathédrale de Worcester (Tournai, 1922, Paléographie musicale, I:12), pl. 201.

36. E. H. Kantorowicz, Laudes Regiae. A Study in Liturgical Acclamations and Medieval Ruler Worship (with a Study of the Music of the Laudes and Musical Transcriptions by M. F. Bukofzer) (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1946), passim.

37. Ibid., 101, 174, 180.

38. I. Bent, "The English Chapel Royal Before 1300," Proc. of the Royal Musical Association 90 (1983-1984), 77-95, here 89.

39. Legg, English , 69-76.

40. See B. Stäblein, "Prefätion," Die Musik in Geschichte and Gegenwart ; P. Wanger, Einführung in die gregorianische Melodien , Gregorianische Formenlehre (Leipzig 1921; repr. Hildesheim, 1970) 3:69-82; F. H. Dickinson, ed. Missale ad usum . . . ecclesie Sarum (Oxford, 1861-1883), 597-610.

41. W. J. Birkbeck, in Legg, Miss. Westmon . 3:1401.

42. Ibid.

43. Henderson, Liber , 98, 118, 130, 144, 161.

44. Hoc modo incipiantur omnes Prefationes ad missam per totum annum tam in feriis quam in festis , Dickinson, Missale . . . Sarum , 607.

45. MS i in table 12.2, f. 1-1; MS j f. 18v-19; MS f f. 204v-5 (or 205v-6).

46. Brückmann, "English Coronations," 160.

47. Psalm 44, Eructavit cor meum , contains almost as many regal references as Psalm 20 and provides texts for parts of the service.

48. Brückmann, "English Coronations," 384.

49. See, for example, the differentia of Unxerunt , the melody of Firmetur at exal-, prece- , and Alle- , and numerous melodic and textual variants in the responses of the coronation Preface, and in the same Preface variants at Electorum, fortitudo, redditam, iterumque, predixisti, ut per, et exempla, tuamque, benedictione. habere facias.

50. Not just MS b , as Brückmann states.

51. MS a stands alone in the differentia and flexa of Firmetur , in the gradual at sicut incensum and Elevatio , and in the coronation Preface at Deo nostro and Dignum et justum .

52. MS e stands alone in omitting the choral responses in the coronation Preface and at et humilium, diluvi , and David vocem in the same item; MS f stands alone in the coronation Preface at servicio, imitari, adiuvante , and exhill- .

53. Many of the variants in n. 49, as well as linking MS g with a, b, c , and d , may be used to demonstrate the unanimity of e, f, h, i, j , and k .

54. Brückmann, "English Coronations," 337-9.

55. Some evidence on these matters is assembled in Bent, "Chapel Royal", Kantorowicz, Laudes (esp. Bukofzer's Study), 98, and elsewhere; Sandquist, "English coronations," 56, 307; Ullmann, Liber , esp. in Turner's appendix.

56. Other citations of interest but not used for anything specific are as follows: Bailey, Terence The Processions of Sarum and the Western Church , (Toronto, Pontifical Institute of Medieval Studies 1971 Studies and Texts, 21).

Brückmann, John, "Latin Manuscript Pontificals and Benedictionals in England and Wales," Traditio 29 (1973): 391-458.

Doble, G. H., ed., Pontificale Lanalet , (London, 1937 Henry Bradshaw Society 74).

Frere, Walter H., ed., The Use of Sarum , 2 vols. (Cambridge, 1898, 1901; reprint 1969).

———, ed., Antiphonale Sarisburiense (London: 1901-1924; reprint 1966).

Greenwell, W., ed., The Pontifical of Egbert, Archbishop of York , (Durham, 1853 Surtees Society 27).

Hesbert, René-Jean, "Les manuscrits liturgiques de l'église de Rouen," Bulletin Philologique et Historique (1955-1956): 441-483.

———, Corpus antiphonalium officii , 4 vols., Rerum Ecclesiasticarum Documenta, ser. major, Fontes 7, 8, 9, 10 (Rome, 1963, 1965, 1968, 1970).

Leroquais, Victor, Les pontificaux manuscrits des bibliothèques publiques de France , 4 vols. (Paris, 1937).

Maskell, William, ed., Monumenta ritualia ecclesie Anglicanae , 3 vols. (London, 1846, 1847).

Richardson, H. G., "The Coronation of Edward I," Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research 15 (1937-1938): 94-99.

Turner, Derek H., ed., The Claudius Pontificals , Henry Bradshaw Society 97 (London, 1971).

Vogel, Cyrille, and Reinhard E'ze, eds., Le Pontifical romano-germanique du dixième siècle , 2 vols., (Vatican City, 1963 Studi e Testi 226, 227).

Wordsworth, Christopher, Salisbury Ceremonies and Processions (Cambridge, 1901).

1. B. L. Egerton MS 985, f. 1. The text is reproduced in Leopold G. Wickham Legg, English Coronation Records (Westminster, 1901), 220-239.

2. B. L. Tiberius E, viii, ff. 90-100.

3. Ibid., f. 89. The text is reproduced in Legg, English Coronation Records , 240-241.

4. John Strype, Memorials of Archbishop Cranmer (Oxford, 1848) 2:8.

5. Chronicle of the Greyfriars of London , ed. John Gough Nichols (London, 1852), 84.

6. Calendar of State Papers, Venetian , (1534-1554), ed. Rawdon Brown (London, 1873) 5:432.

7. Edward M. Thompson, "The Revision of the Statutes of the Order of the Garter by King Edward the Sixth," Archaeologia 54 (1894): 184.

8. J. E. Neale, Elizabeth I and Her Parliaments (1559-1581) (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1958) 2:42.

9. B. L. Ashmole MS 862, f. 299. The text is reproduced and discussed by C. G. Bayne in a brief article, "The Coronation of Queen Elizabeth," English Historical Review 25 (1910): 550-553.

10. John Ponet, "A Notable Sermon concerninge the Right Use of the Lordes Supper . . . preached before the Kynges Most Excellent Mayesty" (1550), C. iii; C. iii; and D. iii.

11. Calendar of State Papers, Venetian , (1558-1580), ed. Rawdon Brown and G. Cavendish Bentinck (London, 1890) 7:2.

12. Calendar of State Papers, Spanish , (1558-1567), ed. Martin A. S. Hume (London, 1892-1899) 1:375.

13. C. G. Bayne reproduces and discusses the texts of all three in an earlier and lengthier article, also entitled "The Coronation of Queen Elizabeth," EHR 22 (1907): 650-673.

14. See ibid., 656-657; A. F. Pollard, "The Coronation of Queen Elizabeth," EHR 25 (1910): 125-126; and William P. Haugaard, "The Coronation of Elizabeth I," Journal of Ecclesiastical History 19 (1968): 163-165.

15. Bayne (1907), 670.

16. Ibid., 671.

17. See below in this volume.

18. Bayne (1907), 663.

19. Ibid., 661.

20. Bayne, "The Coronation of Queen Elizabeth," EHR 24 (1909): 332-323; and Pollard (1910), 125.

21. Calendar of State Papers, Spanish , (1558-1567) 1:25.

22. A. L. Rowse, "The Coronation of Queen Elizabeth I," An Elizabethan Garland (London: Macmillan, 1954), 21.

23. B. L. Egerton MS 3320. I saw this same illustration before reading Rowse's article and leapt to the same conclusion, but the objections raised by H. A. Wilson and Haugaard make certainty on these matters very difficult.

24. H. A. Wilson, "The Coronation of Queen Elizabeth," EHR 23 (1908): 87-91. See also Haugaard, 168.

25. Public Record Office, State Papers Domestic, Elizabeth, I, 68. The memorandum goes on to say, "I thynke it most necessary that before any p[ar]on published after the old manner, at the Coronation, that certain of the Principall Prelats be comytted to the Tower."

26. Haugaard, 166 and 170. David Sturdy (below) briefly reviews both versions of the event and abstains from choosing between them, but he arrives at a conclusion similar to Haugaard's: "Whichever version is preferred, however, the outcome is the same: Elizabeth introduced a dramatic gesture into her coronation in order to publicise a statement on the religious ethos of the coming reign." I am arguing that unlike either of her predecessors, she effectively obscured rather than publicized the nature of her religious settlement for some time.

27. Nicholas Sanders, The Rise and Growth of the Anglican Schism (1585), trans. David Lewis (London, 1877), 242-243.

28. Patrick Collinson, The Elizabethan Puritan Movement (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1967), 31.

29. See Collinson (ibid.) who discusses the Prayerbook's equivocation between the Puritans' "memorialist emphasis" and formulations "which could be construed as an affirmation of the real presence in the consecrated elements" (p. 34). See also M. M. Knappen, Tudor Puritanism (1939; reprint Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1970), 169-170; and G. J. Cuming, The Anglican Liturgy (London, 1969), 132-133.

30. Collinson, The Elizabethan Puritan Movement , 35.

31. The Quenes Maiesties Passage through the Citie of London to Westminster the Day before her Coronacion , ed. James M. Osborn (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1960), 27.

32. Jonathan Goldberg, James I and the Politics of Literature (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1983), 29.

33. David Bergeron, "Elizabeth's Coronation Entry (1559): New Manuscript Evidence," ELR 8 (1978): 3-8. Goldberg makes the plausible suggestion that Elizabeth I saw and approved the scripts beforehand (p. 31).

34. J. E. Neale, Elizabeth I and Her Parliaments, 1584-1601 2:119.

35. The Quenes Maiesties Passage , 28.

36. These drawings are included in B. L. Egerton MS 3320 and College of Arms MS. M6.

37. Percy Ernst Schramm, A History of the English Coronation , trans. L. G. W. Legg (Oxford, 1937), 93. Ceremonial innovation and the shift from sacred rite to secular pageant is not necessarily a degradation. See David Cannadine's discussion of the very successful adaptations of the Victorian and modern monarchy in "The Context, Performance, and Meaning of Ritual: The British Monarchy and the 'Invention of Tradition,' c. 1820-1977," The Invention of Tradition , ed. Eric Hobsbawm and Terence Ranger (Cambridge, 1983), 101-165.

38. Schramm, A History of English Coronation , 10.

39. The Quenes Maiesties Passage , 7.

40. Hamlet , IV.v.124. For a discussion of the problems of a power dependent on theatrical artifice, see Stephen Orgel's essay, "Making Greatness Familiar," Genre 15 (1982): 41-48; and my "'Thou Idol Ceremony': Elizabeth I, Henry V, and the Rites of the British Monarchy" (forthcoming).

41. J. Wickham Legg, ed., The Coronation Order of King James I (London, 1902), lxiii.

42. Arthur Wilson, Life and Reign of James the First , quoted in James I by His Contemporaries , ed. Robert Ashton (London, 1969), 63-64.

43. Thomas Babington Macaulay, The History of English from the Accession of James II , ed. C. H. Firth (London, 1913-1914) 1;468-469.

44. See Lois G. Schwoerer, "The Glorious Revolution as Spectacle: A New Perspective," in England's Rise to Greatness , 1660-1763 ed. Stephen B. Baxter (Berkeley, Los Angeles, London: University of California Press, 1983), 109-149; and "Propaganda in the Revolution of 1688-89," The American Historical Review 82 (1977): 843-874.

1. The literature on the Oxford Movement is profuse; a good summary of the movement and its aims is in O. Chadwick, The Victorian Church , pt. 1, 2d. ed., (London, 1970), chap. 3; for a survey of recent publications see S. Gilley, "The Oxford Movement," History 69, no. 226.

2. On Bradshaw, see A. C. Benson, "Henry Bradshaw," The Cornhill Magazine 30 (1911): 814-824.

3. See J. P. Kenyon, The History Men: The Historical Profession in England Since the Renaissance (London, 1983), 85-97.

4. His thoughts on the Coronation are available in brief form in two articles that he wrote: "The English Coronation Ceremonial," The Month 99 (1920): 561-576, and "The Coronation," The Dublin Review 149 (1911): 1-22.

5. Herbert Thurston, The Coronation Ceremonial , 2d ed. (London, 1911), 4-50.

6. Ibid., 492.

7. Ibid., 12-13, chap. 4.

8. Ibid., 13-18.

9. Ibid., 18-22.

10. Ibid., 22.

11. Ibid., 22-23.

12. Ibid., chap. 5.

13. "The Origins and Development of the Coronation Liturgy," The Clergy Review , new series, 38, no. 4 (1953): 193-202.

14. "The Coronation Orders," The Journal of Theological Studies (July, 1909): 481-504.

15. Ibid., 495.

16. Nevertheless, he doubted whether it could be said that the traditional ceremony survived the seventeenth century.

17. Kenyon, The History Men , 97-143.

18. "The Coronation in Medieval England," Traditio 16 (1960): 116.

19. R. S. Hoyt, "The Coronation Oath of 1308," English Historical Review , 81-280 (1956): 354, n. 2, contains a comprehensive bibliography on the subject.

20. H. G. Richardson, "The English Coronation Oath," Transactions of the Royal Historical Society , 4th series, 23 (1941): 131.

21. Ibid., 133-135.

22. See especially, Hoyt "The Coronation Oath of 1308"; Richardson, "The English Coronation Oath"; "The Coronation in Medieval England," 138-140; "Early Coronation Records: The Coronation of Edward II," Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research 16 (1938-1939): 1-11; "The English Coronation Oath," Speculum 24, no. 1 (1949): 44-75; L. B. Wilkinson, "Notes on the Coronation Records of the Fourteenth Century," English Historical Review 70, no. 277 (1955): 581-600.

23. Hoyt, "The Coronation Oath of 1308," 356.

24. Hoyt and Richardson reach similar conclusions on this point.

25. J. H. Shennan, The Origins of the Modern European State, 1450-1725 (London, 1974), contains essential bibiographical references.

26. H. H. Gerth and C. Wright Mills, eds., Max Weber (London, 1970), 77-79.

27. C. A. J. Armstrong, "The Inauguration Ceremonies of the Yorkist Kings and the Title to the Throne," Transactions of the Royal Historical Society , 4th series, 30 (1948): 51-73.

28. J. W. McKebba, "The Coronation Oil of the Yorkist Kings," English Historical Review 82, no. 322 (1967): 102-104.

29. This paragraph on Elizabeth's coronation is based on: C. G. Bayne, "The Coronation of Queen Elizabeth," English Historical Review 22, no. 87 (1907): 650-673; Ibid., 24, no. 94 (1909): 322-323; Ibid., 25, no. 99 (1910): 550-553; W. P. Haugaard, "The Coronation of "Elizabeth I," Journal of Ecclesiastical History 19, no. 2 (1968): "Elizabeth." English Historical Review 25, no. 97 (1910): 125-126; G. L. Ross, ''Il Schifanoya's Account of the Coronation of Queen Elizabeth," English Historical Review 23, no. 91 (1908): 533-534; H. A. Wilson, "The Coronation of Queen Elizabeth,'' English Historical Review 23, no. 89 (1908): 87-91. See also R. C. McCoy's contribution to this volume.

30. Lord Macaulay, The History of England from the Accession of James II , ed. C. H. Firth, 6 vols. (London, 1913-1914), i, 469.

31. D. J. Sturdy, "English Coronations in the Seventeenth Century," in Herrscherweihe und Königskrönung im Frühneuzeitlichen Europa , ed. H. Duchhardt (Wiesbaden, 1983), 69-71.

32. S. Anglo. Spectacle, Pagentry, and Early Tudor Policy (Oxford, 1969); G. Reedy, S.J., "Mystical Politics: The Imagery of Charles II's Coronation," in Studies in Change and Revolution: Aspects of English Intellectual History, 1640-1800 , ed. P. Korshin (Menston, 1972), 19-42.

33. The procession was not held before the coronation of Charles I because of plague, nor was it held before that of James II because of the costs involved; Macaulay saw the omission as a grave error on the part of James II ( History , i, 468-469).

34. See C. Hill, The Century of Revolution, 1603-1714 (London, 1961), passim ; A. Hughes and W. R. Owens, eds., Seventeenth-Century England: a Changing Culture , 2 vols. (London, 1980).

35. Hansard, 43 (1838), 350.

36. Ibid., 351.