1. Thus Bembo's literary theory is at odds with his reputation as a Neoplatonist, which is based on the love theory of his 1505 dialogue Gli Asolani , and on the speech "he" gives in book 4 of Castiglione's Cortegiano .

2. On the role of Bembo's letter to Pico in the evolution of imitation theory, see Santangelo; Greene, 171-77; and Cruz, Imitación , 24-26. Bembo's rejection of a metaphysical, inspirational theory of poetry approximates twentieth-century hermeneutic and phenomenological approaches that emphasize reading and writing; see Kennedy, 1-2, 16-18, particularly his references to Gadamer and Ingarden.

3. Bembo's arguments here are an echo of the trope of the translatio studii , which was to become crucial for the Renaissance outside Italy; see the section below on "Spanish Alterity and the Language of Empire."

4. Thus to Ferguson the idea of a "renaissance," in contrast to other period concepts such as both "antiquity" and "middle ages," is rooted in the cultural self-consciousness that existed at the time. By deriving our characterization of the "Renaissance" from the self-concept of the humanists, the term can be historicized, freed on the one hand from nineteenth-century Burckhardtian associations, and distinguished, on the other, from our own set of period concepts; see Waller, 5-8; also Kerrigan and Braden, 7: "The movement that counts, what we now call humanism, takes decisive form under Petrarch's inspiration and influence in the fourteenth century and is accompanied from the first with propaganda about its historic momentousness.''

5. To Curtius, the creation of new tropes such as these can signal a major historical transition, for tropes "reflect the sequence of psychological periods. But in all poetical topoi the style of expression is historically determined. Now there are also topoi which are wanting throughout Antiquity down to the Augustan Age. . . . They have a twofold interest. First, as regards literary biology, we can observe in them the genesis of new topoi . Thus our knowledge of the genetics of the formal elements of literature is widened. Secondly, these topoi are indications of a changed psychological state; indications which are comprehensible in no other way" (82). Thus just as ancient tropes have a history that can be traced, so too do modern tropes such as the tripartite model of history, the idea of a Renaissance, the pairing of Petrarch and Boccaccio (as models of learning or of ignorance), and many

other expressions used by the humanists; and the development of these new tropes is indicative of the psychological changes that characterize period boundaries.

6. For a typology of Renaissance tropes that describe "following," transformative imitation, and emulation, along with their classical sources, see Pigman.

7. For the sake of consistency all quotations from Petrarch's Familiares (English: Letters on Familiar Matters ) are taken from the translation by Aldo Bernardo.

8. For a nuanced Bloomean approach to Petrarch's poetry that takes as its point of departure his theory of history, see Waller.

9. Curtius's chief concern here is to reject Burkhardtian and essentialist notions of the renaissance as a "real" event in history (5-6), rather than as a change in perception expressed through certain tropes. To Curtius, the true revival of Latin literature occurred in twelfth-century France (53-54, 255), and Spain had hardly any share in this movement (385-87); as a consequence, its development of a vernacular literature lagged considerably behind the French. On the other hand, Spain's continuing medievalism contributed to the strength of those features of the Baroque which entailed a revival of medieval culture (on this point see Díaz y Díaz). Curtius calls this phenomenon the cultural "belatedness" of Spain (541-43).

10. Curtius locates the origin of this notion in Ecclesiasticus 10:8, "sovereignty passes from nation to nation on account of injustice and insolence and wealth." In the West, this passage was first used to explain the translatio imperii , the rise and fall of empires and the shifts in political domination; later, it became a justification for the legitimacy of the Carolingian empire (29). Yet the movement that granted legitimacy to the Carolingians would not do very much for sixteenth-century Frenchmen or Spaniards claiming to be the true heirs of Rome; thus, like the Italian humanists shifting the date of the "renaissance," they constantly postpone the date of the transfer and argue that the events of their own day constitute the true movement of culture away from Italy.

11. These statements in praise of Santillana are clearly a form of panegyric; while Curtius warns us against taking such tropes as literal statements of fact or true sentiment, they do reflect a predisposition to believe that culture is in need of revival, that warriors are insufficiently dedicated to letters, etc.

12. Born Antonio Martínez de Calar y Jarava into a middle-class family in the village of Lebrija (the ancient Nebrissa Veneria), forty-five miles south of Seville, Nebrija studied at Salamanca and then at the Spanish college in Bologna, where he spent a decade. Upon his return to Spain he occupied a number of academic posts and also served powerful members of the church hierarchy and the nobility. In 1481 he published a Latin textbook, the Introductiones latinae and, at the request of the queen, prepared a Spanish translation (published about 1486); during the late 1480s and 1490s he wrote and published his Latin-Spanish dictionaries, his Spanish grammar, and other

works. In later years he participated in the preparation of the polyglot Bible and in 1514 was awarded a special chair of rhetoric at the new University of Alcalá. Along with his philological accomplishments, Nebrija was instrumental in bringing the printing press to Salamanca: the second book published in the city was his Introductiones , and he may also have directed the press, a situation necessarily covert because its mercantile associations would have been incompatible with a university position. Both his son and his grandson became printers, however, and most of the incunables published in Salamanca were either by Nebrija or by authors connected to his circle; he was also the first author to claim a copyright in Spain. On his connections to the press see Haebler; Cuesta Gutiérrez. Information on Nebrija's life, drawn primarily from autobiographical assertions in the prologues to his works, can be found in the Quilis edition of the Gramática , 9-18, from which I also quote.

13. On the implicit positing of a medium aevum during this fourteen-hundred-year gap, and its connection to the historical theories of the Italian humanists, see Guerrero Ramos.

14. Generally, however, Nebrija relies not so much on literary usage as on aristocratic norms, giving the grammar, in spite of the prescriptive bias of the prologue, a decidedly descriptive slant (see Zamora).

15. Encina was born in or near Salamanca in 1468, and was probably of converso origin. His father was a shoemaker, but the poet received a university education. He may have studied with Nebrija; the latter alludes in the grammar to a friend writing an art of poetry (see Quilis), while Encina himself refers admiringly to Nebrija, and the 1496 volume is one of several books by members of Nebrija's circle published in Salamanca during those years (and by the same press as had printed Nebrija's grammar). From 1486 Encina sang with the cathedral choir and served as a page to Gutierre Alvarez de Toledo, chancellor of the university and brother of Fadrique, the second duke of Alba, and in 1492 Encina passed into the latter's service as master of ceremonies, a sort of poet, composer, and dramatist in residence. Yet this post seems to have proved frustrating, for while it allowed him to associate with the highest levels of the aristocracy, he had become in essence a glorified servant (see Andrews and, most recently, Yarbro-Bejarano and ter Horst, "The Duke and Duchess"). In 1498 he failed to obtain the post of choirmaster at Salamanca, and shortly thereafter left Spain for Rome, where Alexander VI, Julius II, and Leo X successively were his patrons. Up to 1523 Encina divided his time between Rome and Malaga, where he was officially archdeacon until 1519. In that year, he was appointed prior of the cathedral chapter at León and was ordained a priest. He took up residence at León in 1523, and died there in 1529 or 1530.

16. A modern edition of the "Arte" can be found in volume 1 of the Obras completas , from which I cite; Rambaldo's introduction contains biographical information about the poet and a useful summary of earlier scholarship. Among the studies of the treatise, that of Andrews remains remarkable for its assessment of the work in terms of Encina's psychological and

social preoccupations; in many ways Andrews's book launched modern Encina scholarship. See also Shepard, 19-22; López Estrada; and the two studies by Clarke, which emphasize the prosodic aspects of the work.

17. Andrews comments extensively on this passage, noting how the false modesty of "mi flaco saber" results in a strong dissociation of word from intent (77-80).

18. The attempt to appropriate ancient authors such as Seneca and Quintilian to the national tradition as Spaniards was common in the fifteenth century; see Di Camillo, 124 and Weiss, 12, 233.

19. Andrews sees the notion of posthumous fame as something of an obsession for Encina, and differentiates it from Nebrija's messianic remarks (172 n. 9). Yet surely the concern with personal fame is related both to the worry about the nation's cultural future and to Encina's desire for fame in his own lifetime.

20. Etymologically copla means "couplet"; the rule of four is an echo of the earlier couplets of two sixteen-syllable lines, which were subsequently divided into their component hemistichs.

21. López Estrada connects Encina's concern with "galas" with the medieval, sound-oriented poetic tradition (156-57 and 161-62); to Martí (37, 87), this emphasis tied Encina to the medieval poetic tradition and disqualified the "Arte" from being a true Renaissance Ars .

22. On the theoretical significance of the concept of "secondary" writers, see Il

minore

23. Various points of view on Bloom's relevance to the study of Renaissance imitation may be found in Javitch, "Imitations of Imitations," 216-17; Colombí-Monguió, 138-39; and most recently Mariscal, 107.

24. These categories are not dissimilar to Pigman's notions of "following" and "dissimulative" imitation, and (as Bakhtin himself concedes) while the theoretical distinctions are clear, differentiating between parody, stylization, and imitation in the concrete historical examples of particular texts is far more difficult and partly a matter of judgment on the reader's part. On parody see, in addition to Bakhtin and Hutcheon, Todorov, 68-74; O. M. Freidenberg, "The Origin of Parody," in Semiotics and Structuralism [1976], 269-83; Bromwich; and, in a Spanish context, Cruz, Imitación , 46-48; and Sánchez Robayna.

25. As Bloom himself expressed it, his "chief purpose is necessarily to present one reader's critical vision, in the context both of the criticism and poetry of his own generation. . . . A theory of poetry that presents itself as a severe poem, reliant upon aphorism, apothegm, and a quite personal (though thoroughly traditional) mythic pattern, still may be judged, and may ask to be judged, as an argument" ( Anxiety , 12-13). He also notes the crucial relationship between revisionary misreadings and the construction of the canon ( Map , 35-37). See also Lentricchia: "No theorist writing in the United States today has succeeded, as Bloom has, in returning poetry to history" (342).

26. See Alonso, Poesía española , 19-42; and Paul Julian Smith, Quevedo , 5-11.

27. The history of Spanish Petrarchism is treated by Manero Sorolla in a useful but brief chapter consisting mostly of a listing of poets, major and minor, belonging to the various generations, with pertinent bibliography (83-102).

28. Even-Zohar's model also accommodates Raymond Williams's categories of dominant, emergent, and residual elements in a culture (121-27), profitably used by Mariscal in his discussion of Petrarchism (37, 110).

1. An exception to this rule is Javitch, who connects the courtly aesthetization of the self promoted in Castiglione's book with an openness to lyric poetry among the Tudor aristocracy. "The poet's manipulations of language or of perspective are but part of a larger characteristic of poetry that would be preeminently attractive to courtly society: its playfulness. The milieu as well as the ideal individual depicted in the Cortegiano are constantly inclined to play" ( Poetry , 88). While his thesis is also applicable to Spain in a general way, here we are concerned with how Il libro del Cortegiano , read in a Spanish context, promoted the specific change in poetic genres that occurred at this time, under the very leadership of its Spanish translators, and how it otherwise influenced the course of Spanish poetry and poetic theory. See also Darst, Juan Boscán , 25-26.

2. Boscán's translation is the object of Morreale's careful analysis. Hers is, however, as she admits (13), a study of the words used by Boscán to express other words in Castiglione's text, of the ways in which Boscán represented the minutiae of Italian court life, of the proportion of Latinisms in each version, etc. My own discussion, while drawing on Morreale's contributions, is not so much concerned with words per se as with the reception of Castiglione's ideas. Most quotations are taken from Boscán's translation because that is the version that Renaissance Spaniards would most likely have read, and because it documents Boscán's and Garcilaso's interpretation of Castiglione; where necessary, the Italian text is also quoted and cited by book and chapter. Needless to say, Boscán and Garcilaso themselves read the Italian original, and they would not have been alone in doing so.

3. On Castiglione's cyclical theory of language see Wayne Rebhorn, "The Enduring Word," in Hanning and Rosand, 69-90.

4. On the Italian questione della lingua see Hall, Mazzacurati; and on its relevance to Spain, see Terracini, Lingua come problema .

5. See also Gemmingen who, though recognizing that the linguistic discussion proper refers to the Italian questione , sees the standards as applicable elsewhere, particularly in the fostering of decorum; Kinney, who asserts that the book teaches "not the facts that constitute knowledge, but the opinions and gestures that compose performance " (91); and Javitch, Poetry .

6. Such synesthesia, albeit more limited in scope, is already implicit in Castiglione's principal subtexts; see Eduardo Saccone, " Grazia, Sprezzatura, Affetazione in the Courtier " (in Hanning and Rosand, 45-67), who notes that for Cicero and Quintilian, not showing effort is a desirable quality in both oratory and painting, if not in all areas of life.

7. See Morreale, 187; and on the ethical ambivalence otium acquired in the Renaissance, see Vickers, "Leisure."

8. This further step is taken by Juan de Valdés in the Diálogo de la lengua , when he comments that "la gentileza del metro castellano consiste en que de tal manera sea metro que parezca prosa, y que lo que se scrive se dize como se diría en prosa" (the excellence of Spanish verse consists in its being verse that resembles prose, so that what is written is said as if it were prose, 164). Valdés was strongly influenced by Castiglione (see Terracini, Lingua come problema , 145-48 and 210-11 n. 107); his dialogue, written ca. 1535, is extremely important for gauging Spanish linguistic and literary attitudes at the height of Charles's reign. Bibliography on Valdés relevant to the present study includes Amado Alonso; Asensio, "La lengua"; and above all Lore Terracini's essays gathered in Lingua come problema , particularly "Tradizione illustre," originally published in 1964. More recently Ana Vian Herrero uses a formalist approach to elucidate the ideological and linguistic ramifications of the shifting alliances among the speakers.

9. As Guidi has shown ("Reformulations"), Castiglione's praise of the Spanish became more accentuated as it became clear that Charles rather than Francis I would be elected emperor, and in the final redaction of the Cortegiano , done in Spain after Castiglione's arrival as papal nuncio.

10. Such a synthesis is not unlike the one Du Bellay makes when appropriating Sperone Speroni's Dialogo delle lingue; see Navarrete, "Strategies of Appropriation."

11. As Morreale noted (170-71), when abstract concepts threaten to monopolize his attention for too long, Castiglione stops, as if to take leave of a topic that is not appropriate for the work. Courtiership, grace, and sprezzatura all exclude an exposition that is uniform and doctrinal, whence the variety of phraseology and syntax in the Cortegiano . The Cortegiano thus was the stimulus that caused Boscán to give us one of the richest and most stylistically varied works of the sixteenth century; a new breadth of perspectives and a richness of expression never before equaled are made available here for personal description and moral praise.

12. Traducir , the modern word for translation, was then a relative neologism in Spanish; the more traditional term had indeed been romancear , while Nebrija had preferred another Latinism, trasladar .

13. See Margaret Ferguson, who analyzes the image of theft in Du Bellay's Deffence , concluding that it betrays an ambivalent attitude about imitation as a violation (46-50).

14. Boscán limits his critique of contemporary literature to a general rejection of most translations; more important for him is the feminist question. All possible criticism of the book's subject matter is phrased in terms

of a misogynistic critique of its appropriateness for women, and then deflated by appealing to the example of Doña Gerónima herself. With a different set of characters, these rhetorical strategies—the assertions that Garcilaso sent him the book and that Doña Gerónima encouraged him to persevere, and the attempt to ingratiate himself with the dedicatee through praise of women's intellectual capabilities—were to reappear nine years later in the preface to Boscán's poetry

15. Diego Hurtado de Mendoza, in his own right a noted poet in both traditional and Italian verse forms and a descendant of Santillana, was a son of the count of Tendilla, governor of Granada, and served Charles V as ambassador to Rome and Venice.

16. Valdés himself recommended Garcilaso as an authority on courtiership and thus on language, commenting, "más quisiera satisfazer a Garcilasso de la Vega, con otros dos cavalleros de la corte del emperador que yo conozco" (I would rather satisfy Garcilaso de la Vega, along with two other gentlemen from the emperor's court whom I know, 94); see Elias Rivers, "L'humanisme linguistique."

17. A Castiglionian precedent for this type of imputation exists in the papal ambassador's polemic against Juan de Valdés's brother Alfonso, which included references to his Jewish descent; see Terracini, Lingua come problema , 211.

18. The identification of the new verse forms with the emperor was to have long-term implications that outlived Boscán and Garcilaso, as Petrarchist poetry became the semiofficial lyric poetry of the Spanish monarchy; see chapters 4 and 5, below. Yet the metonymic association between poetry and empire in Spain differs from its position in England, where the situation of courtiers vying for favor from a "virgin queen" led to a metaphorical association between Elizabeth and Laura, and gave a different political edge to the function of Petrarchist lyric (see Parker, 61-66; Dasenbrock, 70-81).

19. As Celt has argued, that Boscán had fully mastered these nuances is itself open to question; this however would only have made the hendecasyllable seem to him all the more prosaic.

20. See, for example, Marasso Rocca; although, as Fucilla noted, even if Boscán had not in 1526 had his memorable conversation with Navagero in Granada, within a few years the Italian school would have triumphed in Spain (1). See also Celt (83) for a discussion of other ways Boscán has been represented in literary histories.

21. There is in fact a brief verse dedication, "¿A quién daré mis amorosos versos?" at the beginning of book 1 (though written in hendecasyllables), of no theoretical interest. Perhaps the convention of some kind of dedicatory preface at the beginning was too much for Boscán to overcome.

22. As Armisén commented, a brief mention of Boscán's letter has come to be an unavoidable commonplace and has given rise to conclusions that are worth reconsidering (359); he proceeds to perform a step-by-step rhetorical analysis of the preface and to consider its possible relationship to San-

tillana's letter (359-78). In addition to the studies already cited, see also Rivers's brief "Nota sobre Bernardo Tasso" and Manero Sorolla, 73-77.

1. The question of Boscán's knowledge of his predecessors' work has not been settled. Most recently, Armisén has argued that Boscán may have been familiar with the fifteenth-century marqués de Santillana's prose prologue, if not with his translations and imitations of Petrarch (359-62, 366). In any case, in both the letter and the poetry Boscán presents himself as the first Spanish Petrarchist.

2. Thus it is not surprising that Menéndez y Pelayo and Lapesa, both of whom cite the Knapp edition, had nothing to say about the collection as a whole, while Crawford's attempts to date specific sonnets in the collection, and to correlate them on a biographical basis with coplas from the first book, are antithetical to the notion of a macrotext and disregard the poet's own statement that he ceased writing coplas when he began writing hendecasyllabic poetry. Only Parducci, though apparently unfamiliar with the early editions, recognized that certain canciones belong with certain sonnets (35), and analyzed them as two parallel collections.

3. Even this edition confuses the issue by sequentially numbering the poems beginning with the first poem of book 1; thus, the first poem of book 2 is numbered "XXIX" (the 1543 edition had no numbering). To facilitate discussion of book 2 and also reference to the Riquer edition, from which I generally quote, I will first refer to poems by their order in book 2 and then by their number in the 1957 edition; thus, "sonnet 1 (XXIX)," etc.

4. Since 1957 there have been several studies of Boscán's poetry, all of which in some way take into account its macrotextual status. See especially Darst, Juan Boscán , who at first declares the collection a unified whole, but then separately discusses the sonnets and the canciones; Armisén, whose analysis, using Lotman's Structure of the Artistic Text as a theoretical base, is thorough; and Cruz, Imitación , who concentrates on the canciones and on intertextual connections to Petrarch and Bembo.

5. As Menéndez y Pelayo aptly put it, Boscán's sonnets are, if ingenious, metaphysical and abstract (281). Darst agrees that an "exemplificative impetus" lies behind the decision to avoid the "personal and idiosyncratic" ( Juan Boscán , 54); this feature connects Boscán to that fifteenth-century Petrarchism discussed by both Farinelli and Rico, in which love remained an abstraction and specific Petrarchan details were incorporated, as topoi , in poems written in traditional Spanish genres. But Boscán's use of hendecasyllabic sonnets and canciones and their combination into a collection gives his poetry an amplitude that differentiates him from those predecessors.

6. In other poems, of course, Petrarch presents himself writing his poetry, while Boscán also employs words such as oíd which suggest an oral status.

7. Although poets could have expressed Petrarchist love in the tradi-

tional lyric genres, those working in the older formal system were often bound by its thematic constraints as well. See for example Jones's discussions of Encina's love poetry (in The Golden Age and "Juan del Encina"); to him, the love in the traditional Spanish lyric differed from Petrarchan love in several crucial ways, and he credits this difference with Encina's imperviousness to formal Italian influences on his love lyrics, even as his dramatic and pastoral works reflect marked Italian tendencies. In passing, he remarks that Spanish literature had to wait until Boscán and Garcilaso for poets who were receptive to the Petrarchan conception of love, and this in turn facilitated their receptivity to the formal and aesthetic aspects of the Italian love lyric.

8. On similar problems in the writer-audience relationship in Petrarch, see Kennedy, 22-41.

9. Armisén comes to a similar conclusion, arguing that there are three implied "moments" in each poem—the time of the love experience, that of the poem's composition, and that of its reading (12)—but he fails to note a disjunction between the implied poet-lover and the actual poet, who has more in common with the reader. This irony, as Genot notes (40), while much more typical of narrative than of lyric poetry, is also quintessentially Petrarchan; Petrarch himself wrote of "mio primo giovenile errore, / quand' era in parte altr' uom da quel ch' i' sono" (my first youthful error, when I was in part another man from what I am now, Rime sparse , 1.3-4). On the connection between narrativity and macrotextuality see Navarrete, "Boiardo's Pastorali," 37-38.

10. See Genot: 'L' ego lirico si esprime con e nel presente, e magari con e in una successione di presenti" (The lyric I expresses itself with and in the present, and at best with and in a succession of presents, 44).

11. To Morreale, these lines are an example of Boscán's inadequate command of poetic language (275), while Armisén connects this and all his difficulties with narration to the inexpressibility topos (9-19), and Egido to a poetics of silence (97-98). Cruz also discusses the poem in terms of the preceding sonnets and of the Petrarchan paradigm, noting that the extended form of the canción allows him to amplify and invert the game in Petrarch ( Imitación , 54).

12. In spite of the opening lines, the opening stanza conjures up a desolate landscape to which the poet is exiled, repeatedly emphasizing his loneliness. This preoccupation with abstract suffering in place of concrete physical description has led critics such as Menéndez y Pelayo (286-87) and Morreale (256-60) to see in the poem a persistence of cancionero aesthetics, and indeed the subsequent stanzas reprise some of the stylistic features of cancionero poetry, including the repetition of words such as "apartarme / de quien jamás osé pensar partirme" (to separate myself from her from whom I never dared to think of separating myself; 15-16) and "conviene consolarme" (it is convenient to console myself; 18). These, however, are the types of wordplay praised by Castiglione and Valdés, and they never threaten the stylistic plainness and prosaic quality of the verse.

13. The first of these examples is a variation on the trope of the lover transformed into the beloved, one of the most canonical in fifteenth-century Petrarchism; see Rico.

14. Darst ( Juan Boscán , 66-67, 77-80) notes several of the biblical allusions in the final poems. For a close and sensitive reading of the concluding sonnets see also Armisén, 400-404.

15. Boscán's views here parallel Edmund Spenser's later Reformation-inspired notion of marriage as the truest form of chastity; see Dasenbrock, 32-84. Together with the biblical imagery, this link suggests a stronger Erasmist influence on Boscán than has hitherto been recognized.

16. The historical and aesthetic issues that preoccupy Boscán in the preface are recast, in the poetry, as a critique of the insufficiency of both the cancionero and the Petrarchan erotic codes. Though clearly a close reader of Petrarch, Boscán seems uninterested in other dimensions of the Italians poetry (the political, the Augustinian, etc.).

17. Even here Boscán's strategy is profoundly Petrarchistic; as Kennedy noted, "manipulating the rhetorical means of the Petrarchan poem is a poet in control of his craft, capable of making and handling allusions to the Classical and Christian traditions and of transforming all that he approaches into a creative moral synthesis that is at once definitive and artistic" (40).

18. These commentaries, along with that by José Nicolás de Azara (1765), are gathered by Gallego Morell in Garcilaso de la Vega y sus comentaristas , from which I cite.

19. The biographical interpretation of Garcilaso is not entirely anachronistic, however, for it has its roots in the Renaissance practice of reading Petrarch, Bembo, and other poets; see Cruz, Imitación , 26-33. For Lapesa's response to the "new biography" see his essay "Poesía y realidad."

20. Rime sparse 70 also contains individual phrases that Garcilaso may have been imitating. To Ana María Snell, one of the few critics to take Garcilaso's poem seriously, the final verse is completely in agreement with the epigrammatic and anecdotal nature of the piece, which is no more than an ingenious development of the single thought it contains; the final verse, both seed and culmination, makes the poem a literary exercise in Barthes's sense of the term. See also Levisi, who emphasizes the importance of sight in this poem and elsewhere in Garcilaso's poetry, and Gargano, 27-54.

21. For a rhetorical analysis of the agudeza see Barnard, The Myth , 128-30.

22. In this regard they anticipate the nymphs in the third eclogue, who emerge not from an ancient mythological river but from the Tajo, right outside modern Toledo. See also Mariscal, who comments that in this poem there is no isolation of the poetic from nature (118).

23. Moreover, to the degree that the nymphs and the river represent the poetic tradition, and that tears are emblematic of poetry, the poem can be read as an allegory of the dissolution of the poet's self in the face of Petrarch's text. Bembo in fact cited Rime sparse 303 as one of Petrarch's most beautiful compositions, emphasizing the sound structure and the alterna-

tion of ''feminine" vowels with "masculine" consonants, an erotic encounter thus thematicized by Garcilaso.

24. Foley sees in the levanta/cae pair a drawing-out of an antithesis, while the tercets serve as an extended gloss on the Petrarchan concept of volere (198-99, 204-5).

25. See Lázaro Carreter, "La 'Ode,'" who comments that there is a latent slyness in the poem that has never been appreciated (121).

26. Lázaro Carreter considers the contrary-to-fact clause to be an imitation of Propertius 2.1.17-26, and suggests this poem as the source for Garcilaso's allusive mythological strategy as well. He also proposes an erotic interpretation of the poem's title, with "flor" referring to Sanseverino's virginity.

27. The full implications of her anti-Narcissan flight can be glossed with a poem from the erotic tradition, sonnet 32 in the Alzieu anthology There a woman, wishing to behold her private parts, stands at the water's edge, lifts up her skirt, and thanks the reflection for the wealth it has brought her, only to fall in the water when she tries to kiss it. The woman in this sonnet, while slightly silly and even narcissistic, is proud of her sexuality and pleased with the social benefits her situation confers on her, while Camila flees from her sexually adult body and the new social role it implies.

28. Zimic comes close to this interpretation: he believes that Camila's extreme reaction is motivated by her realization of her own attraction to Albanio, and recalls how for St. John of the Cross the fountain was a symbol of love (51).

29. Indeed, the word is used in the sense of a token in Garcilaso's third canción , "mientras de mí otra prenda no tuviere" (while having no other token from me, 32), a poem that also echoes sonnet 10 in its emphasis on changed fortunes, "pues á sido en un ora / todo aquello deshecho / en que toda mi vida fue gastada" (while in an hour all has been undone, on which I had spent my entire life, 43-45). Here again the biographical critics differ: Navarro saw in these lines a reference to Garcilaso's loss of favor with the emperor, but Keniston again perceived a connection to Isabel Freire's death; see the Rivers edition, 186.

30. See Paul Julian Smith, who notes that "the María addressed (whoever she may have been) is certainly not the Isabel whose death inspires the poem as a whole and who has always been taken to be the source of the poet's inspiration" ( Writing , 53). He also sees a further contradiction in the emphasis on poetic voice in the opening stanzas, belied by the recourse to writing ( pluma ) in the subsequent ones; to him it is actually the pen, not the voice, that grants immortality. Yet even Garcilaso was not so far from the oral tradition, which effectively bequeathed immortality on Achilles and Hector in Homeric times, and on the host of heroes remembered in the romancero .

31. As Gallego Morell noted ("Estudio crítico," 23), Garcilaso's pastoralism is conventionally seen as an escape from his military undertakings; but it would be more correct to underline the paradox of this escape to nature

not from military encampments—which are in nature—but from the environment of the court and the literary academies, from the social occasions in which Italian ladies showed off their equally artificial clothes, coiffures, and wit, and from the conversations about literary themes among the writers he befriended. The bee's flight above the flower-strewn ground is farther from humanist circles than from the line of march.

32. Petrarch himself, in his canzone 70, ended the first four stanzas with a quote from a preceding Provençal or Italian poet, but then concluded the final stanza with the first line from his own canzone 23; the use of tapestries may in itself also allude to Ariosto's Orlando furioso , known as "la gran tela." On Garcilaso's relation to his models, Barnard comments, "Garcilaso's subversion of his models points to their insufficiency and achieves a secret victory over them. The result is not only a unique poetic vision but one that rivals the models in accuracy of presentation. And yet in the correction lies a poetic strategy" ("Garcilaso's Poetics," 319-20).

33. See Paterson; also Bayo, 143. More recently, Johnson has restated the effect in Freudian terms: "The notions of competition and replacement liken Garcilaso to the Oedipal son who wants to replace his father with his mother, except that Garcilaso (any poem is after all a fantasy) is successful. Furthermore, having usurped the father's role, Garcilaso now also continues in the normal function of the son: to identify with the father by imitating him and in that sense to keep him alive" (302-3).

34. There is a long tradition, summarized by Zimic, that attempts to emend "degollada" to "ygualada," i.e., stretched out, or interpreting the original word to mean exsanguinated and thus to reconcile it with Isabel Freire's death in childbirth. Zimic makes a case for a metaphorical understanding of "degollada"; stronger still is the argument that Garcilaso meant what he wrote in what is after all a fiction. See also Martínez-López; Lapesa, "Poesía y realidad."

35. See also Cruz, Imitación , 120. The notion that Garcilaso has achieved what Bloom calls a metalepsis of his predecessors is thus not a subjective aesthetic-historical assessment, but an interpretation of the poem, a restatement in Bloomean terms of how Garcilaso has written himself into literary history.

1. The Discurso was first published as an addendum to Argote's edition of El conde Lucanor; for a discussion, see Martí, 193-95.

2. As Tiscornia points out in his notes (Argote, 103-8), Argote's misinformation is taken from Beuter's Primera parte de la cronica de toda España (1546).

3. On imitation theory in El Brocense's commentary, see Vilanova, Las fuentes , 1.15-17, who emphasizes the eclecticism implicit in imitation of "los excelentes antiguos," at the expense of the relatively restricted canon within which El Brocense situates Garcilaso; on the defenses of Garcilaso by Jeró-

nimo de los Cobos and Jerónimo de Lomas Cantoral, see Coster, 54-57; Gallego Morell, Garcilaso , 24-25.

4. Ambrosio de Morales's "Discurso," as Terracini indicated, serves as a bridge between the early and the late sixteenth century, in terms of both ideology and its peculiar publishing history: first printed in 1546 as a prologue to F. Pérez de Oliva's "Diálogo de la dignidad del hombre," in the anthology Obras que F. Cervantes de Salazar ha hecho, glosado y traducido (Alcalá 1546), it was extensively rewritten before its second appearance as the preface to the Obras del Maestro F. Pérez de Oliva con algunas de Ambrosio de Morales (Córdoba, 1586). Modern editions tend to combine the two versions; references here are to the critical edition by Valeria Scorpioni, which distinguishes the alterations made in 1586. See her introduction for a full account of the textual problems, and Terracini, Lingua come problema , 167-82.

5. In doing so, as Terracini notes (ibid., 125-27), he employs the trope of praise for the language and blame for its practitioners, dominant in many sixteenth-century discussions.

6. The son of a professor at Alcalá, Morales followed his uncle Pérez de Oliva to Salamanca, then returned to Alcalá as a student, professor, and ultimately rector of the royal college of San Felipe y Santiago. Among his students were John of Austria, Charles V's illegitimate son, and Bernardo de Rojas y Sandoval, future inquisitor-general and archbishop of Toledo, and he was rewarded with the post of royal chronicler in 1563. His career was thus intimately linked to the university as training ground for the upper nobility, and to the king as dispenser of patronage. See Redel, 88-97, 113, 121-26.

7. See Lynch, 1.54, 192-95. In part this development was inevitable, in that Spain alone, with its American empire, could finance Philip's wars; see Rodríguez-Salgado, 223-52. Although the process of centralization and conciliar administration had already begun under Charles, under Philip the constitutional independence of the Italian realms was reduced to a fiction, albeit a crucial one whose forms had to be observed.

8. See Amado Alonso, 51-100. The crux here is the question of the Spanish national language, an issue that differs from the Italian questione della lingua in important details: in Italy Tuscan was opposed to a cosmopolitan courtly language, while in Spain the courtly language is associated with Castilian. Boscán and Garcilaso themselves almost always used the term castellano rather than español to refer to their language; so too did Argote de Molina and Morales, both Andalusians but with ties to the nobility. But Herrera, as Alonso points out, consistently used the term español and gave it ideological value as indicative of a language belonging to all Spaniards, not just Castilians. More recent but brief treatment of the issue can be found in Lapesa, Historia , 291-315.

9. But see Mariscal, who emphasizes Herrera's dependence on aristocratic patronage (122). Born into a modest family, Herrera studied with the humanist Pedro Fernández de Castilleja but is not known to have taken any university degree. From 1559 his patron was the count of Gelves, whose

wife, Leonor, is thought to have been the "Luz" to whom Herrera dedicated his poetry; in 1566 he took minor orders and received a small benefice, on which he lived for the rest of his life, refusing ecclesiastic advancement. Herrera published little before the Garcilaso notes in 1580; his patrons both died in 1581, and a year later Herrera published a small collection of poetic works. The poet himself died in 1597; a much-expanded posthumous edition of his poetry appeared in 1619 (see the section on "Love and Allusion," below).

10. Prete Jacopín's Observaciones . . . en defensa del Príncipe de los Poetas Castellanos Garci-lasso de la Vega . . . contra las Anotaciones de Fernando de Herrera poeta sevillano were probably written in 1581, and Herrera wrote a reply, probably in the mid-1580s; see Montero, 27-37. Fernández de Velasco, count of Haro and duke of Frías, became hereditary condestable (chief military officer) of Castile in 1585 and governor of Milan in 1592. He studied at Salamanca with El Brocense, with whom he later corresponded, and, as a fellow member of the extended Mendoza family, he was a distant relative of Garcilaso. His work, together with Herrera's response, can be found in Montero, whose introduction and notes contain valuable information. In 1622 Tamayo, drawing on Fernández de Velasco, published his own notes to Garcilaso's works in competition with Herrera's. On other replies to Herrera see Montero's introduction, 17-63 and 83-87; also Almeida, 37-78; on the relationship between Fernández de Velasco and Tamayo, see Alatorre; and on El Brocense's own reply to Herrera, see Asensio, "El Brocense."

11. Major studies of the Anotaciones include Coster; Macrí; Bianchini, "The Anotaciones ," which perhaps overemphasizes its Neoplatonic aspects but is otherwise an excellent guide to the work; and Almeida, which argues for the similarity between Herrera's literary views and those of the twentieth-century Anglo-American New Critics. See also Vilanova, "Fernando de Herrera"; Brancaforte; Amado Alonso, 80-99 Darst, Imitatio , 58-63; and Bianchini, "Fernando de Herrera's Anotaciones ."

12. On Erasmus's resistance to Ciceronianism see Greene, 181-86; Cave, 138-46. The connection is suggestive, for although Prete Jacopín admitted (108) that there was nothing in the Anotaciones contrary to Christian doctrine, the comment suggests a nagging thought that something was wrong. The commentary is indeed heterodox in the challenge it poses to the notion of literary authority. Further discussions of Spanish imitation theory can be found in Vilanova, Las fuentes , 1.15-43; Darst, Imitatio , 51-83; and Paul Julian Smith, Writing , 30-42. On Renaissance concepts of originality see Greene, 171-75.

13. The question of Herrera's direct knowledge of classical literature has been debated since early in this century. Scholars have pointed out that Greek poets are always quoted in translation, and that even quotations from Latin poets are often limited to well-known incipits or to quotations to be found in secondary sources with which Herrera was familiar. Beach led the charge against Herrera in 1908; he was refuted by Lida de Malkiel in "La

tradición clásica." More recently, Almeida has addressed the same question. See also di Benedetto, Pring-Mill, and Brancaforte.

14. In general, Renaissance translation theory and practice need to be further investigated; for ideas about "literal" translation, see Norton, whose book demonstrates the necessity of reconsidering accepted generalizations about the subject. Bianchini ("The Anotaciones ") sees Herrera's translations as the result of his stated intention to write for an unlearned audience, a reason at odds with his deeper conviction that poetry is an elite activity; this conviction surfaces in the omission of translations for incipits and other selections that Herrera meant the educated to recognize. As Elias Rivers points out ("L'humanisme"), El Brocense himself was equally guilty of introducing translations into a commentary with the aim of canonizing an author—Fray Luis de León, his colleague at Salamanca. Herrera's translation practice is considered by Navarro Durán, who compares his version of Horace's "Diffugere nives" with an earlier translation by Francisco de Medrano. She quotes Dámaso Alonso and Stephen Reckert's assessment, that Medrano imitates the movement of the model—a long line followed by a short one—but finds that in Herrera's version the linked tercets contribute to the amplification and separate the translation from the original (504). See also Macrí, 68-76.

15. Herrera himself responded to Prete Jacopín, in terms that reveal his aspiration to a literary aristocracy: "Quien puede quitar a F.d.H., que méscle sus versos con los de F. Petrarca i d. Diego de Mendoça . . . ? Porque bien puede un Soldado, por despreciado i cobarde que sea, arremeter a la bateria, con los mas valientes, sin que por esta osadia alcánce tanta gloria, como los que la merecen por su valor, i por los cargos que tienen. Agradecedme esta semejança, traida de la milicia; que por daros contento, vino a este proposito. Porque sin duda, segun se colige de vuestra Apologia, deveis ser mas soldado que ombre de letras" (Who can deny F.d.H. the right to mix his verses with those of Petrarch and Diego Hurtado de Mendoza . . . ? A soldier, no matter how despised and cowardly, can attack a battery along with the most valiant, without thereby attaining as much glory as those that deserve it by their valor and responsibilities. Thank me for this analogy, taken from the world of the military, and purposely used in order to please you, for without doubt, judging from your apology, you are more a soldier than a man of letters; Montero, 223). The use of a military comparison, while poking fun at Fernández de Velasco's literary pretensions, suggests the equality between the poet and the warrior and undoes the courtly ideal of wielding both the pen and the sword.

16. Coster recognized the importance of erudition for Herrera, and his views were echoed by Bianchini, for whom these learned glosses "illuminate the breadth of Herrera's curiosity and erudition, and portray the nature of Renaissance encyclopedic learning as it was exemplified by a Spanish man of letters. They also indicate the type and range of erudition that Herrera wanted to associate with a poetic vocation" ("The Anotaciones ," 206;

see also 211). Randel sees a connection between Herrera's method in the Anotaciones and his historical research, while Collard points out that culto and docto were terms used approvingly by Herrera when referring to others' poems (8-10).

17. This tactic too was a focus of objections from El Brocense and Faría y Sousa; as Asensio showed (in "El Brocense") the former, in a preface to Luis Gómez de Tapia's translation and notes to Camoens's Lusiads , praises it in terms that clearly allude to Herrera: "No ha querido embutir aquí fábulas, ni orígenes de vocablos, ni definiciones de amor, de ira, de gula, de fortaleza, ni vanagloria, ni a propósito de la muerte o de la vida traer Sonetos suyos, ni agenos, ni quiso tratar las figuras y tropos que se ofrecían en esta obra" (He has not wanted to stuff it with myths, nor with etymologies, nor with definitions of love, anger, gluttony, and fortitude, nor with vainglory, nor to bring in his own sonnets and those of others on the topics of life and death, nor did he want to comment on the figures and tropes used in this work; quoted in Asensio, "El Brocense," 20).

18. On Herrera's relationship with Argote de Molina, see also C. C. Smith, "Fernando de Herrera," who attributes Herrera's predilection for archaisms to Argote's antiquarian influence.

19. Harald Weinrich argues that Herrera, like Nebrija, conceives of Spanish literature as young and immature. Yet his arguments are not entirely persuasive, for they overlook the anxiety expressed by Herrera over the failure of Spanish to develop adequately; Weinrich's views may be affected by the cognizance, unavailable to Herrera, that the true Golden Age of Spanish literature lay in the next generation. Once again the active trope here is the translatio studii . For other discussions of Herrera's antecedents on this point, see also Bianchini, "The Anotaciones "; Terracini, Lingua come problema , 125-27. Interestingly, as Carron points out, after Francis I was denied the imperial crown, the French lost interest in the connection between the translatio imperii and the translatio studii .

20. To Almeida, Herrera's emphasis on innovation approximates him to T. S. Eliot's notion that "bad poets deface what they take, and good poets make it into something better, [or] at least different" (Almeida, 85). Yet here Herrera goes beyond the tropes of emulation to a position similar to Shklovsky's theory of defamiliarization, in which the poet avoids the limits set by the model text. Such an attitude may in turn account for the formal and thematic freedom Herrera exercises and recommends in translations (see the second section on the Anotaciones , below).

21. At this point in the poem Garcilaso had set up an opposition between the Spaniard and the "cautious" Italian (line 1545); Herrera moves from an explanation and amplification of Garcilaso to handing the Italians a reason for their sense of superiority: the inferiority of Spanish letters. The note itself is an example of Herrera's decentering technique, as he himself recognizes in its first words, "quiero discurrir" (I want to digress; 552). On this passage see also Randel, 105-8.

22. Both Bianchini ("The Anotaciones ") and Almeida comment on the

importance of tradition to Herrera. Bianchini sees him inserting himself in the tradition by writing his commentary on Garcilaso just as Bembo wrote one on Petrarch; Almeida compares Herrera's interest in tradition to the concept as it came to be understood by T. S. Eliot, Cleanth Brooks, etc. (85).

23. Bianchini sees Herrera placing "his authority in support of metaphor as the undisputed domain of the poets, where they may exercise creativity without limitation ("Fernando," 166); she also notes that much of the discussion of metaphor is taken not from Aristotle, whom Herrera repeatedly cites, but from Cicero. For a discussion of metaphor's Aristotelian roots, see Ricoeur; on the importance of this Aristotelian tradition to Italian Renaissance theorists, see Breitenbürger; and on its significance to twentieth-century critical thought, see Miller. Herrera's theory of metaphor in some ways parallels that of early New Critics such as T. E. Hulme, who emphasizes the importance of the visual ("the poet is constantly in presence of a vividly felt physical visual scene") and of innovation and enargeia ("it is only when you get these fresh metaphors and epithets employed that you get this vivid conviction which constitutes the purely aesthetic emotions . . . metaphors soon run their course and die"; quoted in Miller, 17, 18). On metaphor and enargeia in Renaissance theory, see also Montgomery, 66, 178, 210.

24. Both Fray Luis and St. John developed theological theories of metaphor. The former analyzes the function of culturally specific metaphors in the Song of Songs and the need to understand them as equivalent to Petrarchan images; for St. John, metaphors are the only means of expressing the richness of the mystical experience. On Fray Luis, see Thompson, 7-12, 27-35; on St. John, see López Barralt, Wilhelmsen.

25. The concept of claridad is a classical stylistic virtue: Castillejo, for example, praised the clarity and brevity of the traditional lyric (194), and Robles (perhaps following Herrera) associated it with metaphor; Paul Julian Smith sees it as a feature of enargeia and as one of Quevedo's principal preoccupations ( Quevedo , 140-54). See also McInnis, 156; Darst, "Las palabras," 92-95.

26. For a discussion of the centrality of the visual as the root of poetic imagery, see Welsh, who considers critics such as Ezra Pound, William Carlos Williams, and Northrop Frye. Herrera's rigorous analysis of the thought process behind Garcilaso's metaphors recalls Lotman and Uspenskii's insistence on the Baroque age as the period of transition from the absolute clarity of mythological identification to the scientific symbolism of modern metaphor (see the essay "Myth—Name—Culture," Semiotics and Structuralism , 3-32). As noted in chapter 3, Garcilaso's nymphs are more than just metaphors or other rhetorical constructs; but to Herrera the vividness of Garcilaso's evocations, through their clarity of syntax and pictorial description, is more important than the questionable presence of mythological beings in Spanish rivers. On how metaphors can "lie," see Montgomery, 178-84.

27. For views that emphasize Herrera's phonic theories, see William Fer-

guson who sees them as derived primarily from Bembo; and Alcina Rovira, who stresses the connection to Pontano.

28. Bianchini, "Fernando," sees Herrera combining the notion of literary res and literary verba , believing that to him the verba is the res of literature. But Herrera is quite specific about maintaining the distinction and explaining that, while the aural qualities of each language are inevitably lost in translation, there is more to poetry than just sound. The somewhat enigmatic advice to the imitator, "no proponga tanto decir lo que los otros dijeron, como lo que no dijeron" (do not attempt to say what others said, but what they did not say, 511), may need to be interpreted literally, with the emphasis on the oral/aural implications of "said" ( dijeron ), and thus the particular graces unique to the source language. Herrera's ideas about literary translatability are remarkably close to those of Pound, who linked the translatability of a text to the relative importance of phanopoeia (visual imagery, which is very translatable) and melopoeia (phonic patterns, which are generally untranslatable); see How to Read . For relevant discussions of Renaissance translation theory, see Norton; also Navarrete, "The Renaissance Preface" and ''Strategies of Appropriation."

29. Coster correctly notes the effort toward naturalization implicit in this idea, and points out that Herrera would encourage borrowings from all sources, not just Latin (390).

30. Indeed, to sustain the translatio as a workable model, Herrera employs throughout the Anotaciones the phrase "Italia y Grecia," which combines ancient Rome with modern Italy and then couples it to Greece, yielding Spain's two immediate predecessors (Greece and Rome/Italy) in cultural and imperial primacy.

31. Among studies of Herrera's generic definitions, see Coster, who devotes a chapter to each of the genres Herrera defines, quoting at length from the Anotaciones and comparing Herrera's definitions to examples from his own poetic output; and Bianchini, "The Anotaciones " and "Fernando." In the latter, she notes the general paucity of prescriptive definitions in Herrera's generic discussions.

32. In presenting a gap between Petrarch and Sannazaro, Herrera here, as elsewhere, reflects his assimilation of Bembo's appropriation of humanist belatedness and his tripartite history of vernacular poetry.

33. In contrast to near contemporaries such as Ercilla, Lope de Vega, and even Góngora, Herrera never composed an epic, mostly limiting himself in his poetry to the genres Garcilaso employed. To Bianchini, "Fernando," the Anotaciones are free both from the Aristotelian emphasis on tragedy and epic and from the Horatian insistence on utility; McInnis also comments on Herrera's neglect of the epic.

34. Herrera's comments on the rimas octavas are limited to an uncharacteristically brief history, a description of the rhyme, and a digression on the differences between rhyme and rhythm. Thus he does not connect it, as the modern epic meter, to the classical dactylic hexameter. See, however, Gallego Morell ( Estudios , 54-60) and Vilanova ("Fernando"), both of whom

perceive in Herrera a frustrated desire to write an epic, expressed in the early canción on the Battle of Lepanto and in the quasi-epic diction of his love sonnets. Yet the use of the canción in that instance marks precisely the modern role of lyric as the successor to the ancient epic, as does the assumption of such diction into the sonnet. I will return to this issue in the next section.

35. Herrera was addicted to revising his own poetry, and little is actually known about the circumstances surrounding the compilation of each of these editions. Even his own 1582 edition may represent not a definitive version of his poetry, honed to his satisfaction, but a selection printed in an effort to ingratiate himself with a potential patron in the wake of the deaths of the count and countess of Gelves the preceding year; certainly, the title of the book suggests that it is far from a complete edition. Nor do we know anything about the drafts from which Pacheco worked (Blecua considers them pre-1578, Battaglia and Macrí, post-1582) or the extent to which these revisions and—equally important—this arrangement of the poems reflect the lost manuscript that Duarte mentioned. The textual dispute is not likely to be settled; for résumés see Pepe Sarno, "Se non Herrera, chi?" and "La 'luz,'" 409-11 (she favors the later edition as reflecting Herrera's intentions) and Cuevas's introduction in Poesía castellana , 87-99 (he does not). My own position is that, regardless of the degree of Pacheco's intervention, the 1619 edition is an important document in the history of Spanish Petrarchism, containing poems that are generally denser in imagery and arranged in ways that create specific interpretative contexts. The Cuevas edition reconstructs the sequence in which the poems originally appeared in both 1582 and 1619, but as I sometimes emphasize the evolution of a poem from edition to edition, I therefore quote the original editions. To indicate the provenance of a particular text, I employ, in place of the usual sigla B (for Blecua), H (for Herrera), and P (for Pacheco), which undermine the latter's authority, the abbreviations CdB for the Cisne del Betis manuscript, AO for the 1582 edition, and V for the 1619.

36. The only poet between Boscán and Herrera to have published his own poetry was Pedro de Padilla, who published a volume in 1580 and another in 1582; see Rodríguez Moñino, 7-12.

37. At the same time, as García Berrio has argued, there are no alternatives for the poet who wishes to proclaim an otherwise illicit love—only Petrarchism, which insists on the illegitimacy of love, provides an outlet and a way of legitimizing such emotions.

38. See, e.g., Gallego Morell, Estudios , 54-60; Macrí, 68-73. To Woods, the mixing of genres calls attention to the "relation between different genres and the problems of writing poetry" (128).

39. This ending becomes more Homeric in V 3.48, "que ninguno de Cupido / seguro navegò el profundo estrecho; / que no perdiesse al cabo la ventura" (for no one certain of Cupid sailed the deep strait who did not in the end lose his fortune, 12-14).

40. As onda is a metaphor for wavy hair, there is a certain redundancy

in calling it crespa , but one of which Herrera himself approves: "no hay alguno tan ignorante, que no conozca que la nieve es blanca , el sol dorado , la luna argentada , y que éstos son demasiados epítetos, pero tienen en la poesía no mediana gracia" (no one is so ignorant who will not know that snow is white, the sun golden, the moon silver, and that these epithets are redundant, yet they have in poetry no small grace, Anotaciones , 344). Onda is only one of many metaphors for hair, such as anillo, cadena, lazo, nudo , etc., that Herrera employs; while the metaphorization of the beloved's body has its roots in Petrarch (e.g., "né posso dal bel nodo omai dar crollo / . . . / dico le chiome bionde e 'l crespo laccio" [nor can I shake loose that lovely knot . . . I mean the blond locks and the curling snare, Rime sparse 197.7, 9]), Herrera, who as we have seen privileges metaphor in the Anotaciones , carries it much farther. As a stylistic device metaphorization will come to be identified with Góngora and then be parodied by Quevedo; see chapter 5, below.

41. Cf. Micó, who traces the history and use of identical rhyme, culminating in Herrera, but who concludes that in this poem the substitution of ielo for velo was an editor's or printer's error.

42. Though first published in V , it is in fact an early poem, as its appearance in CdB indicates.

43. To Hernández Esteban, the swan exists in the poem as a private symbol of Herrera's, and thus as a rival to the borrowed symbol of the laurel tree (409); after considering various possibilities, she decides that its presence is principally an echo of canzone 23. Yet Herrera's assertions in the Anotaciones (519), which she cites (413), that the swan is sacred to Apollo and that it sings at its death because its soul rejoices at the approach of immortality, are also relevant, as I will show.

44. For a semiotic analysis of Renaissance literary onomastics, but with primarily French examples, see Rigolot.

Note: Arthur Terry's Seventeenth-century Spanish Poetry: The Power of Artiface (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993) was published too late to be taken into account during the writing of this chapter.

1. For political and economic histories of Baroque Spain see Kamen and the second volume of Lynch; for cultural analysis see above all Maravall, who emphasizes points such as a consciousness of crisis and desengaño as defining topics, a theatricality that points toward a mass culture with elements of kitsch, representations of life as a burden ( cuidado ) and as labyrinth, and a poetry that satirizes the world it once praised.

2. In addition, one might add up to five other sonnets classified as love poems in Vicuña or Chacón; see Calcraft, 13-15. References here are to the principal textual sources for Góngora's poetry: the edition published by Juan López de Vicuña (1627, but based on an early manuscript); the edition compiled by Gonzalo Hoces y Córdoba (published 1633); the Chacón

manuscript, compiled by Antonio Chacón Ponce de León with the author's collaboration in the last years of his life; and Biruté Ciplijauskaité's modern critical edition of the sonnets, which takes Chacón as its basis. All of these sources classify the sonnets by topic (love, praise, etc.); within each category Chacón and Ciplijauskaité further order the sonnets by date.

3. On this sonnet see also di Pinto; Foster and Foster; Phillips; and Jammes, 366-67, who asserts that compared to Garcilaso, Góngora is more precious, richer, and brighter, but that the image of beauty that imposes itself on us in the course of this poem is like a gold or ivory statue, somewhat deceptive, and lacking that human pulse which one feels in Garcilaso (366).

4. On Pineda see Alonso's introduction to the facsimile of the Vicuña edition, xxix-xli; as Alonso points out, Pineda's animosity results from his being the butt of a satirical sonnet by Góngora in 1610 (xxxix). Ultimately the Vicuña edition was banned not because of its contents but because the author's name did not appear on the title page and because the book bore an unauthorized dedication from Vicuña to the grand inquisitor.

5. On the plasticity of Góngora's use of colors, in contrast to Herrera's more usual emphasis on translucence, see Orozco Díaz.

6. See for example canzone 126: "erba et fior che la gonna / leggiadra ricoverse / co l'angelico seno, / aere sacro sereno / ove Amor co' begli occhi il cor m'aperse" (grass and flowers that her rich garment covered along with her angelic breast, sacred bright air where Love opened my heart with her lovely eyes, 7-11); canzone 127: "le bionde treccie sopra 'l collo sciolte / ov' ogni latte perderia sua prova, / e le guancie ch' adorna un dolce foco. / Ma pur che l'ora un poco / fior bianchi et gialli per le piaggie mova, torna a la mente il loco / e 'l primo dí ch' i' vidi a l'aura sparsi / i capei d'oro ond' io sí subito arsi" (the blond tresses loosened on her neck, where every milk loses by comparison, and the cheeks adorned with a sweet fire. If the breeze but a little moves the white and yellow flowers in the meadows, the place comes back to mind and the first day when I saw freed to the air the golden hair from which I so quickly caught fire, 77-84); and, for the restoration of flowers, sonnet 165: "Come 'l candido pie' per l'erba fresca / i dolci passi onestamente move, / vertù che 'ntorno i fiori apra et rinove / de le tenere piante sue par ch' esca'' (As her white foot through the green grass virtuously moves its sweet steps, a power that all around her opens and renews the flowers seems to issue from her tender soles, 1-4).

7. This is a theme to which the poet in fact returns in his late sonnet "Al tronco Filis de vn laurel sagrado" ( Sonetos 98, 1621), in which a satyr stalks a sleeping nymph who is saved, in turn, by a providential bee stinging the lips it has mistaken for a flower.

8. These thematic elements of Polyphemus's song are also present in Salicio's lament from Garcilaso's first eclogue, also addressed to a nymph named "Galatea."

9. Pellicer underlines this point by noting the use of the subjective verb ver rather than the more objective mirar (Vilanova, Las fuentes , 2.212).

10. Vilanova notes that Torquato Tasso employed a similar situation when Armida fell in love with the sleeping Rinaldo's "muta eloquenza" ( Gerusalemme liberata 14.66; Vilanova, Las fuentes , 2.215). Although that incident is, along with the Spanish pastoral romances already described, clearly a source for this episode, its instance of sexual inversion does not diminish the even greater degree of inversion in Góngora's poem.

11. Góngora may have had in mind the commentary to Garcilaso's sonnet 22, and the anecdote about the beloved injuring herself with a pin; fulfilling El Brocense, Góngora really did write a poem about a pricked finger.

12. The classic study of the effect of Góngora's poetry on the evolution of Spanish poetic theory remains Collard's; for more recent and more limited discussions, see Darst, "Las palabras"; Romanos.

13. For other theoretically informed discussions of Góngora as a parodist, see Ball's studies, which emphasize the poet's ballads; and Quintero, esp. 8-18, where she emphasizes the continuing vitality of Petrarchism in general and of Gongorism in particular as a force in seventeenth-century Spanish drama.

14. Fourteen more sonnets also dedicated to Lisi appeared in a second volume, Las tres Musas últimas castellanas , published after González de Salas's death by Quevedo's nephew Pedro Aldrete in 1670; the common practice among modern editors of including them together with the Lisi poems in the Parnasso volume presupposes their inadvertent exclusion by González de Salas rather than a deliberate decision made in the course of organizing the collection.

15. Quotations are taken from José Blecua's critical edition, Obra poética , which modernizes spelling and punctuation; references to notes and introductions are by page number. References to poems include both the sonnet's place in the Lisi cycle, and its number in the Blecua Obra poética edition (thus "L1/B442," etc.). Where my readings differ from Blecua's, I so indicate. In preparing my translations I benefited from those in the studies by Walters and Olivares.

16. Commenting on this passage, Mas quotes the nineteenth-century critic Ernest Merimée: "Ce qui inspirerait des doutes sur l'existence de Lisis, c'est précisément cette prétension, aussi peu dissimulée que mal justifiée, d'imiter Pétrarque. Ce qui n'est que trop certain, c'est que Lisis a induit le poète en bien des défauts dont il s'est moqué maintes fois. Outre la clarté, ce qui manque le plus dans ces laborieuses vétilles, c'est la sincérité, l 'émotion, la mesure" (That which would inspire doubts about the existence of Lisi is precisely this pretense, as little dissimulated as it is badly justified, of imitating Petrarch. What is all too certain is that Lisi induced the poet to all of the faults that he has mocked so many times. Other than clarity, what is most lacking in these overworked bagatelles is sincerity, emotion, and measure, 289). On González de Salas's introduction see also Consiglio; Walters, Francisco de Quevedo , 113-15; and recall Anne Cruz's discussion of the role of an imitatio vitae in Bembo and Boscán ( Imitación , 26-29).

17. In the González de Salas edition, the Lisi cycle consists of fifty-one

sonnets followed by a madrigal and four idylls; while thematic argument could be made for having the madrigal and the final idyll (metrically a silva ) at the end, the other three idylls (metrically a canción and two sets of octave stanzas) would seem to belong in the midst of the sonnets. Blecua preserves González de Salas's generic arrangement but adds sonnets dedicated to Lisi from Las tres Musas and other sources, inserting them between the Parnasso sonnets and the madrigal. Thus he preserves González de Salas's ordering of the sonnets in El Parnasso but cuts them off from the poems in other genres. Recently Walters, in a new edition of the collection ( Poems to Lisi ), has proposed a rearrangement that incorporates all of the Lisi poems; and in Francisco de Quevedo , 104-30, he analyzes the collection in terms of his new ordering. As he preserves the order of the beginning and the ending sonnets from the Parnasso and the central position of "Cerrar podrá," the trajectory he traces is similar to mine, though his interests are different. His proposed reordering, while intriguing, has yet to win widespread acceptance.

18. Although, as in Petrarch's Rime sparse , several poems in the collection refer to the supposed anniversaries of the poet's first encounter with Lisi, these poems are merely one more aspect of Quevedo's elaborate attempt to draw attention to his imitation of Petrarch. Nonetheless, the efforts by some critics to reconstruct on the basis of the collection the story of a love affair lasting twenty-two years with a woman code-named "Lisi" point to the tremendous affective power and poetic force of the poems, what Paul Julian Smith has called their rhetoric of presence ( Writing , 43-49).

19. For summaries of the debate over the issue of "excess," see Collard; and, more recently, Paul Julian Smith, Writing , 19-42.

20. See Walters, Francisco de Quevedo , 82-83, 115; and Close, who sees in this poem the cancionero theme of enslavement by Lisi, invoked through Petrarchan synecdoches and in an emotional range similar to that of Petrarch, Bembo, and Herrera.

21. For line 6 Blecua prefers the reading from the Cancionero antequerano of the 1620s, "porque en tus llamas, Lisi, está encendido," to González de Salas's "porque en tus llamas, Lisis, encendido." The latter, however, by eliminating the synaloephas, is harsher and grammatically more condensed, features typical of Quevedo's revisions (see Georgina Rivers, "Quevedo, Floralba").

22. Indeed, the line is a variation on the familiar cancionero trope, "muero porque no muero."

23. For additional discussion of this poem see Naderi, who emphasizes Quevedo's borrowing from Petrarch of visual images and symbolic situations transferred to extreme emotional contexts, and in this poem, the function of the eagle, sharp-sighted bird of prey, as a mediator between eyes and mouth, and the reconciliation of opposites in the tercets; also Walters, Francisco de Quevedo , 16-17, 22-23, 106, 117; and Olivares, 93-96.

24. For an exhaustive discussion of the poem see Molho, "Sobre un soneto."

25. See the article by Blanco-Morel, who analyzes Quevedo's use of the

hair/ gold metaphor and his use of the Midas myth to achieve a mineralization of Lisi. See also ter Horst, "Death and Resurrection," who underlines the erotic dimension of Lisi undoing her hair and sees in the poem a reenactment of sexual intercourse; Paul Julian Smith, Quevedo (77-84), who argues that the rhetoric demands an active reader, and notes allusions to Marino (whose source was in turn Lope de Vega), and to the Latin elegiac/erotic tradition where unfastened hair is a prelude to intercourse; and on Quevedo's use of the Midas myth, Walters, Francisco de Quevedo , 94-98.

26. Paul Julian Smith, Quevedo (84-89), sees in this poem an attempt to protect the love sonnet from the licentiousness of the seicento Italians: "The tension between variety and dignity, then, is also the tension between pleasure and profit, low and high, Italian and Spanish. . . . The 'brief prison' of the sonnet, Quevedo's most successful verse form, is also that of an anxious traditionalist, enclosed, and indeed besieged, by the sensuous exempla of Latin authority and Italian novelty" (89).

27. For discussions of Quevedo's rhetoric in this poem, see in particular Blanco Aguinaga, who analyzes the patterns of division, opposition, and contradiction in the poem: ojos opposed to sombra; sombra to blanco día ; quatrains are opposed to the tercets; the first quatrain to the second; lines 5-6 to lines 7-8; line 7 to line 8; mas no (line 5) to no . . . mas . . . mas (lines 12-14); and the bimembres of the final three lines, each consisting of an assertion and a negation. See also Fernando Lázaro Carreter, "Quevedo," who argues that the poem's future/subjunctive structure goes beyond logic; and Paul Julian Smith, Quevedo , 171-75, who emphasizes the presence of synecdoches, metonymy, and metaphor, along with misleading argumentation: "Dialectically, the poem is based on a temporal variant of the connexive or hypothetical proposition, cited by Ramus: 'When/if I die, then my love will live on.' The unstated syllogism which may be predicated from this continues: the first term is true; therfore, so must the second. Logically, however, the relationship between the antecedens and the consequens is 'unnecessary'. Other consequents are equally possible" (172-73). See also Mas, who concludes that the living source of this poetry is to be seen less in its originality of intuition and the exceptional force of sentiment than in its conceptual logic and verbal invention (293). For other recent discussions see also Olivares, 128-41; Walters, Francisco de Quevedo , 122-27.

28. Yet the soul alone cannot be the subject, for the verb is plural. Even Blecua, ordinarily scrupulous in his editing, recognized the problem and emended the reading to dejará .

29. As Close goes on to say, "By means such as these Quevedo eloquently conveys the contradictions of the lover's state, where the power and glory of the feeling can be measured by its seeming capacity to wrest momentary triumph over and through reason itself," with poignancy heightened rather than nullified by our awareness of its impossibility (854).

30. Consiglio connects this theme in Quevedo to Petrarch's sonnet 36: "S' io credesse per morte essere scarco / del pensiero amoroso che m'atterra, / colle mie mani avrei già posto in terra / queste membra noiose

et quello incarco" (If I thought that by death I would be lightened of this amorous care that wears me down, with my own hands by now I would have consigned to earth these burdensome members and that weight, 1-4). See also Olivares, 122-27.

31. The most notable exception is itself instructive. Sonnet 39 begins with lines that, to Blecua, are an echo of Góngora's Soledades: "Por yerta frente de alto escollo, osado, / con pie dudoso, ciegos pasos guío" (Along the hard face of a high cliff, boldly but with uncertain steps, I guide my steps, L39/B480.1-2). Yet the first tercet emphasizes, in the most direct way of any poem from the Lisi cycle, Quevedo's belatedness: "En muda senda, obscuro peregrino, / sigo pisadas de otro sin ventura, / que para mi dolor perdió el camino" (On this mute path, an obscure pilgrim, I follow the steps of another unfortunate one, who to my sorrow lost his way, L39/B480.9-11). Thus he presents his poetry as a secondary phenomenon, dependent for its motivation and nature on the work of his predecessors, who themselves had strayed from the path.

32. On Quevedo's self-conscious awareness of being at the end of a literary tradition, and the need for defamiliarization, see Pozuelo Yvancos (12-18).

33. See Mariscal: "Despite the caveats issued by the New Critics and others, theories of expression continue to collapse the speaker of the poem into the biographical poet, so that the preoccupation with a fully embodied presence . . . still effaces the fact that the poetic voice is a linguistic construct" (99).

34. See for example Blecua's introduction to Quevedo's Poesía metafísica y amorosa; also Close; Olivares; and Walters, Francisco de Quevedo , 131-57. Under the category "metaphysical poetry" Blecua includes those poems "en los que se plantea el angustioso problema de la vida como muerte y de la inexorabilidad del tiempo" (those poems in which he plants the anguishing problem of life as death, and of the inexorability of time; Poesía metafísica , xxxvi); most of these poems appeared in the original Parnasso , classified by González de Salas under the muse Polymnia, "poesías morales que descubren i manifiestan las pasiones i costumbres del hombre" (who sings moral poems that uncover and display human passions and habits; Quevedo, Obra , 1.103). In addition to the metaphysical poems, this section of the Parnasso also contains moral and satirical works. The dedication of the Heráclito , dated 1613, survives in several seventeenth-century manuscripts (see Blecua's notes in Quevedo, Obra poética , 1.167-97; Manley); the collection itself consists of twenty-six poems, many of them sonnets, but all characterized as psalms.

35. See Close: "The allegory of their arduous 'road', and the analysis of their alternating states of hope and despair, self-control, and passion, acquire among the first generation of Spanish Petrarchists a characteristic tone of tragic introspection, despair, and fatalism, combined with sober plainness of expression and an occasional dramatic harshness in the imagery. These qualities are anticipated by numerous poems in the cancioneros on

the theme of amar muriendo and also by . . . poems of Ausías March" (850-51). On the Herrera-Quevedo relationship, see the comments of Mariscal, 122-24.

36. An exception is Elias Rivers, "Language and Reality," to whom the conflict between reality and linguistic aesthetization is at the heart of all Quevedo's poetry. Rivers's examples are taken from the Heráclito cristiano ("¡Ah de la vida!"), the Lisi cycle (two poems, the "courtly" "¿Cómo es tan largo . . . ?" and the ''erotic" "Si mis párpados"), and the burlesque sonnets ("La voz del ojo que llamamos pedo"). See also Bergmann, 255-57.

37. See Molho, "Una cosmogonía antisemita," who also finds an anti-Semitic reference in line 7, "érase una nariz sayón y escriba" (it was a nose executioner and scribe) and compares it with two lines from an anti-Góngora sonnet, "aunque aquesto de escribas se te pega, / por tener de sayón la rebeldía" (although this being a scribe sticks to you, for you have the executioner's insubordination, B829.13-14). On phallic and homosexual images in the poem see Profeti, 214-25.

38. On Quevedo's Daphne poems see Barnard, Myth of Apollo , 131-55; and Alvarez Barrientos.

39. See Profeti on "Este ciclope" (210); and Morel D'Arleux on Quevedo's use of obscenity.