1. Lloyd A. Free and Hadley Cantril, The Political Beliefs of Americans: A Study of Public Opinion (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1967), especially pp. 15-40.

2. Joe R. Feagin, Subordinating the Poor: Welfare and American Beliefs (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1975), chap. 4.

3. For arguments countering Murray's, see Christopher Jencks, "How Poor Are the Poor?" New York Review of Books , May 9, 1985; and Daniel Patrick Moynihan, Family and Nation (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1986), chap. 3.

4. Lawrence M. Mead, Beyond Entitlement: The Social Obligations of Citizenship (New York: Free Press, 1986).

5. Richard Burn, The History of the Poor Laws: With Observations (1764; rpt. Clifton N.J.: A. M. Kelley, 1973), quoted in Daniel P. Moynihan, The Politics of a Guaranteed Income: The Nixon Administration and the Family Assistance Plan (New York: Random House, 1973), pp. 159-60.

6. Harold L. Wilensky, The Welfare State and Equality: Structural and Ideological Roots of Public Expenditures (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1975). Richard Rose has recently provided a different frame of reference for Wilensky's evidence: in comparison to the most advanced nations of Western Europe, the United States is laggard in these respects, but the United States is much more representative of other Pacific Rim nations. See Rose, "How Exceptional Is American Government?" Studies in Public Policy no. 150, Center for the Study of Public Policy, University of Strathclyde, Glasgow, Scotland, 1985.

7. On the distinctiveness of American political culture and values, see, for example, Norman Furniss and Timothy Tilton, The Case for the Wel- soft

fare State: From Social Security to Social Equality (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1977); Anthony King, "Ideas, Institutions, and the Policies of Governments: A Comparative Analysis," British Journal of Political Science 3 (July 1973): 291-313 and 3 (October 1973): 409-23; Samuel P. Huntington, American Politics: The Promise of Disharmony (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1981). For contrasting views of differences between American and European values, compare Huntington, American Politics with Richard M. Coughlin, Ideology, Public Opinion, and Welfare Policy: Attitudes Toward Taxes and Spending in Industrialized Societies (Berkeley: Institute of International Studies, University of California, 1980). On the attitudes of American and European elites, see Charles Lockhart, "Values and Policy Conceptions of Health Policy Elites in the United States, the United Kingdom, and the Federal Republic of Germany," Journal of Health Politics, Policy and Law 6 (Spring 1981): 98-119; Joel D. Aberbach, Robert D. Putnam, and Bert A. Rockman, Bureaucrats and Politicians in Western Democracies (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1981), chap. 5, especially pp. 122-24.

8. See Theodore Lowi, The End of Liberalism: The Second Republic in the United States (New York: Norton, 1979); Grant McConnell, Private Power and American Democracy (New York: Knopf, 1960).

9. See Jule M. Sugarman, Gary D. Bass, and Matthew J. Bader, "Human Services in the 1980's—President Reagan's 1983 Proposals, White Paper no. 5: For Citizens and Public Officials" (Washington, D.C.: Human Services Information Center, 1983), pp. 6-7, 9, and 76, and the Social Security Bulletin 51 (July 1988). This level of spending for similar purposes is not new in the United States. Roughly similar levels were reached through Civil War pensions in the late nineteenth century; see Theda Skocpol and John Ikenberry, "The Political Formation of the American Welfare State in Historical and Comparative Perspective," Comparative Social Research 6 (Greenwich, Conn.: JAI Press, 1983), pp. 87-148, particularly p. 95.

10. Compare with Huntington, American Politics , p. 230, and with Carleton B. Chapman and John M. Talmadge, "The Evolution of the Right-to-Health Concept in the United States," in Maurice B. Visscher, ed., Humanistic Perspectives in Medical Ethics (Buffalo: Prometheus, 1972), p. 108.

11. On the creation of this public image, see Jerry R. Cates, Insuring Inequality: Administrative Leadership in Social Security, 1935-54 (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1983). Much attention has been devoted to the question of why there is no socialism in the United States; for an early study, see Werner Sombart, Why Is There No Socialism in the United States? edited and introduced by C. T. Husbands (1906; rpt. continue

White Plains, N.Y.: M. E. Sharpe, 1976). In a recent review of the literature Seymour Martin Lipset notes that a growing number of writers believe that socialism, in the form of extensive social programs, has made inroads; see his "Why No Socialism in the United States?" in Seweryn Bialer and Sophia Sluzar, eds., Radicalism in the Contemporary Age , vol. 1 of Sources of Contemporary Radicalism (Boulder, Colo.: Westview, 1977), pp. 31-149.

12. Compare this general process of tailoring public policy to cultural values with the argument of Iredell Jenkins, Social Order and the Limits of Law: A Theoretical Essay (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1980), chap. 9, especially pp. 122-23, 139, and 154. For a similar example applied to a different cultural setting, see Daniel Levine, "Conservatism and Tradition in Danish Social Welfare Legislation, 1890-1933: A Comparative View," Comparative Studies in Society and History 20 (January 1978) 54-69, especially p. 54.

13. See Feagin, Subordinating the Poor , chap. 4; Natalie Jaffe, "A Review of Public Opinion Surveys, 1935-1976," in Lester M. Salamon, Welfare: The Elusive Consensus: Where We Are, How We Got There, and What's Ahead (New York: Praeger, 1978), pp. 221-28.

14. For a more encouraging view see Tom Campbell, The Left and Rights: A Conceptual Analysis of the Idea of Socialist Rights (Boston: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1983).

15. See T. H. Marshall, "Citizenship and Social Class," in Sociology at the Crossroads and Other Essays (London: Heinemann, 1963), pp. 67-127.

16. See David Miller, "Democracy and Social Justice," British Journal of Political Science 8 (January 1978): 1-19.

17. Alexander L. George and Richard Smoke, Deterrence In American Foreign Policy: Theory and Practice (New York: Columbia University Press, 1974), especially pp. 95-97. These case studies may also be examples of what Harry Eckstein has in mind when he uses the term "plausibility probes"; see his "Case Study and Theory in Political Science," in Fred I. Greenstein and Nelson W. Polsby, eds., Handbook of Political Science, Volume 7: Strategies of Inquiry (Reading, Mass.: Addison-Wesley, 1977), pp. 79-137, particularly pp. 108-13.

18. See Lipset, "Why No Socialism?"; Huntington, American Politics; Nathan Glazer and Irving Kristol, eds., The American Commonwealth—1976 (New York: Basic Books, 1976).

19. T. H. Marshall, Social Policy (London: Hutchinson, 1967), pp. 177-79.

20. Richard Sennett and Jonathan Cobb, The Hidden Injuries of Class (New York: Knopf, 1973). break

1. See Richard D. Coe, "A Preliminary Empirical Examination of the Dynamics of Welfare Use," in Martha S. Hill, Daniel H. Hill, and James N. Morgan, eds. Five Thousand American Families—Patterns of Economic Progress, Volume 9: Analyses of the First Twelve Years of the Panel Study on Income Dynamics (Ann Arbor: Survey Research Center, Institute for Social Research, University of Michigan, 1981), pp. 121-68, especially pp. 159-60; Greg J. Duncan et al., Years of Poverty, Years of Plenty: The Changing Economic Fortunes of American Workers and Families (Ann Arbor: Survey Research Center, Institute for Social Research, University of Michigan, 1984), especially chap. 3.

2. This discussion draws on a variety of works; particularly useful are Robert N. Bellah et al., Habits of the Heart: Individualism and Commitment in American Life (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1985), especially pp. 253-62; C. B. Macpherson, Democratic Theory: Essays in Retrieval (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1973), chap. 7, especially pp. 145-47; Joseph A. Pechman, Henry J. Aaron, and Michael K. Taussig, Social Security: Perspectives on Reform (Washington, D.C.: Brookings, 1968), pp. 28-30; Sidney Ratner, James H. Soltow, and Richard Sylla, The Evolution of the American Economy: Growth, Welfare, and Decision Making (New York: Basic Books, 1979).

3. Lester C. Thurow, The Zero-Sum Society: Distribution and the Possibilities for Economic Change (New York: Basic Books, 1980), pp. 168-70. See also Richard Parker, The Myth of the Middle Class: Notes on Affluence and Equality (New York: Liveright, 1972).

4. William J. Goode, World Revolution and Family Patterns (New York: Free Press, 1963), pp. 10-26.

5. Jean Giles-Sims, "Expectations, Behavior, and Sanctions Associated with the Stepparent Role," Journal of Family Issues 5 (March 1984): 116-30; Greg J. Duncan and James N. Morgan, "Persistence and Change in Economic Status and the Role of Changing Family Composition," in Hill, Hill, and Morgan, Five Thousand American Families , pp. 1-44.

6. See Paul Starr, The Social Transformation of American Medicine: The Rise of a Sovereign Profession and the Making of a Vast Industry (New York: Basic Books, 1982), bk. 1, chaps. 1 and 2.

7. Stanley Lebergott, The American Economy: Income, Wealth, and Want (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1976) develops this point at length, pp. 3-20 and 88-107. This view does not take into account Michael Walzer's point that the inability of impoverished people to take part in many customary and important activities effectively denies them continue

membership in society. See Walzer, Spheres of Justice: A Defense of Pluralism and Equality (New York: Basic Books, 1983), pp. 105-8.

8. This account draws on Lee Rainwater, "Persistent and Transitory Poverty: A New Look," Working Paper no. 70, Joint Center for Urban Studies of MIT and Harvard University, June 1981. See also Duncan et al., Years of Poverty, and three selections in Hill, Hill, and Morgan, Five Thousand Families: Duncan and Morgan, "Persistence and Change in Economic Status"; Coe, "Preliminary Empirical Examination"; and Martha S. Hill, "Some Dynamic Aspects of Poverty,'' pp. 93-120. Rainwater estimates that 16 percent of American households are persistently poor. The federal government, however, sets the "poverty line" at a lower level of annual income, and by this standard in recent years only about 13 to 15 percent of all Americans live in poverty. See Duncan et al., Years of Poverty, chap. 2.

9. See David R. Cameron, "The Expansion of the Public Economy: A Comparative Analysis," American Political Science Review 72 (December 1978): 1243-61; David Collier and Richard E. Messick, "Prerequisites Versus Diffusion: Testing Alternative Explanations of Social Security Adoption," American Political Science Review 69 (December 1975): 1299-1315; Hugh Heclo, Modern Social Politics in Britain and Sweden: From Relief to Income Maintenance (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1974); Arnold J. Heidenheimer, Hugh Heclo, and Carolyn Teich Adams, Comparative Public Policy: The Politics of Social Choice in Europe and America, 2d ed. (New York: St. Martin's, 1983); Howard M. Leichter, A Comparative Approach to Policy Analysis: Health Care Policy in Four Nations (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1979); Gaston V. Rimlinger, Welfare Policy and Industrialization in Europe, America, and Russia (New York: Wiley, 1971); Harold L. Wilensky, The Welfare State and Equality: Structural and Ideological Roots of Public Expenditures (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1975), chap. 3.

10. On the history of these ideas, see Henry Rogers Seager, Social Insurance: A Program of Social Reform (New York: Macmillan, 1910); Isaac Max Rubinow, Social Insurance, With Special Reference to American Conditions (New York: Henry Holt, 1913). On support and resources see G. John Ikenberry and Theda Skocpol, "Expanding Social Benefits: The Role of Social Security," Political Science Quarterly, 102 (Fall 1987): 389-416.

11. See, for instance, Benjamin I. Page, Who Gets What from Government (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1983), chap. 3.

12. For a more extensive listing of social insurance programs, see Roy H. Grisham, Jr., and Paul D. McConaughy, eds., Encyclopedia of United States Government Benefits, 2d ed., (New York: Avon, 1975). For statistics about the scope of social security, see Jule M. Sugarman, Gary D. continue

Bass, and Matthew J. Bader, "Human Services in the 1980's—President Reagan's 1983 Proposals, White Paper no 5: For Citizens and Public Officials," (Washington, D.C.: Human Services Information Center, 1983); Henry J. Aaron, Economic Effects of Social Security (Washington, D.C.: Brookings, 1982), particularly p. 67; Joseph A. Califano, Jr., Governing America: An Insider's Report from the White House and Cabinet (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1981), pp. 323-25; Martha Derthick, Policymaking for Social Security (Washington, D.C.: Brookings, 1979), p. 3. Data are periodically reported in the Social Security Bulletin .

13. Wilensky, Welfare State, pp. 65-68; Starr, Social Transformation of American Medicine, pp. 286-89.

14. Aaron, Economic Effects, p. 78.

15. See Mary Jo Bane, "The Poor in Massachusetts," in Manuel Carbello and Mary Jo Bane, eds., The State and the Poor in the 1980s (Boston: Auburn, 1984), pp. 1-13.

16. Again, Grisham and McConaughy, Encyclopedia of Government Benefits give a more exhaustive listing.

17. See Sugarman, Bass, and Bader, "Human Services," p. 76; Califano, Governing America, pp. 323-24.

18. Lawrence M. Mead, Beyond Entitlement: The Social Obligations of Citizenship (New York: Free Press, 1986), pp. 21-25, ably distinguishes various categories of the poor.

19. Edward C. Banfield, The Unheavenly City Revisited (Boston: Little, Brown, 1974). The attitudinalist position is also espoused by Lebergott, The American Economy .

20. Herbert J. Gans, The Urban Villages: Group and Class in the Life of Italian Americans (New York: Free Press, 1962). Or see Michael Rutter and Nicola Madge, Cycles of Disadvantage: A Review of Research (London: Heinemann, 1976).

21. In the early 1980s full-time employment (forty hours a week, fifty weeks a year) at the minimum wage provided a gross annual income of $6,700—enough to lift one- and two-person households, but not larger families, above the official poverty line.

22. Leonard Beeghley, Living Poorly in America (New York: Praeger, 1983); Duncan et al., Years of Poverty, particularly chaps. 2 and 3.

23. On psychological factors, see Richard Sennett and Jonathan Cobb, The Hidden Injuries of Class (New York: Knopf, 1973); Ann Swidler, "Culture in Action: Symbols and Strategies," American Sociological Review 51 (April 1986): 273-86; Leonard Goodwin, Do the Poor Want to Work? A Social-Psychological Study of Work Orientations (Washington, D.C.: Brookings, 1972), and his Causes and Cures of Welfare: New Evidence on the Social Psychology of the Poor (Lexington, Mass.: D.C. Heath, 1983). Sociological factors are discussed by Duncan et al., Years continue

of Poverty, chaps. 2 and 3; Duncan and Morgan, "Persistence and Change in Economic Status."

24. Indeed, virtually all federal financial aid (grants, loans, work-study) to college students is allocated by need, depending on both the student's means and estimated expenses. This need-testing procedure is an unusual experience for middle-class parents.

25. Duncan et al., Years of Poverty, chap. 3; Coe, "Dynamics of Welfare Use"; Duncan and Morgan, "Persistence and Change in Economic Status."

26. See Henry J. Aaron, Why Is Welfare So Difficult to Reform? (Washington, D.C.: Brookings, 1973), chap. 4, and his On Social Welfare (Cambridge, Mass.: Abt Books, 1980), chap. 2.

27. See Henry J. Aaron, Politics and the Professors: The Great Society in Perspective (Washington, D.C.: Brookings, 1978); Frances Fox Piven and Richard A. Cloward, Regulating the Poor: The Functions of Public Welfare (New York: Pantheon, 1971).

28. Hugh Heclo, "Income Maintenance Policy," in Heidenheimer, Heclo, and Adams, Comparative Public Policy, p. 214.

29. Shail Jain, Size Distribution of Income: A Compilation of Data (Washington, D.C.: World Bank, 1975) shows no marked pattern of exceptional poverty in the United States. But this view is contradicted by OECD, Studies in Resource Allocation, no. 3: Public Expenditure on Income Maintenance Programmes (Paris: OECD, 1976), pp. 66-68 and 108-9.

30. Heclo, "Income Maintenance Policy," p. 202.

31. In my view, mead's suggestions for intensive guidance in Beyond Entitlement are much more appropriately limited to people in this third category than applied generally to the impoverished.

32. Samuel P. Huntington, American Politics: The Promise of Disharmony (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1981) pp. 14 and 22.

33. Donald J. Devine, The Political Culture of the United States: The Influence of Member Values on Regime Maintenance (Boston: Little, Brown, 1972).

34. Lloyd A. Free and Hadley Cantril, The Political Beliefs of Americans: A Study of Public Opinion (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1967), especially pp. 15-40.

35. See Wilensky, Welfare State, pp. 28-49; Richard M. Coughlin, Ideology, Public Opinion, and Welfare Policy: Attitudes Toward Taxes and Spending in Industrialized Societies (Berkeley: Institute of International Studies, University of Calfornia, 1980), p. 31.

36. Jennifer L. Hochschild, What's Fair? American Beliefs About Distributive Justice (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1981), especially chap. 3. break

37. On the influence of the elite in shaping policy, see Anthony King, "Ideas, Institutions, and the Policies of Governments: A Comparative Analysis," British Journal of Political Science 3 (July 1973): 291-313 and 3 (October 1973): 409-23; David Vogel, "Why Businessmen Distrust Their State: The Political Consciousness of American Corporate Executives," British Journal of Political Science 8 (January 1978): 45-78. On the elite's influence on public opinion, see Robert Nisbet, ''Public Opinion Versus Popular Opinion," in Nathan Glazer and Irving Kristol, eds., The American Commonwealth—1976 (New York: Basic Books, 1976), pp. 166-92.

38. For an analysis that concurs with Huntington's core values, see Norman Furniss and Timothy Tilton, The Case for the Welfare State: From Social Security to Social Equality (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1977), chaps. 7 and 8. On the same point see as well Charles Lockhart, "Values and Policy Conceptions of Health Policy Elites in the United States, the United Kingdom, and the Federal Republic of Germany," Journal of Health Politics, Policy and Law 6 (Spring 1981): 98-119. For an analysis that diverges from Huntington's core values, see Joel D. Aberbach, Robert D. Putnam, and Bert A. Rockman, Bureaucrats and Politicians in Western Democracies (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1981), chap. 5, especially pp. 122-24.

39. Huntington, American Politics, p. 230; see also p. 15.

40. Again, compare with Huntington, American Politics, p. 113.

41. See Friedrich A. Hayek, The Mirage of Social Justice, vol. 2 of Law, Legislation, and Liberty (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1976); Milton Friedman, Capitalism and Freedom (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1962).

42. These rights have a long history, albeit not always a continuous one in market societies. See Frances Fox Piven and Richard A. Cloward, The New Class War: Reagan's Attack on the Welfare State and Its Consequences (New York: Pantheon, 1982), chaps. 2-4; R. N. Tawney, Religion and the Rise of Capitalism: A Historical Study (New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1926).

1. On the history of social programs, see Gaston V. Rimlinger, Welfare Policy and Industrialization in Europe, America, and Russia (New York: Wiley, 1971), chap. 4. For an interpretation that grants beneficiary rights a lengthier history, see Iredell Jenkins, Social Order and the Limits of Law: A Theoretical Essay (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1980), pp. 246-67 and 312-23.

2. For Beveridge's proposals, see his Social Insurance and Allied Ser- soft

vices (New York: Macmillan, 1942). On the limits of wartime solidarity, see Paul Adams, Health of the State (New York: Praeger, 1982). And on changes in British programs since the war, see Hugh Heclo, Modern Social Politics in Britain and Sweden: From Relief to Income Maintenance (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1974), chaps. 3-5.

3. The corporatist democracies are the Netherlands, Belgium, Sweden, Norway, Austria, and the Federal Republic of Germany. See Harold L. Wilensky, "Democratic Corporatism, Consensus, and Social Policy: Reflections on Changing Values and the 'Crisis' of the Welfare State," in OECD, The Welfare State in Crisis: An Account of the Conference on Social Policies in the 1980s (Paris: OECD, 1981), pp. 185-95. And compare with Gary Freeman, "France's Social Welfare Policy," in Fredric Bolotin and Jack Desario, eds., International Public Policy Sourcebook (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood, forthcoming).

4. Compare with Friedrich A. Hayek, The Mirage of Social Justice, vol. 2 of Law, Legislation, and Liberty (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1976); Milton Friedman, Capitalism and Freedom (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1962).

5. Joel Feinberg, "The Nature and Value of Rights," in Joel Feinberg and Hyman Gross, eds., Philosophy of Law, 2d ed. (Belmont, Calif.: Wadsworth, 1980), p. 278.

6. I am using consciousness in Julian Jaynes's "analog I" sense; see his The Origins of Consciousness in the Breakdown of the Bicameral Mind (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1976), pp. 59-66.

7. Raymond Plant, Harry Lesser, and Peter Taylor-Gooby, Political Philosophy and the Welfare State: Essays on the Normative Basis of Welfare Provision (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1980), p. 36. For a seminal argument on the coequal status of freedom and well-being, see Alan Gewirth, "The Basis and Content of Human Rights," in J. Roland Pennock and John W. Campbell, eds., Nomos 23: Human Rights (New York: New York University Press, 1981), pp. 148-57. In a related vein see Larry M. Preston, "Freedom, Markets, and Voluntary Exchange," American Political Science Review 78 (December 1984): 959-70.

8. For one formulation of freedom as a prerequisite and a right, see H. L. A. Hart, "Are There Any Natural Rights?" in Anthony Quinton, ed., Political Philosophy (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1967), pp. 53-66. On material needs as a prerequisite and a right, see T. H. Marshall, "Citizenship and Social Class," in Sociology at the Crossroads and Other Essays (London: Heinemann, 1963), pp. 67-127. Clearly the importance of such needs was widely recognized by human cultures prior to the arrival of the market society; see Karl Polanyi, The Great Transformation: The Political and Economic Origins of Our Time (Boston: Beacon, 1957), especially chap. 4. break

9. Susan Moller Okin, "Liberty and Welfare: Some Issues in Human Rights Theory," in Pennock and Chapman, Nomos 23, pp. 230-56, especially p. 244.

10. See Charles E. Lindblom, Politics and Markets: The World's Political-Economic Systems (New York: Basic Books, 1977), pp. 43-50; C. B. Macpherson, Democratic Theory: Essays in Retrieval (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1973), pp. 143-47, and Macpherson's introduction and conclusion to Property: Mainstream and Critical Positions (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1978). See also the essays in Adrian Ellis and Krishan Kumar, eds., Dilemmas of Liberal Democracies: Studies in Fred Hirsch's "Social Limits to Growth" (London: Tavistock, 1983), particularly Raymond Plant, "Hirsch, Hayek, and Habermas: Dilemmas in Distribution," pp. 45-64, and Krishan Kumar, ''Pre-Capitalist and Non-Capitalist Factors in the Development of Capitalism: Fred Hirsch and Joseph Schumpeter," pp. 148-73.

11. Bernard Williams, "The Idea of Equality," in Peter Laslett and W. G. Runciman, eds., Philosophy, Politics, and Society, 2d ser. (New York: Barnes and Noble, 1962), particularly pp. 122-23. In this regard, compare Plato's related argument in The Republic, bk. 1.

12. Robert Nozick, Anarchy, State, and Utopia (New York: Basic Books, 1973), particularly chap. 7.

13. Henry Shue, Basic Rights: Subsistence, Affluence, and U.S. Foreign Policy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1980), especially pp. 114-19.

14. This distinction follows the divisions of negative and positive liberty made by Isaiah Berlin, "Two Concepts of Liberty," in Four Essays on Liberty (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1969), pp. 118-72; see also pp. xliii-xlvii.

15. These examples draw on Shue's ideas; see his Basic Rights, pp. 37-46.

16. This distinction is made by Jenkins, Social Order, pp. 246-67.

17. Jan Narveson, "Human Rights: Which, If Any, Are There?" in Pennock and Chapman, Nomos 23, pp. 175-97.

18. Sidney Verba, Norman H. Nie, and Jae-on Kim, Participation and Political Equality: A Seven-Nation Comparison (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1978).

19. Frances Fox Piven and Richard A. Cloward, The New Class War: Reagan's Attack on the Welfare State and Its Consequences (New York: Pantheon, 1982); Polanyi, Great Transformation, pp. 225-26.

20. Donald W. Jackson, "'Public Police Thyselves': Deadly Force and the Ethos of British Policing," paper presented at the 1984 annual meeting of the Academy of Criminal Justice Society, Chicago, March 27-31, pp. 10-11. break

21. David Miller, "Democracy and Social Justice," British Journal of Political Science 8 (January 1978): 1-19.

22. See Miller, "Democracy and Social Justice" for political rights; for a similar approach to socioeconomic rights, see George Gilder, Wealth and Poverty (New York: Basic Books, 1981), chaps. 5 and 6.

23. Maurice Cranston, "Are There Any Human Rights?" Daedalus 112 (Fall 1981): 12.

24. For an alternative formulation see Lee Rainwater, "Persistent and Transitory Poverty: A New Look," Working Paper no. 70, Joint Center for Urban Studies of MIT and Harvard University, June 1981. On the general principle of delimiting such needs contrast William Leiss, The Limits to Satisfaction: Essay on the Problem of Needs and Commodities (Toronto: Toronto University Press, 1976) with Michael Walzer, Spheres of Justice: A Defense of Pluralism and Equality (New York: Basic Books, 1983), chap. 3; William A. Galston, Justice and the Human Good (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1980).

25. As indicated in the previous chapter, this book does not focus on the small minority of working-aged adults who are physiologically or psychologically unable to contribute to the social product; accordingly, I will direct only occasional attention to them.

26. Walzer, Spheres of Justice, p. xv.

27. See Jack Donnelly, "Human Rights and Human Dignity: An Analytic Critique of Non-Western Conceptions of Human Rights," American Political Science Review 76 (June 1982): 103-16; David Miller, Social Justice (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1976), pp. 257-86 and 317-35.

28. Walzer, Spheres of Justice, pp. 3-5 and 13-16, argues that different spheres of social life call for distinct criteria of distributive justice. For instance, Walzer believes that people ought to have equal access to basic material goods, but that markets are appropriate for distributing more rarefied goods such as investment counseling.

29. Compare with Cranston, "Are There Any Human Rights?" p. 13, who suggests that positive rights carry such obligations.

30. Harold L. Wilensky, The Welfare State and Equality: Structural and Ideological Roots of Public Expenditures (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1975), pp. 87-96; Benjamin I. Page, Who Gets What from Government (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1983), especially chaps. 3 and 6.

31. For a disturbing view of these problems, see Carolyn Weaver, The Crisis in Social Security: Economic and Political Origins (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1982).

32. President's Commission on Income Maintenance Programs [Heineman Commission] Poverty Amid Plenty: The American Para- soft

dox—Background Papers (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1969), p. 166.

33. Ronald Dworkin, Taking Rights Seriously (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1977), pp. 90-94.

34. Jennifer L. Hochschild, What's Fair? American Beliefs About Distributive Justice (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1981), p. 280. See also pp. 183-86, on conflicts between political and economic norms; pp. 254-57, on the interweaving of egalitarian and classical liberal concepts; pp. 279-81, on poverty as a structural problem.

35. Contrast Joel D. Aberbach, Robert D. Putnam, and Bert A. Rockman, Bureaucrats and Politicians in Western Democracies (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1981), especially chap. 3, with two narrower studies: David Vogel, "Why Businessmen Distrust Their State: The Political Consciousness of American Corporate Executives," British Journal of Political Science 8 (January 1978): 45-78; Charles Lockhart, "Values and Policy Conceptions of Health Policy Elites in the United States, the United Kingdom, and the Federal Republic of Germany," Journal of Health Politics, Policy and Law 6 (Spring 1981): 98-119.

36. On egalitarian beliefs among public-sector elites, see Aberbach, Putnam, and Rockman, Bureaucrats and Politicians, chap. 5. On the limited utility of addressing egalitarian arguments to elites, see Sidney Verba and Gary R. Orren, Equality in America: The View From the Top (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1985).

37. A common term to apply to this latter preference is maximin; see Douglas Rae et al., Equalities (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1981), chap. 6. But this technical term denotes the uplifting of the minimum, a concern distinct from typical American concerns for simply having a minimum. See Verba and Orren, Equality in America, chap. 4.

38. Ken Auletta, The Underclass (New York: Random House, 1982).

39. See Page, Who Gets What; Peter Townsend, Poverty in the United Kingdom: A Survey of Household Resources and Standards of Living (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1979); Jennifer G. Schirmer, The Limits of Reform: Women, Capital, and Welfare (Cambridge, Mass.: Schenkman, 1982).

40. On these points see Macpherson's arguments in Democratic Theory, pp. 145-47, and Property, pp. 1-13 and 199-207. See also Ellis and Kumar, Dilemmas of Liberal Democracies; Lindblom, Politics and Markets, pp. 43-50.

41. See Joel Feinberg, Doing and Deserving: Essays in the Theory of Responsibility (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1970).

42. See Nozick, Anarchy, State, and Utopia, pp. 224-27; Hayek, Mirage of Social Justice . break

43. For a pithy rebuttal of this view, see Macpherson, Democratic Theory, pp. 145-47; Preston, "Freedom, Markets and Voluntary Exchange."

44. Heclo, Modern Social Politics, pp. 1-10.

45. For more detail on this point see Winifred Bell, Aid to Dependent Children (New York: Columbia University Press, 1965), p. 182.

46. Hochschild, What's Fair? p. 75.

47. Polanyi, Great Transformation, pp. 79-88.

1. See Milton Friedman, Capitalism and Freedom, (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1962); Friedrich A. Hayek, The Mirage of Social Justice, vol. 2 of Law, Legislation, and Liberty (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1976), respectively. For a contrasting view of the American political tradition see, for example, J. G. A. Pocock, The Machiavellian Moment: Florentine Political Thought and the Atlantic Republican Tradition (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1975).

2. See Henry J. Aaron, Politics and the Professors: The Great Society in Perspective (Washington, D.C.: Brookings, 1978); Sar A. Levitan and Gregory K. Wurzburg, Evaluating Federal Social Programs: An Uncertain Art (Kalamazoo, Mich.: W. E. Upjohn Institute for Employment Research, 1979); Charles Murray, Losing Ground: American Social Policy, 1950-1970 (New York: Basic Books, 1984), especially pt. 1.

3. Isaiah Berlin, "Two Concepts of Liberty," in Four Essays on Liberty (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1969), pp. 118-72, and also pp. xxxvii-lxiii. C. B. Macpherson, Democratic Theory: Essays in Retrieval (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1973), chap. 5, particularly pp. 108-19.

4. See Robert Sugden, "Hard Luck Stories: The Problem of the Uninsured in a Laissez-Faire Society," Journal of Social Policy 11 (April 1982): 201-16.

5. For a general discussion of individualism in America see Robert N. Bellah et al., Habits of the Heart: Individualism and Commitment in American Life (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1985).

6. See Stephen M. Davidson and Theodore R. Marmor, The Costs of Living Longer: National Health Insurance and the Elderly (Lexington, Mass.: D.C. Heath, 1980), p. 13. SMI is financed by participant premiums and supplemented by general revenues. All citizens sixty-five or over, not just social security recipients, may enroll at the same subsidized rates.

7. Paul Starr, The Social Transformation of American Medicine: The continue

Rise of a Sovereign Profession and the Making of a Vast Industry (New York: Basic Books, 1982), pp. 286-89; and Arthur J. Altmeyer, The Formative Years of Social Security (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1966), pp. 185-86, 196, and 248-49.

8. Friedman, Capitalism and Freedom, pp. 187-89.

9. Benjamin I. Page, Who Gets What from Government (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1983), chap. 6. Recent reductions in the number of tax brackets may be expected to reduce the progressiveness of the federal income tax, previously the major contributor to progressivity in the overall American tax structure.

10. See Robert E. Goodin, "Freedom and the Welfare State: Theoretical Foundations," Journal of Social Policy 11 (April 1982): 156-67; Gaston V. Rimlinger, "Capitalism and Human Rights," Daedalus 112 (Fall 1983): 174-79; Henry Shue, Basic Rights: Subsistence, Affluence, and U.S. Foreign Policy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1980), particularly his priority principle, pp. 114-19.

11. Christa Altenstetter, "Health Policy Making and Administration in West Germany and the United States," Sage Professional Papers in Administrative and Policy Studies, 3 (Beverly Hills, Calif.: Sage, 1974).

12. Lawrence M. Mead, Beyond Entitlement: The Social Objectives of Citizenship (New York: Free Press, 1986), recommends reinitiating much more ambitious limitations on recipients. For examples of such practices, see Frances For Piven and Richard A. Cloward, Regulating the Poor: The Functions of Public Welfare (New York: Pantheon, 1971); Joan Huggins, "Public Welfare: The Road to Freedom?" Journal of Social Policy 11 (April 1982): 177-99, especially pp. 191-92; and Jennifer G. Schirmer, The Limits of Reform: Women, Capital, and Welfare (Cambridge, Mass.: Schenkman, 1982), pp. 144-45.

13. On social programs, contrast the negativism of Robert Nozick, Anarchy, State, and Utopia (New York: Basic Books, 1974) with the more open views of Hayek, Mirage of Social Justice; Milton Friedman and Rose Friedman, Free to Choose: A Personal Statement (New York: Avon, 1979). That libertarianism is not a mainstream position in America is illustrated by Lloyd A. Free and Hadley Cantril, The Political Beliefs of Americans: A Study of Public Opinion (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1967).

14. Many writers have used other terms that are roughly synonymous with this definition. David G. Green, "Freedom or Paternalistic Collectivism?" Journal of Social Policy 11 (April 1982): 239-44, following Dewey, uses "effective power"; see also Ralph Barton Perry, ''Liberty in a Democratic State," in Ruth Nanda Anshen, ed. Freedom: Its Meaning (New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1940), pp. 265-77. Peter Jones, "Freedom continue

and the Distribution of Resources," Journal of Social Policy 11 (April 1982): 217-38, opts for "ability" or "opportunity." Jones's stance is partially consistent with Robert M. McIver, ''The Meaning of Liberty and Its Perversions," in Anshen, Freedom, pp. 278-87, although McIver is concerned to distinguish liberty from welfare and the tyranny associated with one aspect of what Berlin calls positive liberty. Abraham H. Maslow, Motivation and Personality, 2d ed. (New York: Harper and Row, 1970), pp. 35-47, uses "self-actualization" in a sense of developing human potential. Before introducing the term developmental liberty (Democratic Theory, chap. 5), Macpherson uses the term power in a nearly synonymous way.

15. Contrast Nozick, Anarchy, State, and Utopia, chap. 7, with Shue, Basic Rights, pp. 114-19.

16. Macpherson notes that in discussions of liberty, equality, and justice one concept frequently "swallows" another, Democratic Theory, pp. 81-82.

17. Charles Lockhart, "Values and Policy Conceptions of Health Policy Elites in the United States, the United Kingdom, and the Federal Republic of Germany," Journal of Health Policy, Politics and Law 6 (Spring 1981): 100-103.

18. Martin Feldstein, "Social Insurance," in Colin D. Campbell, Income Redistribution (Washington, D.C.: AEI, 1977), pp. 71-97.

19. Norman Furniss and Timothy Tilton, The Case for the Welfare State: From Social Security to Social Equality (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1978), chap. 3.

20. Lester C. Thurow, "Equity, Efficiency, Social Justice, and Redistribution," in OECD, The Welfare State in Crisis: An Account of the Conference on Social Policies in the 1980s (Paris: OECD, 1981), pp. 137-50. Harold L. Wilensky, "Democratic Corporatism, Consensus, and Social Policy: Reflections on Changing Values and the 'Crisis' of the Welfare State," in OECD, Welfare State in Crisis, pp. 185-95, particularly pp. 190-91. See also Robert Kuttner, The Economic Illusion: False Choices Between Prosperity and Social Justice (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1984).

21. See Sheldon Danziger, Robert Haveman, and Robert Plotnick, "How Income Transfer Programs Affect Work, Savings, and Income Distribution: A Critical Review," Journal of Economic Literature 19 (September 1981): 975-1028, particularly pp. 995-99.

22. Henry J. Aaron, Economic Effects of Social Security (Washington, D.C.: Brookings, 1982), pp. 31-34 and 53-66.

23. For commentary on the results of early experiments see David Kershaw and Jerilyn Fair, The New Jersey Income Maintenance Experi- soft

ment (New York: Academic Press, 1977); Peter Rossi and Katherine C. Lyall, Reforming Public Welfare: A Critique of the Negative Income Tax Experiment (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1976); Joseph A. Pechman and P. Michael Timpane, eds. Work Incentives and Income Guarantees: The New Jersey Negative Income Tax Experiment (Washington, D.C.: Brookings, 1975); the symposium in Journal of Human Resources 9 (Spring-Fall 1974). See also Walter Williams, "The Continuing Struggle for a Negative Income Tax: A Review Article," Journal of Human Resources 10 (Fall 1975): 427-44. On later experiments see the symposia in Journal of Human Resources 14 (Fall 1979), on the Gary experiment; and 15 (Fall 1980), on the Seattle and Denver experiments. On the latter, see also Philip K. Robins et al., eds., A Guaranteed Annual Income: Evidence from a Social Experiment (New York: Academic Press, 1980).

24. See Lester C. Thurow, The Zero-Sum Society: Distribution and the Possibilities for Economic Change (New York: Basic Books, 1980), p. 86; John E. Schwarz, America's Hidden Success: A Reassessment of Twenty Years of Public Policy (New York: Norton, 1983); and Danziger, Haveman, and Plotnick, "Income Transfer Programs," pp. 995-99.

25. Compare with Leonard Goodwin, Do the Poor Want to Work? A Social-Psychological Study of Work Orientations (Washington, D.C.: Brookings, 1972), and Goodwin, Causes and Cures of Welfare: New Evidence on the Social-Psychology of the Poor (Lexington, Mass.: D.C. Heath, 1983).

26. See Karl Polanyi, The Great Transformation: The Political and Economic Origins of Our Time (Boston: Beacon, 1957), pp. 114-15.

27. Wilensky, "Democratic Corporatism"; Aaron, Economic Effects of Social Security, pp. 31-34 and 53-66.

28. See Murray, Losing Ground, pp. 47-48; Danziger, Haveman, and Plotnick, "Income Transfer Programs."

29. See Murray, Losing Ground, p. 212, on "the law of unintended rewards."

30. Feldstein, "Social Insurance." For an explanation of the shift to a pay-as-we-go form, see Martha Derthick, Policymaking for Social Security (Washington, D.C.: Brookings, 1979), pp. 142-44 and 232-37; Jill S. Quadagno, "Welfare Capitalism and the Social Security Act of 1935," American Sociological Review 49 (October 1984): 632-47, particularly p. 644.

31. Arthur M. Okun, Equality and Efficiency: The Big Tradeoff (Washington, D.C.: Brookings, 1975), p. 98.

32. Aaron, Economic Effects of Social Security, pp. 29-31; Danziger, Haveman, and Plotnick, "Income Transfer Programs," pp. 1005-06. break

33. See the related argument in James Tobin, "Considerations Regarding Taxation and Equality," in Campbell, Income Redistribution , pp. 129-30.

34. David Vogel, "Why Businessmen Distrust Their State: The Political Consciousness of American Corporate Executives," British Journal of Political Science 8 (January 1978): 45-78.

35. See Quadagno, "Welfare Capitalism," p. 638.

36. Compare with Gary P. Freeman, "Social Security in One Country? Foreign Economic Policies and Domestic Social Programs," paper presented at the 1983 annual meeting of the American Political Science Association, Chicago, September 1-4.

37. As, for example, in James S. Fishkin, Justice, Equal Opportunity, and the Family (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1983), and Okun, Equality and Efficiency , respectively.

38. See Douglas Rae et al., Equalities (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1981), chap. 6; Jennifer L. Hochschild, What's Fair? American Beliefs About Distributive Justice (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1981), chap. 6; Sidney Verba and Gary R. Orren, Equality in America: The View From the Top (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1985), chap. 4.

39. Michael Walzer, Spheres of Justice: A Defense of Pluralism and Equality (New York: Basic Books, 1983), pp. 3-5 and 13-16.

40. See Stanley Lebergott, The American Economy: Income, Wealth, and Want (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1976), particularly chap. 1; Michael B. Katz, In the Shadow of the Poorhouse: A Social History of Welfare in America (New York: Basic Books, 1986).

41. I am using what Rae et al., Equalities , p. 81, call a means-regarding conception of equality of opportunity rather than a prospect-regarding conception. That is, rather than assuring equal prospects for success, as a lottery might, this conception legitimizes—through performance-related criteria—unequal success.

42. Fishkin, Justice , chaps. 3 and 4.

43. Christopher Jencks et al., Inequality: A Reassessment of the Effects of Family and Schooling in America (New York: Basic Books, 1972); Christopher Jencks et al., Who Gets Ahead?: The Determinants of Economic Success in America (New York: Basic Books, 1979), especially chap. 3; Robert Coles, Children in Crisis , vol. 2, Migrants, Sharecroppers, and Mountaineers (Boston: Little, Brown, 1971).

44. See Robert A. Dahl and Edward R. Tufte, Size and Democracy (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1973); David Miller, "Democracy and Social Justice," British Journal of Political Science 8 (January 1978): 1-19; T. H. Marshall, "Citizenship and Social Class," in Sociol- soft

ogy at the Crossroads and Other Essays (London: Heinemann, 1963), pp. 67-127.

45. Joseph A. Schumpeter, Capitalism, Socialism, and Democracy , 3d ed. (New York: Harper, 1950).

46. Sidney Verba, Norman H. Nie, and Jae-on Kim, Participation and Political Equality: A Seven-Nation Comparison (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1978).

47. Scholars differ on the importance of various political arenas and resources and thus in their evaluation of which groups are most influential. See, for example, the pluralist interpretation of David B. Truman, The Governmental Process: Political Interests and Public Opinion (New York: Knopf, 1951); and particularly as developed by Robert A. Dahl, Who Governs? Democracy in an American City (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1961). For revisions of the pluralist interpretation, see Grant McConnell, Private Power and American Democracy (New York: Knopf, 1960); Theodore Lowi, The End of Liberalism: The Second Republic in the United States (New York: Norton, 1979). C. Wright Mills, The Power Elite (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1956) offers the elitist perspective; for contemporary Marxist insights, see Ralph Miliband, The State in Capitalist Society (New York: Basic Books, 1969); Nico Poulantzas, Political Power and Social Classes , trans. Timothy O'Hagan (Atlantic Highlands, N.J.: Humanities Press, 1975). The corporatist view is exemplified by Philippe C. Schmitter, "Modes of Interest Intermediation and Models of Societal Change in Western Europe," Comparative Political Studies 10 (April 1977): 7-38. A state-centered conception is advanced by Eric Nordlinger, On the Autonomy of the Democratic State (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1981).

48. See Brian Berry, The Liberal Theory of Justice: A Critical Examination of the Principle Doctrines in "A Theory of Justice" by John Rawls (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1973), pp. 56-57.

49. Robert Michels, Political Parties: A Sociological Study of the Oligarchical Tendencies of Modern Democracy , trans. Eden Paul and Cedar Paul (Glencoe, Ill.: Free Press, 1949).

50. Jan Narveson, "Human Rights: Which, If Any, Are There?" in J. Roland Pennock and John W. Chapman, eds., Nomos 23: Human Rights (New York: New York University Press, 1981), p. 177.

51. Frances Fox Piven and Richard A. Cloward, The New Class War: Reagan's Attack on the Welfare State and Its Consequences (New York: Pantheon, 1982), chaps. 2-4.

52. Emphasis follows C. B. Macpherson, "Justice and Human Rights," Texas Christian University, Fort Worth, Texas, November 16, 1982. See also his "Economic Penetration of Political Theory," Journal of the History of Ideas 39 (January-March 1978): 101-8. break

53. Charles A. Beard, An Economic Interpretation of the Constitution of the United States (1913; rpt. New York: Free Press, 1965), p. 324.

54. John H. Brittain, Inheritance and the Inequality of Material Wealth (Washington, D.C.: Brookings, 1978).

55. C. B. Macpherson, "Human Rights as Property Rights," Dissent 24 (January 1977): 72-77.

56. See Aaron Wildavsky, Speaking Truth to Power: The Art and Craft of Policy Analysis (Boston: Little, Brown, 1979), pp. 174-77.

57. On British feelings about the NHS, see Lockhart, "Values and Policy Conceptions," p. 101. On Sweden, see Furniss and Tilton, Case for the Welfare State , chap. 4.

58. For one example of this theme see Bellah et al., Habits of the Heart .

59. Joel Feinberg, "The Nature and Value of Rights," in Joel Feinberg and Hyman Gross, eds., Philosophy of Law , 2d ed. (Belmont, Calif.: Wadsworth, 1980), pp. 270-82, especially p. 278. See also Jack Donnelly, "Human Rights and Human Dignity: An Analytic Critique of Non-Western Conceptions of Human Rights," American Political Science Review 76 (June 1982): 303-16; David Miller, Social Justice (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1976), pp. 257-72.

60. Henry Rogers Seager, Social Insurance: A Program of Social Reform (New York: Macmillan, 1910); Isaac Max Rubinow, Social Insurance, With Special Reference to American Conditions (New York: Henry Holt, 1913); Roy Lubove, The Stuggle for Social Security, 1900-1935 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1968).

61. Jerry R. Cates, Insuring Inequality: Administrative Leadership in Social Security, 1935-54 (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1983), especially chap. 5.

1. Private initiatives are frequently influenced by public policy; see, for example, Edward J. Harpham, "Private Pensions in Crisis: The Case for Radical Reform," Faculty Working Paper no. 8507, Center for Policy Studies, University of Texas at Dallas, January 1984. Henry Shue, Basic Rights: Subsistence, Affluence, and U.S. Foreign Policy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1975), pp. 37-46, shows considerable ingenuity in reducing the practical complexities of extending socioeconomic rights in developing nations, and I drew on his examples in chapter 2. But his arguments cannot directly be applied to advanced industrial societies.

2. On the difficulties of complex action in American public programs, see Aaron Wildavsky, Speaking Truth to Power: The Art and Craft of Policy Analysis (Boston: Little, Brown, 1979), pp. 41-61. For an exten- soft

sion of his reservations see E. E. Savas, Privatizing the Public Sector: How to Shrink Government (Chatam House, N.J.: Chatam House, 1982). For examples of similar problems in the private sector, see John Kenneth Galbraith, The Affluent Society (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1958), pp. 315-17.

3. David Miller, Social Justice (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1976), pp. 136-43.

4. See Ivan D. Illich, Medical Nemesis: The Expropriation of Health (New York: Bantam, 1977).

5. William Leiss, The Limits of Satisfaction: An Essay on the Problem of Needs and Commodities (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1976), pp. 27-28, 63-67, 92-93.

6. Richard M. Coughlin, Ideology, Public Opinion, and Welfare Policy: Attitudes Toward Taxes and Spending in Industrialized Societies (Berkeley: Institute of International Studies, University of California, 1980).

7. See Michael Walzer, Spheres of Justice: A Defense of Pluralism and Equality (New York: Basic Books, 1983), pp. 105-8; Miller, Social Justice , pp. 136-43; and Lee Rainwater, What Money Buys: Inequality and the Social Meaning of Income (New York: Basic Books, 1974).

8. T. H. Marshall, Social Policy (London: Hutchinson, 1965), pp. 177-79.

9. See, for example, Gary Freeman, "Presidents, Pensions, and Fiscal Policy," in James P. Pfiffner, ed., The President and Economic Policy (Philadelphia: Institute for the Study of Human Issues, 1986), pp. 135-59.

10. Samuel P. Huntington, American Politics: The Promise of Disharmony (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1981), p. 22.

11. See Friedrich A. Hayek, The Mirage of Social Justice , vol. 2 of Law, Legislation, and Liberty (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1976); Milton Friedman and Rose Friedman, Free to Choose: A Personal Statement (New York: Avon, 1979). Hayek finds it reasonable that we choose to mitigate such suffering in this way, but he denies that it is just to do so or that these public programs can be appropriately construed as rights. Not all libertarians accept these measures as appropriate; see Robert Nozick, Anarchy, State, and Utopia (New York: Basic Books, 1974), particularly chap. 7.

12. Compare with Daniel Bell, "The End of American Exceptionalism," in Nathan Glazer and Irving Kristol, eds., The American Commonwealth—1976 (New York: Basic Books, 1976), particularly pp. 207-9. Resistance to this trend is particularly obvious in the area of public education. See Jennifer L. Hochschild, The New American Dilemma: Liberal Democracy and School Desegregation (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1984). break

13. See G. John Ikenberry and Theda Skocpol, "Expanding Social Benefits: The Role of Social Security," Political Science Quarterly 102 (Fall 1987): 389-416; Jill S. Quadagno, "Welfare Capitalism and the Social Security Act of 1935," American Sociological Review 49 (October 1984): 632-47, especially pp. 636-38 and 642-44.

14. This point is developed extensively by Kathi V. Friedman, Legitimation of Social Rights and the Western Welfare State: A Weberian Perspective (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1981).

15. See Joel F. Handler, Reforming the Poor: Welfare Policy, Federalism, and Morality (New York: Basic Books, 1972), pp. 34 and 130-31.

16. Quadagno, "Welfare Capitalism," p. 640. See also Edward R. Tufte, Political Control of the Economy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1978).

17. Jan Narveson, "Human Rights, Which, If Any, Are There?" in J. Roland Pennock and John W. Chapman, editors, Nomos 23: Human Rights (New York: New York University Press, 1981), p. 177.

18. Theda Skocpol and G. John Ikenberry, "The Political Formation of the American Welfare State in Historical and Comparative Perspective," Comparative Social Research 6 (Greenwich, Conn.: JAI Press, 1983), p. 90. For variations on this idea in different contexts, see Ann Shola Orloff and Theda Skocpol, "Why Not Equal Protection? Explaining the Politics of Public Social Welfare in Britain and the United States, 1880s-1920s," paper presented at the 1983 annual meeting of the American Sociological Association, Detroit, September 2, pp. 60-69; Peter Flora and Arnold J. Heidenheimer, eds., The Development of Welfare States in Europe and America (New Brunswick, N.J.: Transaction Books, 1981); Gaston V. Rimlinger, Welfare Policy and Industrialization in Europe, America, and Russia (New York: Wiley, 1971), especially chap. 4; Howard M. Leichter, A Comparative Approach to Policy Analysis: Health Care Policy in Four Nations (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1979), especially chap. 5; Paul Adams, Health of the State (New York: Praeger, 1982); Hugh Heclo, Modern Social Politics in Britain and Sweden: From Relief to Income Maintenance (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1974), particularly chap. 6; Charles Lockhart, ''Explaining Social Policy Differences Among Advanced Industrial Societies," Comparative Politics 16 (April 1984): 335-50; Tufte, Political Control; and Frances Fox Piven and Richard A. Cloward, Regulating the Poor: The Functions of Public Welfare (New York: Pantheon, 1971).

19. Heclo, Modern Social Politics, pp. 288-93, offers doubts about the efficacy of social-program platforms in electoral competition; see as well Harold L. Wilensky et al., Comparative Social Policy: Theories, Methods, Findings (Berkeley: Institute of International Studies, University of California, 1985), p. 33. Tufte, Political Control, discusses the per- soft

ceptions of elites, and Piven and Cloward, Regulating the Poor, analyze the American situation.

20. Rimlinger, Welfare Policy and Industrialization, chap. 4.

21. Piven and Cloward, Regulating the Poor .

22. On medical-care providers, see Theodore R. Marmor, The Politics of Medicare (Chicago: Aldine, 1970), pp. 67, 86, and 122-23. On housing programs, see Joseph A. Califano, Jr., Governing America: An Insider's Report from the White House and the Cabinet (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1981), p. 331. On education, see E. A. Kelly, "Defederalization of Education," in Anthony Champagne and Edward J. Harpham, eds., The Attack on the Welfare State (Prospect Heights, Ill.: Waveland, 1984), pp. 165-76.

23. For background on the generalizations that follow, see Lawrence M. Mead, Beyond Entitlement: The Social Obligations of Citizenship (New York: Free Press, 1986); Peter Townsend, Poverty in the United Kingdom: A Survey of Household Resources and Standards of Living (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1979); and Jennifer G. Schirmer, The Limits of Reform: Women, Capital, and Welfare (Cambridge, Mass.: Schenkman, 1982).

24. See Richard D. Coe, "A Preliminary Empirical Examination of the Dynamics of Welfare Use," in Martha S. Hill, Daniel H. Hill, and James N. Morgan, eds., Five Thousand American Families—Patterns of Economic Progress, Volume 9: Analyses of the First Twelve Years of the Panel on Income Dynamics (Ann Arbor: Survey Research Center, Institute for Social Research, University of Michigan, 1981), p. 132; Ken Auletta, The Underclass (New York: Random House, 1982). Winfred Bell, Aid to Dependent Children (New York: Columbia University Press, 1965), p. 113, suggests that AFDC may be an exception to this generalization.

25. Gabriel A. Almond and Sidney Verba, The Civic Culture: Political Attitudes and Democracy in Five Nations (Boston: Little, Brown, 1963). See also Handler, Reforming the Poor, pp. 34-38; Leonard Beeghley, Living Poorly in America (New York: Praeger, 1983), chaps. 4 and 6.

26. See, for example, Richard Sennett and Jonathan Cobb, The Hidden Injuries of Class (New York: Knopf, 1973), p. 83.

27. See Bell, Aid to Dependent Children, p. 182; Townsend, Poverty in the United Kingdom; Wilensky, Welfare State, pp. 95-96; Beeghley, Living Poorly; and Mead, Beyond Entitlement .

28. On this point compare Wildavsky, Speaking Truth to Power, pp. 41-61, with Diana B. Dutton, "Explaining the Low Use of Health Services by the Poor: Costs, Attitudes, or Delivery Systems," American Sociological Review 43 (June 1978): 348-68.

29. Charles Murray, Losing Ground: American Social Policy, 1950- hard

1980 (New York: Basic Books, 1984), p. 212. Similarly, some West German conservatives protested that increases in medical-care and sick-pay benefits for blue-collar workers would encourage malingering; see William Safran, Veto-Group Politics: The Case of Health Insurance Reform in West Germany (San Francisco: Chandler, 1967). These claims were not borne out; see Christa Altenstetter, "Health Policy Making and Administration in West Germany and the United States," Sage Professional Papers in Administrative and Policy Studies, 3 (Beverly Hills, Calif.: Sage, 1974).

30. These generalizations draw on background provided by Lester M. Salamon, "Rethinking Public Management: Third-Party Government and the Changing Forms of Government Action," Public Policy 29 (Summer 1981): 255-75; Lester M. Salamon, Welfare: The Elusive Consensus—Where We Are, How We Got There, and What's Ahead (New York: Praeger, 1978), especially chap. 4; Gordon Chase, "Implementing a Human Service Program: How Hard Will It Be?" Public Policy 27 (Fall 1979): 385-435.

31. Hochschild, New American Dilemma, shows, for example, that in the case of school desegregation sharp policy changes backed by active leadership were more apt to succeed than incremental efforts.

32. Coughlin, however, finds that citizens in many advanced societies have lower regard for recipients of unemployment benefits or family allowances, regardless of program design features, than for elderly pensioners; see Ideology, Public Opinion, and Welfare Policy, p. 118.

33. See Robert E. Goodin, "Freedom and the Welfare State: Theoretical Foundations," Journal of Social Policy 11 (April 1982): 149-76, particularly pp. 156-57; Joan Huggins, "Public Welfare: The Road to Freedom?" Journal of Social Policy 11 (April 1982): 177-99, especially pp. 191-92; and Schirmer, Limits of Reform, pp. 144-45.

34. On the former point see Greg J. Duncan and James N. Morgan, "Persistence and Change in Economic Status and the Role of Changing Family Composition," in Hill, Hill, and Morgan, Five Thousand Families, pp. 1-44; Handler, Reforming the Poor; Bell, Aid to Dependent Children, particularly pp. 61 and 194-95. On the latter see Sar A. Levitan, Martin Rein, and David Marwick, Work and Welfare Go Together (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1972); Murray, Losing Ground .

1. Compare with Alexander L. George and Richard Smoke, Deterrence in American Foreign Policy: Theory and Practice (New York: Columbia University Press, 1974), especially pp. 95-97. break

1. This account draws largely but not exclusively on the following sources. The "classics" on social security include: Arthur Altmeyer, The Formative Years of Social Security (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1968); Martha Derthick, Policymaking for Social Security (Washington, D.C.: Brookings, 1979); and Joseph A. Pechman, Henry J. Aaron, and Michael Taussig, Social Security: Perspectives for Reform (Washington, D.C.: Brookings, 1968).

Excellent recent general accounts include: Henry J. Aaron, Economic Effects of Social Security (Washington, D.C.: Brookings, 1982); Jerry R. Cates, Insuring Inequality: Administrative Leadership in Social Security, 1935-54 (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1983); Anthony Champagne and Edward J. Harpham, eds., The Attack on the Welfare State (Prospect Heights, Ill.: Waveland, 1984); and Paul Light, Artful Work: The Politics of Social Security Reform (New York: Random House, 1985).

More specialized recent accounts include: Henry J. Aaron, On Social Welfare (Cambridge, Mass.: Abt Books, 1980); Joseph A. Califano, Jr., Governing America: An Insider's Report from the White House and the Cabinet (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1981); Colin Campbell, ed., Income Redistribution (Washington, D.C.: American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research, 1977); G. John Ikenberry and Theda Skocpol, "Expanding Social Benefits: The Role of Social Security," Political Science Quarterly 102 (Fall 1987): 389-416; Ann Shola Orloff and Theda Skocpol, "Why Not Equal Protection? Explaining the Politics of Public Social Welfare in Britain and the United States, 1880s-1920s," paper presented at the 1983 annual meeting of the American Sociological Association, Detroit, September 2; Jill S. Quadagno, ''Welfare Capitalism and the Social Security Act of 1935," American Sociological Review 49 (October 1984):632-47; and Theda Skocpol and G. John Ikenberry, "The Political Formation of the American Welfare State in Historical and Comparative Perspective," Comparative Social Research 6 (Greenwich, Conn.: JAI Press, 1983), pp. 86-148.

Older but still useful works include: Norman Furniss and Timothy Tilton, The Case for the Welfare State: From Social Security to Social Equality (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1977), chaps. 7 and 8; and Roy Lubove, The Struggle for Social Security, 1900-1935 Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1968).

Accounts by participants include: Robert M. Ball, "The American System of Social Security," Journal of Commerce 20 (June 15, 1964):17; continue

J. Douglas Brown, "The American Philosophy of Social Insurance," The Social Service Review 30 (March 1956):1-8; Paul H. Douglas, Social Security in the United States: An Analysis and Appraisal of the Federal Social Security Act (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1936); and Edwin E. Witte, The Development of the Social Security Act (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1962).

2. On the progressives' stance, see Henry Rogers Seager, Social Insurance: A Program of Social Reform (New York: Macmillan, 1910). For an explanation of why the U.S. did not institute the progressives' agenda see Skocpol and Ikenberry, "Political Formation."

3. See Lubove, Struggle for Social Security .

4. On the reasons for this shift see Altmeyer, Formative Years, p. 38; Cates, Insuring Inequality, pp. 40-44; and Quadagno, "Welfare Capitalism," p. 644.

5. Actually, the number of people employed also rose across this period, but wages—and thus social security taxes—did not keep up with inflation—and thus inflation-adjusted social security benefits. See John E. Schwarz, America's Hidden Success: A Reassessment of Public Policy from Kennedy to Reagan, rev. ed. (New York: Norton, 1988), chap. 3.

6. For an extensive account, see Edward J. Harpham, "Fiscal Crisis and the Politics of Social Security Reform," in Champagne and Harpham, Attack on the Welfare State, pp. 9-35; Derthick, Policymaking, pp. 392-408; Light, Artful Work, pt. 4; and Gary Freeman, "Presidents, Pensions, and Fiscal Policy," in James P. Pfiffner, ed., The President and Economic Policy (Philadelphia: Institute for the Study of Human Issues, 1986), pp. 135-59.

7. Pechman, Aaron, and Taussig, Social Security, p. 1, and see as well, p. 227: "The history of social security is one of success." On opposition to social security, see Cates, Insuring Inequality; Carolyn Weaver, The Crisis in Social Security: Economic and Political Origins (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1982). All in all, however, Derthick's comment still stands: "There is not the slightest evidence that the American people would like to do away with the program" ( Policymaking, p. 3). See also Light, Artful Work, chap. 6 and p. 195.

8. For a discussion of these terms see Lester M. Salamon, Welfare: The Elusive Consensus—Where We Are, How We Got There, and What's Ahead (New York: Praeger, 1978), pp. 42-48 and 104.

9. A few exceptions exist: A 1966 amendment extended flat-rate pensions to otherwise ineligible people who turned seventy-two prior to 1968 regardless of their work histories; see Cates, Insuring Inequality, p. 85. As to contributions, some economists view the employer's contribu- soft

tion as an indirect employee contribution in the form of deferred wages.

10. See Salamon, Welfare, pp. 42-48 and 104; and Aaron, Social Welfare, chap. 1.

11. Jennifer L. Hochschild, What's Fair? American Beliefs About Distributive Justice (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1981), chap. 3.

12. See Light, Artful Work, pp. 61 and 64.

13. Derthick, Policymaking, p. 408. Cates ( Insuring Inequality, p. 150) suggests that Altmeyer, SSB chairman and first SSA commissioner, thought 80 percent represented the upper limit of replacement rates even for people working at the minimum wage.

14. For related statistics see Light, Artful Work, p. 91.

15. Aaron, Economic Effects, p. 69.

16. Derthick, Policymaking, chap. 13, especially pp. 275 and 392-408.

17. Robert Nozick, Anarchy, State, and Utopia (New York: Basic Books, 1974), pt. 2; Milton Friedman, Capitalism and Freedom (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1962), pp. 187-89.

18. Aaron, Economic Effects, p. 7.

19. See Cates, Insuring Inequality, pp. 5-10. Nor does raising the wage base reduce regressiveness, since the higher wages of covered workers are translated into higher benefits. To avoid this problem, the Carter administration tried in 1976 to raise the wage base for employers' contributions above that for employees' contributions, but this proposal was voted down in Congress; see Derthick, Policymaking, p. 408.

20. See Sheldon Danziger, Robert Haveman, and Robert Plotnick, "How Income Transfer Programs Affect Work, Savings, and Income Distribution: A Critical Review," Journal of Economic Literature 19 (September 1981): 975-1028; Aaron, Economic Effects, pp. 29-31; Robert Kuttner, The Economic Illusion: False Choices Between Prosperity and Social Justice (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1984); Arthur M. Okun, Equality and Efficiency: The Big Tradeoff (Washington, D.C.: Brookings, 1975); Martin Feldstein, "Social Insurance," in Campbell, Income Redistribution, pp. 71-97.

21. See the evidence cited by Stanley Masters and Irwin Garfinkel, Estimating the Labor Supply Effects of Income-Maintenance Alternatives (New York: Academic Press, 1977), p. 76.

22. This theme is developed in Richard Rose and Guy Peters, Can Government Go Bankrupt? (New York: Basic Books, 1978).

23. Harold L. Wilensky, "Democratic Corporatism, Consensus, and Social Policy: Reflections on Changing Values and the 'Crisis' of the Welfare State," in OECD, The Welfare State in Crisis: An Account of the Conference on Social Policy in the 1980s (Paris: OECD, 1981), pp. 185-95. break

24. Aaron, Economic Effects, pp. 31-34; Charles Murray, Losing Ground: American Social Policy, 1950-1980 (New York: Basic Books, 1984), pp. 59-61.

25. The U.S. spends about 21 percent of GDP on public social provision, compared to an average of 26 percent for the twenty-four nations that belong to the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD); see Hugh Heclo, "Income Maintenance Policy," in Arnold J. Heidenheimer, Hugh Heclo, and Carolyn Teich Adams, Comparative Public Policy: The Politics of Social Choice in Europe and American, 2d ed. (New York: St. Martin's 1983), pp. 200-236, especially 202 and 204; Richard Rose, "How Exceptional Is American Government?" Studies in Public Policy no. 150, Centre for the Study of Public Policy, University of Strathclyde, Glasgow, Scotland, 1985, p. 14.

26. See Weaver, Crisis in Social Security . However, Light, Artful Work, pp. 66-68, finds that social class accounts for more impressive attitudinal differences with respect to social security than does age.

27. Edward J. Harpham, "Private Pensions in Crisis: The Case for Radical Reform," Faculty Working Paper no. 8507, Center for Policy Studies, University of Texas at Dallas, January 1984; Martin Rein and Lee Rainwater, "From Welfare State to Welfare Society: Some Unresolved Issues in Assessment," Working Paper no. 69, Joint Center for Urban Studies of MIT and Harvard University, May 1981. On issues relating to parity for couples and surviving women, see Aaron, Social Welfare, chap. 1. See as well Robert J. Meyers, "Do Young People Get Their Money's Worth from Social Security?'' (New York: Study Group on Social Security, 1985).

28. See Derthick, Policymaking, chap. 15.

29. See Charles Lockhart, "Institutional Innovation and Cultural Change: The Case of American Social Security," paper presented at the 1985 annual meeting of the American Political Science Association, New Orleans, August 31; Gary Freeman, "Voters, Bureaucrats, and the State: On the Autonomy of Social Security Policymaking," in Richard F. Tomasson and Nelson Puglach, eds., Social Security: The First Half-Century (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, forthcoming).

30. Derthick, Policymaking, p. 217.

31. Peter G. Peterson, "Social Security: The Coming Crash," New York Review of Books, December 2, 1982, p. 35.

32. Cates, Insuring Inequality, pp. 31-38.

33. In this regard, Weaver, Crisis in Social Security, hits the mark more closely than does Cates, Insuring Inequality .

34. See Cates, Insuring Inequality, pp. 15, 23-25, and chap. 3.

35. Derthick, Policymaking, chap. 15. break

36. For exceptions to this generalization, see Altmeyer, Formative Years, pp. 248-49.

37. In this regard see also Wilensky, "Democratic Corporatism."

38. Jule M. Sugarman, Gary D. Bass, and Matthew J. Bader, "Human Services in the 1980s—President Reagan's 1983 Proposals, White Paper no. 5: For Citizens and Public Officials" (Washington, D.C.: Human Services Information Center, 1983), pp. 22 and 76; Social Security Bulletin 51 (July 1988).

39. See Derthick, Policymaking, chap. 15.

40. Freeman, "Voters, Bureaucrats, and the State."

41. This preference holds in a number of industrial nations and appears unrelated to specific design features of particular programs; see Richard M. Coughlin, Ideology, Public Opinion, and Welfare Policy: Attitudes Toward Taxes and Spending in Industrialized Societies (Berkeley: Institute of International Studies, University of California, 1980), pp. 117-20.

42. For a characterization of social security as a deterrent to savings, see Martin Feldstein, "Social Security, Induced Retirement, and Aggregate Capital Accumulation," Journal of Political Economy 82 (September-October 1974):905-26. Feldstein, however, seems unrealistic in assuming that the average social security pension is so generous as to discourage Americans from saving for their retirement.

43. Contrast Herman B. Leonard, Checks Unbalanced: The Quiet Side of Public Spending (New York: Basic Books, 1986), especially chap. 2, with Robert Eisner, How Real Is the Federal Deficit? (New York: Free Press, 1986).

1. This account draws largely but not exclusively on the following sources. Recent general accounts of public assistance include: Henry J. Aaron, Politics and the Professors: The Great Society in Perspective (Washington, D.C.: Brookings, 1978); Jerry R. Cates, Insuring Inequality: Administrative Leadership in Social Security, 1935-54 (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1983); Anthony Champagne and Edward J. Harpham, eds., The Attack on the Welfare State (Prospect Heights, Ill.: Waveland, 1984); Tom Joe and Cheryl Rogers, By the Few, For the Few: The Reagan Welfare Legacy (Lexington, Mass.: Lexington Books, 1985); Lawrence M. Mead, Beyond Entitlement: The Social Obligations of Citizenship (New York: Free Press, 1986); and Lester M. Salamon, Welfare: The Elusive Consensus—Where We Are, How We Got There, and What's Ahead (New York: Praeger, 1978). break

Recent and more specific accounts include: Henry J. Aaron, On Social Welfare (Cambridge, Mass.: Abt Books, 1980); Winifred Bell and Dennis M. Bushe, Neglecting the Many, Helping the Few: The Impact of the 1967 AFDC Work Incentives (New York: Center for Studies in Income Maintenance Policy, New York University School of Social Work, 1975); Joseph A. Califano, Jr., Governing America: An Insider's Report from the Cabinet and the White House (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1981); Colin Campbell, ed., Income Redistribution (Washington, D.C.: American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research, 1977); Martha Derthick, Uncontrollable Spending for Social Service Grants (Washington, D.C.: Brookings, 1975); Irwin Garfinkel, ed., Income-Tested Transfer Programs: The Case For and Against (New York: Academic Press, 1982); G. John Ikenberry and Theda Skocpol, "Expanding Social Benefits: The Role of Social Security," Political Science Quarterly 102 (Fall 1987):389-416; Theda Skocpol and G. John Ikenberry, "The Political Formation of the American Welfare State in Historical and Comparative Perspective," Comparative Social Research 6 (Greenwhich, Conn.: JAI Press, 1983), pp. 86-148; and the series of articles on the urban underclass edited by William Julius Wilson in Society 21 (November-December 1983):34-86.

Older but still useful general accounts include: Henry J. Aaron, Why Is Welfare So Hard to Reform? (Washington, D.C.: Brookings, 1973); Vincent J. Burke and Vee Burke, Nixon's Good Deed: Welfare Reform (New York: Columbia University Press, 1974); Norman Furniss and Timothy Tilton, The Case for the Welfare State: From Social Security to Social Equality (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1977), chaps. 7 and 8; Joel F. Handler, Reforming the Poor: Welfare Policy, Federalism and Morality (New York: Basic Books, 1972); Roy Lubove, The Struggle for Social Security, 1900-1935 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1968); and Daniel P. Moynihan, The Politics of a Guaranteed Income: The Nixon Administration and the Family Assistance Plan (New York: Random House, 1973).

Works on relations between public social provision and the labor market include: Leonard Beeghley, Living Poorly in America (New York: Praeger, 1983); Eli Ginsberg, ed., Employing the Unemployed (New York: Basic Books, 1980); Helen Ginsburg, Full Employment and Public Policy: The United States and Sweden (Lexington, Mass.: D.C. Heath, 1983); Sar A. Levitan and Richard S. Belous, More Than Subsistence: Minimum Wages for the Working Poor (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1979); Sar A. Levitan, Martin Rein, and David Marwick, Work and Welfare Go Together (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1972); Stanley Masters and Irwin Garfinkel, Estimating the Labor Supply Effects of Income-Maintenance Alternatives (New York: Aca- soft

demic Press, 1977); Philip K. Robins et al., eds., A Guaranteed Annual Income: Evidence from a Social Experiment (New York: Academic Press, 1980); and Harold L. Wilensky, "Nothing Fails Like Success: The Evaluation-Research Industry and Labor Market Policy," reprint no. 464, Institute of Industrial Relations, University of California, Berkeley, 1985.

2. Ikenberry and Skocpol, "Patronage Democracy"; Salamon, Welfare, p. 79.

3. Since 1972 (implemented in 1974) public assistance for the elderly, blind, and disabled has been centralized through a national program, Supplementary Security Income (SSI).

4. See Salamon, Welfare, pp. 23 and 83; Levitan, Rein, and Marwick, Work and Welfare, pp. 8-18.

5. See Bell and Bushe, Neglecting the Many, p. 22; and James T. Patterson, America's Struggle Against Poverty, 1900-1980 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1981).

6. This relationship may be an example of the "ecological fallacy" since we cannot be certain that the households from which the unemployed came were the same ones seeking ADC assistance. See Moynihan, Politics of Guaranteed Income .

7. See Derthick, Uncontrollable Spending .

8. Greg J. Duncan et al., Years of Poverty, Years of Plenty: The Changing Economic Fortunes of American Workers and Families (Ann Arbor: Survey Research Center, Institute for Social Research, University of Michigan, 1984), chaps. 2 and 3, especially pp. 40-42, 46-51, and 77-79. Other researchers argue that Duncan overestimates turnover. They find that a significant portion of those falling into poverty experience multiyear "spells" of impoverishment. See Mary Jo Bane, "The Poor in Massachusetts," in Manuel Carbello and Mary Jo Bane, eds., The State and the Poor in the 1980s (Boston: Auburn House, 1984), pp. 1-13.

9. See Duncan et al., Years of Poverty, pp. 40-42 and 74-78. Federal poverty guidelines are strict. Many Americans would consider themselves impoverished if they had to live within several thousand dollars of these guidelines. So many more than 25 percent of the population face near poverty. Also, Duncan's estimates of poverty, (pp. 38-40) are lower than those of the census, perhaps because his longitudinal panel-study procedure was bound to underrepresent the most unstable households.

10. See Duncan et al., Years of Poverty, chaps. 2 and 3. See also two essays in Martha S. Hill, Daniel N. Hill, and James N. Morgan, eds., Five Thousand American Families—Patterns of Economic Progress, Volume 9: Analyses of the First Twelve Years of the Panel Study on Income Dynamics (Ann Arbor: Survey Research Center, Institute for Social Research, University of Michigan, 1981): Richard D. Coe, "A Preliminary continue

Empirical Examination of the Dynamics of Welfare Use," pp. 121-68; and Greg J. Duncan and James N. Morgan, "Persistence and Change in Economic Status and the Role of Changing Family Composition," pp. 1-44.

11. Duncan et al., Years of Poverty, pp. 74-80.

12. See particularly Moynihan, Politics of Guaranteed Income; Burke and Burke, Nixon's Good Deed .

13. The working poor may avail themselves of in-kind programs, particularly food stamps, Medicaid, and, in some urban settings, housing. Expenditures for the first two programs grew faster than for AFDC in the 1970s.

14. See Califano, Governing America, chap. 8; and Harvey D. Shapiro, "Welfare Reform Revisited—President Jimmy Carter's Program for Better Jobs and Income" in Salamon, Welfare, pp. 173-218.

15. Jule M. Sugarman, Gary D. Bass, and Matthew J. Bader, "Human Services in the 1980s—President Reagan's 1983 Proposals, White Paper no. 5: For Citizens and Public Officials" (Washington, D.C.: Human Services Information Center, 1983), p. 76.

16. Children of AFDC families sometimes feel stigmatized, but little public censure is directed at them. See Lee Rainwater, "Stigma in Income-Tested Programs," in Garfinkel, Income-Tested Transfer Programs, pp. 19-46; Peggy Thoits and Michael T. Hannan, "Income and Psychological Distress," in Robins, et al., Guaranteed Annual Income, pp. 183-205; Natalie Jaffe, "A Review of Public Opinion Surveys, 1935-76" in Salamon, Welfare, pp. 221-28.

17. See Patterson, America's Struggle, pp. 109-10 and 173-75; Martin Anderson, Welfare: The Political Economy of Welfare Reform in the United States (Stanford, Calif.: Hoover Institution, 1978), chap. 3.

18. Bell and Bushe, Neglecting the Many, pp. 45-46; Moynihan, Politics of Guaranteed Income, pp. 104-6; Burke and Burke, Nixon's Good Deed, pp. 163 and 205.

19. In the 1970s growth in in-kind and service public assistance constituted a greater portion of the "welfare crisis" than did AFDC. Bell and Bushe, Neglecting the Many, pp. 45-46 and 51.

20. See Handler, Reforming the Poor, pp. 34 and 130-31.

21. Handler, Reforming the Poor, pp. 43 and 51-54; and Joe and Rogers, By the Few .

22. See Levitan, Rein, and Marwick, Work and Welfare, pp. 26-35.

23. Evidence that AFDC mothers want to work is plentiful; see, for example, Leonard Goodwin, Causes and Cures of Welfare: New Evidence on the Social Psychology of the Poor (Lexington, Mass.: D.C. Heath, 1983), especially pp. 147-48.

24. Duncan et al., Years of Poverty, chap. 3; Coe, "Dynamics of Wel- soft

fare Use"; and Duncan and Morgan, "Persistence and Change in Economic Status."

25. Bell and Bushe, Neglecting the Many, pp. 8 and 25.

26. Aaron, Why Is Welfare So Hard to Reform?

27. For a detailed discussion of these problems see Mead, Beyond Entitlement; Aaron, Why Is Welfare So Hard to Reform?; Moynihan, Politics of a Guaranteed Income, pp. 464-81 and 506-8.

28. Goodwin, Causes and Cures, pp. 147-48; Levitan, Rein, and Marwick, Work and Welfare, p. 100.

29. As Derthick relates, the open-ended commitment of the federal government to pay 75 percent—as opposed to the usual 50 percent of these social services expenses, as well as the vague character of some of the services and their objectives led some states into innovative efforts to use AFDC to fund a variety of state agencies by "purchasing" the services of these agencies with federal funds; see Uncontrollable Spending . See also, Handler, Reforming the Poor, pp. 88-93.

30. Homes, some furnishings, and automobiles up to certain maximum values are usually exempt from these restrictions, but these exemptions are largely irrelevant to most AFDC recipients.

31. Randall J. Pozdena and Terry R. Johnson, "Demand for Assets," in Robins et al., Guaranteed Annual Income, pp. 281-90.

32. See the remarks of Barber S. Conable in "Round Table Discussion on Welfare Reform," in Campbell, Income Redistribution, p. 247; Levitan, Rein, and Marwick, Work and Welfare, p. 17; and Burke and Burke, Nixon's Good Deed, p. 172.

33. Winifred Bell, Aid to Dependent Children (New York: Columbia University Press, 1965), pp. 174-75.

34. See Bell and Bushe, Neglecting the Many, pp. 45-46 and 51.

35. See, for instance, Charles Murray, Losing Ground: American Social Policy, 1950-1980 (New York: Basic Books, 1983), chap. 8.

36. On the relation between benefits and family structure, see David T. Ellwood and Mary Jo Bane, "The Impact of AFDC on Family Structure and Living Arrangements," mimeo, Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University, March 1984. On the tendencies of AFDC fathers, see Marcia Guttentag and Paul F. Secord, Too Many Women? The Sex Ratio Question (Beverly Hills, Calif.: Sage, 1983), chap. 8.

37. These opposing effects are discussed by Lyle P. Groenveld, Nancy Brandon Tuma, and Michael T. Hannan, "Marital Dissolution and Remarriage," in Robins et al., Guaranteed Annual Income, pp. 163-81.

38. See Michael C. Keeley, "Migration," in Robins et al., Guaranteed Annual Income, pp. 241-62.

39. Moynihan, Politics of a Guaranteed Income, p. 407; and Handler, Reforming the Poor, pp. 43, 117-18, and 130-31. break

40. Derthick, Uncontrollable Spending , chap. 7, suggests that funds for these services increasingly went to pay for budgets of state agencies that provided little in the way of services specifically tailored to the merging needs of AFDC recipients.

41. By the mid-1970s AFDC-UP usage had stabilized at slightly less than 10 percent of AFDC households.

42. Kathi V. Friedman, Legitimation of Social Rights and the Western Welfare State: A Weberian Perspective (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1981).

43. Handler, Reforming the Poor , pp. 130-31.

44. Handler, Reforming the Poor , p. 3 and chap. 4; Moynihan, Politics of a Guaranteed Income , p. 495.

45. Burke and Burke, Nixon's Good Deed , p. 172; on related points see Moynihan, Politics of a Guaranteed Income , pp. 174, 215, 412-14, and 552.

46. Cates, Insuring Inequality , particularly chap. 5.

47. See, for example, Mickey Kaus, "The Work Ethic State," New Republic , July 7, 1986, pp. 22-33, especially pp. 28-30.

48. Duncan et al., Years of Poverty , p. 58.

49. For sympathetic views on these problems, see Herbert J. Gans, "The Negro Family: Reflections on the Moynihan Report" in Lee Rainwater and William Yancey, eds., The Moynihan Report and the Politics of Controversy (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1967), pp. 445-57; William Julius Wilson, The Truly Disadvantaged: The Inner City, the Underclass, and Public Policy (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987). Far less sympathetic is George Gilder, Wealth and Poverty (New York: Basic Books, 1981).

50. See Guttentag and Secord, Too Many Women? chap. 8.

1. The term is Harold L. Wilensky's; see his The Welfare State and Equality: Structural and Ideological Roots of Public Expenditures (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1975).

This account draws largely but not exclusively on the following sources. Recent general accounts of public policy with respect to medical care include: Lawrence D. Brown, Politics and Health Care Organization: HMOs as Federal Policy (Washington, D.C.: Brookings, 1983); Karen Davis, National Health Insurance: Benefits, Costs, and Consequences (Washington, D.C.: Brookings, 1975); Alain Enthoven, Health Plan: The Only Practical Solution to the Soaring Cost of Medical Care (Menlo Park, Calif.: Addison-Wesley, 1980); and Paul Starr, The Social Transfor - soft

mation of American Medicine: The Rise of a Sovereign Profession and the Making of a Vast Industry (New York: Basic Books, 1982).

Recent but more specific accounts include: Henry J. Aaron and William B. Schwartz, The Painful Prescription: Rationing Hospital Care (Washington, D.C.: Brookings, 1984); Martha Derthick, Policymaking for Social Security (Washington, D.C.: Brookings, 1983) chaps. 15 and 16; Paul T. Menzel, Medical Costs, Moral Choices: A Philosophy of Health Care Economics in America (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1983); and Ann Shola Orloff and Theda Skocpol, "Why Not Equal Protection? Explaining the Politics of Public Social Welfare in Britain and the United States, 1880s-1920s," paper presented at the 1983 annual meeting of the American Sociological Association, Detroit, September 2.

Older but still useful general accounts include: Daniel S. Hirschfield, The Lost Reform: The Campaign for Compulsory Health Insurance in the United States from 1932 to 1943 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1970); Roy Lubove, The Struggle for Social Security, 1900-1935 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1968); and Theodore R. Marmor, The Politics of Medicare (Chicago: Aldine, 1973).

On the consequences of Medicare see Henry R. Brehm and Rodney M. Coe, Medical Care for the Aged: From Social Problem to Federal Program (New York: Praeger, 1980); and Stephen Davidson and Theodore R. Marmor, The Cost of Living Longer: National Health Insurance for the Elderly (Lexington, Mass.: D.C. Heath, 1980). On the consequences of Medicaid see Karen Davis and Cathy Schoen, Health and the War on Poverty: A Ten-Year Appraisal (Washington, D.C.: Brookings, 1978), chaps. 1, 2, 4, 6, and 7.

For statistics on Medicare see Congressional Budget Office, Changing the Structure of Medical Benefits: Issues and Options (Washington, D.C.: Congressional Budget Office, 1983); and selected issues of the Social Security Bulletin .

2. Crusade is an appropriate term in light of Samuel Huntington's description of this period as one of "creedal passion"; see his American Politics: The Promise of Disharmony (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1981).

3. See Carleton B. Chapman and John M. Talmadge, "The Evolution of the Right-to-Health Concept in the United States," in Maurice B. Visscher, ed., Humanistic Perspectives in Medical Ethics (Buffalo, N.Y.: Prometheus, 1972), pp. 72-134, especially pp. 94-103.

4. Hirschfield, Lost Reform , passim.

5. See Davis and Schoen, Health and the War on Poverty , chap. 5.

6. Marmor, Politics of Medicare , pp. 14-16.

7. Marmor, Politics of Medicare , pp. 25 and 53. On the extension of continue

social security to disabled workers, see Derthick, Policymaking , chap. 15.

8. Brown, Politics and Health Care , pp. 195-96.

9. For a comparison of various proposals see Davis, National Health Insurance , chap. 5; and Davidson and Marmor, Cost of Living Longer , chap. 5.

10. Other beneficiaries include railroad retirement recipients, persons receiving social security disability payments, and some kidney dialysis patients. For most of these persons the criterion of effort is still applicable.

11. For details of coverage see Brehm and Coe, Medical Care for the Aged , pp. 59-63; or Davidson and Marmor, Cost of Living Longer , pp. 35-40.

12. Brehm and Coe, Medical Care for the Aged , pp. 41-42.

13. See Ivan D. Illich, Medical Nemesis: The Expropriation of Health Care (New York: Bantam, 1977).

14. Guido Calabresi and Philip Bobbit, Tragic Choices (New York: Norton, 1978); Menzel, Medical Costs, Moral Choices , p. 138.

15. Menzel, Medical Costs, Moral Choices , p. 82.

16. Marmor, Politics of Medicare , pp. 67, 86, and 122-23.

17. M. Kenneth Bowler, "Changing Politics of Federal Health Insurance Programs," PS 20 (Spring 1987):202-11.

18. Starr, Social Transformation , bk. 2, chap. 5.

19. Starr, Social Transformation , p. 311 and bk. 2, chap. 5.

20. Davis and Schoen, Health and the War on Poverty , p. 97; Congressional Budget Office, Changing the Structure of Medical Benefits , pp. 11-12; Social Security Bulletin 51 (July 1988).

21. See Enthoven, Health Plan , pp. 16-32; and Davis and Schoen, Health and the War on Poverty , p. 97.

22. John Holahan and John L. Palmer, "Medicare's Fiscal Problems" (Washington, D.C.: Changing Domestic Priorities Project, Urban Institute, 1987).

23. See Enthoven, Health Plan , pp. 27-28 and 105-6; and Bowler, "Changing Politics of Health Insurance."

24. Enthoven, Health Plan , pp. 32-36.

25. See Brehm and Coe, Medical Care for the Aged , pp. 68-77; and Menzel, Medical Costs, Moral Choices , pp. 120 and 138.

26. Brown, Politics and Health Care , pp. 206-8; but see as well pp. 462-64.

27. Enthoven, Health Plan , pp. 82-89.

28. Enthoven, Health Plan , pp. 84-88; and Brown, Politics and Health Care , pp. 377-82.

29. Brown, Politics and Health Care .

30. See Brown, Politics and Health Care , pp. 234 and 360. break

31. On the need for regulation under competitive and current market conditions, see Brown, Politics and Health Care , pp. 228, 234, and 360; Enthoven, Health Plan , pp. 78-82.

32. Brown, Politics and Health Care , p. 527; and Davis and Schoen, Health and the War on Poverty , pp. 212-13; and Davidson and Marmor, Cost of Living Longer , chap. 5.

33. Davis and Schoen, Health and the War on Poverty , p. 92.

34. Brehm and Coe, Medical Care for the Aged , pp. 63-64 and 95.

35. These terms as well as accountability and acceptability —Medicare doing better on the latter—come from Brehm and Coe, Medical Care for the Aged , p. 130.

36. Davis, National Health Insurance , p. 73.

37. Davidson and Marmor, Cost of Living Longer , p. 12.

38. "President Carter's National Health Plan Legislation: Detailed Fact Sheet" (Washington, D.C.: Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, June 12, 1979).

39. But see Louise B. Russell, Is Prevention Better Than Cure? (Washington, D.C.: Brookings, 1986).

40. Brehm and Coe, Medical Care for the Aged , pp. 79-81.

41. Marmor, Politics of Medicare , p. 25.

42. See particularly, Enthoven, Health Plan , pp. 105-6.

43. Starr, Social Transformation , bk. 2, chap. 5, discusses this decline but has a glum view of it.

44. Charles Lockhart, "Values and Policy Conceptions of Health Policy Elites in the United States, the United Kingdom, and the Federal Republic of Germany," Journal of Health Politics, Policy and Law 6 (Spring 1981):98-119, particularly pp. 103-5.

1. Natalie Jaffe, "A Review of Public Opinion Surveys, 1937-76," in Lester M. Salamon, Welfare: The Elusive Consensus—Where We Are, How We Got There, and What's Ahead (New York: Praeger, 1978), pp. 221-28. See also the support for this theme in Martin Anderson, Welfare: The Political Economy of Welfare Reform in the United States (Stanford, Calif.: Hoover Institution, 1978), chap. 3; James T. Patterson, America's Struggle Against Poverty, 1900-1980 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1981).

2. See, for example, Friedrich A. Hayek, The Mirage of Social Justice , vol. 2 of Law, Legislation, and Liberty (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1976).

3. See Lloyd A. Free and Hadley Cantril, The Political Beliefs of continue

Americans: A Study of Public Opinion (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1967).

4. C. B. Mcpherson, Democratic Theory: Essays in Retrieval (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1973), chap. 7; or Larry M. Preston, ''Freedom, Markets, and Voluntary Exchange," American Political Science Review 78 (December 1984):959-70.

5. Leonard Goodwin, Causes and Cures of Welfare: New Evidence on the Social Psychology of the Poor (Lexington, Mass.: D.C. Heath, 1983); and Leonard Beeghley, Living Poor in America (New York: Praeger, 1983), particularly chaps. 4 and 6.

6. See Edward J. Harpham, "Fiscal Crisis and the Politics of Social Security," in Anthony Champagne and Edward J. Harpham, eds., The Attack on the Welfare State (Prospect Heights, Ill.: Waveland, 1984), pp. 9-35; Paul Light, Artful Work: The Politics of Social Security Reform (New York: Random House, 1985), chap. 8.

7. Private contributions to well-being in social hazards, particularly for retirement, are growing; see Martin Rein and Lee Rainwater, "From Welfare State to Welfare Society: Some Unresolved Issues in Assessment," Working Paper no. 69, Joint Center for Urban Studies of MIT and Harvard University, May 1981.

8. Compare with Bernadyne Weatherford, "The Disability Insurance Program: An administrative Attack on the Welfare State," in Champagne and Harpham, Attack on the Welfare State , pp. 37-60, especially pp. 43-49.

9. This practice would create an annual income plateau for earnings from $6,700 up to as much as $10,300: $4,500 (maximum annual benefit) - $900 (minimum annual benefit) = $3,600 (plateau range), and $6,700 + $3,600 = $10,300 or the upper limit of the plateau. The plateau would be narrower for households with two children ($2,880, or from $6,700 to $9,580) and one child ($1,680, or from $6,700 to $8,380). And these narrower plateaus might provide some disincentives for new births.

10. This tendency is suggested by Michael C. Keeley, "Migration," in Philip K. Robins et al., eds., A Guaranteed Annual Income: Evidence From a Social Experiment (New York: Academic Press, 1980), pp. 241-62.

11. A far broader set of encouraging consequences is suggested in Harold L. Wilensky, "Nothing Fails Like Success: The Evaluation-Research Industry and Labor Market Policy," Reprint no. 464, Institute of Industrial Relations, University of California, Berkeley, 1985.

12. See Judy Gueron, "The Supported Work Experiment," in Eli Ginzberg, ed., Employing the Unemployed (New York: Basic Books, continue

1980), pp. 73-93; and James Q. Wilson, Thinking About Crime , rev. ed. (New York: Basic Books, 1983).

13. For a short statement on these trends, see Nathan H. Schwartz, "Reagan's Housing Policies," in Champagne and Harpham, Attack on the Welfare State , pp. 149-64, particularly pp. 160-61.

14. David A. Snow, Susan G. Baker, Leon Anderson, and Michael Martin, "The Myth of Pervasive Mental Illness Among the Homeless," Social Problems 33 (June 1986):407-23.

15. See Mark Bendick, Jr., "Vouchers Versus Income Versus Service," Journal of Social Policy 11 (July 1982):365-77.

16. Placing children from disadvantaged households in preschool programs may have some important long-term benefits for their educational and occupational success; see Lawrence J. Schwienhart and Jeffrey L. Koshel, "Policy Options for Preschool Programs," in High Scope Early Childhood Policy Papers (Ypsilanti, Mich.: High Scope Educational Research Foundation, 1986).

17. Albert O. Hirschman, Exit, Voice, and Loyalty: Responses to Decline in Firms, Organizations, and States (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1970).

18. Milton and Rose Friedman, Free to Choose: A Personal Statement (New York: Avon, 1979), especially pp. 110-15.

19. See Alain Enthoven, Health Plan: The Only Practical Solution to the Soaring Cost of Medical Care (Menlo Park, Calif.: Addison-Wesley, 1979), pp. 121-23.

20. See Light, Artful Work , chap. 8.

21. On this point see Light, Artful Work , p. 104.

22. See Wilensky, "Nothing Fails Like Success"; Patterson, America's Struggle , chap. 4; Gueron, "Supported Work Experiment"; and Wilson, Thinking About Crime .

23. Samuel P. Huntington, American Politics: The Promise of Disharmony (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1981), especially chap. 4.

24. The electorate does not seem to share this mood. See Seymour Martin Lipset, "Beyond 1984: The Anomalies of American Politics," PS 19 (Spring 1986):222-36.

25. Hugh Heclo, "Toward a New Welfare State," in Peter Flora and Arnold J. Heidenheimer, eds., The Development of Welfare States in Europe and America (New Brunswick, N.J.: Transaction, 1981), especially pp. 386-87.

26. Compare with Lester C. Thurow, The Zero-Sum Society: Distribution and the Possibilities of Economic Change (New York: Basic Books, 1980); Richard Rose and Guy Peters, Can Government Go Bankrupt? (New York: Basic Books, 1978). break

27. For a clear example of the problems in the case of social programs as well as techniques for implementing short cuts, see Light, Artful Work , p. 74; Beth C. Fuchs and John F. Hoadley, "Reflections from Inside the Beltway: How Congress and the President Grapple with Health Policy," PS 20 (Spring 1987):212-20.

28. See Charles Lockhart, "Institutional Innovation and Cultural Change: The Case of American Social Security," paper presented at the 1985 annual meeting of the American Political Science Association, New Orleans, August 31; Light, Artful Work , chap. 7.

29. On the impact of these cataclysms, compare Lewis J. Edinger, Politics in Germany: Attitudes and Processes (Boston: Little, Brown, 1968), p. 72, with his Politics in West Germany , 2d ed. (Boston: Little, Brown, 1977), p. 46.

30. Paul Starr, The Social Transformation of American Medicine: The Rise of a Sovereign Profession and the Making of a Vast Industry (New York: Basic Books, 1982), pp. 289, 310-11.

31. Theodore Marmor, The Politics of Medicare (Chicago: Aldine, 1970), pp. 164-66; and Mary Weaver, "The Food Stamp Program: A Very Expensive Orphan," in Champagne and Harpham, Attack on the Welfare State , pp. 111-29. break