1. Regarding the publication of the various collected and foreign-language editions of Dampier's voyages see Joseph C. Shipman, William Dampier: Seaman-Scientist (Lawrence, Kansas, 1962), pp. 2-4. Dampier's influence on Defoe is readily traceable; see Oskar H. K. Spate, The Pacific Since Magellan , Vol. II: Monopolists and Freebooters (Minneapolis, 1983), pp. 156-158: "No fewer than eight of Defoe's narratives are in-

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debted to Dampier, on whom he relies more than any other travel writer" (p. 157). Spate's fine work (the first two volumes, now published, carry the story down to the mid-eighteenth century) is the best introduction to the political history of the Pacific.

2. See generally Glyndwr Williams, "'The Inexhaustible Fountain of Gold': English Projects and Ventures in the South Seas, 1670-1750," in John E. Flint and G. Williams, eds., Perspectives of Empire: Essays Presented to Gerald S. Graham (London, 1973), pp. 27-53.

3. Joseph Conrad, "Geography and Some Explorers," in Last Essays , ed. Richard Curie (London, 1926), p. 10.

4. To understand Cook's conception of how he would be rewarded, one must understand the process of advancement in the Royal Navy. It was difficult for an officer to gain promotion in peacetime unless he had good connections and good luck. When Cook returned from his first voyage he was raised in rank to commander. After the second voyage he was made captain of a ship of the line which was about to be decommissioned, so the appointment was clearly contrived by the Admiralty for the purpose of giving him post, i.e., captain's rank. Almost simultaneously he was made a captain of Greenwich Hospital, a billet for deserving retired officers which paid a nice pension, but Cook took it on the clear understanding that he had not retired. See J. C. Beaglehole, The Life of Captain James Cook (Stanford, 1974), pp. 275-276, 444.

5. On Dampier's instructions see note 77 below. The quotation from John Maynard Keynes is found in Essays in Persuasion (London, 1931), p. 62. Keynes wrote this in 1921 when he was most disgusted and despairing over the conduct of the allied nations.

6. These underlying motives are shaped in any particular epoch by society's conception of the uses of exploration. A list of goals might include national or monarchical prestige; religious mission; science (pure lust for knowledge); commercially useful information; development of opportunities for commercial poaching, predatory expeditions of war, or human exploitation; and lucre (by seizure or mining). This list would pertain as readily to private as to public ventures. The main public or governmental concern would center on national self-preservation through various means—for instance, enhanced treasury revenue, increased prosperity (and hence taxable and loanable funds), enhancement of strategic knowledge or skills useful in combat (such as seamanship) among the populace, or enlargement of the nation's affiliated population through colonization. Additional benefits, of course, could include augmented pools of patronage and kindred opportunities for politicians.

7. Fernand Braudel, "The Expansion of Europe and the 'Longue Durée,'" in H. L. Wesseling, Expansion and Reaction (Leiden, 1978), pp. 17-27.

8. Oskar H. K. Spate, The Pacific Since Magellan , Vol. I: The Spanish

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Lake (Minneapolis, 1979), p. 58. There was a certain continuity. Although Magellan's voyage was in the service of Spain, he was Portuguese and had participated in the conquest of Malacca (ibid., p. 34).

9. The geographical and economic nature of things dictated that this Indies trade which centered on Manila, though it proved to be of some value to New Spain and was not without impact on commerce in the Pacific basin, could scarcely have any effect on the economy of Old Spain.

10. See generally T. Bentley Duncan, Atlantic Islands: Madeira, the Azores and the Cape Verdes in Seventeenth-Century Commerce and Navigation (Chicago, 1972), especially chap. 2.

11. See J. H. Parry, The Discovery of the Sea (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1981), pp. 243, 253-257.

12. See Brett Hilder, The Voyage of Torres (St. Lucia, Queensland, 1980), p. 135: "As the discoveries made by Torres were thought to have a possible value to the enemies of Spain, his letter to the king was filed away out of sight. To historians seeking to tie the voyage of Torres into the wider perspectives of European expansion and world politics, there are no dividends. Nor were the results of the voyage of any help to exploration, colonization, trade, or navigation at the time. Torres's only reward was the belated naming of the strait after him, a well-deserved honour, as he was the first man to pass through it and no one was to follow him until Cook in 1770."

13. Spate, Monopolists , pp. 25-26. Bartolomé and Gonzalo Garcia de Nodal were Galicians who had amply demonstrated their abilities in the Spanish navy. Spate remarks that the conduct of this voyage of exploration "was a model of decision and efficiency." It is perhaps symbolic that they subsequently served in the Atlantic silver convoys (where they lost their lives in a hurricane).

14. Reluctantly from Madrid's point of view; Spanish Americans had a different perspective. A brief summation of the extent of the initial enthusiasm may be found in G. V. Scammell, The World Encompassed: The First European Maritime Empires, c. 800-1650 (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1981), pp. 320, 328-329. For a brief sketch of the eighteenth-century history of the Manila galleon, see Spate, Monopolists , pp. 281-283.

15. From the preamble of the instructions given to Tasman, 13 August 1642, printed in J. E. Heeres, "His Life and Labours," in Abel Janszoon Tasman's Journal (Amsterdam, 1898), p. 128. See also the resolution taken by the officials at Batavia on 1 August (p. 131). On the probing voyages that the company did undertake in the 1620s and 1630s, see pp. 88-104, 147-148.

16. From the letter of 12 December 1742 from Batavia to Amsterdam explaining the purposes of the voyages (ibid., pp. 137-139). See also Andrew Sharp, The Voyages of Abel Janszoon Tasman (Oxford, 1968), pp. 30-39. At this time the Dutch called Australia the Southland; within

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a generation they would call it New Holland. It was still called New Holland in the time of Captain Cook.

17. Report from Batavia to the directors at Amsterdam dated 23 December 1644. I have preferred Sharp's translation here (ibid., p. 317).

18. Heeres, "His Life," p. 115, n. 4.

19. Charles de Brosses, Histoire des navigations aux terres australes (1756; reprinted Amsterdam and New York, 1967), Vol. I, pp. 8-9: "Si elle [une riche compagnie] agit, c'est avec des vûes particulières: c'est dans l'esperance d'un grand profit facile á faire. Si les premières tentatives n' ont aucun fruit, bientôt rebutée par la dépense & par les obstacles, elle se renferme dans les branches de son commerce accoutumé" (p. 9).

20. J. C. Beaglehole, The Exploration of the Pacific , 3rd ed. (London, 1966), p. 162.

21. The views at Batavia and Amsterdam were sharply divergent in the 1640s. The governor and councillors at Batavia wrote (12 December 1642): "We are sadly deficient in what would be required [proper ships] for the discovery of unknown countries and for the seeking of fresh trade-markets, on both which points, as aforesaid, a great deal more might be done" (Heeres, "His Life," p. 138). The directors wrote (9 September 1645): "The Company has now made a sufficient number of discoveries for maintaining its trade, provided the latter be carried on with success" (ibid., p. 115, n. 4).

20. J. C. Beaglehole, The Exploration of the Pacific , 3rd ed. (London, 1966), p. 162.

21. The views at Batavia and Amsterdam were sharply divergent in the 1640s. The governor and councillors at Batavia wrote (12 December 1642): "We are sadly deficient in what would be required [proper ships] for the discovery of unknown countries and for the seeking of fresh trade-markets, on both which points, as aforesaid, a great deal more might be done" (Heeres, "His Life," p. 138). The directors wrote (9 September 1645): "The Company has now made a sufficient number of discoveries for maintaining its trade, provided the latter be carried on with success" (ibid., p. 115, n. 4).

22. The Dutch had high hopes in 1640 of replacing the Portuguese in Japan, but within a year or two all Dutch merchants in Japan were forcibly confined to a tiny island in Nagasaki harbor where they were able to conduct only a very limited trade. The Japanese policy of seclusion had already been implemented when the directors wrote their "wet blanket" letter to Batavia in 1645; it would appear that they did not yet know the true facts. Taiwan was lost to Chinese forces in 1662. See Spate, Monopolists , pp. 73-84.

23. See, generally, Kenneth R. Andrews, The Spanish Caribbean: Trade and Plunder 1530-1630 (New Haven, 1978).

24. In the sixteenth century the danger of meeting a Spanish patrol was greater. Apparently Sir Francis Drake chose to return to England by circumnavigation in 1578 because, having plundered Spanish vessels in the Pacific, he dared not try to leave the ocean by returning southward and through the Strait of Magellan; so he sought a Northwest Passage and, failing to find anything promising, set his course westward across the ocean. See Kenneth R. Andrews, "Drake and South America," in Norman J. W. Thrower, ed., Sir Francis Drake and the Famous Voyage, 1577-1580 (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1984), p. 51.

25. For the discovery and use of the island of Juan Fernández, see Spate, Spanish Lake , pp. 117-119.

26. Anson realized his mistake upon sighting the coast of Chile, which he dared not touch despite the desperate state of health of his

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crews; so he reversed course and eventually reached the island. For the Spanish occupation, see Spate, Spanish Lake , p. 119.

27. William Dampier, A Voyage to New Holland , edited by James A. Williamson (London, 1939), pp. 136-137. For Dampier's wariness of the Dutch during his first voyage to the area (as a buccaneer), see Christopher Lloyd, William Dampier (London, 1966), pp. 54-62.

28. Afterward the East India Company directors were forced by litigation to make restitution. See Andrew Sharp, The Journal of Jacob Roggeveen (Oxford, 1970), pp. 166-177. The governor-general and council at Batavia, when they ruled that his voyage constituted an encroachment upon the company's monopoly, had recourse to the precedents established when Jacob Le Maire's ships and goods were similarly arrested in 1615. The two cases, however, were quite different. Le Maire had intended to break the company's monopoly by exploiting a possible loophole in its charter. The company had been granted exclusive rights in waters west of the Strait of Magellan ; Le Maire reasoned that if he reached the East Indies by a different route—he was the first to sail round Cape Horn—he could legitimately trade. His claim to be seeking new lands was not false, but neither was it the main point, and the seizure of his ships and goods when he began to trade in the East Indies was not entirely without justification. Nevertheless, upon suit by Le Maire's father in an Amsterdam court, the company was required to give compensation.

29. On Sir Joseph Banks and botanical projects, see David Mackay, "A Presiding Genius of Exploration: Banks, Cook, and Empire, 1767-1805," in Robin Fisher and Hugh Johnston, eds., Captain Cook and His Times (Seattle, 1979), pp. 21-39, especially p. 28.

30. On the commercial and imperial motives, see Raymond H. Fisher, Bering's Voyages: Whither and Why (Seattle, 1977), chap. 7; see also Raisa V. Makarova, Russians on the Pacific, 1743-1799 , translated and edited by Richard A. Pierce and Alton S. Donnelly (Kingston, Ont., 1975). The question of the scientific objective of Bering's first voyage is discussed in note 78 below.

31. It seemed possible in the early 1760s to expand trade with China by establishing a company entrepôt on an island in the Sulu Sea (off the northeast point of Borneo). The scheme was launched by Alexander Dalrymple. The idea was to encourage Chinese merchants to come there as they did to Manila. Whatever its merits, it failed under the mismanagement of another person. See Howard T. Fry, Alexander Dalrymple (1737-1808) and the Expansion of British Trade (London, 1970), pp. 36-93. In the following decades the main concern of the company was to establish a reliable and efficient gateway to the South China Sea by means of a defensible place that would give shelter and aid to the company's vessels and perhaps also serve as an entrepôt. The island of Rhio (Riau) near the Malacca Straits was most coveted, but the Dutch would

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not give it up. Eventually Singapore filled the bill. See John Ehrman, The Younger Pitt: The Years of Acclaim (London, 1969), chap. 14.

32. John Dunmore, French Explorers in the Pacific , Vol. I: The Eighteenth Century (Oxford, 1965), p. 13.

33. An Account of the Several Voyages to the South and North . . . By Sir John Narborough . . . [et al.] (1694; reprinted Amsterdam and New York, 1969), pp. 10-11.

34. Spate, Monopolists , pp. 51-53. In the long run, Chile did prove to be a chink in the imperial-commercial armor. See T. W. Keeble, Commercial Relations Between British Overseas Territories and South America, 1806-1914 (London, 1970), especially p. 1, n. 2.

35. Quoted by J. H. Parry, Trade and Dominion: The European Overseas Empires in the Eighteenth Century (New York, 1971), p. 20. Sharp was rewarded with a Royal Navy captain's commission by Charles II, though officially his voyage had been completely illicit.

36. Actually, Dutch threats in the earlier seventeenth century had moved the viceroyalty of Peru to take defensive measures; see Peter T. Bradley, "The Defence of Peru (1600-1648)," Ibero-Amerikanisches Archiv 2 (2) (1976): 79-111.

37. Captain Edward Cooke, A Voyage to the South Sea, and Round the World . . . 1708, 9, 10, 11 (1712; reprinted New York, 1969), p. 3 of dedication (to Robert Harley, Earl of Oxford, lord high treasurer). This was a competing account of Woodes Rogers' voyage.

38. On English propaganda and enterprise concerning the South Seas in this period, see Williams, "'Inexhaustible Fountain.'"

39. Geoffrey J. Walker, Spanish Politics and Imperial Trade 1700-1789 (Bloomington, 1979), p. 22; Spate, Monopolists , pp. 180-182.

40. Spate, Monopolists , pp. 189-194. Everyone has relied on the table and descriptive lists of M. E. W. Dahlgren, "Voyages Français à destination de la Mer du Sud avant Bougainville," Nouvelles Archives des Missions Scientifiques et Litteraires 14 (1907): 446-551. It does not appear that every sailing actually reached the Pacific.

41. Henry Kamen, The War of Succession in Spain, 1700-15 (Bloomington, 1969), pp. 149-150. As Kamen comments: "Such deception was so transparent that it is difficult to see whom the French government was trying to delude."

42. Rejecting the pleas of the merchants of Saint-Malo, the French government undertook the painful task of squelching it.

43. Its statistical importance is displayed by a table in Stetson Conn, Gibraltar in British Diplomacy in the Eighteenth Century (New Haven, 1942), p. 267. See also Ralph Davis, "English Foreign Trade, 1700-1774," in W. E. Minchinton, ed., The Growth of English Overseas Trade in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries (London, 1969), p. 119.

44. Jean O. McLachlan (Lindsay), Trade and Peace with Old Spain, 1667-1750 (Cambridge, 1940), p. 18: "The trade to Old Spain pro-

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vided a supply of vitally necessary bullion, a market for the staple English products, a source both of valuable raw materials and of cheap popular luxuries, and, moreover, was not monopolised by any company.'' On Portugal, see H. E. S. Fisher, The Portugal Trade: A Study of Anglo-Portuguese Commerce 1700-1770 (London, 1971).

45. On the cancellation of the projected voyage of 1749, see Robert E. Gallagher, ed., Byron's Journal of His Circumnavigation 1764-1766 (Cambridge, 1964), pp. xxxvii-viii.

46. There are some figures on Spanish trade and its decline in Conn, Gibraltar , p. 267. On the decline of Portuguese trade, which was absolute in this period, see Fisher, Portugal Trade , chap. 2.

47. Spate, Monopolists , pp. 110-111. As he remarks, "There seems to be some tendency to take things both ways."

48. Braudel, "Expansion of Europe," p. 18. He was speaking of the longue durée , but his ideas clearly apply here to the period from 1500 to 1800. Only sixteenth-century Spain and seventeenth-century England provide any support for his argument and even there the support is only partial. The French consistently gave more effort overseas to trade and fishing; the Dutch "building" effort in America was almost nil. As for the English in the seventeenth century, it should be remembered that the East India Company was launched about the same time as the Virginia Company and that the English traders were evicted from the Spice Islands in the 1620s by the Dutch. Dutch expansion hardly suits Braudel's formula at all, though he contrived to make it seem so by reference to the abortive Dutch effort in Brazil. Finally, the period from 1714 to about 1760 has been rightly termed the period of "salutory neglect" in British North America.

49. Vincent T. Harlow, The Founding of the Second British Empire, 1763-1793 , Vol. I: Discovery and Revolution (London, 1952), pp. 59-60.

50. Harlow presented his point somewhat differently in another passage. Before 1763, he wrote, "the energies of the British were heavily engaged in defending their positions against the French in Europe, America and India. Until that issue was decided, further ambitions were beyond the horizon" (ibid., p. 17). Once again one must ask whether statesmen really believed that on all three of these continents the "issue was decided" by 1763. On this matter see also Glyndwr Williams, The Expansion of Europe in the Eighteenth Century: Overseas Rivalry, Discovery and Exploitation (London, 1966), pp. 96-97. (Chapter 7 of his book provides a good, brief introduction to the opening of the Pacific.)

51. The interpretive framework is set forth in Harlow's first two chapters. Chapter 3 is entitled "The Swing to the East." The quotation is on pp. 10-11.

52. D. L. Mackay, "Direction and Purpose in British Imperial Policy, 1783-1801," Historical Journal 17 (1974): 487.

53. See especially Peter Marshall, "The First and Second British Empires: A Question of Demarcation," History 49 (Feb. 1964): 13-23. Marshall answered the case statistically and by a survey of policy decisions. David Mackay has concluded that the whole notion of a conscious directional shift of policy is mistaken: "There was not within the governmental bodies . . . [any locus] capable of sustained conceptualization that Harlow's themes imply or necessitate. . . . The machinery of colonial administration was such that no new philosophy of empire, no coherent, forward-looking policy emerged. . . . [T]he government had no clear ideas as to overall direction and purpose in imperial policy. This is not to suggest that a pattern is not discernible; but the pattern reveals itself only to the historian. It was not deliberately planned." See "Direction and Purpose," pp. 500-501; see also Mackay's earlier study, ''British Interest in the Southern Oceans, 1782-1794," New Zealand Journal of History 3 (1969): 142. I should add here that I feel the same admiration which other scholars have expressed for the range and depth of Harlow's contribution.

54. I shall leave aside the intricate question of why the British, by treaty, gave back Havana and Manila (commerce) and kept or accepted Canada and Florida (dominion).

55. See Stephen Saunders Webb, The Governors-General: The English Army and the Definition of the Empire, 1569-1681 (Chapel Hill, 1979).

56. My view is based on what moved the English taxpayer to open his purse. In the long run that was decisive. I therefore focus upon the mother country's declared interest (declared by government and by public debate): to nurture and defend maritime capacity and commerce. For that there was public support; for defending or extending overseas dominion per se, almost never. Webb should be given credit for calling attention to the semi-hidden agenda, but I cannot agree that it should be given primacy. T. R. Reese's comment has a bearing here: "The cry that 'we prefer trade to dominion' is significant, but the two activities are not easily dissociated. From the very beginning British maritime activity had nourished both trade and colonization, the one being the complement of the other." See Trevor Richard Reese, "The Origins of Colonial American and New South Wales: An Essay on British Imperial Policy in the Eighteenth Century," Australian Journal of Politics and History 7 (Nov. 1961): 195.

57. Harlow could not ignore the fact that Indian dominion expanded after 1760. In fact, Alexander Dalrymple (whom he often cites) observed the trend at the time: "But the East-India Company are too much engaged in territorial dominion to think of commerce and discovery" (p. xxvi of the introduction to Dalrymple, An Historical Collection of the Several Voyages and Discoveries in the South Pacific Ocean [1770; reprinted Amsterdam and New York, 1967]). Harlow explained this fact

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away by saying that it arose from the need to keep the French from getting the upper hand in the subcontinent. He did not raise the further question of why this was considered a necessity, nor did he give much attention to the growing influence of those in Britain who were prepared to see the question of Eastern trade mainly in the light of maintaining dominion in India. (The China trade provided a solution to the problem of making adequate returns to English shareholders back home without impoverishing Bengal by exporting hard money from there.) See Ehrman, Younger Pitt , chaps. 14 and 15. See also Alan Frost, ''Botany Bay: A Further Comment," Australian Economic History Review 17 (1977): 64-77. On trade to Southeast Asia, see generally D. K. Bassett, British Trade Policy in Indonesia and Malaysia in the Late Eighteenth Century (Hull, 1971), especially chap. 1.

58. See Marshall, "First and Second," p. 23.

59. Harlow, Founding , I, 3-4, 37.

60. On American absorption of "the widening range" of British manufactured goods at this time, see Davis, "English Foreign Trade, 1700-1774," pp. 105-117. Dalrymple's argument here is sophisticated. It lays out a scenario wherein American colonial interests, during a trade depression, would be able to put pressure on Parliament through the clamorous "distress of the industrious manufacturer" of Great Britain; see p. xxvii of Dalrymple, Historical Collection .

61. Dalrymple, Historical Collection , p. xxviii.

62. Harlow, Founding , I, 3: "Scientific and industrial development at home, and the possession of decisive superiority at sea, naturally led a self-confident island people to search the oceans for new markets."

63. Byron's instructions did not specify that he should go in search of new lands to the westward; he did that on his own. He was ordered to go first to the Falklands, which he did, then to search for a northwest passage from the Pacific side, which he did not do. Evidently, the reason he did not was rather "Byronic." See Gallagher, Byron's Journal , pp. xliii-lviii. He was in fact the poet's grandfather. On Anson's views see ibid., p. xxxvii; on Egmont's, see pp. xxxix-xl, 160-163.

62. Harlow, Founding , I, 3: "Scientific and industrial development at home, and the possession of decisive superiority at sea, naturally led a self-confident island people to search the oceans for new markets."

63. Byron's instructions did not specify that he should go in search of new lands to the westward; he did that on his own. He was ordered to go first to the Falklands, which he did, then to search for a northwest passage from the Pacific side, which he did not do. Evidently, the reason he did not was rather "Byronic." See Gallagher, Byron's Journal , pp. xliii-lviii. He was in fact the poet's grandfather. On Anson's views see ibid., p. xxxvii; on Egmont's, see pp. xxxix-xl, 160-163.

64. The best evidence of the continued importance of the Navigation Acts to British policy in this period was the government's pertinacious retention of them in the British West Indies after American independence, where they faced practically insurmountable difficulties.

65. By accenting the positive commercial prospects that came to a degree of fruition in the nineteenth century Harlow's interpretation obscured the pressing concerns of eighteenth-century statesmen that were the main motivating force behind the exploratory thrust. Harlow recognized that seapower considerations were among the motivations, but he placed his emphasis on commercial reorientation. General historians have tended to remain under his influence, but quite a few specialized studies have strongly dissented.

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J. H. Parry's general study followed Harlow only halfway. Parry offered the outline of Harlow's account, yet elsewhere he laid stress on the noncommercial flavor of the voyages. The latter point Parry hammered home by remarking that "even after Cook's second voyage had shown that the Pacific had relatively little to offer in the way of commercial advantage, there was no immediate slackening of interest" ( Trade and Dominion , pp. 244, 256).

Dalrymple too might have disagreed with Harlow's emphasis, but it is not easy to ascertain Dalrymple's position; his expansive views did not deign to put objectives in rank order. Still, one notes that the last paragraph of Dalrymple's introduction deals with seapower. Britain, he said, could not afford to let any "competitors . . . gain the superiority at sea. . . . [I]f other nations are negligently permitted to extend their navigation to remote parts," and to gain thereby "commerce and power," it would certainly reveal the ''worthlessness of ministers" who allowed it to happen ( Historical Collection , p. xxx).

66. Alan Frost, in an appendix to Convicts and Empire: A Naval Question, 1776-1811 (Oxford, 1980), has set forth a comprehensive case against commercial motivation (pp. 185-195) in which he pays special attention to the monopoly rights of the British East India and South Sea companies. The aim of the book is to emphasize the role of naval power in the decision. Although I believe this aim is broadly correct, I doubt whether so much stress should be laid on the hope that New South Wales (and nearby Norfolk Island) could provide naval stores for refitting ships that operated in the Indian Ocean.

There can be no doubt that the British government in the mid-1780s was searching for more than just a place to dump convicts, though the disposition of the convicts was indisputably an urgent problem; the initial idea was to have them settle a way station near the Cape of Good Hope, but no suitable spot could be found. As well, the idea that a base in New South Wales might prove useful to the navy notwithstanding its apparently useless location was probably in the minds of those who made the decision. For its greatest strategic importance related to a contingency which was better left unstated by officialdom even in confidential memoranda—namely the possibility that the Dutch East Indies would fall under French control. Since this did not happen—Pitt's administration took strong measures to thwart French ambitions in the Netherlands in the 1780s—the contingency now seems a bit unreal. But it was real enough then. On these points see Frost, Convicts and Empire , chaps. 6, 7, and 8; Mackay, "British Interest," pp. 126-134. We may note that James Matra did not shy away from stating that the place had its uses against the Dutch East Indies, Manila, or Spanish America, "if we were at war with Holland or Spain" (Reese, "Origins," p. 193). As for naval stores, it should be realized that a base was first a reliable place for water, shelter, and "refreshment" (capable of supplying fresh food so

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that crews could recover their health) and second a place for performing ship repairs—in that order. The history of overseas bases generally bears this out. The essential point was to have a friendly population ashore, in a defensible location, which could grow or stock the necessary fresh provisions. A means of obtaining cordage, canvas, or spars from local resources was an attractive bonus but rarely decisive.

67. De Brosses, Histoire , pp. iii-iv.

68. For a brief discussion of De Brosses and Bougainville see A. Carey Taylor, "Charles de Brosses, the Man Behind Cook," in The Opening of the Pacific: Image and Reality , National Maritime Museum Monographs, no. 2 (1971). Bougainville's first voyage was financed by a syndicate of merchants from Saint-Malo plus his personal funds. The cost was reimbursed by the courts of France and Spain after the French gave over their claim to the Falklands to the Spanish. The second voyage was financed by the French government; its instructions mentioned precious metals and spices and the hope that he would find "some island close to the Chinese coast, which could be used as a commercial centre for the Compagnie des Indes for trade with China." See Dunmore, French Explorers , I, 63-64, 67. For further information on Bougainville's role in trying to secure East Indian spices, see Helen Wallis, ed., Carteret's Voyage Round the World, 1766-1769 (Cambridge, 1965), I, 96.

Commercial motives were central to the next French Pacific venture, commanded by Jean de Surville (1769-1770); it was backed by a syndicate hoping to exploit opportunities arising from the collapse of the Compagnie des Indes. Surville wished to discover important islands in the Pacific before the British claimed them. See Dunmore, French Explorers , I, 114-126; see also Dunmore, ed., The Expedition of the St. Jean-Baptiste to the Pacific (Cambridge, 1981), pp. 15-29.

69. Captain George Shelvocke, A Voyage Round the World by the Way of the Great South Sea, Perform'd in the Years 1719, 20, 21, 22 . . . (1726; reprinted Amsterdam and New York, 1971), p. ii.

70. See O. H. K. Spate, "De Lozier Bouvet and Mercantilist Expansion in the Pacific in 1740," in John Parker, ed., Merchants and Scholars (Minneapolis, 1965), especially pp. 238-240. Bouvet's proposals were addressed to the minister of marine and the Compagnie des Indes. He never got sponsorship for this voyage. His voyage of 1737 had been in search of a way station near one of the cape routes.

71. See Wallis, Carteret's Voyage , I, 4-18, II, 298, 322.

72. Taylor, "Charles de Brosses," p. 13. Taylor notes that Spanish pressure had inhibited Egmont in 1766.

73. Warren L. Cook, Flood Tide of Empire: Spain and the Pacific Northwest, 1543-1819 (New Haven, 1973), pp. 47-54; Donald D. Brand, "Geographical Exploration by the Spaniards," in Herman R. Friis, The Pacific Basin (New York, 1967), pp. 138-139; Williams, Expansion of Europe , pp. 172-173.

74. The quotation is the last paragraph of the "Booksellers Preface of Introduction" (p. xxix) to An Account of the Several Voyages to the South and North . . . , cited in note 33 above. The printers were Samuel Smith and Benjamin Walford. I have omitted the copious italics of the original.

75. The Royal Society's efforts to encourage oceanographic research date almost from its foundation. But it had to rely on voluntary experiments and reports of ships' officers and issued standing instructions to them for guidance. Regarding these Directions , issued to guide seamen (masters, pilots, and "other fit persons") in the endeavor, see Margaret Deacon, Scientists and the Sea, 1650-1900: A Study of Marine Science (London, 1971), chap. 4.

76. The Board of Longitude was also authorized to give grants in aid of promising research on this problem to anyone who qualified, regardless of nationality, and did so.

77. There can be no controversy about the character of Halley's voyages. See Norman J. W. Thrower, ed., The Three Voyages of Edmond Halley in the "Paramore," 1698-1701 (Cambridge, 1981), pp. 29-49. As for Dampier's, of course there was the usual hope that he might find spices and other valuable commodities, but the case for science rests on two strong points: (1) his proven reputation as a scientific observer and reporter, which seems to be what gained him sponsorship in the first place; (2) the latitude of his instructions. Dampier had asked for a free hand as to what areas he should probe, and essentially he got it. The Admiralty's instructions mentioned that since the king was "at great charge" in fitting out the expedition, he should try to discover things that "may tend to the advantage of the Nation"—not at all confining. See John Masefield, ed., Captain William Dampier: Dampier's Voyages (Edinburgh and New York, 1906), II, 335. On the first point see Shipman, William Dampier , p. 8, and Deacon, Scientists and the Sea , p. 171; both emphasize the high quality of Dampier's "Discourse of Winds, Breezes, Storms, Tides and Currents," which must have been seen by the Admiralty or other influential persons before its publication in 1699.

78. Although Roggeveen's voyage sought terra australis incognita , it is obvious that commerce was the chief object and its backing was commercial. There is no question that Bering's second voyage (1741) was undertaken for the purpose of imperial and commercial expansion, but until fairly recently his first voyage (1728), through the Bering Strait, was accounted a voyage of scientific-geographical inspiration. Taking his cue from certain Soviet scholars, Raymond Fisher has called the traditional interpretation into question. One must read the whole book to gather in the full force of a convincing argument; its central hinge is that Bering learned in Siberia, probably at Yakutsk, geographical information not known at St. Petersburg when his instructions were drawn

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up; consequently he sailed northward from Kamchatka toward America instead of eastward. It suited the imperial government's interests to let the scientific interpretation of the voyage's motives enjoy credence. One result of the misinterpretation was that many historians were led to consider the instructions for the second voyage "a mistake" because they were not properly designed to settle the geographical question of the true configuration of the Arctic Ocean in that region—whereas, if Fisher is right, the instructions for the first voyage had been faulty and the second voyage was designed to redress the fault ( Bering's Voyages , especially pp. 73-80, 144-146, 151).

79. See Glyndwr Williams, "Seamen and Philosophers in the South Seas in the Age of Captain Cook," Mariner's Mirror 65 (1979): 4: "The motives for the Pacific expeditions after 1763 were not simply, or even primarily, scientific." A large proportion of the scientific equipment (other than that provided for the astronomers) which went on Cook's first voyage was paid for privately by Sir Joseph Banks, though, as Beaglehole observes, certainly not at a cost of £10,000. On the second voyage Banks overdid it and overestimated his influence too; there was a quarrel, the Admiralty at length stood firm, and he did not embark. See Harry Woolf, The Transits of Venus (Princeton, 1959), p. 168; Beaglehole, Life of Cook , pp. 146-147, 293-297, 303.

80. Beaglehole, Life of Cook , p. 484.

81. Mackay, "A Presiding Genius," especially pp. 23, 30.

82. Jean Mayer's comment is apt: "Les expéditions sont donc portées par tout un courant des opinions publiques savantes: l'Europe éclairée approuve chaudement le but fixé: 'parvenir á la parfaite connaissance du globe.' . . . Le mot de 'science' est devenu l'une des clefs de l'Europe." See Mayer, "Le Contexte des grands voyages d'exploration du XVIII ^e siècle," in L'Importance de l'exploration maritime au siècle des lumières: table ronde , edited by M. Mollat and E. Taillemite (Paris, 1982), p. 38.

83. De Brosses and Dalrymple are interesting in this connection. Both needed the concern for enlarged commerce and maritime power to sustain their advocacy (and seem to have sincerely sought those goals), yet both disliked commercial views. The commercial views they claimed to dislike, however, were the narrow ones of the countinghouse and the careful calculation of profits. Against these they set the bold, the imaginative, and the honorable—"militant geography" joined to militant commerce.

84. Quoted by Mackay, "A Presiding Genius," p. 30. According to Mackay, Sir Joseph favored occupying "the whole coast of Africa from Arguin to Sierra Leone."

85. The British compound of motives during this decade of transition is captured nicely by the preambles to the secret instructions which were given by the Admiralty to the commanders of the expeditions of the 1760s. Any one of these will suffice; the same components are set

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down, though in permutated order, in all of them. The opening lines of Cook's secret instructions, dated 30 July 1768, were: "Whereas the making Discoverys of Countries hitherto unknown, and Attaining a Knowledge of distant Parts which though formerly discover'd have yet been but imperfectly explored, will redound greatly to the Honour of this Nation as a Maritime Power, as well as the Dignity of the Crown of Great Britain, and may tend greatly to the advancement of the Trade and Navigation thereof" (Beaglehole, Life of Cook , p. 148). The next line directed him to look for terra australis incognita . (Cook's overt instructions dealt of course with the transit of Venus.) Byron's secret instructions may be compared; see Gallagher, Byron's Journal , p. 3.

The high-sounding formula was dropped in the instructions for Cook's second and third voyages. Their preambles were brief and businesslike, indeed almost nonexistent. Was the merit of exploration now considered self-evident? The instructions of 25 June 1772 began, "Whereas several important Discoveries have been made in the Southern Hemisphere [by specified preceding British voyages]" and then went straight to the point. Printed in J. C. Beaglehole, The Journals of Captain James Cook on His Voyages of Discovery (Cambridge, 1961), Vol. II, p. clxvii. For the instructions of 6 July 1776, see Vol. III (1967), p. ccxx.

86. Woolf, Transits , p. 83. When the Royal Society, realizing that its budget would not enable it to do what was needed, approached the government concerning the transit of 1761, the earl of Macclesfield wrote a letter of support which stressed national reputation: "And it might afford too just ground to Foreigners for reproaching this Nation in general," if the project were not supported. Macclesfield went on to make an interesting reflection on public versus private sponsorship of science: "But were the Royal Society in a much more affluent State, it would surely tend more to the honour of his Majesty and of the Nation in general, that an Expense of this sort, designed to promote Science and to answer the general Expectation of the World, should not be born by any particular Set of Private Persons" (ibid.). For the 1769 transit the society's memorial to the king said: "It would cast Dishonour upon them [the British nation] should they neglect to have correct observations made of this Important Phenomenon" (Royal Society Council Minutes, vol. 5, fol. 293, 15 February 1768).

87. A succinct account of Cook's navigational and other equipment may be found in J. C. Beaglehole, "Eighteenth Century Science and the Voyages of Discovery," New Zealand Journal of History 3 (1969): 115-118.

1. O. H. K. Spate, The Pacific Since Magellan , Vol. II: Monopolists and Freebooters (London and Canberra, 1983), p. vii.

2. Ibid., especially chap. 6, and Glyndwr Williams, "'The Inexhaustible Fountain of Gold': English Projects and Ventures in the South Seas, 1670-1750," in John E. Flint and Glyndwr Williams, Perspectives of Empire (London, 1973), pp. 27-53.

1. O. H. K. Spate, The Pacific Since Magellan , Vol. II: Monopolists and Freebooters (London and Canberra, 1983), p. vii.

2. Ibid., especially chap. 6, and Glyndwr Williams, "'The Inexhaustible Fountain of Gold': English Projects and Ventures in the South Seas, 1670-1750," in John E. Flint and Glyndwr Williams, Perspectives of Empire (London, 1973), pp. 27-53.

3. William Dampier, A New Voyage Round the World , edited by A. Gray (1697; London, 1937), pp. 312-313; A Voyage to New Holland , edited by J. A. Williamson (1703; London, 1939), pp. 102-103; see also Glyndwr Williams, "'Far More Happier Than We Europeans': Reactions to the Australian Aborigines on Cook's Voyage," Historical Studies 20 (1981): 499-512.

4. Norman J. W. Thrower, ed., The Three Voyages of Edmond Halley in the "Paramore" 1698-1701 (London, 1981), pp. 268-269.

5. Ibid., p. 60.

4. Norman J. W. Thrower, ed., The Three Voyages of Edmond Halley in the "Paramore" 1698-1701 (London, 1981), pp. 268-269.

5. Ibid., p. 60.

6. Daniel Defoe, A Plan of the English Commerce , 2nd ed. (London, 1720), p. xiv.

7. See Michèle Duchet, Anthropologie et histoire au siècle des lumières (Paris, 1971), pp. 60, 108.

8. Richard Walter and Benjamin Robins, A Voyage Round the Worm . . . by George Anson (London, 1748), introduction.

9. See Gavan Daws, A Dream of Islands (New York, 1980).

10. J. C. Beaglehole, ed., The Journals of Captain James Cook: The Voyage of the "Resolution" and "Adventure" 1772-1775 (Cambridge, 1961), p. 381n.

11. See Robert E. Gallagher, ed., Byron's Journal of His Circumnavigation 1764-1766 (Cambridge, 1964).

12. Hugh Carrington, ed., The Discovery of Tahiti . . . (London, 1948), p. 135.

13. Beaglehole, Voyage of the "Resolution" and "Adventure, " p. 322.

14. Helen Wallis, ed., Carteret's Voyage Round the World 1766-1769 (Cambridge, 1965), I, p. 96.

15. Quoted in T.M. Curley, Samuel Johnson and the Age of Travel (Athens, Ga., 1976), p. 66.

16. J. C. Beaglehole, ed., The Journals of Captain James Cook: The Voyage of the "Endeavour" 1768-1771 (Cambridge, 1955), p. 514.

17. I have expanded on this point in P.J. Marshall and Glyndwr Williams, The Great Map of Mankind: British Perceptions of the World in the Age of Enlightenment (London, 1982), especially chap. 9.

18. Bronislaw Malinowski, Argonauts of the Western Pacific (New York, 1932), foreword.

19. J. C. Beaglehole, The Life of Captain James Cook (London, 1974), p. 280.

20. Beaglehole, Voyage of the "Endeavour, " p. cclxxxii.

21. Beaglehole, Voyage of the "Resolution" and "Adventure, " p. 695.

22. Beaglehole, Voyage of the "Endeavour, " p. 289.

23. See "Medical Aspects and Consequences of Cook's Voyages," in Robin Fisher and Hugh Johnston, eds., Captain Cook and His Times (Vancouver and London, 1979), pp. 129-157.

24. Ibid., p. 129.

23. See "Medical Aspects and Consequences of Cook's Voyages," in Robin Fisher and Hugh Johnston, eds., Captain Cook and His Times (Vancouver and London, 1979), pp. 129-157.

24. Ibid., p. 129.

25. On all these issues see the recent, authoritative biography by John Lawrence Abbott, John Hawkesworth: Eighteenth-Century Man of Letters (Madison, 1982), chap. 7.

26. Quoted in Beaglehole, Life , p. 458.

27. See Paul Kaufman, Borrowings from the Bristol Library 1773-1784 (Charlottesville, Va., 1960).

28. Quoted in Helen Wallis's "Conclusion" to Hugh Cobbe, ed., Cook's Voyages and Peoples of the Pacific (London, 1979), p. 130.

29. See Beaglehole, Life , p. 702.

30. Beaglehole, Voyage of the "Resolution" and "Adventure, " p. 638.

31. Ibid., p. 643.

30. Beaglehole, Voyage of the "Resolution" and "Adventure, " p. 638.

31. Ibid., p. 643.

32. Beaglehole, Life , p. 443.

33. Ibid., p. 633.

32. Beaglehole, Life , p. 443.

33. Ibid., p. 633.

34. See J.C. Beaglehole, ed., The Journals of Captain James Cook: The Voyage of the "Resolution" and "Discovery" 1776-1780 (Cambridge, 1967); see also Glyndwr Williams, "Myth and Reality: James Cook and

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the Theoretical Geography of Northwest America," in Fisher and Johnston, Captain Cook and His Times , pp. 59-79.

35. Quoted in Beaglehole, Voyage of the "Endeavour, " p. cxxii.

36. Bernard Smith, "Cook's Posthumous Reputation," in Fisher and Johnston, Captain Cook and His Times , p. 161.

37. Quoted in Michael E. Hoare, "Two Centuries' Perceptions of James Cook: George Forster to Beaglehole," in Fisher and Johnston, Captain Cook and His Times , p. 212.

38. Beaglehole, Voyage of the "Resolution" and "Discovery, " p. 1436.

39. Quoted in Beaglehole, Life , p. 451.

40. George Vancouver, A Voyage of Discovery to the North Pacific Ocean (London, 1798), I, vi.

41. Anders Sparrman, A Voyage to the Cape of Good Hope (London, 1785), p. xv.

42. Beaglehole, Voyage of the "Endeavour, " pp. 275-276.

43. Quoted in Alan Frost, "New Geographical Perspectives and the Emergence of the Romantic Imagination," in Fisher and Johnston, Captain Cook and HIS Times , p. 6.

1. There are a number of accounts of the creation of the Académie, but one can most profitably cite only René Taton, Les origines de l'Académie royale des sciences (Conférence donnée au Palais de la Découverte le 15 mai 1965; Université de Paris: Histoire des sciences, série D. 105).

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For the entire history of that institution, see Roger Hahn, The Anatomy of a Scientific Institution: The Paris Academy of Sciences, 1666-1803 (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1971). On the matter of its possibly declining usefulness, see Seymour L. Chapin, ''The Academy of Sciences During the Eighteenth Century: An Astronomical Appraisal." French Historical Studies 5 (1968): 371-404.

2. Although there is no single work which treats that tradition completely, the last two volumes of Alfred Lacroix's Figures de savants (Paris, 1932-1938) are most useful since, after starting with a sketch of the Académie, they continue the biographical approach of the first two volumes but with the special goal revealed in the subtitle L'Académie des sciences et l'étude de la France d'outre-mer de la fin du XVII ^c siècle au début de XIX ^e . From 1914 until his death in 1948, Lacroix served as the Académie's permanent secretary.

3. There may have been a French circumnavigation of the earth in the first decade of the seventeenth century, but there is a great deal of doubt about such a voyage. See Ch. de la Roncière, Histoire de la marine française (Paris, 1898-1932), IV, 288, and John Dunmore, French Explorers in the Pacific , Vol. I: The Eighteenth Century (New York, 1965). Both of these books are important for the subject of this study. Other works of more general significance—because of their wider scope—include Edward Heawood, A History of Geographical Discovery in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries (New York, 1965); J. C. Beaglehole, The Exploration of the Pacific (Stanford, 1966); Christopher Lloyd, Pacific Horizons: The Exploration of the Pacific Before Captain Cook (London, 1946); J. H. Parry, Trade and Dominion: The European Overseas Empires in the Eighteenth Century (New York, 1971); and P. J. Marshall and Glyndwr Williams, The Great Map of Mankind: Perceptions of New Worlds in the Age of Enlightenment (Cambridge, Mass., 1982). More specific studies are cited at the appropriate places.

4. Mémoire touchant l'établissement d'une mission chrestienne dans le troisième monde autrement appelé la Terre Australe, Méridionale, Antartique et inconnue, dédiez à notre S. Père le Pape Alexandre VII, par un ecclésiastique originaire de cette mesme terre . For good brief accounts, see de la Roncière, Histoire de la marine française , III, 133-137, and Dunmore, French Explorers , pp. 4-7.

5. On those earlier efforts and France's relations with Madagascar, see Jules Sottas, Histoire de la Compagnie royale des Indes Orientales, 1664-1719 (Paris, 1905).

6. On Colbert's economic program see Charles Woolsey Cole, Colbert and a Century of French Mercantilism (New York, 1939).

7. The basic source for these developments are his Horologium of 1658, his Horologium oscillatorium . . . of 1673, and his correspondence and papers; all are available in the Oeuvres complétes de Christian Huygens publiées par la Société hollandaise des sciences (La Haye, 1888-1950). A

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short but reliable older study of Huygens is A. E. Bell's Christian Huygens and the Development of Science in the Seventeenth Century . It has recently been importantly updated by the publication of the proceedings of two symposia held in 1979 to mark the 350th anniversary of his birth: H. J. M. Bos and others, eds., Studies on Christiaan Huygens (Lisse, 1980) and Huygens et la France (Paris, 1982).

8. For his dealings with French scientists and his involvement in the foundation and direction of the Académie, see the older H. L. Brugmans, Le séjour de Christian Huygens à Paris et ses relations avec les milieux scientifiques français (Paris, 1935), and the newer study by Roger Hahn, "Huygens in France," in the first of the symposia cited in the previous note.

9. Perhaps the best general treatment of Colbert's cartographical goals remains Lloyd A. Brown's The Story of Maps (Boston, 1949).

10. On Picard's scientific competence see John W. Olmsted, "Recherches sur la biographie d'un astronome et géodésien méconnu: Jean Picard (1620-1682)," Revue d'histoire des sciences 29 (1976): 213-222, and, more important, the same author's "The Problem of Jean Picard's Membership in the Académie Royale des Sciences, 1666-1667," which appeared in the proceedings of a Picard symposium held in Paris in 1982. See Guy Picolet, ed., Jean Picard et les débuts de l'astronomie de précision au XVII ^e siècle (Paris, 1987).

11. Galileo's concept had early been put to an unsuccessful test by his French contemporary, Peiresc. See Seymour L. Chapin, "An Early Bureau of Longitude: Peiresc in Provence," Navigation 4 (2) (June 1954): 59-66, and "The Astronomical Activities of Nicolas Claude Fabri de Peiresc," Isis 48 (1957): 13-29. Cassini's 1668 publication was the Ephemerides Bononienses mediceorum syderum, ex hypothesibus et tabulis Joan. Domin. Cassini .

12. There are a number of useful surveys of this general subject, of which the following, in addition to Brown's study cited in note 9, represent a judicious selection: F. Marguet, Histoire générale de la navigation du XV ^e au XX ^e siècle (Paris, 1931); Seymour L. Chapin, "A Survey of the Efforts to Determine Longitude at Sea," Navigation 3 (6-8) (1952-1953): 188-191, 242-249, 296-303; Edmond Guyot, Histoire de la détermination des longitudes , edited by Chambre Suisse de l'Horlogerie (La Chaux-de-Fonds, 1955); E. G. R. Taylor, The Haven-Finding Art: A History of Navigation from Odysseus to Captain Cook (London, 1956); Eric G. Forbes, The Birth of Scientific Navigation: The Solving in the 18th Century of the Problem of Finding Longitude at Sea (Greenwich, 1974); Derek Howse, Greenwich Time and the Discovery of the Longitude (New York, 1980).

13. The ground-breaking study of this important distinction, and the source of the cited quotation, is John W. Olmsted, "The Scientific Expedition of Jean Richer to Cayenne," Isis 34 (1942): 117-128.

14. For the planned Madagascar expedition, the more limited out-

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comes, and the resultant voyage to Acadia, see John W. Olmsted, ''The Voyage of Jean Richer to Acadia in 1670: A Study in the Relations of Science and Navigation Under Colbert," Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society 104 (6) (December 1960): 612-634.

15. On the last of these developments, see John W. Olmsted, "The Application of Telescopes to Astronomical Instruments: A Study in Historical Method," Isis 40 (1949): 214-225. For an older survey of these developments see G. Bigourdan, Histoire de l'astronomie d'observation et des observatoires en France. Première partie: De l'origine à la fondation de l'observatoire de Paris (Paris, 1918), especially pp. 118-144; for a newer one see Robert M. McKeon, Etablissement de l'astronomie de précision et oeuvre d'Adrien Auzout (Paris, 1965).

16. Picard's famous Mesure de la terre , originally published in 1671, was several times reprinted. For details see the bibliography of the article on Picard by Juliette Taton and René Taton in the Dictionary of Scientific Biography , X, pp. 595-597. The Dictionary will hereafter be cited, as has become customary usage, as DSB . See also L. Gallois, "L'Académie des sciences et les origines de la carte de Cassini," Annales de géographie 18 (1909): 193-204; René Taton, "Jean Picard et la mesure de l'arc de méridien Paris-Amiens," Colloques internationaux du Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique 590 (1980): 349-361; and, in addition to Lloyd Brown's book cited in note 9, his Jean Dominique Cassini and HIS World Map of 1696 (Ann Arbor, 1941).

17. See the Olmsted article cited in note 13 above. For the later developments, see pages 91-93.

18. On Roemer and his work, see I. B. Cohen, "Roemer and the First Determination of the Velocity of Light," Isis 31 (1940): 327-379; the article by Zdenek Kopal in DSB , XI, 525-527; and the proceedings of a symposium held in Paris in 1976 to commemorate the 300th anniversary of his great discovery, Roemer et la vitesse de la lumière (Paris, 1978).

19. For Roemer's contribution in a large-scale study of the general subject, see L. Defossez, Les savants du XVII ^e siècle et la mesure du temps (Lausanne, 1946). For briefer indications see Maurice Daumas, Les instruments scientifiques aux XVII ^e et XVIII ^e siècles (Paris, 1953).

20. It is entirely possible, of course, that he may have been anticipated in that realization—and perhaps even in a construction—by Robert Hooke, although his claim to have done so (as with so many other of his ideas and inventions) was a matter of warm dispute. For a brief account see Margaret 'Espinasse, Robert Hooke (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1962), pp. 61-71.

21. Although it has been virtually universally stated that this set of annual tables was initiated by Picard, the article by the Tatons (see note 16) makes it clear that the first volumes were published by one Joachim Dalencé.

22. On this collection of maps see Howard M. Chapin, "The French Neptune and Its Various Editions," American Book Collector (Metuchen, N.J.) 2 (1932): 16-19.

23. On Father Fontenay and the expedition about to be discussed, see Brown, Jean Dominique Cassini . . ., pp. 42-44. On the Jesuit effort in general see le Père Guy Tachard, Voyage de Siam, des Pères Jésuites, envoyez par le Roy aux Indes à la Chine. Avec leurs observations astronomiques, et leur remarques de physique, de géographie, d'hydrographie et d'histoire (Paris, 1686).

24. For a brief but accurate treatment of La Salle, see Heawood, A History of Geographical Discovery , pp. 109-117, which treatment, in fact, has been conveniently reprinted as "The French in Inland America" in Robert G. Albion, ed., Exploration and Discovery (New York, 1965), pp. 69-79.

25. On the further development of the East India Company's holdings, trade, and fleet, see Henry Weber, La compagnie française des Indes, 1604-1875 (Paris, 1904). On the China Company see Charles Woolsey Cole, French Mercantilism 1683-1700 (New York, 1965), chap. 1.

26. The most detailed account of that development remains E. W. Dahlgren, Les relations commerciales et maritimes entre la France et les côtes de l'océan Pacifique (commencement du XVIII ^e siècle) (Paris, 1909). Although it is designated vol. I, no other volumes seem to have appeared.

27. See Dunmore, French Explorers in the Pacific , pp. 26-31, for good brief treatments of Feuillet and Frézier; the quotation appears on p. 30. A fuller study of the first, there spelled Feuillée, is available in Lacroix, Figures de savants , III, 15-21.

28. The original of the act, 12 Anne, Cap. 15, may be consulted in The Statutes at Large (arranged and edited by Danby Pickering), XIII, 116-118. It has been extensively quoted in most of the works cited in note 12 above, to which there might now be usefully added the classic Rupert T. Gould, The Marine Chronometer, Its History and Development (London, 1923).

29. For Meslay's will and the prize programs and winners, see Ernest Maindron, Les fondations de prix à l'Académie des sciences. Les lauréats de l'Académie 1714-1880 (Paris, 1881), pp. 13-22. It has often been mistakenly stated that the Meslay prizes were a reaction to the English offer when, in fact, they antedated it by about two months. See, for example, Taylor, The Haven-Finding Art , pp. 253-254.

30. The 100,000 livres that the regent of France offered to have the Académie give to the discoverer of the longitude was never put at the disposition of that illustrious institution. See Maindron, Fondations , p. 23, in contradistinction to the usual suggestions.

31. The equation was as follows:

32. He further stated that the force of gravity increases from the equator to the poles proportional to the square of the sines of latitude. See his Proposition XIX, Problem III, and his Proposition XX, Problem

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IV, in Book III ( The System of the World ) of the Principia . In the paperback version from the University of California Press (1962), Book III makes up Vol. II of Andrew Motte's 1729 English translation as revised and explained by Florian Cajori.

33. Under the title of De la grandeur et de figure de la terre . The dispute about to be discussed has been treated many times, beginning with J. B. J. Delambre's Grandeur et figure de la terre (Paris, 1912). Much of it may be found in histories of geodesy, perhaps the most convenient of which is Georges Perrier, Petite histoire de la géodéie (Paris, 1939). More germane to this study, as well as being more closely related to its time period, is the large, instructive, but ill-organized work of Isaac Todhunter: A History of the Mathematical Theories of Attraction and of the Figure of the Earth (London, 1873). I used all of these sources in preparing a brief article on the 1735 expeditions and a library display of primary works dealing with this subject; see "Expeditions of the French Academy of Sciences, 1735," Navigation 3 (1952): 120-122, and "The Size and Shape of the World: A Catalogue of an Exhibition from the Collection of Robert B. Honeyman, Jr.," UCLA Library Occasional Papers 6 (1957). See also the more recent, popular, but accurate Tom B. Jones, The Figure of the Earth (Lawrence, Kans., 1967).

34. John Greenberg, "Geodesy in Paris in the 1730's and the Paduan Connection," Historical Studies in the Physical Sciences 13 (1903): 239-260. The older view—stemming ultimately from the Cartesian-Newtonian dichotomy presented in Voltaire's Philosophical Letters —was first developed significantly in Pierre Brunet, L'Introduction des théories de Newton en France au XVIII siècle avant 1938 (Paris, 1931). That dichotomy itself has been under attack for well over a decade by Henry Guerlac and his students. Thus the persistence of Cartesianism was clearly demonstrated in Thomas L. Hankins, Jean D'Alembert: Science and the Enlightenment (New York, 1970), while Guerlac's own studies have shown the difficulties in the very term "Newtonianism." See especially his recent Newton on the Continent (Ithaca, 1981).

35. For a convenient study of Delisle with a full listing of his own works as well as secondary accounts—including those detailing his efforts in Russia—see my article in DSB , IV, 22-25. It perhaps should be remarked that his contemporaries called him Delisle le jeune or le cadet to distinguish him from his older brother and Académie confrère, Guillaume l'aine , who after early tutoring from Cassini had undertaken (according to Brown, The Story of Maps , pp. 242-243) "a complete reform of a system of geography that had been in force since the second century" and very nearly accomplished it. There was also a still younger brother, Louis, who accompanied Jean to Russia and was known as Delisle de la Croyère.

36. La figure de la terre, determinée par les observations . . . faites par ordre du roy au cercle polaire (Paris, 1738).

37. A fuller title of the work is as follows: La méidienne de l'Obser-

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vatoire Royal de Paris, vérifiée dans toute l'étendue du royaume par de nouvelles observations. Pour en déduire la vraye grandeur des degrés de la terre, tant en longitude qu'en latitude, et pour y assujettir toutes les opérations géométriques faites par ordre du roi, pour lever une carte générale de la France. . . . Suite des Mémoires de l'Académie Royale des Sciences, MDCCXL (Paris, 1744).

38. On Godin and his works, see my article in DSB , V, 434-436.

39. This judgment was put forward in the DSB article on La Condamine by Yves Laissus; see XV (Supplement I), pp. 269-273. The two mentioned works by La Condamine were his Journal du voyage fait par ordre du roi, à l'équateur, servant d'introduction historique à la mesure des trois premiers degrés du méridien (Paris, 1751) and his Mesure des trois premiers degrés du méridien dans l'hémisphere autral, tirée des observations de Mrs de l'Académie Royale des Sciences, envoyés par le roi sous l'équateur (Paris, 1751).

40. See "Bouguer" in DSB , II, 343-344, by W. E. Knowles Middleton.

41. La figure de la terre, determinée par les observations de Messieurs De la Condamine et Bouguer, de l'Académie Royale des Sciences, envoyés par order du Roy au Pérou pour observer aux environs de l'équateur . . .

42. Bouguer's invention was subsequently challenged from England, but he did not really enter into a priority controversy. See the note by the editor in J. B. J. Delambre, Histoire de l'astronomie au dixhuitième siécle (Paris, 1827), pp. 349-350, and the fuller recent study by Danielle Fauque, "Les origines de l'héliometre," Revue d'histoire des sciences 36 (1983): 153-171.

43. The fundamental work on this institution remains A. Doneaud du Plan's L'Académie Royale de Marine, 1752-1793 (Paris, 1882). That separate version was published as an abstract in the Revue maritime et coloniale, 1878-1882 . Unfortunately, the version that I have employed was provided by Inter Library Loan directly from the numbers of that Revue but without indications of years. Since it appeared in a considerable number of small segments, however, it has seemed appropriate to provide the title of the segment being cited and the most logical guess as to the sequential year of the Revue in which it appeared.

44. Although the Traité appeared at the beginning of 1753, the report on it had been read at the Académie's meeting of 23 November 1752. See, in the preceding, the first segment, "L'Académie de Marine de 1752 à 1765," part I of which deals with the "Fondation de l'Académie" and part II with the "Années 1752 et 1753." See the Revue maritime et coloniale , 1878, especially pp. 490-491. On the later edition, see page 100 below.

45. Roger Hahn, "L'enseignement scientifique des gardes de la marine au XVIII ^e siècle," in René Taton, ed., Enseignement et diffusion des sciences en France au XVIII ^e siècle (Paris, 1964), pp. 547-558.

46. The title of his contribution was Description et usage des principaux instruments d'astronomie (Paris, 1774). On that general collection, which

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was being revived in the second half of the eighteenth century, see Arthur B. Cole and George B. Watts, The Handicrafts of France, as Recorded in the Description des arts et métiers, 1761-1788 (Boston, 1952). An excellent brief discussion of the revival, set in the larger context of science and technology in France at that time, may be found in Charles Coulston Gillispie, Science and Polity in France at the End of the Old Regime (Princeton, 1980), especially pp. 344-355. On Lemonnier, see the article by Thomas L. Hankins in DSB , VIII, 178-180; Delambre, Histoire de l'astronomie , pp. 179-237; and J.J.L. de Lalande, Bibliographie astronomique avec l'histoire de l'astronomie depuis 1721 jusqu'à 1802 (Paris, 1803), pp. 819-826.

47. Although dealt with by Delambre, Lalande, and Lacroix (III, 177-184) among others, this eort by Pingré has been best treated in Angus Armitage, "The Pilgrimage of Pingré, an Astronomer-Monk of Eighteenth Century France," Annals of Science 9 (1953): 52-54.

48. Actually, before returning to France, Lacaille was instructed to establish accurately the position of the lies de France and Bourbon, and it was on his voyage to the first of these sites that he used the lunardistance technique. See his posthumously published Journal historique du voyage fait au Cap de Bonne-Esperance (Paris, 1776), which contains an extensive anonymous (actually written by l'abbé Claude Carlier) discours historique on his life and writings, especially pp. 65, 101, and 195-196. A very important part of his work at the cape was, of course, the measure of most of a degree of the meridian there, an almost herculean task the outcome of which supported the hypothesis of the prolate spheroid. In addition to the discours historique , important works on Lacaille are Delambre, Histoire de l'astronomie , pp. 457-542; Lacroix, Figures de savants , III, 161-165; Angus Armitage, "The astronomical work of Nicolas-Louis de Lacaille," Annals of Science 12 (1956): 165-191; and Owen Gingerich's article in DSB , VII, 542-545.

49. Ephémérides des mouvemens célestes pour dix années, depuis 1755 jusqu'en 1765 et pour le méridien de la ville de Paris. Où l'on trouve les longitudes et les latitudes des planètes . . . et généralement tousles calculs qui sont nécessaires pour connoitre l'état actuel du ciel et pour faciliter les observations astronomiques. . . . Pour servir de suite aux Ephémérides de M. Desplaces. Par M. de la Caille, de l'Académie Royale des Sciences, Professeur de Mathématiques au Collège Mazarin. Tome Quatrième (Paris, 1755). See pp. xxx-xliv, "Avertissement sur le discours suivant, au sujet de la manière de déterminer sur merles longitudes par les observations de la lune."

50. This according to Article XII of the Académie's règlement of 1699, the first official bylaws of that institution. For that document see Ernest Maindron, L'Académie des sciences (Paris, 1888), pp. 18-24. A recent study of the 1699 developments was a paper presented by Stewart Saunders to the Society of French Historical Studies at Bloomington, Indiana, on 14 March 1981: "The Reorganization of the Paris Academy

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in 1699." On the various editors of the Connaissance des temps , although erroneously naming Picard its first, see Delambre, Histoire de l'astronomie , pp. 250, 339, 554, 607, 608, 752, 754, 758, 766.

51. On Lalande, see Delambre, Histoire de l'astronomie , pp. 547-621, and Thomas L. Hankins' article in DSB , VII, 579-582. Hankins' bibliography contains several other useful sources.

52. Harry Woolf, The Transits of Venus: A Study of Eighteenth Century Science (Princeton, 1959).

53. So he said in the eulogy of Pingré that he placed in his history of astronomy for 1796, the year of his death. See Lalande, Bibliographie astronomique , pp. 774-775.

54. This was his Exposition du calcul astronomique (Paris, 1762).

55. This has not been generally recognized; the honor has usually been assigned elsewhere, frequently to Lorenz Crell's Chemisches Journal begun in 1778. See, for example, Douglas McKie, "The Scientific Journal from 1665 to 1798," Philosophical Magazine (July 1940): 122-132, and David A. Kronick, A History of Scientific and Technical Periodicals: The Origins and Development of the Scientific and Technological Press, 1665-1790 (New York, 1962).

56. Seymour L. Chapin, "Lalande and the Longitude: A Little Known London Voyage of 1763," Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London 32 (1978): 165-180.

57. The first significant analysis of Maskelyne's works was that in Delambre, Histoire de l'astronomie , pp. 623-634; both it and the recent article by Eric G. Forbes, DSB , IX, 162-164, have now been supplanted by Derek Howse's Nevil Maskelyne: The Seaman's Astronomer (Cambridge, 1989).

58. Almost all of the works cited in note 12 above include some treatment of the chronometer developments about to be discussed, but the works of Guyot and Fayet are particularly important in this regard. To them there should be added Gould's classic study, The Marine Chronometer . Some elsewhere unmentioned materials may also be found occasionally in the work of Doneaud du Plan.

59. On Camus, see my article in DSB , III, 38-40. To have him "joining" Lalande is not technically correct, since the latter had never been officially named to this task by the Académie; see the article cited in note 56. On Harrison, see, in addition to Gould, the more recent and more biographical work of Humphrey Quill, John Harrison, the Man Who Found Longitude (London, 1966).

60. That such was necessary was the result of the phraseology of the prize program itself: "Déterminer la meilleure manière de mesurer le tems à la mer en exigeant comme une condition essentielle que les montres, pendules ou instruments qu'on pourra présenter pour cet objet ayent subi à la mer des épreuves suffisantes et constatées par des témoignages authentiques"; Maindron, Fondations , p. 21.

61. A succinct account of the attempts of Mess. Harrison and LeRoy, for

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finding the longitude at sea, and of the proofs made of their works. By M. LeRoy . . . . To which is prefixed, a summary of the Marquis de Courtanvaut's voyage, for the trial of certain instruments (London, 1768). For the original of the latter: Journal du voyage de M. le marquis de Courtanvaux, sur le frégate Aurore, pour essayer, par ordre de l'Académie, plusieurs instrumens relatifs à la longitude; mis en ordre par M. Pingé, chanoine régulier de Sainte-Geneviève, nommé par l'Académie pour coopérer à la vérification desdits instrumens, de concert avec M. Messier (Paris, 1768).

62. The account of the voyage of Chappe, who died at the site of his observations, was subsequently brought out by Cassini IV; see Jean Chappe d'Auteroche, Voyage en Californie, pour l'observation du passage de Vénus sur le disque du soleil le 3 juin 1769 . . . (Paris, 1772). Fleurieu's account was published in 1773: Voyage fait par ordre du roi, en I768 et 1769, en différents parties du monde, pour éprouver en met les horloges marine, par M. d'Eveux de Fleurieu . Berthoud drew up his own memoir, which was read to both the Académie des Sciences and the Académie de Marine in July 1769 and then inserted into volume I of the Mémoires manuscrits of the latter. "Sur la manière dont on peut faire l'épreuve d'une horloge marine pour s'assurer de la confiance que l'on doit avoir en elle pour la détermination des longitudes en mer." See Doneaud du Plan's section VII, "L'Académie royale de marine en 1769," Revue maritime et coloniale , 1879, especially pp. 344-345.

63. See especially Doneaud du Plan's section VI, "Réconstitution de l'Académie," Revue maritime et coloniale , 1879, pp. 323-337. See also the Hahn article cited in note 45.

64. Leroy drew up a full description of one of the tested clocks in his Mémoire sur la meilleure manière de mesurer le terns en mer, qui a remporté le prix double au jugement de l'Académie royale des Sciences. Contenant description de la montre à longitudes, presentée à Sa Majesté le 5 Août 1766 (Paris, 1770). On the sea test, see Jean Dominique Cassini, Voyage fait par ordre du roi, en 1768, pour éprouver les montres marines inventée par M. Leroy . . . (Paris, 1770).

65. On Borda, see Jean Mascart, La vie et les travaux du Chevalier Jean-Charles de la Borda (1733-1799): épisodes de la vie scientifique au XVIII ^e siècle (Paris and Lyon, 1919). Although Gillispie (see note 46) has recently warned that this book is unreliable in detail, I have not found it such, while C. Stewart Gillmor's article on Borda in DSB , II, 299-300, characterizes it only as "a massive 800-page study."

66. Jean René Antonie Verdun de la Grenne, Voyage fait par ordre du roi, en 1771 et 1772; par MM. de Verdun, de Borda et Pingré (Paris, 1778).

67. Gould, Marine Chronometer , p. 83.

68. Although treated in all the standard histories of astronomy, the study of Mayer's work has been placed on a whole new basis in the many contributions of Eric Forbes. In addition to that cited in note 12, see his Euler-Mayer Correspondence (1751-1755): A New Perspective on Eighteenth-

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Century Advances in the Lunar Theory (New York, 1971); Tobias Mayer's Opera Inedita: The First Translation of the Lichtenberg Edition of 1775 (New York, 1971); and the more recent and much needed full biography, Tobias Mayer (1723-62): Pioneer of Enlightened Science in Germany (Göttingen, 1980).

69. He did so in its final pages, including there a comparison with Pingré's approach: J.J. de Lalande, Astronomie (Paris, 1764), II, 1534-1544.

70. Mémoire sur l'observation des longitudes en mer publié par ordre du roi (Paris, 1767).

71. Lalande, Bibliographie , pp. 497-498.

72. See his Experiences sur les longitudes, faites à la mer en 1767 et 1768, publié par ordre du roi (Paris, 1768) and Théorie et pratique des longitudes en mer, publié . . . (Paris, 1772). Although Lalande credits Véron with the idea of this instrument ( Bibliographie , p. 502), Lemonnier does not mention Véron in a contemporary work which also treats of the French marine watches, errors that he claims to have found in Lacaille's edition of Bouguer's Trâité de navigation , and several other matters of interest to this study: Astronomie nautique lunaire, où l'on traite de la longitude et de la latitude en mer . . . suivies d'autres tables des mouvemens du Soleil et des étoiles fixes, auxquelles la Lune sera compareé dans les voyages de long cours (Paris, 1771).

73. For an appreciation of the reflecting circle see the works by Forbes cited in note 68, the Mascart work in note 65, and J. B. J. Delambre, Grandeur et figure de la terre (Paris, 1912).

74. For convenience I have used a readily available reprint of the early English version of this famous expedition: Lewis de Bougainville, A Voyage Round the World Performed by Order of His Most Christian Majesty in the Years 1766, 1767, 1768, and 1769 (translated by John Reinhold Forster, London, 1772; republished in 1967 by the Gregg Press, Ridgewood, N.J.). Though Bougainville's voyage has been frequently dealt with—as, for example, in the several works cited above in note 3—it has only recently received the truly scholarly treatment it deserves: Bougainville et ses compagnons autour du monde. Journaux de navigation établis et commentés par Etienne Taillemite (Paris, 1977). M. Taillemite, head curator at the National Archives, has even more recently placed that voyage in a larger context in "The French Contribution to the Discovery of the Pacific" (which begins with Bougainville), a paper presented to the International Congress of Maritime Museums at its 1981 conference in Paris. I should like to thank Derek Howse for providing me with copies of that brief but splendid offering and of the two commentaries made on it at that meeting.

75. For a brief treatment of the Bouvet venture, see Beaglehole, Exploration of the Pacific , pp. 186-187, and Oliver E. Allen and the edito of Time-Life Books, The Pacific Navigators (Alexandria, Va., 1980), es-

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pecially p. 78. The latter work is notable for a large number of fascinating illustrations, a comment that applies equally to Taillemite's study. Bouvet, incidentally, was a competitor of Bougainville for the voyage of circumnavigation in the 1760s.

76. See p. 62 above; Charles de Brosses, Histoire des navigations aux terres australes (Paris, 1756). On de Brosses and his influence, see Alan Carey Taylor, Le Président de Brosses et l'Australie (Paris, 1937).

77. Denis Diderot, Supplément au voyage de Bougainville, publié d'après le manuscrit de Léningrad avec une introduction et des notes par Gilbert Chinard (Baltimore, 1935), p. 15. Chinard's introduction and notes provide the essential basis for the next paragraph as well.

78. At least in the English translation. See, for example, Bougainville, Voyage , p. 242. In his own log, however, it is clear that lunar distances were being employed since he usually provides the name of star that Verron (his spelling) was observing; Taillemite, Bougainville , passim.

79. For the orders themselves, see ''Instructions to Captain Cook for His Three Voyages," The Naval Miscellany , III (edited by W. G. Perrin for the Navy Records Society as vol. LXIII of that society's Publications , 1928), pp. 341-364; for a balanced use of them, see John M. Ward, "British Policy in the Exploration of the South Pacific, 1699-1793," Royal Australian Historical Society 33 (pt. 1) (1929): 25-49.

80. For good brief accounts of the voyages, see Dunmore, French Explorers in the Pacific , 114-195; for Poivre's many activities, see Lacroix, Figures de savants , III, 191-213.

81. The account of Kerguelen's voyages in Dunmore (pp. 196-249) is marred by a serious error; see note 85 below. For a fuller and more recent account, see Maurice Raymond (Amiral) de Brossard, Kerguelen: le découvreur et ses îles (Paris, 1970-1971).

82. A Voyage to Madagascar, and the East Indies. By the Abbé Rochon, member of the Academy of Sciences of Paris. . . . Translated from the French. Illustrated with an accurate map . . . To which is added, a memoir on the Chinese trade (London, 1792).

83. On that invention, which became the subject of a lively priority contest between Rochon, Boscovich, and Maskelyne, see the former's Recueil de mémoires sur la mécanique et la physique (Paris, 1783). For a good summary, see the long note by the editor in Delambre, Histoire , pp. 645-652.

84. Dunmore first stated that Lepante [ sic ] d'Agelet was replaced by Mersay as the expedition's astronomer, but he later referred to him as the occupant of that position; see n. 3 on p. 220 and p. 259. See also the following note.

85. Mersay threw himself overboard in an apparent fit of delirium on the return voyage. Dunmore (p. 235) states that thereafter "the estimates of longitude became extremely unreliable." Inasmuch as d'Agelet

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was still on board—and in view of the fact that the ship also carried a Berthoud chronometer—there would seem to be no obvious reason for this alleged loss of reliability.

86. Despite its untimely end, an official account of the voyage was drawn up on the basis of materials sent back to France from the Kamchatka peninsula and from Australia's Botany Bay: Voyage de La Pérouse autour du monde, publié conformément au décret du 22 avril 1791, et rédigé par M. L. A. Milet-Mureau (Paris, 1797). The first of the four volumes contains the editor's preface and the various instructions, the following two are Lapérouse's account, and the last consists of the astronomical observations. There are diverse spellings of the name Lapérouse, but that adopted here is his own. A new edition of the middle two volumes of the Voyage was brought out by the Club des Libraires de France in 1965; it is recommended for its preface and postface by Contre-amiral de Brossard, who reconstructs the route of the expedition after it left Botany Bay and recounts his own finding of the wreckage of the Boussole in 1964.

87. In addition to the picture presented by the editor of the Voyage , other early accounts insisted upon that same image. This was true, for example, of the reports made to Napoleon on the sciences by Delambre and Cuvier: J. B. J. Delambre, Rapport historique sur les progrès des sciences mathématiques depuis 1789, et sur leur état actuel (Paris, 1810), especially p. 210, and Georges Cuvier, Rapport historique sur les progrès des sciences naturelles . . . (Paris, 1810), especially p. 267. Understandably, the Irishman who found its wreckage in 1827 called it "the most important scientific expedition that ever sailed from Europe." See Peter Dillon, Narrative and Successful Result of a Voyage in the South Seas, Performed by Order of the Government of British India, to Ascertain the Actual Fate of LaPérouse's Expedition (London, 1829), especially p. ix. Dillon, who found only the hulk of the Astrolabe , commanded by de Langle, was followed shortly by J. S. C. Dumont d'Urville, who raised a monument to the expedition on Vanikoro Island, the site of its demise. See Voyage de la corvette l'Astrolabe éxécute par ordre du roi, pendant les années 1826, 1827, 1828, 1829, sous le Commandant de M.J. Dumont D'Urville (Paris, 1830-1835). Among the more recent "scientific" treatments, One may include the work of a descendant of the expedition's second-in-command, Fleuriot de Langle, La Tragique expédition de LaPérouse et Langle (Paris, 1940); Dunmore, French Explorers in the Pacific , pp. 250-282; and Ernest S. Dodge, Beyond the Capes: Pacific Exploration from Captain Cook to the Challenger, 1776-1877 (Boston, 1971), pp. 30-42.

88. Seymour L. Chapin, "Scientific Profit from the Profit Motive: The Case of the LaPerouse Expedition," Actes du XII ^e Congrès International d'Histoire des Sciences (Paris, 1971), XI, 45-49.

89. A convenient source for the French—and American—exemptions regarding Cook is the chapter entitled "Benjamin Franklin's Pass-

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port'' in Sir Gavin de Beer, The Sciences Were Never at War (New York, 1960), pp. 26-28. On the matter of nondelusion in the case of Lapérouse, see, for the attitude of the English ambassador in Paris, Oscar Browning, ed., Dispatches from Paris , Vol. I: ( 1784-1787 ) (London, 1909), pp. 52-53; for Jefferson's skepticism, his order to John Paul Jones to investigate, and the latter's report, see J.P. Boyd, ed., The Papers of Thomas Jefferson , Vol. VIII: ( 25 February to 31 October 1785 ) (Princeton, 1953), pp. 339, 587-588, 592-593. On the matter of the prevalence of the "competition" view, it would appear, for example, that Glyndwr Williams would now be willing to subscribe to it rather than insisting, as he did at an earlier time in the context of Pacific exploration generally, that "attempts to separate the various strands of motive are probably more misleading than helpful." See his Expansion of Europe in the Eighteenth Century: Overseas Rivalry, Discovery, and Exploration (New York, 1967).

1. Preface to A Voyage to the Pacific Ocean . . . for Making Discoveries in the Northern Hemisphere (London, 1784).

2. Hans-Joachim Possin, Reisen und Literatur (Tübingen, 1972), p. 258; see also p. 236.

3. Sondra Rosenberg, ''Travel Literature and the Picaresque Novel," Enlightenment Essays 2 (1971): 40.

4. Ibid., p. 46.

3. Sondra Rosenberg, ''Travel Literature and the Picaresque Novel," Enlightenment Essays 2 (1971): 40.

4. Ibid., p. 46.

5. Charles L. Batten, Jr., Pleasurable Instruction: Form and Convention in Eighteenth-Century Travel Literature (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1978).

6. See, for example, "Preface by the Editor," Travels of Carl Philipp Moritz in England in 1782 , introduction by P. E. Matheson (London, 1926), p. 3.

7. See, for example, J. H. Plumb, England in the Eighteenth Century (Baltimore, 1963), p. 30; Percy G. Adams, Travelers and Travel Liars: 1660-1800 (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1962), passim.

8. Chevalier Dennis de Coetlogon, "Travelling," An Universal History of Arts and Sciences (London, 1795), II, no pagination.

9. See Catalogue of Prints and Drawings in the British Museum , IV, 798-799.

10. See William Combe, Dr. Syntax's Tour in Search of the Picturesque (London, 1812), plate facing p. 16.

11. Figure 4.2 is titled "The Apotheosis of Captain Cook. From a Design of P. J. De Loutherbourg. The View of Karakakooa Bay is from a Drawing by John Webber, R.A. (the last he made) in the collection of Mr. G. Baker, 20 January 1794."

12. James Boswell, Boswell: The Ominous Years, 1774-1776 , edited by Charles Ryskamp and Frederick A. Pottle (New York, 1963), p. 341.

13. He tells us he bought his "most curious staff in a shop in Cheap-side: a very handsome vine with the root uppermost, and upon it a bird, very well carved"; see James Boswell, Boswell in Search of a Wife: 1766-1769 , edited by Frank Brady and Frederick A. Pottle (New York, 1956), p. 274.

14. London Magazine 38 (Sept. 1769): 455.

15. At the beginning of his journey, Maupertuis does describe two Lapp girls who showed him how to use smoke as a defense from flies; see Pierre Louis Moreau de Maupertuis, Figure of the Earth, Determined from Observations Made by Order of the French King, at the Polar Circle (Lon-

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don, 1738), p. 43. Perhaps Maupertuis expected his readers to associate these girls with the two he brought with him.

16. Ibid., p. 103.

15. At the beginning of his journey, Maupertuis does describe two Lapp girls who showed him how to use smoke as a defense from flies; see Pierre Louis Moreau de Maupertuis, Figure of the Earth, Determined from Observations Made by Order of the French King, at the Polar Circle (Lon-

16. Ibid., p. 103.

17. Quoted in Preserved Smith, The Enlightenment: 1687-1776 (New York, 1962), p. 91.

18. Ibid., p. 126.

17. Quoted in Preserved Smith, The Enlightenment: 1687-1776 (New York, 1962), p. 91.

18. Ibid., p. 126.

19. Prince Giolo Son of the King of Moangis or Gilolo: Lying Under the Aequator in Long. of 152 Deg. 30 Min. a Fruitful Island Abounding with Rich Spices and Other Valuable Commodities (London, 1692?). Giolo is also described in Thomas Hyde, An Account of the Famous Prince Giolo (London, 1692), and he is alluded to in William Congreve, Love for Love (1695), act III.

20. Quoted by Ernst Cassirer, The Philosophy of the Enlightenment , translated by Fritz C. A. Koelln and James P. Pettegrove (Boston, 1951), p. 3.

21. James Keir, Dictionary of Chemistry (1789), quoted in W. H. G. Armytage, "The Technological Imperative," The Eighteenth Century: Europe in the Age of the Enlightenment (New York, 1969), p. 96.

22. De Coetlogon, "Travelling."

23. George Rousseau, "Science and the Discovery of the Imagination in Enlightened England," Eighteenth-Century Studies 3 (1969): 109.

24. The Letters of William and Dorothy Wordsworth , 2nd ed., edited by Ernest de Selincourt (Oxford, 1967), I, 212.

25. Thomas Sprat, History of the Royal-Society of London, for the Improving of Natural Knowledge (London, 1667), p. 155. To show the society's "way of Inquiring, and giving Rules for direction," Sprat produces "a few Instances . . . from whose exactness it may be ghess'd [ sic ], how all the rest are performed" (p. 157). These instances include "Answers return'd by Sir Piliberto Vernatti Resident in Batavia in Java Major, to certain Inquiries sent thither by Order of the Royal Society, and recommended by Sir Robert Moray'' (pp. 158-172) and "A Relation of the Pico Teneriffe. Receiv'd from some considerable Merchants and Men Worthy of Credit, who went to the Top of it" (pp. 200-213).

24. The Letters of William and Dorothy Wordsworth , 2nd ed., edited by Ernest de Selincourt (Oxford, 1967), I, 212.

25. Thomas Sprat, History of the Royal-Society of London, for the Improving of Natural Knowledge (London, 1667), p. 155. To show the society's "way of Inquiring, and giving Rules for direction," Sprat produces "a few Instances . . . from whose exactness it may be ghess'd [ sic ], how all the rest are performed" (p. 157). These instances include "Answers return'd by Sir Piliberto Vernatti Resident in Batavia in Java Major, to certain Inquiries sent thither by Order of the Royal Society, and recommended by Sir Robert Moray'' (pp. 158-172) and "A Relation of the Pico Teneriffe. Receiv'd from some considerable Merchants and Men Worthy of Credit, who went to the Top of it" (pp. 200-213).

26. Ibid., p. 382.

27. "Directions for Sea-men, Bound for Far Voyages," Philosophical Transactions 1 (8) (8 Jan. 1665/1666): 140.

26. Ibid., p. 382.

27. "Directions for Sea-men, Bound for Far Voyages," Philosophical Transactions 1 (8) (8 Jan. 1665/1666): 140.

28. See, for example, Philosophical Transactions 1 (9) (12 Feb. 1665/ 1666): 147; 1 (11) (2 April 1666): 186-189; 1 (20) (17 Dec. 1666): 360-362; 2 (23) (11 March 1666/1667): 415-422. The degree to which the Royal Society's instructions had been expanded and augmented can be seen by looking at Awnsham and John Churchill, A Collection of Voyages and Travels (London, 1752), VII, lii-lviii.

29. These are appended with separate pagination at the end of John Toland, Nazarenus; or, Jewish, Gentile, and Mahometan Christianity. Containing the History of the Antient Gospel of Barnabas (London, 1718).

30. See, for example, Francesco Cordasco, ''Smollett's 'Register of the Weather,'" Notes and Queries 194 (1949): 163.

31. As an example of the declining influence exerted by classics on the sciences, the sixteenth century published eighty-nine editions of Pliny, the seventeenth century forty-three, and the eighteenth century only nineteen; see E. W. Gudgen, "Pliny's 'Historia Naturalis': The Most Popular Natural History Ever Published," Isis 6 (1924): 273ff.

32. See, for example, Victor Harris, All Coherence Gone (Chicago, 1949), p. 72.

33. Anders Sparrman, A Voyage to the Cape of Good Hope (London, 1785), I, iii-iv.

34. William Dampier, A New Voyage Round the World , introductions by Albert Gray and Percy G. Adams (New York, 1968), p. 1.

35. David Hume, An Enquiry Concerning Human Understanding , sec. 8, pt. 1, par. 65.

36. See note 28 above.

37. Patrick Brydone, A Tour Through Sicily and Malta (London, 1780), I, 92-93.

38. Ibid., pp. 124-126.

37. Patrick Brydone, A Tour Through Sicily and Malta (London, 1780), I, 92-93.

38. Ibid., pp. 124-126.

39. James Boswell, The Life of Samuel Johnson (Oxford, 1934) II, 467-468; III, 356.

40. Peter Gay, The Enlightenment: An Interpretation (New York, 1969), II, 319.

41. Sir James Macintosh, The Law of Nature and Nations (1798), quoted in Gay, The Enlightenment , II, 320.

42. Boswell, Life of Johnson , V, 209.

43. See, for example, Francis Osborne, Advice to a Son , introduction by Edward Abbott Parry (London, 1896), p. 62.

44. Tobias Smollett, Travels Through France and Italy , introduction by James Morris (Fontwell, Sussex, 1969), letter VII.

45. Andrew Kippis claimed that Cook's voyages had led to "the study of human nature, in situations various, interesting and uncommon" since the people who populated the South Pacific, uninformed as they were "by science and unimproved by education . . . could not but afford many subjects of speculation to an inquisitive and philosophical mind"; see Andrew Kippis, The Life of Captain James Cook (London, 1788), p. 497.

46. Jerome Lobo, A Voyage to Abyssinia (London, 1735), p. viii.

47. Concerning the idealization of the Chinese, see Donald F. Lach, "Leibniz and China," Journal of the History of Ideas 6 (1945): 436-455.

48. Quoted in William W. Appleton, A Cycle of Cathay: The Chinese Vogue in England During the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries (New York, 1951), p. 50.

49. Ibid., pp. 27-36.

48. Quoted in William W. Appleton, A Cycle of Cathay: The Chinese Vogue in England During the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries (New York, 1951), p. 50.

49. Ibid., pp. 27-36.

50. Samuel Johnson, "Review of Du Halde's Description of China," Gentleman's Magazine 8 (1738): 365.

51. Henry Fielding, Joseph Andrews , edited by Martin C. Battestin (Middletown, Conn., 1967), bk. I, chap. 17.

52. Lancelot Addison, West Barbary; or, A Short Narrative of the Resolutions in the Kingdoms of Fez and Morocco (Oxford, 1671), sig. a2r.

53. William Wotton, Reflections upon Ancient and Modern Learning (1694); cited in Irene Simon, ed., Neo-Classical Criticism: 1660-1800 (Columbia, S.C., 1971), p. 89.

54. Philosophical Transactions 4 (52) (17 Oct. 1669) plate facing p. 1041.

1. Derek Howse and Norman J. W. Thrower, A Buccaneer's Atlas: Basil Ringrose's South Sea Waggoner (Berkeley and Los Angeles, forthcoming).

2. Royal Warrant, 4 March 1674-1675, copies in PRO State Papers Domestic 29/368, fol. 299, and 44, p. 10.

3. Board of Admiralty to Halley [15 October 1698], PRO ADM. 2/25, pp. 155-156, quoted in full in Norman J. W. Thrower (ed.), The Three Voyages of Edmond Halley in the "Paramore" 1698-1701 (London, 1981).

4. In the early days, these instruments were known variously as "timekeepers," "watches," or "watch machines," often prefixed by the words "marine,'' "box," or ''pocket." The term chronometer began to come into use about 1780.

5. Cook to Secretary of the Admiralty, Table Bay, 22 March 1775, quoted in full in J. C. Beaglehole (ed.), The Journals of Captain Cook (London, 1961), II, 691-693.

6. William Wales and William Bayly, The Original Astronomical Observations Made . . . in the Years 1772, 1773, 1774, and 1775 . . . (London, 1777); and James Cooke [ sic ], James King, and William Bayly, The Original Astronomical Observations Made . . . in the Years 1776, 1777, 1778, 1779, and 1780 . . . (London, 1782).

7. Full instructions for computing lunar observations and all the necessary permanent tables are contained in Tables Requisite to be used with the Nautical Ephemeris for finding the Latitude and Longitude at Sea , 2nd ed., edited by Nevil Maskelyne (London, 1781). The instructions were written by William Wales, astronomer in the Resolution on Cook's second voyage and later master of the Mathematical School at Christ's Hospital.

8. Edmond Halley, "Methodus singularis qua Solis Parallaxis sive distantia à Terra, ope Veneris intra Solem conspiciendae, tuto determinari poterit," Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society 29 (1716): 454 ff.

9. Halley quoted (without source) in Angus Armitage, Edmond Halley (London and Edinburgh, 1966), p. 104.

10. Derek Howse and Beresford Hutchinson, "The Saga of the Shelton Clocks," Antiquarian Horology (1969): 281-298.

11. "Observations made, by appointment of the Royal Society, at King George's Island in the South Sea; by Mr. Charles Green, formerly Assistant at the Royal Observatory at Greenwich, and Lieut. James Cook, of his Majesty's Ship the Endeavour," Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society 61 (1771): 398.

12. Howse and Hutchinson, "Saga."

1. Anthony Murray-Oliver (comp.), Captain Cook's Artists in the Pacific 1769-1779 (Christchurch, N.Z., 1969), p. xiv.

2. A Brief History of the Establishment of the Floating School of the City of Baltimore (Baltimore, 1860), p. 7.

3. John Cooke and John Maule, An Historical Account of the Royal Hospital for Seamen at Greenwich (London, 1789), pp. 126-127.

4. Floating School , p. 27.